JAKARTA: Indonesia has begun sending off its first Haj pilgrims for 2026, pressing ahead with the journey to Mecca despite heightened tensions in the Middle East.

The first group of Indonesian pilgrims departed for Saudi Arabia earlier this week, with thousands more set to make the trip in the coming weeks.

Authorities say preparations remain on track, with safety measures and contingency plans in place should the regional conflict escalate.

PILGRIMAGE AMID TENSIONS

Jakarta resident Muhammad Yunus Abdurrahman is finally making the pilgrimage after waiting more than a decade. Travelling with his wife, he said they are looking forward to the journey.

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“We have prepared well in advance for our Haj departure, so we are ready,” he said. “We have prepared mentally and physically, and made sure we have everything needed for the pilgrimage.”

For many Muslims, the Haj – one of the five pillars of Islam – is a once-in-a-lifetime spiritual journey. 

Indonesia sends the largest contingent of pilgrims annually, with more than 200,000 expected to perform the Haj. 

Over 1.8 million pilgrims worldwide are expected to participate in this year's Haj. 

Pilgrims departing Indonesia this year do so with both anticipation and cautious optimism, as conflicts in the Middle East have raised concerns. 

Saudi authorities said the Haj will proceed as scheduled, with safety measures in place.

That assurance has helped ease initial fears among pilgrims like Maryam Syarifuddin.

“At first, we were worried and afraid,” she said. “But as the time approaches, those feelings have eased.”

PREPARING FOR THE JOURNEY

At Jakarta’s Pondok Gede Hajj boarding centre, one of 16 embarkation points nationwide, emotional farewells played out as families gathered to see off loved ones on Tuesday (Apr 21).

There, pilgrims undergo final preparations, including health checks to ensure they are fit for the physically demanding journey. They spend a day at the centre before departing for Saudi Arabia.

Officials also verify essential travel documents such as passports, Haj visas and flight tickets.

Each pilgrim receives 750 Saudi riyals (US$200) for their living costs.

While consumer prices in Saudi Arabia have not been significantly affected by the conflict, travel costs are rising with airlines citing higher aviation fuel prices.

But the Indonesian government says pilgrims will be shielded from additional financial burdens.

Indonesian Hajj and Umrah Minister Mochamad Irfan Yusuf said President Prabowo Subianto has directed that “any cost increases – including fares and tariffs – will not be passed on to Haj pilgrims, underscoring his commitment to supporting them”. 

WORST-CASE SCENARIOS

Industry groups warn, however, that a worsening conflict could still have knock-on effects.

“If the war disrupts travel from Indonesia to Saudi Arabia, flights may need to take longer alternative routes,” said Firman Muhammad Nur, chairman of the Association of Muslim Hajj and Umrah Organisers of Indonesia, which represents nearly 800 travel organisers.

“Normally, they pass through the Middle East. But if the conflict spreads, planes may have to fly further south – making journeys longer and increasing costs.”

Authorities say they are also preparing for worst-case scenarios, including the possibility of evacuation if conditions deteriorate significantly.

“So far, Saudi authorities appear fully prepared, with no indication that evacuation is being considered,” said Rizhy Firmansyah, head of arrival and departure affairs at Indonesia’s Hajj and Umrah Ministry.

“But if it becomes necessary, it could be used to protect pilgrims. We hope it will not come to that.”

Indonesia will not impose tariffs on vessels passing through the Malacca Strait as doing so would not be consistent with international law, Foreign Minister Sugiono said on Thursday (Apr 23). 

According to Indonesian media outlet Antara, Mr Sugiono was quoted during a press interview in Jakarta as saying that Indonesia respects international law, including the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS).

"Indonesia is in a position where, as an archipelagic state, we must respect international law, particularly UNCLOS. 

"Historically, UNCLOS includes an understanding and an agreement that recognises us as an archipelagic state, as long as we do not impose tolls or fees on the straits within our territory," said Mr Sugiono.

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"We hope for a free passage. As a trading nation, we support freedom of navigation. I believe that there is a commitment from many countries to create a free, neutral and mutually supportive shipping lane," the Jakarta Globe reported him as saying.

"So no, Indonesia is in no position to (impose tolls).”

Mr Sugiono's comments come a day after Finance Minister Purbaya Yudhi Sadewa floated the possibility of doing so.

On Wednesday, Mr Purbaya said that the idea to impose a levy was inspired by Iran’s plan to charge ships passing through the Strait of Hormuz. The strait, which connects the Persian Gulf to the Indian Ocean, handles about a quarter of the world’s seaborne oil trade.

