Economic and symbolic role of animals during the Late Chalcolithic period of Areni-1 Cave, Armenia

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jasrep.2020.102524Get rights and content

Highlights

  • Areni-1 has discrete contexts dedicated to symbolic ritual and domestic activities.
  • There are minor differences in bone depositional history across these contexts.
  • Wild animals are most concentrated in areas associated with funerary practices.
  • People who used the cave practiced a risk-averse household-based animal economy.
  • They exploited sheep, goat, and cattle for a variety of their products.

Abstract

Areni-1 Cave in Armenia is a special-purpose site that provides a unique window into human-animal interactions in the Chalcolithic period (ca. 5200–3400 BCE) of the southern Caucasus. Areni-1 is known for its extensive funerary and votive practices characterised by exceptional preservation. But the people who used the cave also engaged in animal exploitation for subsistence-related purposes. We use contextual taphonomy to explore differences in the depositional history of bones in areas of the cave where symbolic ritual activities and domestic activities were most concentrated. Our contextual taphonomic analyses as well relative abundance measures confirm field observations about the ritual nature of activities deep inside the cave. We show that wild animals, such as canids and possibly wild cattle, were more common in these ritual contexts, and that bones from these contexts were buried relatively faster than in the areas of mixed domestic-ritual activities at the mouth of the cave. We also demonstrate that people who used the cave herded a mix of sheep, goat, and cattle for a range of their primary and secondary products. Finally, craft production activities inside the cave included manufacturing leather shoes from the hide of pigs and/or boars; but caprines, cattle, and possibly foxes were also skinned and processed for their hide and hair.

Introduction

This paper uses faunal remains to explore symbolic ritual and subsistence-related animal exploitation practices during the Late Chalcolithic occupation of Areni-1 Cave in the Republic of Armenia. The Chalcolithic period in the southern Caucasus (ca. 5300–3400 BCE) is bracketed by the Late Neolithic farming villages of the sixth millennium BCE, and the Early Bronze Age Kura-Araxes cultural tradition of the mid-fourth millennium BCE (Gasparyan and Arimura, 2014, Palumbi and Chataigner, 2014, Rothman, 2017, Sagona, 2017). Until recently, the Chalcolithic period of the region remained an archaeological enigma because of a lack of consensus on the chronological and cultural scope of its ceramic horizons (Sagona, 2014: 24). Excavations of numerous newly-discovered sites during the last decade, as well as a growing series of reliable radiocarbon dates, have refined our definitions of the period and its chronological boundaries (Gasparyan and Arimura, 2014). Meanwhile, the zooarchaeological studies for the period are still rare, and so interpretations of its animal economies have traditionally been based on other archaeological indicators. Chalcolithic settlement patterns are generally characterised by an increase in the number of sites and the habitation of the hills and highlands surrounding the region’s extensive riparian network (Fig. 1) (Chataigner, 1995, Connor and Sagona, 2007, Sagona, 2014, Sagona, 2017, Sagona, 2011). This pattern is foundational to the established canon that some Chalcolithic animal economies were organised into itinerant pastoral lifeways, as people adapted to this mountainous region’s seasonal Mediterranean climate (Chataigner, 1995, Kushnaerva, 1997: 49; Kiguradze and Sagona, 2003, Marro et al., 2011, Palumbi, 2011). To examine the impact of climate and environment on subsistence practices, however, interpretations of animal exploitation strategies must be verified using the study of faunal remains.
Areni-1 Cave in southern Armenia is particularly significant in this regard, because of its outstanding preservation of faunal remains. Areni-1 is a unique special-purpose site known for its votive and funerary practices (Areshian et al., 2012, Wilkinson et al., 2012). But people using the cave also engaged in food preparation and craft production (Smith et al., 2014). Bone recovery from areas associated with domestic activities and elaborate symbolic ritual practices allows us to investigate the diverse role of animals in human activities at the site. Ritual practices in particular can result in the differential treatment and deposition of animal remains. We can therefore use a contextual taphonomic approach (Yeshurun et al., 2014, Meier et al., 2017a) to examine and control for potential differences in the depositional and taphonomic history of bones between contexts where symbolic ritual and mundane subsistence practices were most concentrated.
In this paper we ask several specific questions: what types of domestic and wild animals and animal products were exploited for economic purposes, including both subsistence and craft production? What were the pastoral strategies of those who visited and used the cave? How were animals incorporated into symbolic ritual practices? How is the taphonomic history of ritual practices different from areas of the site with evidence of more profane, subsistence-related activities? And how do our observations at Areni-1 fit within the broader picture of Chalcolithic animal economies in the region?

