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March 05, 2026

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THURSDAY, MARCH 05, 2026
Anam Chowdhury: The captain who guides ships to their last shore

Panorama

Mizanur Rahman Yousuf
04 March, 2026, 10:45 pm
Last modified: 04 March, 2026, 10:50 pm
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Anam Chowdhury: The captain who guides ships to their last shore

Over a 33-year career, the veteran marine pilot has handled nearly 4,000 vessels, possibly one of the highest totals worldwide in ship beaching operations

Mizanur Rahman Yousuf
04 March, 2026, 10:45 pm
Last modified: 04 March, 2026, 10:50 pm
Captain Anam believes that the Sitakunda coastline offers rare natural conditions for ship recycling. Photo: Mizanur Rahman Yousuf
Captain Anam believes that the Sitakunda coastline offers rare natural conditions for ship recycling. Photo: Mizanur Rahman Yousuf

Out at sea, ships are rarely seen as mere machines. Sailors often speak of them as companions that endure storms, isolation and decades of global trade before reaching their final destination.

For thousands of ageing vessels, that last stop is a narrow strip of coastline in Sitakunda, on the outskirts of Chattogram, home to one of the world's largest ship-recycling hubs.

At the end of that journey stands Captain Anam Chowdhury, a 70-year-old pilot whose energy still rivals that of sailors half his age. Within the industry, some jokingly call him the executioner of ships. He prefers a different description.

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"I don't end their lives," he says. "I give them a new one."

Where ships end their voyage

More than 90% of global trade moves by sea, carried by vessels designed to operate for roughly 20 to 30 years. When those ships reach the end of their service life, they must be dismantled rather than abandoned.

Each year, around 150 to 200 obsolete vessels arrive at Sitakunda's recycling yards. Once dismantled, their steel, machinery and reusable components feed Bangladesh's industrial supply chain, providing raw materials for factories across the country.

Before dismantling can begin, however, every ship must complete one final and highly risky passage from Chattogram Port's outer anchorage to a designated yard along the beach. That task falls to specialised marine pilots, and few have more experience than Captain Anam.

Over a 33-year career, he estimates he has handled nearly 4,000 vessels, possibly one of the highest totals worldwide in ship beaching operations. Despite that record, he shows little interest in international recognition.

"Beaching ships is not just my profession, it's my passion, I beach 100-130 ships a year" he said. "I am paid for the work, but what matters most is that the end-of-life ships I bring ashore begin a new journey contributing to my country's economy."

Riding the final voyage

Recently, The Business Standard accompanied Captain Anam during the last journey of MT Nila, a Liberian-flagged LNG tanker built in 1995, weighing about 27,000 tonnes and measuring 275 metres long and 44 metres wide. The vessel was headed for KR Ship Recycling Limited, one of Bangladesh's certified green yards.

The trip began by speedboat from Patenga Sea Beach toward the outer anchorage, about eight nautical miles offshore. Upon reaching the vessel, the 70-year-old pilot climbed a swaying rope ladder in barely two minutes, a climb that took considerably longer for others onboard.

Standing on the bridge as the tanker slowly approached shore, he explained why this stage is often the most dangerous in a ship's life.

"The structure weakens. Its strength may drop to nearly 60%," he said. "You are no longer navigating a healthy vessel. Every movement becomes an emergency manoeuvre. One wrong decision and you lose control."

For most captains, avoiding grounding is the fundamental rule of navigation. In ship recycling, the objective is reversed. The pilot must intentionally beach the vessel, calculating tide, wind and momentum so the ship settles precisely where dismantling crews can begin work safely.

"It's the opposite of everything we learn as captains," he said with a smile.

Leaving life at sea

Captain Anam began his maritime career in 1977, spending years aboard oil tankers. Like many seafarers, family responsibilities eventually reshaped his path.

"When my children were growing up and needed me at home, I realised I had to leave sea life," he recalled. "But shore-based opportunities were limited at that time."

"Beaching ships is not just my profession, it's my passion, I beach 100-130 ships a year. I am paid for the work, but what matters most is that the end-of-life ships I bring ashore begin a new journey contributing to my country's economy."

