Baba Nyonya is a specific subgroup of Chinese Peranakans found in the Straits of Malacca region.

The Peranakan are descendants of Han Chinese men and local native women of various ethnicities and religions, including Muslim and Hindu. The Peranakan Straits Chinese of Singapore and Malaysia have Han Chinese paternal ancestry and their Malay ancestry is maternal. The Chinese-mestizo community among the Moro Muslims in the southern Philippines are descended from non-Muslim Han Chinese men and Moro women, partially from Peranakan Straits Chinese men and partially from mainland Han Chinese who moved directly to Mindanao. The Chinese-mestizos among the Moros are not related to Hui Muslims, and follow distinctly Han customs.

Many Peranakan in Java, Indonesia are descendants of non-Muslim Chinese men who married abangan Javanese Muslim women. Most of the Chinese men did not convert to Islam since their Javanese wives did not ask them to, but a minority of Javanese women asked them to convert so a Chinese Muslim community made out of converts appeared among the Javanese. In the late half of the 19th century, Javanese Muslims became more adherent to Islamic rules due to going on hajj and more Arabs arriving in Java, ordering circumcision for converts. The Batavian Muslims in the 19th century completely absorbed the converted Chinese Muslims who originally had their own separate kapitan and community in the late 18th century. The remaining commoner non-Muslim Chinese Peranakans descended from Chinese men and Javanese Muslim women generally stopped marrying Javanese and the elite Peranakans stopped marrying Javanese completely and instead started only marrying fellow Chinese Peranakans in the 19th century, as they realized they might get absorbed by the Muslims.^[1][2] DNA tests done on Chinese Peranakan in Singapore showed that those Peranakan who are mixed with Malays are mostly of paternal Han Chinese descent and of maternal Malay descent.^{[3][4][5][6][7]} Peranakans in Malaysia and Singapore formed when non-Muslim Chinese men were able to marry Malay Muslim women a long time ago without converting to Islam. This is no longer the case in modern times where anyone who marries Malay women is required to convert to Islam.^[8]

Peranakan, Straits Chinese, Baba Nyonya are all names for the descendants of Han Chinese men and their Javanese, Sumatran and Malay wives. Han Chinese men did not allow their women to leave China, so they married local Muslim Javanese and other Southeast Asian women.^[9] Dayak women were married by Han Chinese men who settled in Borneo as noted in the 18th century.^[10] One Dayak man named Budi mentioned a Chinese man married Budi's sister and that he liked Chinese but he hated Madurese as he was talking about the massacres of Madurese settlers.^[11][12] Malay and Dayak ethnically cleansed Madurese settlers from their and in West Kalimantan starting in Sambas from December 1996 to February 2001 after the Sampit fights in December 2000.^[13]

The Chinese are perhaps the most important people in Borneo. They have been traders and settlers on the coast from beyond historic times, and, as has just been stated, have for an equally long period mixed with the natives; so that some Dyaks—the Dusuns especially might almost be classed with them. They are not only traders who amass wealth merely to return with it to their own empire, but miners, agriculturists, and producers, without whom it would be difficult to develop the country. The Philippines, Singapore, and Borneo receive, perhaps, a larger number of these immigrants than any other countries. In Borneo they are scattered over the whole seaboard, carrying on a good deal of the river trade, and supplanting in many ways the less energetic Malay. But they are chiefly to be found in West Borneo, especially in the mining districts, as in Sambas and Montrado (Menteradu) in Dutch territory. Numbers are settled around Bau and Bidi, in Sarawak, and in the capital, Kuching. In North Borneo an irruption of some thousands occurred on the opening up of the country, and great numbers are employed on the tobacco plantations lately established. In Labuan, and in Pengaron in South Borneo, the coal mines were worked by Chinese, and they still act as sago-washers in the former island. Bound together by societies with stringent laws, their system of co-operation enables them to prosper where others would fail. In West Borneo they thus became so powerful as to defy the Dutch Government, who had great difficulty in subduing them.^[14][15][16] In 1912, Chinese engaged in mass violent riots against Dutch colonial rule in Surayaba and Batavia in the Dutch East Indies.^[17]

Among the Straits Chinese (Peranakan) descendants in Sulu, the Philippines is Abdusakur Tan II, the governor.^[18][19]