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Section snippets

Cultural and chronological setting

Using a small number of available radiocarbon dates and data from more recent excavations, Sagona (2014) broadly divided the Chalcolithic of the southern Caucasus (present-day Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia), as well as northwestern Iran and eastern Turkey into an Early Chalcolithic (EC, ca. 5000–4000 BCE) and a Late Chalcolithic phase (LC, ca. 4000–3500 BCE). In Armenia, recent excavations and new radiocarbon dates allow for a more precise three-partite periodization of the entire period:

Economic and symbolic value of animals

Human exploitation of animals for subsistence needs and symbolic ritual practices are recorded in the zooarchaeological record (Zeder, 1991, Atici et al., 2014, Hill et al., 2016, Meier et al., 2017). In Chalcolithic societies animal products were derived from domestic herds and wild game. Small agropastoral communities with largely self-sufficient households often keep a variety of animals with wide ranging behavioral and physiological traits to satisfy their daily needs. This mixed strategy

Methods

Data collection took place at the Center of Excellence in Applied Biosciences at Yerevan State University. For each specimen in the identifiable fraction of the assemblage, various taxonomic, anatomical, demographic, and taphonomic variables were recorded using Stiner’s (2004) coding system. Taphonomic variables included location, intensity, and type of animal gnawing; location, intensity, and type of cutmarks (Lemke, 2013); location and extent of fragmentation (Villa and Mahieu, 1991); and

Results

In total, 5264 specimens were identified from discrete contexts inside the cave, 2184 of which were assigned to secure Chalcolithic contexts following our sampling strategy (see Appendix A). Nearly 80% of the identified fraction of the assemblage (NISP = 1722) was recovered from Trench 3, and 11% was recovered from each of Trenches 1 and 2 (Fig. 7a). The distribution of identifiable finds across trenches, and hence bone recovery, is driven in part by the volume of excavations (X2 [2, N

Intra-site variation in taphonomic indicators and species abundance

Trenches 1 and 2 are primarily associated with human burials and ritual offerings. While the secure samples for these trenches are significantly smaller than in Trench 3, our contextual taphonomic analyses shed light on differences in animal bone treatment and deposition across these contexts, particularly between Trenches 1 and 3. These taphonomic patterns, which with the exception of carnivore gnawing, were not driven by differences in excavation volume between the trenches, confirm our

CRediT authorship contribution statement

Siavash Samei: Conceptualization, Methodology, Formal analysis, Investigation, Resources, Writing - original draft, Visualization, Funding acquisition. Nelli Hovhannisyan: Resources, Data curation, Writing - review & editing. Boris Gasparyan: Resources, Data curation, Writing - original draft, Writing - review & editing, Visualization, Project administration.

Acknowledgements

We thank Jackie Meier and Reuven Yeshurun for organising this special issue. We are grateful to Guy Bar-Oz for generously giving Siavash Samei (SS) access to the Areni-1 faunal collection. Keith Wilkinson and Kristine Martirosyan-Olshansky generously shared their thoughts, photos, and field notes, which were instrumental in devising the sampling strategy. Data collection for this project was funded by the National Science Foundation grant (NSF-DDRI #1550683) to Natalie Munro and SS, as well as

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  • Cited by (5)

    We dedicate this paper to the memory of Gregory Areshian, one of the principal investigators at Areni-1, who passed away before the publication of this paper. His untimely passing is a great loss to the archaeological community of Armenia and to all who are interested in the archaeology of ancient Caucasus.
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