Captain Anam Chowdhury

He first worked as a marine surveyor before entering Bangladesh's emerging shipbreaking sector in the early 1990s, a period he describes as transformative. Recognising the technical demands of beaching operations, he trained under senior pioneers for nearly two years.

"This is specialised work," he said. "A regular captain cannot simply step in and do it."

A demanding profession

Ship beaching requires both physical endurance and constant mental calculation. Pilots often board vessels in rough seas, sometimes during monsoon conditions marked by strong winds and heavy rain.

"Many people cannot stay long in this profession," he said. "The pressure is enormous."

At one point, only three specialists carried out such operations in Bangladesh. Deaths and retirements gradually reduced their number. Today, only a handful remain active, while Captain Anam continues mentoring younger pilots to preserve the expertise.

"It's important that the industry continues after us," he said.

The economy behind dismantling

To outsiders, shipbreaking can appear destructive. Captain Anam sees it differently, as part of a circular economic process.

Steel plates become construction materials, cables are reused as electrical wiring, machinery parts find second lives, and recycled metals support manufacturing industries nationwide.

"Look around your home," he said. "Many everyday items come from recycled ships. That is where the satisfaction lies."

At full capacity, ship recycling yards directly employ more than 50,000 workers, while hundreds of thousands more depend on related downstream industries.

"It is one of Bangladesh's most labour-intensive sectors," he added.

A coastline shaped for ship recycling

Bangladesh's prominence in ship recycling is partly geographical. According to Captain Anam, the Sitakunda coastline offers rare natural conditions.

Within roughly 1,200 feet of shore, water depth gradually reduces to about 30 feet along a natural continental shelf. This allows large vessels to approach with controlled speed before grounding safely on the beach. Combined with favourable tidal patterns and coastal slope, the area forms a natural platform for beaching operations.

"You cannot find this combination everywhere," he said. "It's a natural blessing."

Death or transformation?

Despite the nickname sometimes attached to him, Captain Anam rejects the idea that he destroys ships.

Technology evolves rapidly, making older vessels obsolete long before they physically fail. Recycling gives them what he considers a dignified ending.

"A natural death gives nothing back," he said. "But these ships continue contributing to society even after their service ends."

He paused as waves struck the vessel's hull and workers prepared for dismantling.

"This is not destruction," he said quietly. "It is transformation."

For the thousands of ships he has guided ashore, the final voyage marks not an execution but a transition, from global trade routes to the foundations of a growing economy.

Industry recognition

Industry leaders say Captain Anam has helped shape modern ship beaching practices in Bangladesh for more than three decades. Alongside piloting, he serves as a technical adviser to the Bangladesh Ship Breakers and Recyclers Association (BSBRA).

Zahirul Islam Rinku, former vice-president of BSBRA and managing director of PHP Ship Recycling Industry, said he has watched Captain Anam at work since his childhood.

"My father always preferred Captain Anam to beach ships at our yard, and I do the same today because of his efficiency and precision," he said.

"He is most probably the only pilot in the world who beached around 4000 ships and his name should be on the Guinness World Records," Rinku noted. 

Taslim Uddin, managing director of KR Ship Recycling Yard, echoed the sentiment.

"Captain Anam is the first choice for almost every ship breaker. Only if his schedule is unavailable do we look for alternatives," he said, adding that the industry may face a significant gap once the veteran pilot retires. 

Features / Top News

ship / Ship recycling / Sitakunda / Anam Chowdhury

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Fulcrum of global stability: What happens when Hormuz closes

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Shadique Mahbub Islam
04 March, 2026, 11:00 am
Last modified: 04 March, 2026, 02:01 pm

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Fulcrum of global stability: What happens when Hormuz closes

The implications of a disruption would not be confined to the Gulf. They would cascade across energy markets, freight systems, insurance premiums, inflation indices and food supply chains. For import-dependent economies like Bangladesh, the shock would be immediate

Shadique Mahbub Islam
04 March, 2026, 11:00 am
Last modified: 04 March, 2026, 02:01 pm
Graphics: TBS
Graphics: TBS

At its narrowest navigable point, the Strait of Hormuz is just 21 nautical miles (38.9 km) wide, with shipping lanes only two miles across in each direction. Yet through that corridor passes roughly one-fifth of global petroleum liquid consumption. 