Many Straits Chinese (Peranakans) migrated from Singapore to Jolo, Sulu and Mindanao to live and trade among the Moro Muslims like the Tausug people and Maguindanaons and sell weapons, rifles, cannon and opium to them in exchange for gutta-percha.^[20] Tausug and Chinese married each other and Chinese also converted to Islam.^[21][22] Moros carried out suicide juramentado attacks against the Japanese.^[23] Moro juramentados used opium in their attacks against US soldiers.^[24][25] American military officers Charles Wilkes saw Sulu Moro Sultan Mohammed Damaliel Kisand (spelling error of Jamalul Kiram) and his sons smoke opium and he had bloodshot eyes because of it.^{[26][27][28][29][30][31][32][33][34][35]} Datu Uto received Spencer and Enfield rifles from Straits Chinese (Peranakan) merchants.^{[36][37][38][39]} Lantaka swivel bronze cannon were sold by Chinese to the Moros who were fighting the Americans.^[40][41][42] A novel was written about this.^{[43][44][45][46][47][48]}

Peranakans in Malaysia and Singapore formed when non-Muslim Chinese men were able to marry Malay Muslim women a long time ago without converting to Islam. This is no longer the case in modern times where anyone who marries Malay women is required to convert to Islam.^[49]

The early "Hui" communities who fled the Ispah rebellion in Quanzhou may have become the Wali Songo in Java and some of them may have went to the Moro Sulu Sultanate and Mindanao. However, their communities disappeared or were assimilated and they have no relations with the Han descended Peranakan Chinese, including the Peranakan Chinese who converted to Islam, and the Hui have no relations to the Chinese mestizo Moro Muslims who are descended from Han men and practice Han cultural taboos like the taboo against patrilineal cousin marriage. Hui in China practice marriage of patrilineal cousins of the same surname to each other which the Han descended Chinese mestizo Moro Muslims do not.

Some non-Muslim Hui descended from Hui clans such as the Chendai Ding clan and Baiqi Guo clan who left Islam from the early Ming dynasty have recently immigrated to Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia and Manila in the Philippines. They are not represented among Peranakans and not found among the Chinese Moro mestizos. Since Han Chinese identity is based on paternal descent these Hui who left Islam created false genealogies with Han paternal ancestors on them when they were trying to hide as Han and the non-Muslim Hui in Manila still maintain this practice. These non-Muslim Hui in Manila, Singapore, Indonesia and Malaysia do not like to talk about their Muslim ancestry even though they are fully aware of it and some express dislike towards Islam.

Balinese women, Bugis women and other native women in Indonesia who married Han Chinese men were buried according to Chinese custom with Chinese characters on their gravestones instead of being cremated.^[50]

Local Muslim women who dealt in the cloth trade willingly married Han Chinese men in Palembang and Jambi and also local Muslim women in Banten married Han Chinese men. The Han Chinese men converted to Islam to please their Muslim wives. The same Muslim women refused to deal or even meet with Dutch men especially in Palembang since the Dutch were infamous for sexually abusing indigenous Muslim women.^[51] Han Chinese merchants were a major rival of the Dutch in colonial Indonesia. Han Chinese interpreters advised the local Muslim king of Jambi to go to war against the Dutch, while the Dutch attacked Chinese ships and Thai ships to stop them from trading with the Muslims in Jambi and make them trade with the Dutch in Batavia. The Chinese continued to violate the Dutch ban on trade with Jambi.^[52][53] The Dutch East India Company was also angered by Thailand trading with the Jambi Sultanate and the Jambi Sultanate sending pepper and flowers as tribute to Thailand. leading to tensions between Thailand the Dutch in 1663-1664 and 1680-1685. The Dutch wanted Chinese banned from Thai junks and were angry when a Thai ambassador in Iran took out a loan from the Dutch in Surat but didn't pay it back after his ship got repaired. The 1682 Dutch invasion of Banten (Bantam) in Indonesia also raised alarms in Thailand, so the Thai King Narai courted the French to counter the Dutch.^[54] Dutch East India Company attacked Zheng Zhilong's junks which were trading pepper with Jambi, but while the Dutch transferred 32 Chinese prisoners into the Dutch ship, the remaining Chinese managed to slaughter the 13 Dutch sailors on board the Chinese junk and retake the vessel. Zheng Zhilong demanded the Dutch then release the 32 Chinese in 1636.^[55] Dutch East India Company blockaded Thai trade in 1664 and in 1661-1662 seized a Thai junk owned by a Persian official in Thailand. The Dutch tried to impede Thai and Chinese competition with the Dutch in the pepper trade at Jambi.^[56] The Jambi Sultan temporarily jailed English merchants during violence between the Dutch and English.^[57][58][59] The Thai and Jambi Sultanate angrily complained against the Dutch over Dutch attacks and attempts to impede Jambi's trade with Chinese and Thai.^[60][61] Chinese junks regularly traded with Jambi, Patani, Siam and Cambodia.^[62]

