Skip to main content
Advertisement
Advertisement

Commentary

Commentary: Thailand must reckon with reform or face irrelevance

Thailand’s urgent challenge is to lift the country out of economic stagnation and dwindling geopolitical relevance, says former foreign correspondent Nirmal Ghosh.

Commentary: Thailand must reckon with reform or face irrelevance

A man casts his ballot at a polling station at Hat Yai, Thailand, during the Thai general election on May 14, 2023. (File photo: CNA/Danang Wisanggeni)

Listen
7 min
New: You can now listen to articles.

This audio is generated by an AI tool.

16 Jan 2026 06:00AM
Read a summary of this article on FAST.
FAST

SINGAPORE: Whatever the shape of the government that emerges out of Thailand’s Feb 8 election, its most urgent challenge will be to lift the country out of economic stagnation and dwindling geopolitical relevance – or else be stuck in a middle-income trap with a population increasingly frustrated at lack of opportunities.

But given the volatile nature of Thai politics, there is a growing chorus of worry from top economists and analysts that short-term, populist “quick win” stimuli will be applied, instead of the structural reform necessary to address core issues like declining industrial competitiveness, an ageing population, and transparency and corruption.

The upcoming election comes at a difficult time for Thailand’s credibility following renewed political uncertainty.

It is also happening in a global environment in which Thailand is increasingly sandwiched between two superpowers, China and the United States - both of whom it depends on. In such a world, Thailand’s relevance increasingly hinges on agile and opportunistic economic diplomacy.

In March 2025, when parts of Thailand were rocked by a powerful earthquake in Myanmar, an under-construction government building in Bangkok collapsed, killing at least 95 workers and exposing irregularities and potential corruption.

Last year also saw tensions with Cambodia erupting into border armed conflict and in August, then Prime Minister Paetongtarn Shinawatra was dismissed from office by a Thai court for ethical misconduct over her handling of the tension with Cambodia.

This was followed by a massive flood in the southern city of Hat Yai in November 2025, which appeared to catch the then interim administration unprepared.

As if to underscore the problems the new government will face, the start of the new year has seen a spate of attacks in Thailand’s three Muslim-majority southern provinces - long beset by an on-again, off-again separatist insurgency - and two fatal construction crane collapses.

RISK OF INCOHERENT POLICY

Yet the risk is not crisis, but incoherent policy, a senior Thai government official told me.

“The priority should be credible medium-term fiscal planning and revenue reform, to revive productivity and investment, not rely on stimulus,” the official said.

To be sure, Thailand’s economy has been somewhat resilient. Exports grew last year, with imports growing even faster. Tourism dipped slightly but remains substantial; Bangkok was the world’s most-visited city in 2025 with 30.3 million foreign visitors, ahead of Hong Kong, London and Paris.

But exports are expected to contract in 2026. Foreign tourist arrivals look set to grow this year, but not by much as the Thai baht remains strong and geopolitical uncertainty casts a pall globally. Besides, tourism is at best a short-term fix; it cannot drive long-term growth.

Gross domestic product growth in 2025 was a humdrum 2 per cent, and is expected to be an even lower 1.5 to 1.7 per cent in 2026 – the lowest in some 25 years and well below the regional average of around 4 per cent.

Household debt remains high; in the second quarter of 2025, Thailand's household debt-to-GDP ratio was 86.8 per cent – a factor that makes short-term fiscal stimuli in the form of handouts more attractive for voters and political parties alike.

REGAINING LEADERSHIP

Thai economists like to contrast the country’s performance with Vietnam, whose GDP is expected to surpass Thailand by the end of 2026.

Vietnam is also emerging as a leader in Southeast Asia – a position long occupied by Thailand – underlining the danger of Thailand’s declining relevance. Since the military coup of 2014, Thailand has been “essentially absent from the ASEAN table”, a former senior diplomat from the region told me. ASEAN is the 11-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations.

But regaining its traditional leadership role is arguably contingent on Thailand restoring and maintaining both internal political stability and economic dynamism.

“Political uncertainty is an economic drag, it undermines confidence,” the Thai government official told me. “Investors care less about ideology than predictability and execution.”

Structural changes inevitably impact existing interests and diminish state power to pave the way for free competition, and therefore face resistance, Chairman of Thailand’s National Economic and Social Development Council Supavud Saicheua told the Thai publication Prachachat this month. But the choice is between merely muddling through or accepting the short-term pain, he said.

