Iran envoy denies diplomat stole Omani gold pen during talks

A second US aircraft carrier has entered Middle East waters ahead of the next round of nuclear talks with Iran, the Associated Press reported on Tuesday, citing satellite imagery.

The USS Carl Vinson was spotted Monday in the Arabian Sea northeast of Socotra, an island off Yemen, according to photos from the European Union's Copernicus program. The carrier is accompanied by the USS Princeton and two guided missile destroyers, the USS Sterett and the USS William P. Lawrence.

The Navy has not publicly confirmed details of the Vinson’s mission, but video released in recent days showed it launching F-35 and F/A-18 fighter jets and preparing ordnance.

Former US National Security Advisor John Bolton voiced concerns about the ongoing nuclear talks between Washington and Tehran, warning that the United States risks getting caught in another cycle of endless negotiations with Iran.

“I think there are two paths here. One is that we get caught in an endless loop of negotiations yet again, or the other is this is kind of an ultimatum to Iran. Either you make a strategic decision that you're prepared to give up nuclear weapons and prove it palpably immediately, or we or the Israelis are going to take military action against the program. I'm worried that they've picked the first path,” Bolton said in an interview with CNBC.

Bolton expressed deep skepticism about the ongoing talks, particularly concerning the role of US envoy Steve Witkoff, saying that his background and expertise are not suited for such a sensitive and complex issue.

“He knows nothing about Iran. He knows nothing about nuclear weapons. He knows nothing about international arms control agreements. He knows nothing about verification and compliance of those agreements,” Bolton said.

The report cited an internal memo about a proposal to eliminate almost all funding for international organizations like the United Nations and NATO, ending the budget for supporting international peacekeeping operations and curtailing all of the department’s educational and cultural exchanges, like the Fulbright Program.

It said that it is uncertain whether the drastic cuts proposed in the memo would gain approval in the Republican-controlled Congress.

Among the proposed cuts, the report said, the memo outlines a pay and hiring freeze through fiscal 2026, with exceptions for any hires necessary to oversee foreign aid programs transferred from the US Agency for International Development (USAID), which is being disbanded.

The report added that the memo seeks to reduce foreign aid spending by more than 50 percent of the current budget levels for both the State Department and USAID.

The State Department will request a $28.4 billion budget for fiscal year 2026, $26 billion less than the allocation for fiscal year 2025, according to the memo.

The report said that the Trump administration also plans to claw back some funds for the current fiscal year, seeking to reclaim approximately $20 billion in unspent funds from fiscal year 2025 to return to the Treasury.

The report did not specify whether Iran-related programs were included in the cuts.

Over the years, USAID has been a donor to Iranians in the diaspora to strengthen freedom of speech and free flow of information.

A part of the US funds also covers the expenses of Virtual Private Network (VPN) services which ordinary Iranians used to circumvent the Islamic Republic’s censorship.

Official government figures show Washington is the world's biggest donor of international aid, spending $39 billion in the 2024 fiscal year, out of which $65 million was allocated to funding State Department-administered Near East Regional Democracy (NERD).

The body is the main foreign assistance channel through which the United States has supported civil society and human rights in Iran since 2009, according to the Congressional Research Service.

The report added that it was not immediately clear if Secretary of State Marco Rubio had endorsed the memo which NYT said was dated April 10.

In late March, Iran International learnt that the US government resumed nearly all Iran-related aid programs that were paused under President Donald Trump’s executive order in January this year.

Even before the talks resumed, Mahmood Nabavian, vice chairman of the Iranian parliament’s National Security Committee, had begun taking positions that diverged from the hardline Paydari Party’s stance on both domestic and foreign policy.

As recently as last week, hardliners in the Iranian parliament (Majles) and Friday Prayer imams continued to insist that Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei opposed any negotiations with the United States. They maintained that there was no possibility of Iran engaging in talks with anyone from the Trump administration.

That changed on Saturday, April 12, when Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi met with Trump’s special envoy for the Middle East, Steve Witkoff, in Oman. By Monday, it became clear that the meeting had been more substantial than initially disclosed—despite Araghchi’s earlier statements, the two officials had held a face-to-face meeting lasting about 45 minutes.