The title of Shahbandar was held by Han Chinese in Jambi and Japara as Chinese came to those cities and Bantam to trade in pepper. If the 15th century there were Chinese in Surabaya and in the late half of the 14th century there were Chinese in Grise and in the 14th century there were Chinese in Tumasik.^[63][64] Jambi was visited every year by Chinese for pepper that came from the Sumatra Minangkabau highlands. Palembang also exported pepper.^[65]

Commerce in Jambi was dominated by Chinese merchants and local Jambi people also benefited from renting out to rubber plantations.^[66]

Chiragh kush or Chiragh kosh (lamp killer) plural Chiragh kushan or Chiragh koshan^[67](Template:Lang-fa)^[68][69][70] was the Persian name for a false libel that was applied to various sects and religions across Eurasia since the Roman empire up the present day, accusing practitioners of that sect of religion of gathering one night with their mothers and sisters, and extinguishing the lights to engage in a massive sexual incestual orgy. It was directed against Christians, Cathars, Sunni Muslims, Shia Muslims, Alevis, Ismailis and many other sects. Today it survives mainly in the Middle East, Central Asia and South Asia and is levied at minority sects including Twelver Shia, Alevis and Ismailis.^{[71][72][73][74][75][76][77][78][79][80]}

Marcus Aerlius's Roman pagan tutor Fronto accused the early Christians of engaging in an incest orgy after causing the light to bow out by throwing a food at a dog tied to the lamp.^{[81][82][83][84][85][86][87][88][89][90][91][92][93][94][95][96][97][98][99][100][101][102][103][104][105][106][107][108][109][110][111]} The slander of the incest orgy by putting the lights out against the Christians by Roman pagans was later repeated against the Cathars.^[112]

Carposcratians were also accused of the light extinguishing incest orgy by Clement of Alexandria and Gnostics were accused of consuming fetuses.^{[113][114][115][116]}

In addition to the incest orgy Christians were accused of eating babies.^{[117][118][119][120][121][122]}

M. Brett Wilson noticed the connection between the accusations of putting the lights out and engaging in incest that normal Sunni Muslims accused the heterodox Bektashi order of doing, and the Roman pagan accusations against the Christians.^[123][124]

The Christian Tertullian started accusing Christian heretics of doing the incest orgy by extinguishing lights after the Roman pagans accused Christians of it.^[125][126] The same accusations the Roman pagans levelled against the Christians about the incest orgy and light extinguishers were used by Christians against heretical Christian sects.^{[127][128][129][130][131][132][133][134]}

The Fraticelli, Brethren of the Free Spirit and Cathars in medieval Europe were accused of blowing the lights out and engaging in incestual sex orgies by Christians, just as Roman pagans accused Christians of doing earlier. Heresies like Bogomils, Paulicians, Messalians were accused of doing the same thing as well as Gnostics, Montanists and Carpocratians by Clement of Alexandria and other heretics were accused of "aposbennuntes tous luchnous" (with the lights extinguished)by Justin Martyr in 150. Manichaeans were accused of "lucerna extincta" by Augustine.^{[135][136][137][138]}

Cathars (Albigensian) were accused of "They commenced their religious rites by chanting litanies to long lists of devils, until a toad, a cat, or some other small beast, which they supposed to be a demoniac incarnation, appeared in their midst. The lights were then extinguished, and they delivered themselves up to the most sacrilegious, and even incestuous orgies."^{[139][140][141][142]}

"Wild stories, moreover, were told of the nightly orgies in which the lights were extinguished and promiscuous intercourse took place; and the stubbornness of heresy was explained by telling how, when a child was born of these foul excesses, it was tossed from hand to hand through a fire until it expired; and that from its body was made an infernal eucharist of such power that whoever partook of it was thereafter incapable of abandoning the sect."^{[143][144][145][146][147][148][149][150][151][152][153][154][155]}

Women accused of being witches in medieval Europe were also accused of eating babies and engaging in sexual orgies at night.^{[156][157][158][159][160][161]}

Alevis in Turkey and Yezidis in Iraq were both accused by other sects of engaging in orgies during their religious celebrations.^[162]

Some Turkish Sunnis still use phrases like "Alevis do not know their mothers and sisters" (Aleviler ana bacı tanımaz) and "to extinguish candles" (mum söndürmek) in reference to the libel that they engage in the incest orgy in darkness by extinguishing candles in their religious ceremonies at the cem.^[163][164]