Few geographic passages combine such physical fragility with such systemic importance. That is why the Strait of Hormuz is widely regarded as a strategic chokepoint — the fulcrum of global stability.

The implications of a disruption, partial or total, would not be confined to the Gulf. They would cascade across energy markets, freight systems, insurance premiums, inflation indices and food supply chains. For import-dependent economies like Bangladesh, the shock would be immediate.

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Why Hormuz is a chokepoint

The Strait connects the Persian Gulf to the Gulf of Oman and onward to the Arabian Sea. It is the only sea passage for crude exports from major Gulf producers: Saudi Arabia, Iraq, Kuwait, the United Arab Emirates, and Qatar. About 20–21 million barrels per day (bpd) of crude oil and petroleum liquid transit through the Strait — equivalent to around 20% of global oil consumption.

In addition, about 20% of global liquefied natural gas (LNG) trade passes through Hormuz, largely from Qatar, the world's largest LNG exporter. Unlike oil, LNG trade is less fungible in the short term as tankers are destination-specific, contracts are structured, and regasification capacity is fixed.

This concentration is what makes Hormuz a chokepoint. There is no alternative sea route for most Gulf producers. Pipeline bypass capacity is limited. Spare global production is thin relative to flows at risk.

Although Saudi Arabia and the UAE maintain pipelines that can partially bypass the Strait via the East-West pipeline to the Red Sea and the Abu Dhabi Crude Oil Pipeline to Fujairah, these pipelines cover only a fraction of total exports. A full closure would still strand a substantial share of Gulf supply.

Energy shock: The immediate impact

In an oil market already structurally tight, removing even a portion of Hormuz flows would generate a price spike. Historical precedents provide a benchmark. 

During the 1973 oil embargo, prices quadrupled. During the 1990 Iraqi invasion of Kuwait, prices doubled within months. Even limited tanker attacks in 2019 led to temporary volatility.

If 15–20 million bpd were disrupted — even temporarily — oil prices could surge well above $150 per barrel in the short term, depending on duration and stockpile releases. The strategic petroleum reserves of major economies could cushion the shock for weeks or months, but not indefinitely.

The LNG dimension compounds the impact. Europe and Asia have become more dependent on LNG trade following disruptions in Russian pipeline gas. A blockade affecting Qatari exports would tighten LNG supply dramatically, pushing spot prices higher, particularly in Asia.

Energy price spikes would transmit rapidly into electricity tariffs, hiking transport costs, higher fertiliser price and industrial input costs. The inflationary pressure would be global.

Energy imports constitute one of the largest components of Bangladesh's external payments; even a $10–20 per barrel increase sustained over several months can translate into hundreds of millions of dollars in additional expenditure.

Which economies depend most on Hormuz?

East Asia is the most exposed. According to the file's figures, countries such as China, Japan, South Korea and India import a substantial share of their crude from Gulf producers whose exports pass through Hormuz. 

China, the world's largest crude importer, sources roughly 40–45% of its oil imports from the Gulf region. Japan imports more than 80% of its crude from Middle Eastern suppliers. South Korea is similarly dependent, with over 70% of crude imports tied to Gulf producers. 

India relies on the Middle East for around 60% of its crude imports.

The European Union is less directly dependent than East Asia but still exposed through LNG imports and global price transmission. 

The United States, now a net petroleum exporter, is less vulnerable in supply terms but would still face price volatility in global markets, since oil prices are globally benchmarked.

Why it remains the world's most sensitive maritime corridor

Iran sits astride the Strait of Hormuz, the maritime corridor. Control over that passage does not mean uncontested authority, but it does confer disruptive capability. A recent estimate by JPMorgan suggested that any sustained blockade of Hormuz could push oil prices to $120 per barrel or higher, depending on duration and market reaction. 

Unlike Venezuela, whose production is heavily weighted toward extra-heavy crude, Iran produces a diversified slate — light, heavy and blended grades. In theory, this flexibility allows Tehran to tailor cargoes to refinery specifications. In practice, sanctions have narrowed its customer base. The bulk of Iranian exports now flow to smaller independent Chinese refiners willing to process sanctioned crude at a discount. That pricing dynamic sustains volumes but reduces fiscal margins.