Iranian hardliners had expected Khamenei to react—perhaps with public disapproval or at least a symbolic rebuke of his foreign minister. But instead, the Supreme Leader remained silent.

At the Majles, ultraconservative lawmaker Hamid Rasaei declared, in a less than happy tone, that the talks had taken place with Khamenei’s full endorsement. Hossein Shariatmadari, editor of the hardline daily Kayhan, echoed the sentiment, insisting the meeting would not have occurred without the Supreme Leader’s explicit approval.

This left the ultraconservatives with little ground to stand on regarding the negotiations. Still, pockets of resistance remained in the Majles. Outspoken hardliner Mehdi Kouchakzadeh shouted that the legislature had been kept in the dark about the talks. Speaker Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf quickly cut him off, insisting that the Majles was fully informed. Other lawmakers looked on in silence, their expressions unreadable.

Some hardliners such as Nabavian supported the talks as something that was backed by Khamenei but lambasted Araghchi for meeting with Witkoff breaking his promise of not holding direct talks.

On Monday, the moderate conservative website Khabar Online and the reformist, pro-Pezeshkian daily Etemad published detailed reports on the ultraconservatives’ anger over the negotiations, highlighting what they described as a new rift within Iran’s hardline camp.

Khabar Online reported that the ultraconservatives have fractured into several factions. Some figures, it noted, were so enraged that their public remarks included direct insults toward the negotiators. Meanwhile, other conservatives such as Naghavi Hosseini, along with centrists like Mansoor Haghighatpour, criticized the hardliners opposing the talks, branding them "infiltrators who seek to polarize Iranian society."

Abbas Amirifar, a cleric close to former President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, accused the ultraconservatives of dishonesty, saying they only pretend to be obedient to Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei. Former lawmaker Gholamali Imanabadi went further, calling them "traitors." From the reformist camp, cleric Mohsen Rohami claimed, "If there were a referendum on negotiating with America, 98 percent of Iranians would vote in favor of the talks."

Khabar Online revealed that many prominent conservatives have repeatedly expressed their support for negotiations with the United States. Even Ali Khezrian, a staunch supporter of Paydari Party at the Majles has defended the negotiations saying that "America has been weakened under Tump and it is now time to negotiate with it."

Others like hardline cleric Mojtaba Zolnouri who had set fire to copies of the 2015 nuclear agreement at the Majles have also supported the talks. Zolnouri said: "We live under the shadow of the Supreme Leader. We will accept whatever he wants."

Curiously, one prominent ultraconservative figure—former nuclear negotiator Saeed Jalili—has remained conspicuously silent on the ongoing talks. He has not commented on the negotiations themselves, nor on the exchange of letters between Trump and Khamenei that preceded them.

Some Iranian media outlets speculate that Jalili may be mobilizing his "infantry"—a reference to the vigilante groups often active in Tehran and other cities—for a potential street campaign. Another theory circulating among reporters in Tehran is that Jalili is confident the current round of talks will ultimately fail. A third possibility is that he has been instructed by authorities to stay silent for now.

Nonetheless, Jalili still wields influence. His brother Vahid oversees state television, which has maintained its anti-US tone despite the launch of formal negotiations. Media analysts note that state TV continues to give airtime to commentators openly opposed to the talks and to US policy in the region.

A real shift in Khamenei’s stance on negotiations, some observers argue, would only be evident if state television—and Tehran’s hardline newspapers—begin to change their messaging.

Iran’s Revolutionary Guards said the country’s military strength and national security are not subjects for discussion or negotiation under any circumstances, Iranian media reported on Tuesday.

“In no circumstance will there be negotiations about Iran’s national security and military power,” said IRGC spokesman Brigadier General Ali Mohammad Naeini, marking the anniversary of what Tehran calls Operation True Promise 1, Iran's airstrikes on Israel.

He described the event as “the largest drone operation in the region, with a range of over 1,000 kilometers.”

Iran's first direct attack on Israel, which Tehran referred to as Operation True Promise 1, took place on April 13 and involved more than 300 missiles and drones targeting military installations. The strike caused minimal damage and was launched in retaliation for the killing of two Iranian generals in Damascus.