Days of horse trading and coalition arithmetic are expected to follow Thailand’s Feb 8 election. A best-case scenario will be a free and fair poll without post-election subversion, with a new administration in place around March, empowered to make policy changes that address core issues and lift growth or risk growing popular disenchantment.

This, in turn, would rebuild Thailand’s regional and global standing. The challenge for the next government is not choosing sides internationally, but convincing partners that Thailand remains a reliable, forward-looking player in a rapidly shifting regional order, says Professor Pavin Chachavalpongpun, Professor at Kyoto University’s Centre for Southeast Asian Studies.

“Rebuilding confidence will require demonstrating political stability, policy coherence and a clearer strategic voice, particularly within ASEAN at a time of heightened great-power rivalry,” he told me.

Thailand’s Prime Minister Anutin Charnvirakul looks on at the venue of the 47th ASEAN Summit and Related Summits in Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia, Oct 26, 2025. REUTERS/Chalinee Thirasupa

The most consequential issue to watch will be whether recent political patterns of polls, protests, and military and judicial interventions, give way to a compromise between the old guard clinging on to vested interests and a new generation clamouring for reform and change, Thitinan Pongsudhirak, professor and senior fellow of the Institute of Security and International Studies at Chulalongkorn University, wrote in the Bangkok Post last month.

It is probably inevitable that, whichever party wins outright or more likely forms a ruling coalition, there will be a strong element of quick-fix cash handouts to appease voters, and accommodation of entrenched corporate and political elites favouring the status quo.

But that will not address the fact that business as usual – tourism, incentives for foreign investment, and an export-led growth model in a world turning against globalised free trade – is no longer good enough for Thailand.

The good news is there is an obvious consensus on this; whether Thailand’s power elites act on it, remains to be seen.

Nirmal Ghosh, a former foreign correspondent, is an author and independent writer based in Singapore. He writes a monthly column for CNA, published every third Friday.

Source: CNA/sk

Sign up for our newsletters

Get our pick of top stories and thought-provoking articles in your inbox

Subscribe here
Inbox
FAST
Advertisement

Asia

Indonesia may leave US-led Board of Peace if goal of Palestinian independence not met: Minister

Indonesia Foreign Minister Sugiono made the remarks after accompanying President Prabowo Subianto to a meeting with more than 40 Islamic leaders and representatives from Islamic organisations.

Indonesia may leave US-led Board of Peace if goal of Palestinian independence not met: Minister

US President Donald Trump and Indonesia President Prabowo Subianto at the launch of the Board of Peace in Davos, Switzerland on Jan 22, 2026. (Photo: Instagram/@presidenrepublikindonesia)

06 Feb 2026 03:31PM
Read a summary of this article on FAST.
FAST

JAKARTA: Indonesia may withdraw from the Board of Peace led by United States President Donald Trump if goals such as advancing Palestinian independence are not met, said its foreign minister Sugiono.

Speaking to reporters on Tuesday (Feb 3), Sugiono said that President Prabowo Subianto is leaving open the option of withdrawal if the board’s direction “did not align” with Indonesia’s priorities. 

“If it does not match what we want: First, peace in Gaza in the immediate term; then peace in Palestine more broadly, and ultimately Palestinian independence and sovereignty,” Sugiono told state news agency Antara after accompanying Prabowo to a meeting with more than 40 Islamic leaders and representatives from Islamic organisations.

During the meeting at the Presidential Palace in Jakarta, Prabowo explained Indonesia’s rationale for joining the board and invited questions from clerics and scholars. 

“Ultimately, (the main goal) is the independence and sovereignty of Palestine,” said Sugiono, who is also from Prabowo’s Gerindra party. 

Organisations present at the meeting include Muhammadiyah, the Indonesian Ulema Council and Nahdlatul Ulama, according to Tempo. 

Besides Sugiono, several cabinet members were also present, including State Secretary Prasetyo Hadi, Religious Affairs Minister Nasaruddin Umar, and Cabinet Secretary Teddy Indra Wijaya.

Sugiono also said the Board of Peace is not yet fully operational. 

“We also don’t know where its office is and what its secretariat is like. It’s still in the process,” he said, as quoted by Tempo.