Local media cited him as saying that the proposal aligns with President Prabowo Subianto’s directive that Indonesia behaves like a “key player” on the global economic stage.

The comments come amid concerns about the closure of the Strait of Hormuz, where restrictions have raised fears about the weaponisation of trade routes. 

Malaysia's Foreign Minister Mohamad Hasan said earlier on Thursday that any decision regarding the Malacca Strait cannot be made unilaterally and that countries in the region adopt a consensus-based approach on maritime security.

Malaysia, Singapore, Indonesia and Thailand shared a “watertight understanding” of the issue and conduct joint patrols along the strait to ensure the safe passage of ships, added Mr Mohamad.

Earlier this month, Foreign Affairs Minister Vivian Balakrishnan said in parliament that Singapore would not negotiate for safe passage through the Strait of Hormuz, as doing so would undermine fundamental principles of international law. 

Dr Balakrishnan said in a CNBC interview on Wednesday that Singapore, Malaysia and Indonesia, as the littoral states of the Strait of Malacca, have a "cooperative mechanism" not to collect tolls and to keep it that way.

"We do not have tolls. All of us are trade-dependent economies. All of us know it is in our interest to keep it open," Dr Balakrishnan said.

JAKARTA: Indonesia Finance Minister Purbaya Yudhi Sadewa on Wednesday (Apr 22) floated the idea of imposing a levy on ships passing through the Malacca Strait, as part of a push to maximise the country’s strategic position along global trade and energy routes.

Local media cited Mr Purbaya as saying that the proposal aligns with President Prabowo Subianto’s directive that Indonesia should no longer see itself as a “peripheral nation”, but one that is a “key player” on the global economic stage.

“As the president has instructed, Indonesia is not a peripheral country. We sit on a strategic global trade and energy route, yet ships pass through the Malacca Strait without being charged - I’m not sure whether that’s right or wrong,” Mr Purbaya said at a symposium in Jakarta, as quoted by Detik.

The Malacca Strait is a major shipping lane for global trade and energy, but no levy has yet been imposed on transiting vessels. The strait is primarily bordered by Indonesia, Malaysia and Singapore, and connects the Indian and Pacific Oceans. 

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Mr Purbaya said the idea to impose a levy was inspired by Iran’s plan to charge ships passing through the Strait of Hormuz. The strait, which connects the Persian Gulf to the Indian Ocean, handles about a quarter of the world’s seaborne oil trade.

It has largely been blocked by Iran since Feb 28 when the United States and Israel launched attacks on the West Asian country. The war is currently in its eighth week. 

Mr Purbaya on Wednesday said he believes a similar approach could generate significant economic value if implemented in the Malacca Strait through cooperation among the three littoral states.

“Iran is now planning to charge ships passing through the Strait of Hormuz. If we split it three ways – Indonesia, Malaysia, and Singapore – it could be quite substantial. Our stretch is the largest and the longest,” he reportedly said. 

However, Mr Purbaya stressed that implementing such a policy would not be straightforward. Any levy would require agreement with Malaysia and Singapore, which also share territory along the Malacca Strait.

According to him, although Indonesia controls the largest portion of the waters, the policy cannot be decided unilaterally as it involves cross-border interests.

“Singapore is small, Malaysia is similar - perhaps we could split it in two. If only it were that simple, but it isn’t. So with all our resources, we must not think defensively; we need to start thinking more offensively, but in a measured way,” he said.

His comments were reported by various Indonesian news outlets, including Detik, Berita Satu, Inilah.com, Periskop.id and Kompas.

The government currently still views the proposal as an initial idea. Regional coordination and the potential impact on global trade flows will be key considerations before any policy is pursued further, said Mr Purbaya, as quoted by Berita Satu.

Separately, Singapore’s Minister for Foreign Affairs Vivian Balakrishnan said that shipping lanes through the Malacca and Singapore straits must remain open to all. He further stressed that Singapore would not support any effort to restrict them.

“The right of transit passage is guaranteed for everyone,” Dr Balakrishnan said in a fireside chat at a CNBC event in Singapore on Wednesday morning. “We will not participate in any attempts to close or interdict or to impose tolls in our neighbourhood.” 

Earlier this month, Dr Balakrishnan said in parliament that Singapore would not negotiate for safe passage through the Strait of Hormuz, as doing so would undermine fundamental principles of international law. 

