George Arbuthnot: The banker who laid bare the myth of British integrity

Born in 1848 into a prominent Scottish family, George Gordon Arbuthnot arrived in India at a time when the British Empire’s commercial reach was at its peak.  (Tarun Kumar Sahu/Mint)
Born in 1848 into a prominent Scottish family, George Gordon Arbuthnot arrived in India at a time when the British Empire’s commercial reach was at its peak. (Tarun Kumar Sahu/Mint)
Summary

A British banker’s fall from grace in 1906 Madras sparked outrage, financial ruin—and ultimately, the birth of India’s indigenous banking movement.

In the fateful autumn of 1906, the residents of Chennai (then Madras) awoke to a two-line notice that shattered the city’s peace.

“Messrs. Arbuthnot & Co. have suspended payments."

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Zero-click AI is here—along with a sneaky danger

The real concern is that these agents operate under your name, within your logged-in sessions. They can buy, post, message, or pay as you. (AI image)
The real concern is that these agents operate under your name, within your logged-in sessions. They can buy, post, message, or pay as you. (AI image)
Summary

Clever as they may be, agentic browsers are not immune to a nasty AI-age threat.

Agentic browsers are the new darlings of the web now. Perplexity has its Comet, OpenAI Atlas, and others such as Dia, Fellou, Opera Neon, and more. Google’s Chrome and Microsoft’s Edge are adding agentic features. These browsers shift the web from a click-and-search world to an AI-powered conversational format where tasks are done for you, autonomously.

These new browsers can already perform multi-step tasks that once needed your careful attention. Tell the browser to book a flight, and it will compare fares, fill in your details, and pay with a saved card. Ask it to return an item, and it’ll locate the order, print the label, and schedule a pickup. They can draft emails, post updates, complete forms, and even log into your office dashboard to generate a report—all without you touching a key.

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The reality of a nuclear threat is far more complex than game theorists or nuclear strategists would have us believe

'A House of Dynamite' is a world of well-intentioned, rational and professional decision-makers who live in the world as it is, not as nuclear planners and game-theory strategists imagine it to be. (AP)
'A House of Dynamite' is a world of well-intentioned, rational and professional decision-makers who live in the world as it is, not as nuclear planners and game-theory strategists imagine it to be. (AP)
Summary

The film ‘A House of Dynamite’ forces us to confront a chilling reality about the nuclear age—uncertainty is inevitable. When it comes to the crunch of making a decision on firing a nuke, theory often fails. Leaders must get back to arms control talks. 

Late in the new movie A House of Dynamite, the American president, evacuating in his helicopter and having to decide whether to launch nuclear weapons at no one in particular, in retaliation for an incoming nuclear strike from no one in particular, yells at the commander of Stratcom that all of this is “insanity." The commander, overwhelmed but professional to the end (which is imminent), replies: “No, sir. This is reality."

Most people who have studied nuclear weapons in depth eventually crash into this wall of absurdity: Humanity has not only built the means to destroy itself but has even set up international constellations that could force world leaders who are acting rationally to initiate that destruction. Never mind the leaders acting irrationally.

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Staffing services need relief from GST 2.0’s tax inequity that has made gig hiring more attractive

While GST 2.0 lowers rates on goods, its unchanged levy on manpower supply services continues to impose a heavy burden on the formal use of temporary employment. (Mint)
While GST 2.0 lowers rates on goods, its unchanged levy on manpower supply services continues to impose a heavy burden on the formal use of temporary employment. (Mint)
Summary

GST reductions on goods even as the rate on staffing services was left unchanged at 18% has made gig hiring more attractive for employers. This expands gig work at the cost of temporary formal services and worsens labour market conditions. This problem has a simple fix.

India's goods and services tax (GST) regime, launched in 2017, promised a unified tax structure to streamline business operations and boost economic growth. Fast-forward to 22 September 2025, when GST 2.0 rolled out as the most significant overhaul yet.

This reform slashed tax slabs from six to mainly two—5% and 18%—eliminating the 12% and 28% brackets, while introducing a 40% rate for luxury and sin goods. The changes aim to curb inflation, enhance compliance and stimulate consumption by reducing costs of essentials and intermediate goods.

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The Centre’s privatization package for power utilities is bold but regulation needs fixing first

It is clear that regulatory capacity will have to step up. (istockphoto)
It is clear that regulatory capacity will have to step up. (istockphoto)
Summary

The Centre’s push for the privatization of state-run power utilities could transform electricity distribution across India. But regulators need autonomy to resist populist pressure or this bold move could trip on the same old wires.

The government is working on a big proposal to relieve state-owned power distribution utilities, which control about 93% of India’s consumer supply, of their huge debt burden—provided they privatize their electricity retailing business.

This is one of the most ambitious financial reform initiatives in the power sector in recent history; the annual debt repayment burden of these utilities is around 75,000 crore and rising.

While the offer is compelling, it is also daunting for state governments. A lighter book would make room for meaningful welfare and development work, efforts that can help win elections. Also, private-sector efficiency holds the promise of better quality and reliability of power supply at competitive rates.

However, before that can happen, we may need to overcome public perceptions of privatization being ‘anti-people.’

Such fears are not entirely unjustified. Consumer tariffs do not reflect the cost of supply, even adjusted for government subsidies, since the base data available on supply losses—both technical and commercial—is questionable. Losses are often masked as supplies to the unmetered farm sector, which lets utilities claim higher subsidies. The actual math would lead to a tariff bump-up for other sectors, unless further subsidies are doled out.

On the other hand, the benefits of privatization will flow only if there is proper regulatory oversight. Unlike other consumer-service sectors like telecom, where competition keeps prices in check, the power sector mostly has monopoly retailers.

The Centre plans to ease entry barriers by letting new players use the incumbent’s existing network. However, that alone will not help, since the record of regulation so far has been a let-down. A barometer of this is the staggering volume of regulatory assets and dues owed to utilities that have piled up, traceable to regulatory restraints on retail recovery that serve a populist agenda to keep consumer tariffs low.

No doubt, proposed legislative measures seek to curb that problem by making state regulators accountable for their actions, but how well it works depends on implementation. Regulators would need to judiciously balance costs and efficiency while approving individual tariffs or even setting a floor price where rivalry exists; this is crucial, since the proposed legislation may hasten the latter.

It is clear that regulatory capacity will have to step up, especially since the government plans to support its privatization package by offering long interest-free loans to states opting for it, which could help tackle taken-over debt and minimize any tariff shock. Fresh investments would be made too, auditing which will also be critical to keep tariffs moderate.

Finally, it is for state governments to decide whether to exit the distribution business or merely invite competition. Doing nothing won’t work, as the debt pile-up of utilities—the total runs into trillions of rupees—will make lenders scarce. Not just that, the average collection efficiency of electricity bills from consumers across India dipped in 2024-25.

At the end, curbing regulatory overreach is a matter of political will. The role of the Centre in developing a consensus across political parties to resist competitive populism could help the cause.

All taken into account, while privatized power supply across India holds considerable promise, reforms aimed at regulatory autonomy must take precedence over privatization. Else, this bold effort to brighten our prospects could come to naught.

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