Iranian Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi invited US Special Envoy Steve Witkoff to Tehran during their talks in Muscat on Saturday, according to a report by Israel Hayom.

The report cited international sources as indicating that Witkoff did not reject the invitation.

The report said that during the meeting, Witkoff conveyed President Donald Trump's preference to resolve disputes through a deal, suggesting that Iranian engagement could lead to significant Western investment.

The optimism stems from what appears to be a shift in Supreme Leader Ali Khamenei’s position—evidenced by his authorization of earlier negotiations in Muscat—and US President Donald Trump’s insistence that Iran must either accept a deal or face serious consequences. Notably, Khamenei made no mention of the talks during his meeting with military commanders following the Oman round, echoing his silence on other contentious issues such as the mandatory hijab in recent months.

“God willing, the negotiations will move forward in the right direction, public anxiety will ease, and the country can return to a state of calm so businesses can operate with more motivation and confidence,” said Mahmoud Alavi, special aide to President Masoud Pezeshkian and former intelligence minister, on Tuesday. Alavi added that a deal seems plausible because Trump, now positioning himself for the international stage, may prefer being remembered as a “peace hero” rather than a “war hero.”

The former head of Iran’s Atomic Energy Organization, Ali-Akbar Salehi, expressed similar optimism. He said both Tehran and Washington appear determined to reach a positive outcome and dismissed the likelihood of military conflict, adding that Trump has no interest in engaging the US in another war.

Azar Mansouri, head of the Reform Front, echoed this hopeful sentiment in a post on X, describing a “general feeling of optimism” within society. She emphasized that the talks were being coordinated by “all pillars of governance”—a veiled reference to Khamenei and his close circle—and described the process as constructive so far.

Abbas Golrou, a member of the parliament’s National Security Committee, also pointed to consensus within the political establishment. “The entire sovereign system has endorsed the talks,” he said, again alluding to Khamenei’s involvement. “This is the right thing to do.”

In interviews with the reformist daily Ham-Mihan, several former diplomats expressed cautious hope. “This may be the first time we can [realistically] hope for all sanctions—not just nuclear-related ones—to be lifted if the negotiations fully succeed,” said Qasem Mohebali, former Director General of the Foreign Ministry’s Middle East and North Africa Division.

Still, concerns remain. Mansouri warned of potential disruption from hardline factions with significant access to state media and public platforms such as Friday prayer pulpits.

The influence of ultra-hardline opponents of US engagement, including former nuclear negotiator Saeed Jalili and the Steadfastness Front (Paydari Party), appears to be waning amid internal divisions. Even among some hardliners, resistance to negotiations has softened, as outright opposition could now be interpreted as defiance of Khamenei’s authority.

Facing a deepening economic crisis, President Pezeshkian has publicly acknowledged that sanctions must be lifted for any meaningful recovery. As a result, many ordinary Iranians are also pinning their hopes on the success of the talks.

“People are hopeful, cautious, angry, and anxious all at once—but I think most of them are taking the possibility of a deal very seriously,” said Amir-Hossein, a Tehran-based businessman, in an interview with Iran International.

“You can see it in the market,” he added. “People are starting to sell the dollars they were holding onto, which shows they believe the rial might strengthen if sanctions are lifted," he said, adding that in his view Khamenei has realized that he has no option other than capitulating to save himself and the Islamic Republic from annihilation.

Indeed, the Iranian rial has appreciated in recent days, and the main index of the Tehran Stock Exchange has rebounded sharply—surpassing its all-time high from January after months of decline.

China supports a new nuclear agreement with Iran based on the framework of the 2015 Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA), Chinese ambassador to Tehran Cong Peiwu said on Tuesday, according to Iranian state media.

“China once again believes the only right choice for resolving Iran’s nuclear issue is a political and diplomatic path, and we support a new agreement based on the JCPOA framework,” Peiwu said during a press conference at the Chinese embassy in Tehran.

Since the United States pulled out of the JCPOA in 2018, efforts to revive the deal have repeatedly stalled. Peiwu said Washington should show political goodwill and engage with mutual respect.