Responding to a parliamentary question from an opposition parliamentarian on whether Singapore would engage Iran or consider paying a toll for its vessels, Dr Balakrishnan stressed that transit through such waterways is a right - not a privilege.

“There is a right of transit passage,” he said on Apr 7. 

“It is not a privilege to be granted by the bordering state, it’s not a licence to be supplicated for, it is not a toll to be paid.”

He had emphasised then that the Strait of Hormuz, like the Strait of Malacca and the Strait of Singapore, is a waterway used for international navigation. This right is codified in the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea (UNCLOS), to which Singapore is a signatory.

Dr Balakrishnan reiterated that point on Wednesday at the CNBC event, while noting that Malaysia, Indonesia and Singapore are trade dependent economies.

“All of us know it is in our interest to keep it open,” Dr Balakrishnan said, referring to the Straits of Malacca and Singapore. 

“Between the three of us, we have a cooperative mechanism, not to collect tolls, but to keep it open and to maintain that position. The point here is that all three countries have a strategic interest and are strategically aligned in keeping it open. That is not something which you can take for granted in many other places,” he said. 

Separately, Malaysia’s Transport Minister Anthony Loke on Tuesday expressed a similar stance as he attended the Singapore Maritime Week 2026 at the Suntec Convention Centre. 

He said Malaysia remains committed to ensuring freedom of navigation and transit through the Malacca Strait.

“As a sovereign nation and a council member of the International Maritime Organization, we are committed to a rules-based system in which members play their part in respecting international law,” Mr Loke was quoted as saying by state news agency Bernama.

JAKARTA: An investigation by Indonesian state-formed rights bodies found widespread violations by security forces including sexual abuse of some minors during last year's deadly anti-government protests. 

News agency Antara had previously reported that the six are: the National Commission for Human Rights, National Commission on Violence Against Women, Indonesia’s Ombudsman, Witness and Victim Protection Agency, Indonesian Commission for Child Protection, and the National Commission for Disability. 

They are state auxiliary bodies - institutions that work independently but are formed by the Indonesian government.

Thousands of people angry at state spending policies took part last August in nationwide demonstrations that turned violent after the death of a delivery rider who was run over by a police tactical vehicle. 

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More than 5,000 people were detained, the six rights groups said in a report released this week, many facing mistreatment from beatings and electric shocks to the slathering of faces with chilli paste to create a burning sensation.

Eleven people died during riots that saw some officials' homes and government buildings ransacked in Indonesia's worst violence for two decades.

"There are indications of widespread and massive human rights violations," Saurlin Siagian, an official at one of the investigating bodies, the National Commission for Human Rights, told reporters on Monday of the four-month investigation.

The president's office and national police did not immediately respond to Reuters' requests for comment. 

At the time of the protests, President Prabowo Subianto called the riots an act of treason. 

He had earlier said he was "saddened and concerned" by the death of the Gojek delivery rider Affan Kurniawan, 21, and that he was “shocked and disappointed by the excessive actions” of the police force.

ABUSE OF MINORS

Some acts of violence were also perpetrated against protesters under the age of 18, the report found, including alleged sexual abuse against minor female protesters by law enforcers, said Sylvana Maria from the child protection agency.

She did not give numbers or details. 

The investigation found a recurring pattern of arbitrary arrests, unlawful detention, torture, inhumane treatment, and intimidation of citizens and journalists, said Siti Uswatun Hasanah from Indonesia's Ombudsman's office, noting the use of chilli paste on faces.

As well as beatings and electric shocks, there was intimidation with firearms during interrogation, the report showed.  

The rights bodies urged Prabowo to evaluate the police's handling of protests and asked the police to conduct a proper investigation into the report's findings.

No senior official has faced punitive action. One low-level officer was dismissed from service for running over and killing Affan, and another demoted. 

In response to the widespread protests, Prabowo had then also agreed to revoke a number of perks and privileges for parliamentarians, including a controversial US$3,000 housing allowance, as well as suspend overseas trips for them, in a rare concession to the protesters.  

In the weeks following the protests, Prabowo then showed the door to five ministers, including long-serving finance minister Sri Mulyani Indrawati and Budi Gunawan, the coordinating minister for politics and security. 

JAKARTA: Indonesia's parliament passed a law on Tuesday (Apr 21) to protect the rights of domestic workers after more than two decades of deliberations and multiple delays.

The bill was first introduced in 2004 to protect the country's 4.2 million domestic workers, almost 90 per cent of them women according to data from the Ministry of Manpower.