Qizilbash (Kizilbash) were described as candle extinguishers (Mümsöndürun and Zarati) by Sunnis in Ottoman Turkey. The Salonica Crpyto-Jews (Dönmeh) were also accused of the incest orgy as well as Druze currently by other Arabs and in the 12th century by Benjamin of Tudela.^{[165][166][167][168]} In northern Iraq the incest orgy with extinguishing the lights is called "night of the kafsha" (knight of [removing] slippers) (Laylat al-Kafsha) against the Yezidis.) The Takhtajis were also accused of the same and Alawites (different from Alevis) of Çıplaklar were also accused of candle extinguishing for incest orgies, called Müm söndü by Turkish Sunnis. Christians of the convent of Ukbara in Iraq close to Baghdad were also accused of the orgy on the "night of the mashush" in the book ad-Diyarat by Abu al-Hassan al-Shabushti.^[169]

Alawites were falsely accused of incest orgies and extinguishing lights by Sunnis.^[170] The Murshidi sect of the Alawites was also falsely accused of engaging in a sexual orgy.^[171][172]

The gullible Samuel Lyde believed in the false slanderous rumours against the Ismailis of Syria over the orgy.^[173]

Mirza Muhammad Haidar Dughlat accused Ismailis in Central Asia of engaging in Chiragh-Kush (extinguishing the lamps for orgies) just as Ottoman Sunnis accused the "Red caps" Qizilbash in Anatolia of doing.^[174]

Sunnis in Tajikistan falsely believed that Ismaili Pamiris of Gorno Badakhshan practiced incest.^[175]

Sunni Muslims in Pakistan and India accuse Twelver Shia of engaging in a sexual orgy after extinguishing the lights at Shaam-e-Ghariban after Ashura.^[176][177]

According to French historian Michael Vickery (told to Étienne Aymonier) there were Khmer Theravada Buddhists who believed their Cham Sunni Muslim neighbours gathered for incest sex orgies after blowing the lights out in their mosques at night once a year.^[178]

Han Chinese culture is the culture of Han Chinese people. Various parts of Han Chinese culture may be shared with other ethnic groups in China and the Sinosphere while other parts of the culture differ greatly.

Han Chinese traditionally regard patrilineal cousin marriage between paternal relatives of the same patrilineal clan (who carry the same surname) as taboo for example, the children of two brothers marrying each other. However marriage to non-patrilineal cousins is allowed such as marriage to a father's sister's children's or children of the mother's sisters and brothers. This taboo differentiates Han people from other ethnicities such as Hui people who marry their own paternal cousins.

Han Chinese traditionally buried their dead and abhorred cremation.

Balinese women, Bugis women and other native women in Indonesia who married Han Chinese men were buried according to Chinese custom with Chinese characters on their gravestones instead of being cremated.

The Han Chinese traditionally viewed Han as a patrilineal ethnicity traced only through the father's lineage, with all Han Chinese ultimately claiming descent from the Yellow emperor and organizing themselves in patrilineal clans. People of non-Han paternal lineages were rejected as Han which led to ethnic minorities to forge genealogies tracing ancestry to a male Han ancestor in order to attempt to pass as Han people.

A quote falsely attributed to Confucius claims that barbarians came become Chinese and Chinese could become barbarians by adopting each other's culture. This quote was actually made by Han Yu and falsely attributed to Confucius and the Classical Confucian texts which never said this and Han Yu was in fact only emphasizing one point, claiming that Buddhism, which he hated, might turn Chinese into barbarians and he was not discussing the possibility of barbarians becoming Chinese.

Han ethnicity is traced through the father and mothers are seen as empty receptacles.