US President Donald Trump and Indonesia President Prabowo Subianto at the launch of the Board of Peace in Davos, Switzerland on Jan 22, 2026. (Photo: Instagram/@presidenrepublikindonesia)

The Board of Peace was initially established to ensure that post-conflict reconstruction in Gaza proceeds effectively. 

However, a draft of its founding charter suggests the council’s future role will not be limited to the territory. The White House had said there would be a main board, a Palestinian committee of technocrats meant to govern devastated Gaza and a second "executive board" that appears designed to have a more advisory role.

Indonesia announced on Jan 22 it would accept an invitation to join the Board of Peace through a joint declaration by the foreign ministers of several Muslim-majority countries, namely Türkiye, Egypt, Jordan, Pakistan, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates.

The move, although seen by some as a diplomatic opportunity for the country, has also sparked concerns among experts over foreign policy risks and potential domestic fallout – namely, the risk of being drawn into a pro-American orbit that prioritises the US president’s agenda.

Cholil Nafis, deputy chairman of the Indonesia Ulema Council, said Prabowo had reassured on Tuesday that Indonesia would not hesitate to distance itself from the Board of Peace if its actions diverged from the country’s principles. 

”(He said) if we join the Board of Peace, we are not obliged to go along when they do not align with our views. Second, if no changes can be made, he (President Prabowo) is prepared to withdraw from the board,” Nafis told reporters, describing his understanding of Prabowo’s comments at the meeting. 

Nafis added that he had expressed his scepticism about the initiative, cautioning against any potential deployment of Indonesian peacekeeping forces that could end up confronting Palestinians seeking independence.

“We do not want a false peace while the Palestinian people remain under occupation,” he was quoted as saying by Antara. 

The Indonesian Ulema Council had previously urged the government to withdraw from the US-backed Board of Peace, saying that it does not side with Palestine.

The council had also criticised the requirement to pay membership fees to join the Board of Peace and accused the institution of promoting what it described as an “illusory peace” that fails to recognise Palestine as an occupied nation, Antara reported. 

At another meeting with former foreign ministers on Wednesday, Prabowo clarified that Indonesia is not obligated to contribute the proposed US$1 billion contribution to the board.

“The US$1 billion refers to a reconstruction fund for Gaza and is not mandatory,” conveyed Cabinet Secretary Teddy, as quoted by Jakarta Globe.

“If a country pays, it becomes a permanent member, but if it does not, membership lasts for three years.” 

Teddy added that Indonesia has not made any payment to the board to date, noting that participating countries are free to contribute or opt out. 

Source: Agencies/ia(cc)

Sign up for our newsletters

Get our pick of top stories and thought-provoking articles in your inbox

Subscribe here
Inbox
FAST
Advertisement

analysis East Asia

Why Xi spoke with Putin and Trump in back-to-back calls - and what it says about China’s ambitions

Analysts say the rare same-day calls on Wednesday (Feb 4) were a calculated move by Beijing to assert its centrality and maximise leverage as great-power politics hardens.

Why Xi spoke with Putin and Trump in back-to-back calls - and what it says about China’s ambitions
Chinese President Xi Jinping (middle) held back-to-back calls with Russian President Vladimir Putin (right) and US President Donald Trump (left) this week. (Photos: Saul Loeb/AFP, Ludovic Marin//AFP, Vyacheslav Prokofyev/AFP)
Listen
8 min
New: You can now listen to articles.

This audio is generated by an AI tool.

06 Feb 2026 02:51PM (Updated: 06 Feb 2026 03:25PM)
Read a summary of this article on FAST.
FAST

BEIJING: Chinese President Xi Jinping’s separate same-day calls with Russian President Vladimir Putin and United States President Donald Trump were a calculated move by Beijing to assert its centrality as great power geopolitics returns to the fore, analysts told CNA.

The back-to-back calls on Wednesday (Feb 4) came a day before the last remaining nuclear arms control treaty between the US and Russia lapsed - heightening uncertainty over strategic stability and lending fresh urgency to high-level engagement among major powers.

Set against sharpening rivalry, mounting nuclear risks and a fraying global order, Beijing was projecting itself as a major power with options, leverage and clearly defined priorities, experts said.

“Xi is flexing,” Chong Ja Ian, an associate professor of political science at the National University of Singapore (NUS) and also a non-resident scholar at Carnegie China, told CNA.

“(Xi) is showing that he is central to key developments,” he said, providing “some degree of assurance to Putin that he can manage Trump” and signalling to Trump that he has other options.