They were previously not legally classified as workers, meaning they were forced to operate in an informal and unregulated economy, exposed to exploitation and abuse.

Cheers and claps erupted from the audience as House Speaker Puan Maharani brought down the gavel during Tuesday's plenary session to indicate the law had been adopted.

"The enactment of a Law on the Protection of Domestic Workers aims to provide legal certainty for both domestic workers and employers, and to prevent all forms of discrimination, exploitation, and abuse against domestic workers," Minister of Law Supratman Andi Agtas told the plenary.

“For the government, this is a source of happiness because, as I recall, President Prabowo Subianto ... also expressed his wish for this bill to be completed,” Supratman was quoted as saying by local news outlet Detik.

“And thank God the leadership of the House of Representatives and all our colleagues at the Legislative Body of the House of Representatives were able to complete it. This is certainly good news for the government, as the bill has finally been realised ...,” he said.

Domestic workers will now be entitled to vocational training, health and unemployment benefits.

The law also specifically prohibits the hiring of children under 18 as domestic workers - a common practice in a country where less than a third of people complete high school.

The legislation does not quantify a minimum wage, but provides for a 12-month period to work out supporting regulations, including penalties for those who flout the law.

“It feels like a dream, this has been a 22-year struggle for us marginalised women to gain protection,” said domestic worker Ajeng Astuti.

The Jala PRT domestic workers' rights group, which had been advocating for the law, hailed it as a "historic" moment.

"Most domestic workers are women workers who have been neglected all this time; now there is recognition and protection," Jala PRT coordinator Lita Anggraini told AFP.

But she warned "the struggle is not over" and a public education campaign would be needed to teach employers about their responsibilities.

The group reported more than 3,300 cases of violence against domestic workers between 2021 and 2024, including physical and psychological abuse, economic exploitation, even human trafficking.

In 2023, nine people in South Jakarta, including a 70-year-old woman, were given sentences of up to four years for abusing and torturing a young domestic worker who was beaten, burnt with cigarettes, and chained to a dog cage.

JAKARTA: Another top university in Indonesia suspended 16 of its students over alleged sexual harassment, two years after the incident purportedly happened in 2024. 

The case at IPB University’s engineering and technology faculty involved two alleged victims from the same cohort and came to the fore after a “formal report” was made to the university last Tuesday (Apr 14), with it then deciding on a one-semester suspension starting Apr 17. 

The complaints resurfaced following another high-profile case involving students from the law faculty at the University of Indonesia, and also came on the heels of another past incident at the Bandung Institute of Technology. 

Screenshots of a private chat group, allegedly involving IPB University’s students, circulated on social media platform X on Apr 14 after being posted by the account @ipb_menfess, with the content pointing to sexual harassment. 

The messages showed several students using inappropriate language sexualising women’s body parts, while those who wished to join the group were reportedly required to assess and rate the women considered the most “gacor” - a slang implying sexual attractiveness. 

The messages also indicated alleged attempts to silence victims, evidence of academic threats, and normalisation of inappropriate behaviour under the guise of “internal jokes”, local media reported, though there was no further information on what these entail.

While the conversations in the chat group occurred in 2024, they were only reported recently following the case at University of Indonesia where at least 20 female students and seven lecturers were reportedly harassed in a similar student chat group.

State-run IPB University - formally known as the Bogor Agricultural Institute - is recognised for its agriculture, marine science and tropical biosciences programmes, among others. It is ranked among the top five universities in Indonesia by annual ranking publication QS World University Rankings. 

IPB University’s engineering and technology faculty dean Slamet Budijanto said a joint team from the faculty and the campus security and protection office had summoned the complainant on Apr 15, after the university received the report a day earlier.

On Apr 16, the faculty called the parties involved for further investigation and evidence collection, then imposed sanctions in the form of a one-semester suspension on the 16 students found to be involved. The suspension took effect on Apr 17.

“Based on the examination process and available evidence, the faculty imposed a one-semester suspension on the 16 students,” he said. 

Slamet warned that the suspension was intended as a deterrent measure for the student perpetrators to not reoffend, after the university’s team investigated the report it received.

He further stressed that IPB University does not tolerate or normalise any form of sexual violence under any circumstances.

Meanwhile, the university said that it stands with the victims and will prioritise their protection and recovery. 

