Are Antifa The Real Fascists?
by The Easton Broadcast
There is a growing sentiment among right-wing individuals in the United States, particularly after the George Floyd Black Lives Matter (BLM) riots, that Antifa, a group closely associated with BLM and sharing similar ideological views, is actually fascist. However, it is important to address why this claim is unfounded and why the American Right, historically, has been misguided in their rhetoric. To delve into the origins of the "anti-fascist" movement, we can look back to Italy, where a faction broke away from the Fascist party due to their discontent with Mussolini's moderate approach to reforms. This early anti-fascist party, known as The Arditi del Popolo (The People's Daring Ones), should not be confused with Antifa, as their appearance and values were drastically different. It is important to note that The Arditi del Popolo was composed mostly of extremist Fascists who believed Mussolini was not radical enough in his policies.
Flag of the Arditi del Popolo, section Civitavecchia
The true emergence of Antifa can be found in Germany with the group called Antifaschistische Aktion, which existed from 1932 to 1933. It comprised far-left militants from the Communist party of Germany (KPD). Their main focus and activism revolved around opposing what they perceived as the rise of fascism.
Various photos of the Antifaschistische Aktion
Led by Ernst Thälmann, a prominent figure in the KPD, the group initially targeted the Social Democrat party (SDP), which they viewed as "Social Fascists." Although not as extreme as the German Workers party, the SDP was seen as a force that needed to be stopped. However, as the NSDAP gained influence amid the dire circumstances of Weimar Germany and the Great Depression, their efforts to combat both parties failed for obvious reasons.
The Antifaschistische Aktion logo compared to the modern day Antifa logo
The misconception that Antifa is fascist stems partly from the belief that fascism is inherently violent and anti-intellectual. However, much of the violence attributed to fascism is actually a response to attacks they face. Moreover, the notion that fascism is anti-intellectual is a misinterpretation of the views expressed by Mussolini and Gentile. To illustrate reactionary violence from actual fascists, we can consider the Falange, a fascist adjacent group from Spain. The Falange faced intense attacks, leading the centrist government to ban them, rather than punishing the leftists who initiated the violence.
To quote Stanley G. Payne:
“The writer Heleno Sana, a strong opponent of Falangism, has offered a balanced commentary: ‘José Antonio wanted to convince, not to impose… At the bottom he was a seducer, not a dictator. He believed in the dialectic of fists and pistols as a last resort. Before organizing its own repressive squads, the Falange was the victim of physical reprisals by the extreme left… The violent squads of the Falange were finally accepted by José Antonio as a purely practical necessity, but not out of inner conviction.’”
— Stanley G. Payne, Fascism In Spain 1923-1977
This individual held opposing views to Falangism, yet even they acknowledged that the Falange was unjustly targeted. José, known for his pacifistic nature, found himself engaged in numerous conflicts and disputes within the party because many Falangists were being subjected to violence without any action being taken. The first instance of violence perpetrated by the Falange occurred as a response to the murder of 15 Falangists by leftists. Unfortunately, as events unfolded, José and the other founding members of the party fell victim to leftist violence and were ultimately killed. This serves as just one example highlighting the reactionary nature of violence, which has consistently been a response to leftist aggression. A similar pattern can be observed in Italy, where the violence carried out by Fascists against socialists was primarily a reactionary force.
“The Fascist squads were organized like a military unit and their members wore uniforms — beige trousers or riding breeches and black shirts. They had a commanding officer, a ras — The name of the semi-independent Abyssinian tribal chiefs. There ras were usually ex-officers. The men under their command were called squaddristi. The chief means of transport was the lorry. The chief weapons were the manganello (club) and the revolver. In keeping with the black sense of humor the squaddristi would often force victims to drink castor oil. More often than not, it is said that the violence was all one way. The truth is that Socialists and Communists gave as good as they got. Between January and April 1921, according to Italian Interior Ministry figures, violence between Fascists and Socialists led to the deaths of 102 people — 25 Fascists and 41 Socialists — and 388 people being injured — 108 Fascists and 123 Socialists. During the month-long 1921 election campaign there were 105 deaths — 3 a day — and 431 people injured — roughly 15 a day.
More often than not, it is said that violence was all one way. The truth is that the Socialists and Communists gave as good as they got. Between January and April 1921, according to Italian Interior Ministry figures, violence between Fascists and Socialists led to the deaths of 102 people— 25 Fascists and 41 Socialists— and 388 being injured— 108 Fascists and 123 Socialists.”
— Nicolas Farrel, Mussolini: A New Life
"In vain, Mussolini attempted to curb the violence by writing in Il Popolo d'Italia on 28 April that, although the violence of the Squadristi had initially been necessary to counter Socialist aggression and dismantle Socialist tyranny, it had now gone far enough."
— Nicolas Farrel, Mussolini: A New Life
Let's delve into the perspective of Italian Fascists towards violence by examining historical records. In Mussolini's writings, violence was viewed as a recourse only in defensive situations. When confronted about the morality of violence, he responded by stating:
"When it becomes a painful necessity, when it becomes a surgical necessity, then violence is moral, even more moral than compromising."
— Benito Mussolini, A Diary of The Will
When further probed about objectionable forms of violence, Mussolini emphasized trivial violence, brute violence, unintelligent violence, and violence driven by personal vendettas rather than national defense. He particularly emphasized that acts of violence executed with an excessive use of force, such as a ten-to-one ratio, would be considered reprehensible. Additionally, when asked about the potential of completely avoiding violence, Mussolini conveyed his standpoint:
"Certainly. Violence can be a harsh necessity in specific moments of history, but every Fascist must cherish the aspiration for a peaceful Italy—a nation characterized by harmony and hard work, where everyone feels united as children of the same Fatherland."