Approximately 98% of Iran's oil exports are processed through a single offshore hub — Kharg Island. This concentration creates a structural weak point. The facility was reportedly struck in recent US and Israeli attacks, though the extent of the damage remains unclear. Any sustained impairment of Kharg would constrain Iran's export capacity irrespective of Hormuz dynamics. 

A prolonged blockade of the Strait would therefore be fraught with reciprocal risk. It would inflict pain on global markets but also on Iran's own revenue streams. Moreover, Iran's political and military command structure differs markedly from more personalised regimes. 

While conflict typically exerts upward pressure on prices, the global oil balance currently includes an estimated 4 million bpd of surplus supply capacity. OPEC has already signalled readiness to increase output, and the United States has indicated that it does not presently intend to draw on its Strategic Petroleum Reserve. 

These buffers moderate, though do not eliminate, price risk. Notably, Iranian strikes on Saudi facilities introduce a further escalation variable, as attacks on Gulf infrastructure historically produce sharper market reactions than threats alone.

However, the situation remains fluid. Iran retains the capability to target additional Gulf energy infrastructure, shipping lanes or allied assets, each of which could incrementally raise the geopolitical risk premium embedded in oil prices. At the same time, structural supply buffers and coordinated producer responses limit the likelihood of sustained extreme spikes — unless escalation becomes protracted.

Bangladesh: Direct and systemic exposure

Bangladesh imports virtually all of its crude oil and refined petroleum products, with a substantial portion sourced from Gulf producers whose exports transit the Strait. A sharp increase in global crude prices — particularly if Brent were to surge above $120–150 per barrel in a sustained scenario — would immediately inflate the country's energy import bill. Given Bangladesh's already sensitive current account position, such a spike could widen the trade deficit and exert renewed pressure on foreign exchange reserves. 

Energy imports constitute one of the largest components of the country's external payments; even a $10–20 per barrel increase sustained over several months can translate into hundreds of millions of dollars in additional expenditure.

The LNG dimension introduces a second layer of exposure. Bangladesh has increasingly relied on imported liquefied natural gas to support electricity generation and industrial activity. If Qatari exports were disrupted or redirected, spot LNG prices in Asian markets would likely spike sharply. 

Bangladesh, which has historically relied on both long-term contracts and spot purchases, would face higher procurement costs. The government would then confront a policy trade-off: either absorb the shock through subsidies — worsening fiscal pressures — or pass the costs to consumers and industries through tariff adjustments.

These energy shocks would not remain confined to fuel markets. Bangladesh's transport system is diesel-intensive, and higher fuel costs would quickly transmit into logistics and distribution expenses. Agricultural supply chains — particularly food transport from rural production zones to urban markets — would face rising costs, amplifying food inflation. Fertiliser prices, closely linked to natural gas markets, would also likely increase, further pressuring the agricultural sector.

Export competitiveness presents another vulnerability. Bangladesh's ready-made garment sector — the backbone of its export earnings — depends on imported raw materials, stable freight rates and predictable energy costs. A Hormuz-driven spike in global shipping insurance premiums and bunker fuel costs would raise container freight rates. At the same time, inflationary pressures in key export markets such as the European Union and North America could dampen consumer demand. The combination of rising input costs and softening external demand would narrow margins in an already competitive sector.

There is also an indirect labour-market dimension. Gulf economies host a large Bangladeshi expatriate workforce whose remittances contribute significantly to foreign exchange inflows. A sustained regional conflict that disrupts Gulf economic stability could affect employment prospects, wage levels or remittance channels. 

Even without physical displacement, slower Gulf growth driven by oil market volatility could moderate remittance growth — adding another layer of external vulnerability.

The impact on Bangladesh would likely manifest as a macroeconomic stress cycle: rising import bills, pressure on reserves, higher inflation, fiscal strain from subsidies, and potential currency depreciation. 

The severity would depend on the duration of disruption. Short-term volatility could be absorbed through reserves and temporary fiscal adjustments. A prolonged closure, however, would require structural policy responses, including demand management, external financing support and accelerated energy diversification.