Patricia Buckrey Ebrey showed that traditionally Han Chinese traced their ethnicity through paternal descent and not only culture or language, those with Han fathers were Han regardless of the mother's ethnicity and Han Chinese never viewed anyone as "creoles" or "half breeds", rejecting the idea of blood quantum, viewing children solely as their father's ethnicity regardless of their physicals characteristics, even if they looked mixed Eurasian or white, as long as their father was Han Chinese, they were Han. Han Chinese believed that parents and children had the same blood and that they would mix together when put into water. Ebrey pointed out Han Chinese identity was affectively a massive group centered around paternal lineages and not on where someone was born, or their language or their physical looks (phenotype) but solely on their father, in contrast to western ideas about race. In order for non-Han people to claim to be Han and try to pass to assimilate, they had to fabricate genealogies tracing their paternal ancestor to a Han Chinese in order to convince other Han people that they were Han. Patricia Buckrey Ebrey noted that since the Song dynasty tons of genealogies were written down, and in southern China, not a single Han Chinese ever traced their paternal ancestry from one of the local native ethnic minorities of the south, despite historical records showing that Chinese governments brought Confucian culture and beliefs to the local non-Han by opening schools. Believing in the genealogies alone as a truthful source would mean that not a single non-Han male who accepted Confucian culture ever left a descendant. Ebrey pointed out that there must have been at least some people in southern China who had native southern ethnic minority paternal origin in the Qing, Ming and Song but that they created genealogies showing northern Han Chinese ancestors who moved south in order to claim to be Han, because Han identity centered around paternal descent and not culture. Their genealogies all said their paternal ancestors were Han Chinese who came south in the Yuan, Song, Tang or Han dynasties. It was not about class but about ethnicity, since many southern Han claim ancestry from humble merchants and peasants and not only high status positions, but would never admit their paternal ancestor were natives. Han Chinese collectively called themselves the hundred surnames and viewed themselves as a collection of paternal clans. Henan was the place of origin of the Chen surname but people with the surname Chen outside of China and in China like Hebei, Guangxi, Shaanxi, and in Fujian where most of them live today are all potentially linked by the paternal lineage. Han Chinese paternal lineages could split apart for centuries and move to different areas but still recognized themselves as the same clan. The Han Chinese conception of ethnic identity as solely paternal meant hat Han Chinese could intermarry with non-Han women and the children would be considered Han so there was never such a concept as "half-breed" or "creole" in traditional China. So tens of thousands of people at a time could claim to be Han via just 1 Han man moving to southern China in the Song, Tang or Han dynasties.

Han Chinese organized their polygamous families around patrilineal descent and divided their wealth among their sons. Ebrey pointed out out that Han Chinese identity was constructed around patrilineal ancestry from Han and Confucianism, and that non-Han Chinese tribals had to adopt Han surnames and fabricate genealogies showing Han Chinese paternal ancestors and the legendary ancestor of all Han Chinese, the Yellow Emperor as their ultimate ancestor. It was not based on language or race.

Ebrey wrote about how Han Chinese society was organized around patrilineal lineage clans with shared rites and rituals, graveyards, shared family property and wealth. Han Chinese lineage are paternal clans and keeps people linked after hundreds of years of separation with communal ancestral services and rituals as ancestral temples and communal resource pooling. Sons inherit property divided from their parents which helps the government collect taxes while daughters do not receive them since they marry into other families.

Late 19th century reformers like Kang Youwei and Liang Qichao did not copy word for word western racial theorists like Herbert Spencer or Charles Darwin, but simply took the word "race" and applied traditional Han Chinese definitions to the western word "race", such as merely using race as synonymous with traditional Chinese patrilineal lineages. They then compared indigenous traditional Han Chinese lineage feuding between different clans to competition between different races like red, black, browns, whites and yellows.

Ebrey wrote about the ancestral halls Han Chinese built for their paternal lineages.

Many Han Chinese Cantonese in the 19th century Pearl river delta had genealogies claiming their paternal ancestors migrated in the Song dynasty to Guangdong from central China, after the Southern Han was conquered by the Song dynasty, as their genealogies were examined by David Faure. There was only sea in the region in the 10th century during the Southern Han.

Han people originally used Hua as their endonym to call their own ethnic group. The Xianbei Tuoba wanted to make Hua into the cultural and civilisational term so they could be included under it by culture and civilisation and and make Han the ethnic term for what was previously called Hua. for The Xianbei emphasised that Han was a distinct ethnic group by blood from Xianbei, with them encouraging use of the Han term, in order to include themselves under the cultural and civilisational terms Hua and Zhongguoren while still maintaining Xianbei and Han as different ethnic identities. The Manchu Yongzheng emperor maintained that Han was a distinct ethnic group and that Manchus were not assimilating into Han, saying that when using Hua as an ethnic term for Han, Manchus were not Hua, but Yi (which meant non-Hua), but only if Hua purely mean civilized and was not used as an ethnic term, then Manchus were culturally part of Hua/Zhonghua and culturally Chinese, saying "Manchu blood differs from Han blood, in the same way as Mongol and Tibetan blood too differs from Han blood", emphasising that Manchu and Han would always be different ethnic groups by blood but by culture and civilisation both Manchu and Han were Zhonghua.

The first Ming Emperor Zhu Yuanzhang and a Ming officials quoted the Chinese classic Zuo zhuan which said "fei wo zulei, qi xin biyi" (the thoughts and feelings of those who are not of our descent group are invariable different) when they were against Han surnames being adopted by non-Han such as Mongols, and said that non-Han ethnicities and Mongols should not confuse themselves with Han by adopting Han surnames but instead take their own unique surnames. The Ming Emperor reprimanded non-Han ethnicities like Hui (seren) and Mongols for changing their original names and trying to hide their barbarian origins saying they would forget their origins in 1370. This indicated many Han were rejected the idea that non-Han could become Han solely by adopting Han culture and Confucianism, and thought only people of Han paternal descent could be Han.