“Restoration of victims’ rights, both academically and socially; provision of psychological assistance and ongoing support; guarantees of protection from pressure, intimidation, and stigma; as well as strengthening safe spaces for victims and complainants," said Alfian Helmi, the university’s Director of Cooperation, Communication, and Marketing.  

IPB University’s Student Executive Board (BEM) President Muhammad Abdan Rofi confirmed the incident occurred in 2024 and said that both the alleged perpetrators and the two purported victim were from the same cohort in the mechanical and biomedical engineering department, which is part of the engineering and technology faculty.

Abdan also said that the case had initially been resolved internally in 2024 through mediation by senior students within the department, but resurfaced after the sexual harassment case at the University of Indonesia.

IPB University has been investigating the case intensively, he added, with academic sanctions discussed prior to the perpetrators' suspension. 

“Currently, mediation between the parties is being handled by the faculty’s dean, with support from the institution and BEM,” he said.

Separately, the Mining Student Association of Indonesia’s Bandung Institute of Technology issued a formal apology on Apr 15 following widespread controversy over a viral video featuring an explicit song performed by the institute’s students.

The clip appeared to be resurfaced footage at a 2020 event, the Jakarta Post previously reported. 

The song sparked backlash for objectifying women in sexual innuendos, while association leaders admitted that performing the decades-old song was a grave oversight failing to align with modern ethical standards and the institution's academic values.

Indonesian lawmakers on Apr 20 pressed the government and university leaders to strengthen campus sexual harassment safeguards following the recent spate of cases, including that of a Padjadjaran University professor from its Faculty of Nursing who allegedly sent lewd messages to an exchange student.

The Jakarta Post reported that House of Representatives Commission X overseeing education summoned officials from the Higher Education, Science and Technology Ministry and rectors from several major universities to review their prevention and response mechanisms, including the Task Force for the Prevention and Handling of Violence in Higher Education (PPKPT).

Speaking after the meeting, higher education ministry secretary-general Badri Munir Sukoco said the government shared deep concern over sexual harassment on campus, while noting that the rising number of reports also reflected improved reporting channels through the PPKPT.

Indonesia’s National Commission on Violence Against Women (Komnas Perempuan) recorded 376,529 cases of gender-based violence against women in Indonesia in 2025, with sexual violence being the most reported form, accounting for nearly 38 per cent. 

SINGAPORE: The signing of a “major” defence partnership between the United States and Indonesia reflects a “practical alignment of interests” between Jakarta’s push to modernise its armed forces and Washington’s efforts to deepen ties with a strategically vital Southeast Asian power, analysts told CNA.

It also signals a relationship that is on an “upward” trajectory, compared to their chequered past with Indonesian military officials previously barred from entering the US amid purported human rights violations. These include President Prabowo Subianto and reportedly also Defence Minister Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin. 

And this, analysts say, may have a broader impact on the region and see Indonesia emerge as a “stronger and more credible voice” within the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) bloc.

“More broadly, the Major Defence Cooperation Partnership (MDCP) has the potential to elevate Indonesia’s status as a middle power with a firmer strategic footing in Southeast Asia,” said Teuku Rezasyah, an international relations lecturer at Indonesia’s President University and Padjadjaran University.

The MDCP was announced after US Defense Secretary Pete Hegseth met Sjafrie at the Pentagon on Apr 13. The partnership covers "military modernisation and capacity building", "training and professional military education" and "exercises and operational cooperation", according to a joint statement. 

While Washington has used other “major defence” formulations elsewhere, including the Framework for the US-India Major Defence Partnership and a US-UAE Major Defence Partnership, the exact “Major Defence Cooperation Partnership” label appears to be publicly used for the first time for Indonesia.

The timing of the pact makes it harder to treat the deal as just another technical upgrade in defence relations, said observers, noting how it was unveiled on the same day that Prabowo was in Moscow for talks with Russia President Vladimir Putin, underscoring Jakarta’s effort to keep major powers engaged on multiple fronts. 

Indonesia has widened defence ties with a broad range of partners in recent years, from France and Turkey to Australia and China, while insisting it remains non-aligned.

Analysts whom CNA spoke to said that the MDCP is meant primarily to help Indonesia rebuild and modernise its armed forces, and not to turn Jakarta into a US ally or suggest it is choosing sides.

Even so, they warned that the symbolism of closer defence ties with Washington could still create diplomatic and political pressure, especially if cooperation expands into more sensitive areas such as military access or overflight, raising doubts about Indonesia’s long-standing “free and active” foreign policy.