“Beijing sees itself in a position of strength with both the US and Russia,” Chong said.

“China is a pivotal major power,” said Ren Xiao, a professor at Fudan University’s Institute of International Studies (IIS) in Shanghai, who pointed to the order of the calls. Xi held a virtual meeting with Putin before speaking with Trump later that evening.  

“The order of the calls reflects close coordination and communication between Beijing and Moscow,” he said.

China was underscoring the re-emergence of great-power politics, with Washington, Beijing and Moscow once again dominating global calculations, experts said.

DIVERGENT MESSAGES

Official readouts from Beijing, Moscow and Washington underscored sharply different priorities.

According to reports published by Chinese state media outlets, Xi and Putin held a virtual meeting on Wednesday that was broadcast from the Great Hall of the People in Beijing and the Kremlin in Moscow respectively.

“Xi extended New Year greetings to Putin and the Russian people … Putin wished Xi and the Chinese people a happy Spring Festival, vibrant energy and immediate success in all endeavours,” read a report by the Xinhua state news agency.

“Xi said China and Russia should work together to maintain global strategic stability as the international situation has become increasingly turbulent since the beginning of the year,” the Xinhua report read.

Putin “expressed full confidence in Russia-China relations”, the report said, also adding that “both sides should continue to support each other steadfastly in safeguarding their national sovereignty and security”.

Russian state media reports framed Xi and Putin’s exchange as warm and friendly - with Putin describing the China-Russia relationship as being “in an eternal bloom”.

“Xi sees Putin as a good friend and is ready to move dialogue between the two forward,” TASS, Russia’s state news agency, reported.

According to TASS, Putin had called cooperation between the two countries exemplary while Xi said China and Russia were “successfully defending global justice and relations are entering a new stage of development”.

Vladimir Putin speaks with Xi Jinping via video link from Moscow on Feb 4, 2026. (Photo: Vyacheslav Prokofyev/Pool via Reuters/Sputnik)

Later that evening, Trump hailed “very positive talks” with Xi. Writing on Truth Social, Trump said the call was “all very positive” and that his relationship with Xi is “extremely good”.

“We both realise how important it is to keep it that way,” he added. 

Both leaders had also discussed a wide range of issues including Taiwan and soybean purchases ahead of Trump’s expected visit to China in April.

STRATEGIC CHOREOGRAPHY

It remains unclear which leader initiated each call, with state media reports offering no indication.

But analysts noted that the choreography carried strategic significance.

“It is rather rare for top leaders of such calibre to talk to each other on the same day,” said Zhang Xin, an associate professor at the School of Politics and International Relations at East China Normal University in Shanghai, adding that it highlighted the growing urgency for dialogue among major powers.

“There is (also) an increasing sense of urgency that China, together with Russia and other international actors, needs to prepare for the management of an increasingly abusive and irresponsible US and consequent chaos,” he said.

The calls also underscored that no major security or diplomatic recalibration could take place without China at the table, Chong said.

“It shows that China has options and is not restrained by any other actor,” he added.

“Hedging is for the weak”, said Chong, arguing that Xi and Beijing were acting from a position of strength - keeping channels with Washington open while maintaining alignment with Moscow. 

For Beijing, the back-to-back calls sent a clear message of resolve, analysts said, particularly on issues it defines as core interests.

In Chinese state media reports, Xi struck a steadying tone on US-China relations while issuing a pointed warning on Taiwan and arms sales, as Trump’s account highlighted a more transactional agenda - agricultural purchases and his expected April visit to China.

Beijing doubled down on its Taiwan red lines a day after the call.

China’s Taiwan Affairs Office said the issue lies at “the core of China’s core interests” and constitutes the first red line in China-US relations that must not be crossed.

At a regular briefing on Thursday, spokesperson Chen Binhua said President Xi’s remarks had set out China’s firm position on Taiwan and provided clear guidance for policy towards the island.

The US, Chen said, should adhere to the one-China principle and the three bilateral joint communiqués, and handle Taiwan-related issues with extreme caution.

Beijing is pressing Washington to curb arms sales to Taiwan, but is not signalling any corresponding reduction in its own military pressure - reinforcing that stability, from China’s perspective, does not imply concession, Chong said.