These are still the early days. The balance between leverage, vulnerability and escalation will determine whether the energy shock remains contained or evolves into a broader systemic disruption.

Analysis / Features / Top News

Strait of Hormuz / Iran / Israel

Comments

While most comments will be posted if they are on-topic and not abusive, moderation decisions are subjective. Published comments are readers’ own views and The Business Standard does not endorse any of the readers’ comments.

Khamenei Assassination: Death of the rule-based world order?

Panorama

Simon Mohsin
04 March, 2026, 10:40 am
Last modified: 04 March, 2026, 10:42 am

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Khamenei Assassination: Death of the rule-based world order?

The killing of Khamenei should serve as a chilling reminder: If the head of a major Muslim power can be eliminated with global impunity, what future awaits any state or leader that dares to resist the Western–Israeli agenda?

Simon Mohsin
04 March, 2026, 10:40 am
Last modified: 04 March, 2026, 10:42 am
Photo: Reuters
Photo: Reuters

The killing of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei in coordinated strikes by the United States and Israel is not merely the death of a singular, controversial figure. It is a blinding flash of lightning that illuminates a terrifying new reality: the complete and utter normalisation of unjustified, unlawful war as the primary tool of Western statecraft.

While the world debates the fate of one man, it must instead confront the monstrous precedent set by his executioners. This is not a moment for geopolitical analysis; it is a moment for moral indictment.

For decades, the US and Israel have constructed a narrative of self-defence and moral necessity to justify a relentless campaign of military intervention. From the illegal invasion of Iraq, built on a foundation of lies, to the ongoing, systematic devastation of Palestine and the people of Gaza — a campaign that global human rights organisations have described as genocide unfolding in plain sight — the pattern is undeniable. 

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Afghanistan, Libya, Syria, Yemen, and countless shadow wars across Africa bear the bloody fingerprint of this axis. Now, with the assassination of a sitting head of state, the final fragile barrier has been shattered.

The language of "security" and "precision strikes" is a smokescreen for state-sanctioned killing on an international scale — a flagrant violation of sovereignty and international law that Washington and Tel Aviv have treated as a disposable inconvenience.

The silence — or worse, the complicity — of the international community in the face of this decades-long onslaught is its own kind of crime. Yet a particularly painful and damning silence emanates from the heart of the Muslim world itself. 

Where is the unified voice of the Arab League? Where is the collective outrage from capitals in Riyadh, Cairo, and Abu Dhabi that goes beyond tepid statements and empty diplomatic ritual? For too long, the strategic calculations of some Arab states have aligned them, tacitly or otherwise, with the very powers waging war on their brethren.

The fragmentation of the Muslim world is not an accident of history; it is a wound carved open by old rivalries and new "normalisations", leaving the Ummah unable to defend itself against an adversary that grows bolder with each passing day. 

The Palestinian cause is not a sectarian issue; it is the central moral question of our time, and the tepid, fractured response from the broader Muslim world has been an indelible stain on its collective conscience. 

The killing of Khamenei, reviled as he may be by many Sunnis, should serve as a chilling reminder: if the head of a major Muslim power can be eliminated with global impunity, what future awaits any state or leader that dares to resist the Western–Israeli agenda?

This silence is compounded by the world's broader failure. The "rules-based order" championed by the West has been exposed as a sham — a set of chains for the weak and a set of keys for the strong. 

The Global South watches with weary cynicism as international tribunals pursue African leaders while American and Israeli officials, who oversee the bombing of civilians and the assassination of foreign officials, are welcomed in world capitals with red carpets. This selective application of justice is not a flaw in the system; it is its very purpose. It ensures that power, not principle, remains the ultimate arbiter of global affairs.

And what of the countless human beings pulverised by this machinery of power? While the world fixates on the fate of a single leader, we must not lose sight of the supreme crime: the wholesale slaughter and immiseration of civilians — a practice so systematic that it forms the dark bedrock of the modern American empire. This is not a story of collateral damage; it is a chronicle of choice. 

From the families buried in the rubble of their homes in Gaza to the villages in Vietnam annihilated by a doctrine of "search and destroy", the pattern is ancient and unlearned. It is the children of Fallujah, born in the shadow of the 2004 siege, their bodies deformed by the legacy of depleted uranium and white phosphorus — materials designed to maim as much as to kill. 

