Hours before the US staged a raid to capture Nicolás Maduro, Venezuela’s president was hosting a senior envoy from China, one of his closest international backers and most important oil buyer.
Maduro presented Qiu Xiaoqi, whom he called a special envoy of President Xi Jinping, with a statue of a horse to mark the new year and they spent hours discussing hundreds of agreements including on energy and infrastructure amid mounting US pressure.
“It’s the year of the horse and we gallop onward in perfect union,” Maduro declared.
By Sunday, Chinese outlets such as state-backed Phoenix TV had pulled video of Qiu’s final meeting with the Venezuelan president.
Nicolás Maduro met senior envoy from China Qiu Xiaoqi hours before his capture © Reuters
The encounter highlighted Beijing’s deep geopolitical and economic interests in oil-rich Venezuela and what it stands to lose if a pro-US government hostile to China’s interests takes power in Caracas.
Beyond Venezuela, the US push to gain control of the country represents a warning shot for Beijing, which has pursued close relationships with Cuba and other Latin American countries. It could also, some argue, shift the calculus for Beijing in considering any move on Taiwan.
Staunch ideological allies since Maduro’s late predecessor Hugo Chávez took power in 1999, China and Venezuela elevated ties in 2023 to an “all-weather strategic partnership”.
Venezuela was a beachhead for Beijing’s determined courtship of the region. Washington traditionally considers Latin America its backyard, but natural resources — from soyabeans in Brazil to copper in Chile — have attracted massive Chinese investment.
“No matter how the international landscape may evolve, China will always be a good friend and partner to Latin America,” foreign ministry spokesperson Lin Jian said on Monday. “Latin American countries have the freedom to independently choose their friends and partners.”
Lin condemned the US military operation in Venezuela and demanded Maduro’s release. But he also said Beijing would work with any new regime in Caracas and expected its “rights and interests in Venezuela to be protected in accordance with the law”.
The fall of a major recipient of Chinese loans has also sparked renewed debate in China over the billions of dollars in financing Beijing has extended to developing countries.
Despite close ties, China’s economic partnership with Venezuela has a chequered history. Beijing has been forced to ease repayment terms on loans to Caracas because of the economic collapse under Maduro, with more than $100bn in total Chinese credit extended since 2000, according to AidData, a research group at the College of William & Mary.
Portions of the loans have been repaid through supplies of Venezuelan crude, but neither country has disclosed the level of outstanding debt. Analysts believe Caracas still owes Beijing about $10bn, though a Chinese oil trader who spoke to the Financial Times estimated Venezuela could owe much more.
Since 2019, Beijing has curtailed most fresh lending and direct investments in Venezuela, but some smaller scale oil and gas deals have continued.
Shi Yinhong, an international relations professor at Renmin University, said it was necessary for China to reconsider overseas investment, “especially on distant, far away continents”.
“The risks are becoming increasingly clear — Trump will not return China’s assets in Venezuela, he doesn’t care about international law,” said Shi.
The online discussion of the loss of an ally and the unrecoverable loans had grown so loud in China by Sunday that Hu Xijin, a prominent nationalist commentator, felt the need to defend the government’s courtship of Caracas. “No matter how Venezuela changes, it will in all likelihood remain a friend of China,” Hu wrote on Weibo.
While Trump may want to reduce Chinese influence in the western hemisphere, analysts said Washington was overlooking the extent of Beijing’s influence in the region.
China is Latin America’s largest trading partner, with bilateral trade exceeding $500bn in 2024. According to data provider Kpler, China accounted for the majority of Venezuela’s crude oil purchases last year, averaging about 396,000 barrels a day. But that represented less than 5 per cent of total Chinese crude imports.
Michal Meidan, a China energy expert at the Oxford Institute for Energy Studies, estimated that China’s small independent refiners, known as teapots, could face the biggest hit from regime change.
She said Venezuela sent 200,000 to 500,000 barrels per day to China, with about one-third going to China’s state-backed oil majors. CNPC, one of China’s state oil companies, runs the Sinovensa joint venture with Venezuela’s state oil company PDVSA. Shanghai-listed shares of CNPC dropped more than 4 per cent on Monday morning.
Zhao Hai, an international relations scholar at Beijing’s state-run Chinese Academy of Social Sciences think-tank, said the return of a raw power-based international order was “the biggest threat to Chinese interests around the world since we are the world’s largest trading country”.
Yet analysts said US comments on the attack on Venezuela, which secretary of state Marco Rubio has said was needed to curb the activities of America’s “adversaries” in its hemisphere, would make it easier for China to justify aggression in its region around Taiwan and the South China Sea.
China claims Taiwan as its territory and has threatened to invade it if necessary. It also claims vast swaths of the South China Sea.
“Watching the international community accept recent US actions will almost certainly convince Beijing that a military move against Taiwan would be far easier for the world to swallow,” wrote Tong Zhao, a senior fellow with the Nuclear Policy Program and Carnegie China, on X.
The events of the past few days underline the chaotic nature of Trump’s foreign policy.
“The whole Latin American region is now shocked by Venezuela’s situation,” said Ma Wei, a researcher at the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, a government think-tank.
“Trump proved with his actions that the Monroe Doctrine [that sets out Latin America as a US sphere of influence] has really returned.”
Additional contributions from Cheng Leng and Wenjie Ding in Beijing, Joe Daniels in Rio de Janeiro and Edward White in Shanghai. Data visualisation by Haohsiang Ko in Hong Kong