CALIBRATING A NEW WORLD ORDER

Taken together, analysts said the calls point to a broader Chinese calculus about how power should be managed in a less orderly, more contested world - not by choosing sides, but by maximising room for manoeuvre as great-power politics hardens.

The risks, however, are not absent.

A perception in Washington that Beijing is overplaying its hand could provoke a backlash if Trump feels slighted, Chong from NUS said.

Even so, Trump’s own priorities - securing a high-profile visit to Beijing and maintaining a measure of stability in trans-Pacific ties - make a sharp response unlikely.

Donald Trump and Xi Jinping shake hands at the Gimhae International Airport in Busan, South Korea on Oct 30, 2025. (Photo: AP/Mark Schiefelbein)

Moscow, meanwhile, is in little position to press Beijing for concessions, given Russia’s growing dependence on China amid its ongoing war in Ukraine, Chong said.

In that conflict, China is already signalling how far it is prepared to go and where its limits lie, said Zhang from East China Normal University.

Outcomes that risk nuclear escalation or extend NATO’s footprint into the Asia-Pacific would be unacceptable, Zhang added - underscoring Beijing’s preference for shaping conditions rather than brokering deals.

The same logic applies to global governance. Rather than abandoning the UN-centred order, China views emerging platforms such as BRICS as complementary mechanisms that can operate alongside existing institutions - allowing Beijing to work both within and beyond the current system, Zhang said. 

Beyond the calls, Beijing appears intent on shaping a looser, more flexible model of great-power interaction as traditional arms-control regimes lapse and US-led initiatives fragment.

In this emerging approach, China is not offering a blueprint so much as asserting a principle: stability, engagement and cooperation remain possible in a more contested world - but only on terms that reflect a redistribution of power, and only if Beijing remains firmly at the centre.

Source: CNA/lg(ht)

Sign up for our newsletters

Get our pick of top stories and thought-provoking articles in your inbox

Subscribe here
Inbox
Advertisement

Asia

Philippines aims to wrap up talks on South China Sea code this year

The code has been under discussion for years, but the talks have stalled repeatedly over disagreements on its scope, enforcement and legal status.

Philippines aims to wrap up talks on South China Sea code this year

Philippines' Foreign Minister Theresa Lazaro speaks at a press conference during the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) Foreign Ministers’ Meeting Retreat in Cebu on Jan 29, 2026. (File photo: AFP/Jam Sta Rosa)

06 Feb 2026 02:40PM (Updated: 06 Feb 2026 02:52PM)
Read a summary of this article on FAST.
FAST

SINGAPORE: The Philippines said on Friday (Feb 6) it will seek to accelerate long-running talks on a South China Sea code of conduct to a conclusion this year as chair of the ASEAN regional bloc.

Foreign Secretary Theresa Lazaro told a forum in Singapore that the Association of Southeast Asian Nations and China will increase the pace of working group meetings to monthly gatherings from the current three-month intervals.

The proposed code aims to guide conduct and prevent clashes over territorial disputes in the South China Sea.

It has been under discussion for years, but the talks have stalled repeatedly over disagreements on its scope, enforcement and legal status.

Four ASEAN members - Brunei, Malaysia, the Philippines and Vietnam - have laid partial claims to the South China Sea.

China claims the crucial waterway almost in its entirety despite an international ruling that its stance has no legal basis.

Beijing and Manila have had a series of confrontations in the sea in recent years, including collisions and Chinese ships using water cannons on Filipino vessels.

Lazaro said there will also be additional meetings between senior officials under the new schedule.

She told the forum organised by a Singapore-based think tank that the goal was to produce a code that is "effective and substantive" and in line with international law.

"This year, we will endeavour to conclude the ASEAN-China Code of Conduct of Parties in the South China Sea," Lazaro said, in line with a mandate agreed by ASEAN foreign ministers in 2023.

"I have to emphasise the word 'endeavour' to finish. As I said, I'm an optimist and also a pragmatist because we really don't know how things will work."

The Philippines took over as chair of the 11-nation bloc from Malaysia in January.

Lazaro said momentum in the talks has improved, with several ASEAN member states recently submitting documents and proposals to guide the next stage of discussions.

She said some of the most contentious issues included whether the code should be legally binding, the geographical scope covered by the agreement and the definition of terms such as "self-restraint".

"ASEAN and China have heavily invested in negotiating this code of conduct," she said.

"It is ... about time to finish."