The Qing dynasty used Han as a descriptor of a coherent ethnic group apart of the Yi (barbarian) ethnic minorities of southwest China in the 19th century such as an 1803 memorial which talks about trying to differentiate Han from Yi.

Han dynasty historian Sima Qian traced ancestry of people in China back to the Yellow Emperor and this habit in China stretched back to his time, and continued to the Qing dynasty where Han Chinese viewed him as ancestors of the Han race. Many people with the same surname and lineages traced their ancestor back to one primal ancestor, the shizu and all the branches claimed descent from them, and by analogy all Han lineages were descended from the Yellow Emperor.

Ebrey noted that Song and Tang dynasty era genealogies and Han dynasty era genealogies (Sima Qian) claimed the Yellow emperor has their ancestor.

The Yellow Emperor was claimed as the ancestor by the Song Zhenzong emperor.

Contrary to the false claim that Han Chinese only started in the 20th century to claim the Yellow Emperor as ancestor, medieval Han Chinese in the Song dynasty and Tang dynasty both claimed the Five Emperors including the Yellow emperor as their paternal ancestor in genealogies as this stretched back to the Western Han dynasty with Sima Qian. Han Chinese were made out of a group of people who saw themselves as related to each other by paternal descent and descended from the Yellow Emperor. The Han dynasty Emperors claimed descent from YAo, one of the five emperors and a descendant of the Yellow Emperor. Yao and the Yellow emperor's great grandson Di Gao were claimed as paternal ancestors of a female named Liu on a grave dated to 642 and one of the Yellow Emperor's sons, Di Shaohao was claimed as paternal ancestor on Zhang Rui's grave in 632 and Yu the Great was claimed as paternal ancestors of Guan Daoai in 627 and the Yellow Emperor's grandson Di Kaoyang was claimed as paternal ancestor by Wei Kuangbo in 617. These were recorded in "Tangdai muzhiming huibian fukao" listed by Mao Hanguang in the first volume.

The Chu, Zhao, Qi and Qin noble families as well as the Xia dynasty traced their ancestry from the Yellow Emperor.

Across Guangdong, three million people surnamed Huang claim descent from the same paternal ancestor, Huang Qiaoshan who lived in the Tang dynasty and migrated to Fujian at the end of the dynasty, via three of his sons (out of 21) who founded different branches, found among the Hakka, Chaoshan and Cantonese. Among them are the Longgang, Kengxi village Hakka Huang, the Cantonese "guangfu" Huang native to Shenzhen in the villages of Shangsha & Xiasha & the Chaoshan Huang. Huang Qiaoshan lived from 872 to 953 and claimed he was the Yellow Emperor's 128th generation descendant. Huang Moutang who was born in 1183 and was Huang Qiaoshan's 15th generation descendant is the ancestor of the Cantonese guangfu Huang clans. One of his descendants was Huang Siming from whom the Xiasha Huang descent. Huang Qiaoshan's 9th generation descendant Huang Liao was a Song official and his descendant Huang Chaoxuan during the Ming-Qing transition was the ancestor of the Longgang, Kengzi village Hakka Huang. The Huang descendants who migrated and established linages in the Song were Cantonese speakers while the Huang descendants who migrated to the coast in the Ming-Qing transition spoke Hakka.

Lü Guang was ethnically Di (although he claimed ancestry from an ethnically Han man named Lü Wenhe (呂文和) who fled from Pei County (in modern Xuzhou, Jiangsu, the same county that Han Dynasty emperors' ancestors came) from a disaster and who settled in Di lands).

Non-Han Chinese like Li Bo (Li Bai) tried to appear as Han by falsely claiming Han Chinese paternal ancestors like Laozi.

Non-Han Chinese in the Tang dynasty edited their genealogies to show Han surnames and paternal Han Chinese ancestors stretching back to the Han dynasty in order to portray themselves as Han. Non-Han claimed their Han ancestors long ago were people who moved off west or were captured by nomads such as Li Ling. Li Bo claimed a fictive Han ancestor who went west in his genealogy. Other non-Han traced their ancestors to the Han legendary ancestor, the Yellow Emperor.