MODERNISATION FIRST

Rezasyah told CNA that the MDCP announcement “appeared designed” to show that Jakarta was still practising its non-aligned diplomacy by engaging multiple major powers simultaneously, reading the timing of the defence pact through the  choreography of Indonesia’s broader diplomacy efforts. 

The MDCP also did not emerge from nowhere, he noted. Indonesia and the US, Rezasyah said, had already elevated ties to a Comprehensive Strategic Partnership in 2023, including stronger cooperation in maritime security and defence. The new pact pushes that relationship further, but in a more pointed defence direction.

According to Rezasyah, the MDCP should be seen as part of a relationship that had already been moving upward rather than a completely new direction.

US-Indonesia military ties were sharply downgraded after the 1999 East Timor violence and only gradually restored from the mid-2000s. 

The violence erupted after East Timorese voted overwhelmingly for independence in a UN-backed referendum, triggering a wave of killings, forced displacement and destruction by pro-Indonesian militias.

Full International Military Education and Training (IMET) resumed in 2005, while US restrictions on assistance to Indonesian Special Forces were lifted in 2010.

Prabowo himself had long been barred from entering the US over alleged human rights abuses linked to his military career, including the 1997-1998 kidnappings of pro-democracy activists, before the restriction was effectively lifted in 2020, when he travelled there as defence minister. 

Citing leaked diplomatic material and Indonesian media reports, Sjafrie was also reported to have faced a US blacklist or denial of entry over human rights allegations tied to East Timor. News outlet Detik reported in 2009 that he had been denied entry to the United States, and in 2011 cited WikiLeaks-linked material saying he was on a blacklist.

Akbar Kurnia Putra, an international law expert from the University of Jambi, said the decision to move forward with the MDCP “did not occur in a vacuum” but reflected a longer strategic shift shaped by pragmatic geopolitical calculation on both sides.

“The MDCP represents a clear case of realpolitik,” he told CNA. Realpolitik is a system of politics or principles based on practical rather than moral or ideological considerations.

For the US, Akbar explained, the need to compete with China in the region has outweighed earlier reluctance to engage Indonesia’s military due to its past. 

On Indonesia’s side, he said the calculation is just as clear.

“For Indonesia, the need to leverage US technology and training to modernise the armed forces has taken precedence over concerns about appearing too closely aligned with Washington.”

Echoing Akbar, Yohanes Sulaiman - an associate professor in international relations at West Java’s Achmad Yani University - said that the core purpose of the MDCP is “straightforward”.

“So far, Prabowo’s focus seems to be on seeking US assistance to modernise Indonesia’s military, which aligns with the current administration’s broader priorities,” Yohanes told CNA. 

That reading matches Indonesia’s wider procurement drive under Prabowo. Since becoming defence minister in 2019, and later president, he has placed defence squarely back in the political spotlight. 

In air power, Jakarta ordered 42 Rafale fighter jets from France in 2022, with deliveries beginning in 2026. It also ordered five US-made C-130J-30 Super Hercules tactical airlifters, completed by 2024, and two Airbus A400M aircraft in 2021, both of which had been delivered by March 2026. 

Indonesia has also signed in 2025 for 48 KAAN fighter jets from Turkey, while separately announcing plans in 2025 to acquire Chinese-made J-10 fighters. Jakarta had also previously explored a possible purchase of US-made F-15EX fighters.

At sea, Indonesia signed for two Scorpene Evolved submarines with France’s Naval Group and PT PAL in 2024, with the contract entering into force in 2025. 

It also signed a March 2024 contract for two Italian-built PPA patrol/combat ships from Fincantieri, while Indonesian officials say the retired Italian carrier Giuseppe Garibaldi is due to be transferred as a grant in 2026.

Beyond aircraft and ships, Indonesia agreed in 2023 to acquire 13 long-range air surveillance radars from France’s Thales, and ordered the Turkish-made KHAN short-range ballistic missile system in 2022 before later receiving it in 2025.

Akbar said that the MDCP could complement Indonesia’s wider modernisation drive by opening the way to more advanced defence technology and possible co-development, particularly in maritime, undersea and autonomous systems such as unmanned aerial vehicles (UAVs) and remotely operated vehicles (ROVs). 

He also expects joint exercises such as Super Garuda Shield to grow in both scope and complexity, including deeper special forces cooperation, while expanded professional military education in the US and the growth of defence alumni networks could gradually improve interoperability between the two militaries.