It is the countless lives erased by drone strikes in the tribal regions of Pakistan, Yemen, and Somalia, where "signature strikes" authorise death based on pattern-of-life analysis, turning a funeral procession or a gathering of men into a Hellfire target.

It is the 500,000 Iraqi children who, according to United Nations figures, perished as a direct result of US-led sanctions in the 1990s — a policy of deliberate, state-enforced deprivation that then-US Secretary of State Madeleine Albright infamously deemed "worth it".

It is the shattered cities of Libya, once functional, now a failed state and a slave market, following a NATO intervention that presented itself as a humanitarian necessity. It is the proxy war in Syria, fuelled by allies of the US, which prolonged a conflict that has drawn in global powers and crushed millions of lives between its millstones.

It is the secret torture chambers of the Central Intelligence Agency's black sites, from Thailand to Poland, and the legalised brutality of the Guantanamo Bay detention camp, where men have been held indefinitely without charge in a permanent state of exception. It is the destabilisation of Honduras after a US-backed coup, planting the seeds of refugee caravans later used as a political cudgel. 

It is the support for dictators in places such as the Philippines and El Salvador, whose death squads were trained at the School of the Americas, an institution later renamed the Western Hemisphere Institute for Security Cooperation to mask its legacy.

From the bloody plains of Wounded Knee to the bombing of Cambodia, the United States has left a trail of tears, fire, and broken societies across the globe. These are not anomalies or mistakes; they are the logical outcomes of a foreign policy built on the premise of American exceptionalism — a doctrine that grants itself the right to wage war anywhere, anytime, against anyone, in the name of a freedom it so often denies to others.

The civilians of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the innocents of No Gun Ri, and the disappeared of Latin America's Operation Condor all remain part of this endless, sorrowful ledger. The killing of leaders is horrifying, but it is the systematic dehumanisation and mass death of ordinary people — this belief that some lives are grievable and others merely statistical — that stands as the ultimate indictment of this era of endless, lawless war.

In the end, the death of Khamenei will be spun into a thousand different narratives. The powerful will celebrate a tactical victory. Their allies will applaud a blow against a mutual foe. But for the millions who have lost everything to the American–Israeli war machine — from the refugee camps of Palestine to the bombed-out cities of Iraq, from the grieving families of Lebanon to the displaced people of Syria — this is just another bloody page in a very long book of suffering.

Yet let there be no mistake: there is a ledger, and it is not kept at the United Nations. The architects of illegal wars, the pilots who drop the bombs, the leaders who sign the kill orders, and the allies who cheer them on will face a final reckoning. 

It may not come in a courtroom in The Hague, a body politic too unwilling to hold the powerful to account. But it will come — in the quiet moments of the night, in the eyes of an orphaned child, in the curses of the displaced, and in the ultimate court before the Almighty.

In that divine presence, the sleekness of a missile and the might of a superpower will mean nothing. There, the blood of every innocent civilian — from Tehran to Tripoli, from Gaza to Phnom Penh — will cry out for justice. And on that day, no military alliance, no veto power, and no stage-managed illusion will be able to alter the final, eternal verdict.

So today, as the world reacts to the death of Khamenei — a man revered by millions and a symbol of defiance in a region often bent to foreign will — let us be clear: one may disagree with his governance, but reverence is not bestowed by outsiders, and for many across Iran and the Shia world he embodied continuity in the face of relentless pressure.

Beyond one man, we must also mourn the millions upon millions of unnamed souls erased by the machinery of unjust war. Let there be no mistake: there is a reckoning that no advanced weapon, no veto, and no alliance can ultimately evade.

It may come in this world — in the fall of empires or the quiet vengeance of history — or in the next, in the ultimate court before the Almighty, where neither missiles nor might can alter the verdict.


Simon Mohsin is a policy analyst, researcher and educator specialising in education reform, political economy, and international affairs. He has served for over a decade as a senior political and economic adviser in diplomatic missions in Dhaka and is currently affiliated as a researcher with North South University (NSU).


Disclaimer: The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the opinions and views of The Business Standard.

Features

Iran / Khamenei's death / Israel

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March 05, 2026

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