The official history Old History of the Five Dynasties stated that the Shatuo Turk Shi Jingtang's family was originally descended from Shi Que (石碏), an official of the Spring and Autumn period state Wey, through the Han prime minister Shi Fen (石奮), and further stated that Shi Fen's descendants fled west when Han fell, settling in what would eventually become Gan Prefecture (甘州, in modern Zhangye, Gansu), apparently in an attempt to try to link Shi with a Han Chinese ancestry despite the Shatuo origin.

The Shatuo Turk Liu Zhyuan claimed patrilineal Han ancestry from the Han dynasty itself.

As Balhae descendants became firmly incorporated into the apparatus of the Jin dynasty, many individual Balhae-descended officials tried to fabricate genealogies to appear as Han. In 1135, Nansali was chosen as an emissary to Goryeo, for which he changed his name to the Sinitic Wang Zheng. Wang Tingyun also invented a genealogy record on his epitaph tracing his lineage to Taiyuan rather than Liaodong. The epitaph acknowledges that his most recent ancestors were in the employ of Balhae but added that they only "lived dispersed among the eastern barbarians", rejecting his Balhae identity. The practice of inventing fictitious genealogies to hide ancestry outside of the "Central Territories" was widespread from Song times onward.

The majority of Zhuang people at one point falsely claimed to be Han and grafted a Han ancestors onto their genealogies, in a Guangxi district, all 152 Zhuang clans said they were Han. The PRC government refused and rejected the Zhuang's claims to be Han and helped build the Zhuang ethnicity for these Tai speakers. Many of the Zhuang rejected the identification as ethnic Zhuang and said they were Han in the 1950s. Many Zhuang falsely self-identified as "Han who can speak the Zhuang language" and tried to reject the Communist party's attempt at classifying them as Zhuang and rejecting the Zhuang label in the 1953 census since they viewed being an ethnic minority as a stigma. The Communist party ignored the Zhuang objections and went ahead classifying them as Zhuang. Many Zhuang people falsely claimed their paternal ancestors were Han Chinese from Huguang (Hubei and Hunan), Jiangnan who had migrated to Guangxi and Bouyei people in Guizhou also claimed Han Chinese Jiangnan paternal ancestry from Jiangsu. Bouyei people (Zhongjia) in Guizhou and Zhuang in Guangxi tried to claim false Han paternal ancestors in order to pass as Han people, with the Bouyei making genealogies with a Han ancestors and claimed their ancestors came from Jiangnan, Hubei and Hunan (Huguang) and Shandong. The Zhuang also did this up to the 1950s and claimed their ancestors were northern Han Chinese and made fake genealogies to show it to escape marginalization and discrimination. The Communists made the Zhuang self identify as Zhuang and stop pretending to be Han.

Many ethnic minority Zhuang families in southwest China including that of Tusi chieftains fabricated genealogies claiming their paternal ancestors were northern Han Chinese. Zhuang claimed fake Han ancestry in the Anping chiefdom. Zhuang adopted Han Chinese style ancestral halls, Han ideas like fang in their lineage rules and fake Han ancestors in their genealogies.

The Manchu Duanfang of the Tohoro clan claimed his paternal ancestor was Han Chinese man surname Tao from Zhejiang when he was begging for his life from Han revolutionaries.

During the Republic of China, a Manchu falsely claimed paternal Han origin by claiming to belong to Han Chinese President Lin Sen's clan and claiming his origin was from Minhou in Fujian and that he was from the Lin clan. Another Manchu fabricated Han background and claiming his named was Li Chengyin to get a physician's license. He was a son of Chongtai, a Qing official.

The Republic of China in Taiwan formerly classified children by their father's ethnicity, children of Taiwan Aboriginal mothers and Han Chinese fathers were classified as Han while children of Han Chinese mothers and Aboriginal fathers were classified as Taiwan Aboriginals. Manchus concealed their genealogies during this period.

Han Chinese also group other ethnicities based on descent alone, not by religion, economy or language, considering the descendants of foreign Muslims as Hui people and not as Han despite speaking the same language and no longer practicing Islam.

The Hui Guo family of Baiqi in Quanzhou, Fujian, falsely claimed their paternal ancestor was Han Chinese general Guo Ziyi from the Tang dynasty in order to mask their Hui ethnicity.

The Hui Ding family of Chendai in Quanzhou, Fujian, falsely claimed their paternal ancestor was Han Chinese scholar official Ding Du (an author of Wujing Zongyao from the Song dynasty in order to mask their Hui ethnicity.