Super Garuda Shield itself has become a more serious platform for that kind of interoperability. What began as a bilateral Indonesia-US drill has grown into a much larger multinational exercise involving the Indonesian Armed Forces, US forces and other partner countries.

STRONGER RELATIONS, BUT STILL SHORT OF ALLIANCE

Even with the “major” label, the analysts were clear that the MDCP falls well short of a treaty alliance.

The US has formal defence treaties with over 50 countries, primarily through the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) as well as regional agreements in Asia and the Americas.

In the Indo-Pacific region, Japan, South Korea, the Philippines, Thailand and Australia all have mutual defence treaties with the US. This means that the US is obligated to help defend the partner if attacked.

Singapore, meanwhile, remains one of Washington’s closest regional security partners without being a defence treaty ally. Under a 2005 Strategic Framework Agreement, the US recognised Singapore as a Major Security Cooperation Partner. 

Singapore and the US then signed a joint Enhanced Defense Cooperation Agreement in 2015 to identify areas of cooperation in biosecurity, cyber defense, humanitarian assistance, disaster relief and strategic communications.

“Formal US defence arrangements with its allies usually involve some level of command-and-control integration,” Yohanes said. “While the US cannot directly command allied forces, coordination is institutionalised through regular joint exercises. The Indonesia-US partnership has not reached that level.” 

Yohanes stressed that - based on what is publicly known - the relationship still appears centred on military education and joint training rather than treaty-level commitments.

Meanwhile, Akbar placed Indonesia somewhere between strategic partners like Singapore and formal treaty allies such as the Philippines and Thailand “in the spectrum of defence relations with the US”.

“Indonesia is not bound by a mutual defence pact, but the ‘major’ designation reflects its importance as a key strategic partner for the US in the region. Legally, the MDCP is clearly a non-binding, cooperative framework rather than a formal defence alliance,” he said. 

Rezasyah nevertheless argued that the pact carries broader strategic meaning because of Indonesia’s geography and weight.

“In practical terms, although the document lacks detailed clarity, it carries a similar spirit to US security arrangements with countries such as the Philippines, Thailand, and even Vietnam. 

“Given Indonesia’s geoeconomic and geostrategic importance, the agreement also leaves room for future contingencies, including potential developments related to the South China Sea,” he told CNA. 

While Indonesia is not a claimant of the South China Sea, China’s “nine-dash line” claiming most of the waterway overlaps with Indonesia’s exclusive economic zone (EEZ) near the oil- and gas-rich Natuna Islands. ASEAN states that have laid a claim to the important waterway include Malaysia, Brunei, the Philippines and Vietnam.

OVERFLIGHT AND SOVEREIGNTY

Political sensitivity around the MDCP deepened amid reports that the US was separately seeking overflight access for military aircraft through Indonesian airspace.

Reuters reported that Indonesia’s foreign ministry warned the defence ministry in an early-April letter that a US proposal to grant its military “blanket” permission to fly over Indonesian territory risked entangling Jakarta in potential South China Sea conflicts.

The letter, marked urgent and confidential, urged the defence ministry to delay any final agreement with Washington.

Indonesia’s defence ministry later clarified to CNA that overflight clearance is not part of the MDCP.

“Based on the officially published MDCP document available on the Pentagon’s website, overflight clearance is not part of the partnership,” defence ministry spokesperson Brigadier General Rico Ricardo Sirait said.

Even so, the issue has remained sensitive because it touches directly on sovereignty and strategic autonomy.

Akbar said that the overflight proposal, as far as he knew, had not been approved. 

“To my knowledge, the proposal for overflight clearance for US military aircraft has not yet been approved. However, there are potential benefits and risks for Indonesia if such access is granted,”  he told CNA. 

Akbar said that overflight could bring practical advantages by improving logistics for joint exercises such as Super Garuda Shield, strengthening operational capacity and interoperability and supporting quicker humanitarian responses. 

Improved US access would be highly useful for disaster relief operations - such as earthquakes or tsunamis - or evacuation missions, given Indonesia’s location along the Pacific Ring of Fire.

But he also warned that any arrangement seen as granting privileged access to a major power would be politically charged.

“On the risk side, the most significant concern is sovereignty and the principle of a ‘free and active’ foreign policy. Granting privileged access to a major power could be perceived as undermining Indonesia’s long-standing strategic autonomy, an issue that is highly sensitive among the public and political elites,” Akbar warned. 

He added that such a move could complicate relations with China. Beijing would likely interpret it as Indonesia leaning toward the US in the broader geopolitical competition, which could affect economic ties and investment, particularly in the context of tensions in the South China Sea around Natuna Islands.