— Benito Mussolini, A Diary of The Will
In the early days of 1921, Mussolini articulated the Fascist perspective on violence, stating that for Fascists, violence is not a whimsical act. It is not pursued for the sake of art but rather perceived as a sorrowful and necessary measure — a surgical necessity. Mussolini emphasized that violence, for Fascists, is an exception rather than a method or a system.
Now, turning to the question of whether Fascist Italy was a violent regime, the answer is largely negative. Not only did the distinctive Squadrismo of Fascism fade away once the regime reached the 1930s, but archival records from the OVRA (Organizzazione per la Vigilanza e la Repressione dell'Antifascismo) indicate that the regime's level of violence against opposition was considerably lower compared to other countries of that time. The notion of widespread oppression often discussed is, in reality, unfounded.
"It was the OVRA which provided the Special Tribunal for the Defence of the State with most of its work. Between 1927 and 1929, 5,046 people came before the tribunal of whom one-fifth were convicted. It sentenced one to death, six to twenty-five-thirty years to prison, forty-two to fifteen-twenty-five years, 370 to five-fifteen years. But this was all very small indeed compared with the appalling atrocities inflicted on their citizenry by other dictatorships whether of the left or right."
"By 1930, squadrismo had virtually disappeared. Between 1930 and 1934, the OVRA, the secret political police, arrested 6,000 political opponents, mostly Communists or members of Guistizia e Liberta, the non-party revolutionary movement which aimed to stir up armed insurrection against Fascism founded by Carlo Rosselli in October 1929— an average of 125 a month. But few of those arrested went to prison. During the 1930s, the Special Tribunal imprisoned no more than several dozen political prisoners a year, though the numbers increased in the second half of the decade— 310 in 1938 and 365 in 1939. Three people in all were executed during the 1930s for plotting to assassinate Mussolini. Of the total 12,310 Italians who had been sentenced by 1940 to 'confino' in the islands or remote parts of the mainland, only 2,504 still remained in confino— of whom about one-third were guilty not of political but criminal offenses."
— Nicolas Farrel, Mussolini: A New Life
After understanding the explanation of Fascist violence, we can now address the question: Is Fascism anti-intellectual? The answer is a nuanced one. Fascism does indeed embrace an anti-intellectual position, but it diverges from the interpretation commonly associated with it by leftists. The misconception that Fascism is anti-intellectual implies a rejection of science, reason, and truth, which is not entirely accurate. However, when Mussolini and Gentile referred to Fascism as "anti-intellectual," they did not intend it to mean "anti-truth."
This can be seen in the words of Gentile:
“Still, fascism is not a religion or philosophy in the usual sense. This is the second point: fascism is an attitude toward action. It keeps life whole and treats it as unity. It responds to circumstances, without trying the future up in great knots of long-term planning. Though fascism is anti-intellectual, it does not neglect science and philosophical rigor.”
— Giovanni Gentile, Origins and Doctrine of Fascism
Fascism held the belief that intellectualism stood in stark contrast to its principles, as it saw it as a mere intellectual exercise that lacked active implementation. Fascism, inspired by Gentile's influence from Karl Marx, shared the idea that philosophers should aim to change the world rather than merely theorize about it. This follows praxis, which emphasizes the integration of thought and action. As we conclude this segment, I would like to present a quote from Gentile that provides additional insight into the Fascist viewpoint on intellectualism.
“People who refuse to get involved in solving everyday problems are just bad citizens. They will be driven out. Fascism opposed that cultural decadence that robs citizens of commitment to the trials the nation faces. Decadence makes citizens mere spectators. That is what intellectualism does. One sees the ups and downs, the good and bad, in everything, and takes a passive stance. Hence, fascism spends little time theorizing. It is busy doing things. Theory is an ally in reform. Fascism's mantra is life, not system or idea. So, some call fascism a method rather than a theory.”
— Giovanni Gentile, Origins and Doctrine of Fascism
Now, how does all of this relate to modern-day Antifa? The issue with Antifa, for instance, is that their approach to violence lacks precision and purpose. It is not carried out in a surgical manner for specific moments or reasons. Instead, they often resort to brute force. One notable Antifa riot, which gained significant attention, was the Berkeley protest against Milo Yiannopoulos, a former homosexual Catholic convert. They claimed to oppose racism, sexism, and what they labeled as "Trumpian fascism," even though Milo was primarily known as a conservative provocateur. Upon closer examination, it becomes evident that this violence is far from surgical or targeted. It is driven by a desire to create chaos, as these individuals align themselves with anarchist actions. Instances such as the punching of Richard Spencer, fights with the Proud Boys, BLM riots, and harassment of bystanders demonstrate a lack of careful selection in their violent actions.
A compilation of violence from BLM and Antifa riots
Moreover, in terms of intellectualism, these individuals ironically serve the interests of the establishment and act as enforcers of state-endorsed ideas. Their violence goes unchecked by the state, effectively transforming them into a paramilitary force. This phenomenon aligns with the concept of Anarcho Tyranny, which is further explored in a video by America Virtue:
What Is Anarcho-Tyranny?
When comparing these actions to actual neo-fascist groups like Patriot Front, it becomes clear that the latter exercises more control in their actions. Even non-fascist groups like the Proud Boys do not engage in property destruction or indiscriminate attacks on bystanders. Instead, they focus their efforts on addressing those who commit such actions, as seen in the Portland riots that lasted for over 90 days. In summary, fascism and antifa are not identical.