Hui in the Philippines are non-Muslim and they live among Catholic Filipinos in Manila and do not live among the Moro Muslims. Two Hui families in Quanzhou, Southern Fujian, the Chendai Ding family and Baiqi Guo family mostly left Islam during the Ming dynasty and the majority of their descendants practice other religions but identify as ethnically Hui and not Han, making them non-Muslim Hui. They have immigrated to the Philippines, Malaysia and Singapore and many of these overseas Ding are ashamed of having distant Islamic ancestry and don't want to talk about it. The Minnan pronunciation of Ding is Teng hence the non-Muslim Hui in the northern Philippines are surnamed Teng.

Some of the Hui members of families that left Islam during the early Ming dynasty like the Guo of Baiqi in Quanzhou even believe negative false stereotypes about their own Muslim ancestors, with one Christian Guo saying his Hui ancestors were descendants from donkey human sexual intercourse and falsely claiming that altars with hidden images of humans having sex with donkeys were found in their temple (mosques). In the 1920s his family converted to Christianity.

The ex-Muslim Hui masqueraded as Han for a while by claiming paternal Han descent from famous heroes like Guo Ziyi for the Baiqi Gui clan since Han ethnic identity is paternally based. The ex-Muslim Hui whose members left Islam settled overseas including Taiwan and in Manila in the Philippines where Ding Wenqi and Guo Fuyou wrote an essay attempting to falsely claim that the 5 famous Hui clans of Quanzhou that left Islam, Bai, Jin, Ma, Ding and Guo were descended from Han Chinese general Guo Ziyi and 4 of his generals Jin Zhujie, Ding Hunzhen, Ma Lin and Bai Yuanguang when he was fighting against the invading Tibetans to save Tang dynasty China and that they formed an association of 5 clans, the Qingzhen five surname association, leaving out all mention of their actual Muslim foreign origins except for the word "Qingzhen" (Halal) in the title while continuing to push the fiction that they were in China before the Yuan dynasty and that Guo was of paternal Han descent. The actual general was named Hun Zhen (Hun Jian) from the Tiele Hun tribe (the reason for his surname) and was not surnamed Ding, but the Ding concocted a fictional version of him and gave him the Ding surname to fit the fiction of four generals with the same surnames as the Hui clans in Quanzhou serving under Guo Ziyi. The members of the Ding and Guo clans on Taiwan also cling to the fictitious paternal ancestry to pretend to be Han instead of Hui.

The Han Chinese official and merchant Su Tangshe who married Muslim Semu women from Pu Shougeng's family after converting to Islam was descended from Su Song according to one historian. His descendants are no longer Muslim and identify as Han due to their Han paternal ancestry and do not consider themselves Hui since their Hui ancestry is through a woman. The Han Chinese Su family in Quanzhou regained its wealth after the Han man Su Tangshe married Hui Semu Muslim women from Pu Shougeng's family and used his family connections to Pu.

The former Muslim Hui Ding, Jin and Guo families of Quanzhou who abandoned Islam and ethnic minorities like the She people and Tanka (Dan) people forged genealogies claiming their paternal ancestors were famous Han Chinese from northern China during the Zhou dynasty, Han dynasty or Tang dynasty who later migrated south to Fujian, in order to pass as Han people but in the modern day now acknowledge their true Hui ancestry, while the Ma family of Quanzhou proudly proclaimed their Hui origin the entire time. The Hui of Quanzhou have the surnames Guo 郭, Ding 丁, Jin 金, Xia 夏, Pu 蒲, Die 迭 and Ma 馬.

Only a few local Hui in Quanzhou still practice Islam like the Huang family, with most Muslims being Hui migrant workers from Gansu while most local Hui are non-Muslims since their ancestors left Islam centuries before like many Guo and Ding who are now Christian and other religions.

A Hui Muslim descendant of Gabuman (葛卜满), an envoy of the Calicut kingdom in India, raised funds for the Fuzhou mosque in 1541 to rebuild it after a fire.

Half Tanka historian Miranda Brown (Dong Muda) tweeted about Tanka history of fabricating genealogies in an attempt to claim to be descended from northern Han.

Some Chinese even joined the Moros in the fighting against the Filipinos in Cotabato.

"Dato Piang is from the people, the son of an itinerant Chinese merchant and a Moro woman of no particular standing, both dead." "He is the only prominent Moro who seems to appreciate what the American invasion means and the business opportunities it brings with it. The Chinese blood in him makes him a shrewd business man, and he has accumulated quite a fortune and is daily adding to it. He practically controls all the business of Cotabato, especially exports, through his Chinese agents in that place; has complete control of the Moro productions, and working with the Chinese merchants makes it practically impossible for a white firm to enter into business in the Rio Grande Valley"

The Han Chinese-Moro mestizo Madge Kho wrote several articles and books about the Moro struggles against the US and against the Philippines including a biography of Desdemona Abubakar Tan.