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Britain’s fair-weather friendship is failing the US again

Britain's Prime Minister Keir Starmer speaks during a meeting to discuss the U.S.-Israeli conflict with Iran and the impact on the Strait of Hormuz, on March 30, 2026 in London, England. Prime Minister Starmer is hosting a meeting with business leaders, government officials, and British military representatives to discuss the economic impact of the Iran conflict and the closure in the Strait of Hormuz, which has wreaked havoc on fuel prices globally. (Photo by Jaimi Joy-WPA Pool/Getty Images)
Britain’s Prime Minister Keir Starmer speaks during a meeting to discuss the U.S.-Israeli conflict with Iran and the impact on the Strait of Hormuz, on March 30, 2026 in London, England. (Photo by Jaimi Joy-WPA Pool/Getty Images)

For more than a century, the U.S. and the United Kingdom have spoken proudly of our “special relationship.” It is a phrase meant to capture the shared language, values and sacrifices that have bound our nations together through history. But a special relationship carries obligations. 

As much as I and most Americans love the British, America only rarely calls on them. Now, when America has called for help in Iran, after much arm-twisting and persuasion, Britain is providing only token assistance, permitting use of British military bases for defensive purposes only. More recently, the U.S. asked the U.K. to help defend global shipping and energy supplies moving through the Strait of Hormuz. Britain has offered limited assistance in the waterway, sending one warship only after its Diego Garcia territory was threatened by missiles from Iran.

Prime Minister Keir Starmer has also made clear that the United Kingdom will “not be drawn into the wider war.” That hesitation should trouble every American who remembers the history of this alliance.

King Charles will travel to the U.S. in late April to meet with President Trump to commemorate America’s 250th anniversary. But can that smooth over differences between the two allies? Royal pageantry is no substitute for standing beside America when it matters.

In the last century alone, the U.S. came to Britain’s aid in three great struggles that shaped the fate of the free world. American blood was shed on European soil in two world wars. American power also helped defend Europe throughout the Cold War. American taxpayers have spent trillions sustaining the military architecture that protects the Western alliance. 

How many Americans have lost their lives defending a world order that Britain itself depends upon? The answer is not small. 

And yet now, in a moment when the U.S. is asking allies for modest support — ships in the Strait of Hormuz, participation in an international coalition, a visible sign of solidarity — Britain has chosen caution. That is not what a special relationship looks like. 

American capital has flowed into Britain for generations. During World War I alone, London borrowed billions from the U.S. and ultimately suspended repayment during the Great Depression, leaving that debt unresolved to this day. During World War II, American aid helped rescue Britain’s shattered economy, stabilizing our closest ally through lend-lease.

Culturally, our ties run deep. We gave Britain its greatest wartime leader and perhaps its greatest leader — Winston Churchill, whose mother, Jennie Jerome, was born and raised in New York City. The great transatlantic story is woven into the lives of our people.

But friendship must mean something when it matters. It cannot be of the fair-weather variety.

Today the world faces a dangerous regime in Tehran. The ayatollahs ruling Iran have made their ambitions unmistakably clear: destabilize the Middle East, threaten global commerce and spread violence through proxies across the region. These are not ordinary geopolitical adversaries. Tehran’s ideology and dangerous fanaticism resemble what the world confronted in Nazi Germany. 

Britain, of all nations, should understand what is at stake. It was a British prime minister who returned from Munich waving a piece of paper, promising “peace for our time.” The British people paid dearly for that illusion. I look at the regime in Tehran, with its pursuit of nuclear weapons and its open contempt for the international order, and wonder that a nation that once lived through such darkness seems hesitant to recognize it now.

This is not a moment for hesitation, and personal views about an American president are beside the point. This war — and the stability of the global system it threatens — is bigger than any one political leader.

The U.S. is protecting the arteries of global commerce — the energy supplies that power economies, the maritime routes that keep international trade alive and in particular the Strait of Hormuz, through which Britain draws much of its own oil. America is doing what it has done for generations: bearing the greatest burden to defend the free world. Now it is time for Britain to prove that the special relationship still means something. 

Nearing the 250th anniversary of our independence — nearly two and a half centuries — America has grown from a young republic into the defender of democratic nations across the globe. We did not seek that role — history gave it to us. And time and again the U.S. has answered the call. 

If Britain wishes to keep sharing the protection of that system, it must also share its responsibilities. No fair-weather friends. 

Earle Mack is a former U.S. ambassador to Finland.

Tags Iran Keir Starmer King Charles King Charles III President Trump Prime Minister Keir Starmer United Kingdom united states Winston Churchill Winston Churchill

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    1. Comment by wf1717.

      Former U.S. ambassador to Finland is clueless.

      • Comment by rassar13.

        The author is disconnected from reality and is clearly a Trump fan. Trump did not coordinate his war with any of our allies or even ask them if they thought is was a good idea. Trump did not provide any rational plan for the conduct of this war or what the goals were. He just started bombing everything and then waited to see what would happen. No other country wants to be in a war with a deranged fool like Trump running it.

        • Comment by seanworth60.

          Kind of funny that he uses the Neville Chamberlain example by not standing up to Hitler during that meeting which of course backfired on him and Britain. While Iran's government is evil, the U.S. government is the one pushing the fascist card right now, so kind of ironic that Macky is stating that Starmer and the Brits should learn from their previous mistakes and not stand up to the U.S. actions.

          • Comment by maxtheyorkiedog.

            It's trump's war not Great Britian's or even most Americans. I hope trump and hegseth fail miserably for their war crimes.

            • Comment by A_Berry.

              Of please, stop pretending you want a mutual alliance. What you want is a subservient nation.

              Trump starts a war without even discussing it with our ally's two months after threatening to invade Greenland, an ally of both the US and UK. Where were your words of "fair-weather friends" when Trump was demanding the land of our allies? Nonexistent. We are talking about a nation that can to our aid after 9/11, that followed us into Iraq TWICE. Fortunately, the UK learned the hard lessons we all should have learned after the second Iraq war. You don't going into a military war in the middle east lightly. That's what Trump did. No plan, just bombs. Now that things haven't gone that way he wants, he wants our allies to share in the burden he created. No. Stop demanding our DEFENSIVE military allies to step up in our AGRESSIVE war. We will be lucky if we have any of our allies in 4 years, not because we choose to back out of our alliances, but because our allies finally learn they can't trust us anymore.

              • Comment by RINO.

                The author seems to forget Trump threw the UK under the bus in his first year.

                Not exactly a good strategy if you are going to ask for help later with an illegal and not thought out war.

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