Source: AFP/dy

Sign up for our newsletters

Get our pick of top stories and thought-provoking articles in your inbox

Subscribe here
Inbox
Advertisement

Asia

Reversing car smashes through neighbour's fence in viral video in Malaysia

The driver apparently lost control while reversing the Perodua Viva car just after 8am on Feb 3. Security camera footage of the incident circulating online sparked safety concerns.

Reversing car smashes through neighbour's fence in viral video in Malaysia

Security camera footage uploaded onto social media on Feb 6 shows a white Perodua Viva reversing into a neighbour's fence in a residential area. (Images: Facebook/EmeraldLemur5837)

Listen
2 min
New: You can now listen to articles.

This audio is generated by an AI tool.

06 Feb 2026 02:31PM
Read a summary of this article on FAST.
FAST

A car smashed through a neighbour's front fence after the driver apparently lost control while reversing, going by security camera footage that has been circulating online in Malaysia.

The video, uploaded onto a Facebook page called DashCam Malaysia on Friday (Feb 6), shows a white Perodua Viva reversing from a house before suddenly accelerating.

The driver's car door was open at the time the vehicle knocked down much of the neighbour's fence at a house opposite where the car left from. No injuries were reported.

The driver was later seen slowly driving the vehicle back into their own property.

The location of the incident was not disclosed in the social media post, but appears to be in a residential area in Malaysia. The footage was timestamped Feb 3 at 8.16am.

The clip drew a flurry of reactions online, with many social media users expressing disbelief and concern over the incident.

Some criticised the driver's handling of the vehicle, with one commenter saying: "If you're not able to drive, then don't."

Another user remarked that the incident highlighted the advantages and drawbacks of driving automatic vehicles.

Several commenters also warned about the risks such incidents could pose in residential neighbourhoods.

One wrote: "Luckily there were no children playing in front of the house."

The post has been viewed about 19,000 times, attracting about 70 comments.

Source: CNA/jw

Sign up for our newsletters

Get our pick of top stories and thought-provoking articles in your inbox

Subscribe here
Inbox
Advertisement

Entertainment

Ong-Bak star Tony Jaa reportedly battling gallbladder cancer, say Thai media

The action star is reportedly receiving treatment for gallbladder cancer. A source close to him shared that he was diagnosed in 2024 and has been undergoing chemotherapy.

Ong-Bak star Tony Jaa reportedly battling gallbladder cancer, say Thai media

Tony Jaa, a prominent Thai figure in global cinema, has reportedly been battling cancer and going through chemotherapy for his illness. (Photo: Instagram/tonyjaaofficial, Sahamongkol Film International)

Listen
2 min
New: You can now listen to articles.

This audio is generated by an AI tool.

06 Feb 2026 02:29PM
Read a summary of this article on FAST.
FAST

Thai martial artist and movie star Tony Jaa, best known for the action film Ong-Bak, has reportedly been undergoing medical treatment for cancer, according to various Thai media outlets, including The Bangkok Post.

According to Nine Entertain, a source close to Jaa, also known as Jaa Phanom, said he was diagnosed with stage 3 gallbladder cancer in June 2024.

The same source told news site Khaosod that Jaa, 50, experienced severe abdominal pain and jaundice before being diagnosed. He reportedly underwent surgery to remove affected tissue and has been receiving chemotherapy since.

The source also claimed Jaa’s condition has improved and that he is able to exercise under medical supervision, supported by his family.

On Jan 31, Jaa posted a photo on Instagram wearing a cap, sunglasses and a jacket, appearing noticeably slimmer. In the caption, he wrote: “The journey is about to begin. One More Round.” The post was linked to an upcoming music video by the actor.

As reports of his health condition circulated, concerned fans left comments on social media, urging him to take care and wishing him a speedy recovery. Many noted changes in his appearance.

Jaa, who turned 50 on Feb 5, has not made any public statements regarding the reported diagnosis. His family has also remained silent on the matter.

Jaa was trained in Muay Thai from a young age before working as a stuntman for several years. He rose to fame with his breakthrough role in the 2003 Thai action film Ong-Bak, followed by Tom-Yum-Goong in the mid-2000s. He later appeared in several international productions, including Furious 7, Master Z: Ip Man Legacy, and Triple Threat.

Source: CNA/iz

Sign up for our newsletters

Get our pick of top stories and thought-provoking articles in your inbox

Subscribe here
Inbox