Akbar said a full Status of Forces Agreement, or SOFA, would not necessarily be required if any overflight arrangement were approved. A SOFA is a broader agreement that usually governs the legal status of foreign military personnel operating in another country, including issues such as jurisdiction and privileges. 

In his view, a Letter of Intent, by contrast, would be a narrower arrangement and, in this case, would more likely deal with technical procedures for overflight clearance rather than a wider foreign military presence. Even so, he said the political meaning of such a move would still be hard to contain.

Rezasyah, meanwhile, raised the issue of the optics arising from the MDCP rather than its legal mechanics. 

Any overflight agreement, he said, could create the perception that Indonesia was moving closer to a US security umbrella. If operational access ever widened further, he added, places such as Natuna Islands and Morotai would naturally draw attention because of their strategic value and proximity to key maritime routes and regional hotspots.

A FOREIGN POLICY TEST

How far the MDCP affects Indonesia’s foreign policy posture is where the analysts place their emphasis differently.

Rezasyah opined the timing of the MDCP was “not ideal” for Indonesia because it comes amid heightened tensions in the Middle East and could create the perception that Jakarta is leaning slightly towards Washington in a way that may not align with domestic sentiment.

“Theoretically, this agreement could be seen as a partial shift away from Indonesia’s strict ‘free and active’ foreign policy - particularly at the geostrategic level,” he said.

China, he added, is likely to seek clarification through security dialogue and may look more closely at Indonesia’s position, especially in relation to the South China Sea.

Akbar added that once defence cooperation begins to touch on privileged access or other sensitive operational arrangements, sovereignty and strategic autonomy then become the centre of the debate.

Meanwhile, Yohanes believes that Indonesia’s policy still appears consistent with its long-standing “free and active strategic neutrality”. 

His concern lies more in how the defence and foreign policy is handled than in the doctrine itself.

“However, a key concern for the foreign ministry is that the president tends to act independently without fully involving diplomatic channels, raising the risk of major missteps, such as previous statements suggesting Indonesia and China have overlapping disputed areas,” said Yohanes.

Meanwhile, the analysts believe that the regional implications of Indonesia’s MDCP signing also cut both ways.

Rezasyah said the MDCP could strengthen Indonesia’s standing within ASEAN, especially for countries uneasy about China’s claims in the South China Sea.

Akbar, however, sees a harder edge to the regional picture. In his view, the broader effect of the MDCP is a “shift in the region’s strategic balance”. 

“Given Indonesia’s highly strategic geographic position - particularly along the Malacca Strait, one of the world’s busiest global trade routes - this partnership will inevitably influence the dynamics of US-China competition. 

“It is also likely to create a domino effect, accelerating geopolitical polarisation in Southeast Asia,” he warned. 

JAKARTA: Indonesia's National Commission on Human Rights said on Sunday (Apr 19) it was investigating the killings of 12 civilians, including women and children, in a military operation in the restive easternmost Papua region.

The commission, abbreviated as Komnas HAM, said at least 12 civilians died of gunshot wounds in "an enforcement operation" by the armed forces against the TPNPB-OPM rebel group in the central Papuan village of Kembru on Tuesday.

Several other people were wounded.

The commission was "conducting monitoring", chairwoman Anis Hidayah told AFP Sunday.

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She added there was a "strong suspicion" that Indonesian soldiers were responsible.

The military did not respond to a request for comment.

Local media reported the military's Habema task force in Papua as saying its forces had killed four members of the independence guerrilla movement in an "armed contact" in Kembru, and that they are investigating a report of a fatal shooting that killed a child in another village.

Komnas-HAM, which is part of the Indonesian state system but functions independently, said any operation that resulted in civilian casualties "cannot be justified on any grounds".

"Any form of attack against civilians, whether occurring in situations of war or otherwise, and whether perpetrated by state or non-state actors, constitutes a violation of human rights and international humanitarian law," the commission said in a statement Saturday.

It urged restraint from all sides and called on the military to re-evaluate its operations against Papuan rebels.

Papua, which shares its main island with Papua New Guinea, is a former Dutch colony that declared independence in 1961.

Indonesia, however, took control two years later, followed by a 1969 referendum in which 1,000 Papuans out of a population of some 800,000 voted to integrate into the country.

Papuan independence activists regularly criticise the vote and call for fresh polls, which Jakarta has rejected, citing UN acceptance of its sovereignty over the region.