Nadler’s heir apparent tests whether experience still sells

But in a Democratic Party roiled by anger at the establishment, Lasher’s long resume may be as much a liability as an asset — even in a district where powerful Democratic clubs that are backing him still wield outsize influence.

“It’s hard to say how much experience counts for in this political climate,” said Basil Smikle, former executive director of the state Democratic Committee. “Democrats are in the process of reshaping the coalition, and it’s still unclear what that looks like and how that translates into races other than mayor … In some ways, experience isn’t the bonus that it used to be.”

The 44-year-old first got involved in politics as a high school student when he helped run Schneiderman’s state Senate campaign. He went on to co-found a political consulting firm, serve as an aide to Nadler, the director of state legislative affairs for Bloomberg, chief of staff to Schneiderman and director of policy for Hochul.

Lasher, who was elected to the state Assembly in 2024, has downplayed the idea that he should be “anointed” to the seat.

With Lasher up against the likes of state Assemblymember Alex Bores, an alum of data analytics company Palantir who has drawn millions of dollars in AI spending both for and against him, as well as Kennedy scion Jack Schlossberg and former Republican George Conway, both of whom are first-time candidates with high name recognition, the contest has become far more complicated than Nadler simply naming his successor.

Manhattan Borough President Brad Hoylman-Sigal, one of Lasher’s endorsers whose campaign Lasher managed decades ago, said he thinks the race is “fluid” mainly because voters aren’t fully tuned in ahead of the June 23 primary just yet. And despite there being other high-profile candidates in the race, he said he thinks Lasher’s argument will break through.

“Voters in the 12th read the fine print,” he said of the district, which covers a large swath of Manhattan. “This is an electorate that really sweats the small stuff, and they will acknowledge the specifics of policy proposals and vote accordingly, in my experience. He’s purpose-built for a detail-oriented constituency.”

Lasher declined to be interviewed on the record for this article. In a statement, Lasher campaign spokesperson Grace Peacore said, “While Micah was working in public service at all three levels of government for two decades, one of his opponents was selling surveillance tech to the Trump administration and resigning under questionable circumstances and the other was, well, surfing. We’ll stack his record against theirs any day.”

In response, a spokesperson for Schlossberg’s campaign said in a statement that Lasher is “drowning (he wishes he could surf) in the politics of the early 2000’s.”

A policy wonk, Lasher and his allies often highlight legislation he helped craft in Albany, including measures to strengthen protections for consumers and immigrants; toughen gun regulations; protect access to abortion; raise the minimum wage; and allow for mid-decade redistricting to offset gains Republicans made in other states. In her endorsement of Lasher, Hochul praised him for knowing “how to use the legislative process to make meaningful change.” Advertisements from Stand for New York, a pro-Lasher super PAC funded by $5 million from Bloomberg, assert that Lasher “Trump-proofed New York.”

“Why do so many people we trust endorse Micah Lasher?” asks the narrator in a Stand for New York ad highlighting his support from Bloomberg, Hochul, Nadler and outgoing Rep. Nydia Velázquez. “He’s a fighter who stands up to Trump and gets results.”

But with a long record also comes baggage. Less-highlighted parts of Lasher’s history remain difficult for some Democrats to overlook — particularly his work in the Bloomberg administration, where he was praised for helping to lead “the Administration’s efforts to support Governor Cuomo’s pension reform plan,” also known as Tier 6. Unions have expressed frustration with the Tier 6 pension category and have pushed for years to make changes to it — negotiations that remain a flashpoint in state budget talks this year.

Lasher also served for almost a year as executive director of StudentsFirstNY, a pro-charter school advocacy group that was criticized by unions at the time for having board members with Republican ties. During Lasher’s leadership, StudentsFirstNY’s associated PAC, New Yorkers for Putting Students First, spent $110,000 — more than half of which went to Republicans and the Independent Democratic Conference, whose members caucused with Republicans. The largest single expenditure was $50,000 to the state’s Senate Republican Campaign Committee.

The combination of working with Bloomberg on Tier 6 and for StudentsFirstNY “was absolutely part of our deliberation” in endorsing a candidate, said a labor leader whose union backed Bores and who was granted anonymity to discuss internal deliberations. That person said that, while Lasher “said a lot of the right things to us now,” those past parts of his record were “very hard to get over.” On top of that, Bloomberg’s involvement in the race kicked up some of those old feelings.

“They represent different moments in politics, and Lasher has baggage from a different era that was not good for us,” the union leader said of Bores and Lasher. “That was a terrible, terrible period, and we live with the effects of it every day.”

Lasher has since taken a more union-friendly stance, telling POLITICO that when he unsuccessfully ran for state Senate in 2016, it was “the first time where I am out there speaking for myself” rather than those he was working for. Lasher more recently rallied in support of changing Tier 6, and this year earned the support of another influential union, 32BJ. He also was endorsed by CWA Local 1180, along with Bores and Schlossberg.

Still, Bores — the son of a former union president — has been racking up labor endorsements, including from the AFL-CIO; District Council 37, the city’s largest public sector union; New York State United Teachers; and the United Federation of Teachers. (The UFT endorsed against Lasher during his 2016 state Senate run, but backed him for his 2024 Assembly bid.) In backing Bores, many of the union leaders point to his work regarding AI regulation.

Public polling in the race is scarce, and a handful of internal surveys from earlier this year — mostly conducted before the Bloomberg ad blitz — don’t show a clear frontrunner. Some had Schlossberg, whom opponents decry for a lack of political expertise, with a slight lead.

Schlossberg in particular has sought to use Lasher’s experience as an attack line. In a terse back-and-forth at a forum last month, Lasher argued that it’s unlikely Democrats will be able to impeach President Donald Trump, leading Schlossberg to pounce.

“Maybe if you have a super PAC funded by a billionaire, you don’t understand how people feel around this district about President Trump,” Schlossberg said, referring to the Bloomberg-funded group. “Maybe you don’t think that we can actually build a movement strong enough to win back the House, win back the Senate, and get this guy out of power.”

Lasher responded with a refrain often used by his campaign and allies: “There is nobody in this race who has fought more aggressively and knows how to use legislative power to fight back against this fascist regime.”

“This is the difference, and this is the choice in this election, whether the Democratic Party should continue the status quo,” Schlossberg retorted. “Where has it gotten us? No control of any branch of government. Or should we try something new?”

Other aspects of Lasher’s record during his long time as a political operative have reemerged during this campaign, as they have during his previous runs for office. Earlier this year, longtime activist Bertha Lewis published an op-ed criticizing Lasher, in part, for helping design a flyer that featured a cartoon of former Bronx Borough President Fernando Ferrer kissing Rev. Al Sharpton’s rear end during the 2001 mayoral election. (Ferrer last week endorsed Bores.) Lasher has since apologized.

So why bring it up now? Lewis said she doesn’t have a favorite in the race — nor does she expect her op-ed to affect it, especially given the influx of money supporting Lasher. But, she said, Lasher running for Congress gave her what is possibly her “last chance” to highlight it.

Despite the pitfalls Lasher’s record might pose and the crowded primary field, he clearly has one very significant asset: his base is in the politically powerful West Side of Manhattan.

“I don’t think he’s necessarily running far away from everyone else, but you have to make him the favorite,” said Democratic strategist Hank Sheinkopf, pointing to “traditional West Side voters” who will be “thinking about what Nadler told them and what he thinks they should do.”

“Geography counts, and Lasher has geography,” he said. “But it’s too early to see if argument overcomes geography.”