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Asia Labor Taiwan’s chip plants run on migrant workers. Job brokers run their lives
Labor

Taiwan’s chip plants run on migrant workers. Job brokers run their lives

In Taiwan’s AI-fueled chip boom, brokers control everything from paychecks to dorm beds, leaving workers feeling trapped and exploited.

A towering figure in green trousers and grey shoes stands over a crowd of pink, hooded figures working at tables filled with various tools and equipment, some holding money and others looking upward. The setting is a stark, industrial-like space with bright lighting and a staircase leading up to a balcony.
Eva Redamonti for Rest of World
Eva Redamonti for Rest of World
  • Migrant workers in Taiwan are usually represented by a broker who arranges everything from dormitories to job placements.
  • Brokers are profiting from the massive influx of Filipino labor in the Taiwanese chip sector.
  • Migrant groups are accusing brokers of siphoning salaries and silencing grievances.

(This is the first of a two-part series on migrant workers in Taiwan’s semiconductor industry. The second story publishes next week.)

A group of migrant tech workers from the Philippines sat for lunch at their shelter in the Taiwanese city of Taichung, and thanked God for the food and asked for protection from bad brokers.  

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“Grant us the strength to provide for our families, and a broker who will not take advantage of us,” prayed one of the workers, arms raised over a steaming plate of pork and rice.

The shelter, which doubles as a chapel on Sundays, sits close to the factories inside the industrial city in central Taiwan. It is run by the Catholic Church and is home to a growing number of Filipinos who have fled jobs at chip factories and other tech manufacturers, and now struggle with the brokers they rely on to find new positions.

Migrant workers coming to Taiwan are assigned a broker before they arrive. The brokers have incredible sway over the workers’ lives. They manage their paperwork, accommodation, meals, transport, insurance, and other aspects. When employers get complaints from workers, the brokers handle them. When workers want to change jobs, the broker has to sign off. Too often, brokers abuse this power, Filipino workers told Rest of World, overcharging for basic amenities, ignoring their grievances, and sometimes even demanding bribes. 

A presentation screen displaying information about commonly seen recruitment scams, including excessive personal data requests, unusual salary offers, and private meeting requests, alongside a cartoon character in business attire. The background features a blue curtain, religious statues, and a visible television setup.
Hsiuwen Liu/Rest of World

Taiwan – the world’s dominant source of semiconductors – has recruited a record number of people from nearby nations to meet the surge in demand for chips for AI. Taiwan’s factories produce the lion’s share of advanced chips needed for sprawling AI data centers, Tesla vehicles, iPhones, and other gadgets. 

Many chip manufacturers now have lines almost entirely staffed by Filipinos. As more are brought in to do the hard labor required to produce the high-end chips, battles with brokers are on the rise.

Joy Tajonera, the Catholic priest in charge of the shelter in Taichung, said brokers use misinformation to manipulate their clients, preying on their limited knowledge of Taiwan’s labor regulations. Around seven out of 10 migrants seeking the shelter’s help have trouble with their broker, he told Rest of World.  

“Migrants are taught that brokers are on their side,” said Tajonera, who uses his Sunday sermon to educate migrants on their rights. “But they’re just agents of the employers.”

Broker companies in Taiwan act as global HR departments. They know how to find planeloads of laborers quickly and do the reams of paperwork required to get them into the factories. They are also in charge of taking care of the workers. 

Each migrant worker in Taiwan is attached to a specific broker who acts as their official representative with the employer and the government. Taiwan has more than 1,700 active registered broker firms, some bringing in laborers for over 200 manufacturers.

Rest of World discussed the broker system with more than 20 Filipino semiconductor workers and industry experts. The workers requested that their names not be used, fearing they could be sent home if identified. 

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Hsiuwen Liu/Rest of World

Many of these Filipino chip workers complained that brokers control too many aspects of their lives. They said the brokers reduced their take-home pay with fees, and acted as the agent of the company rather than of the employee. 

Lennon Ying-Da Wang, director of Serve the People Association, another Filipino migrant shelter, said Taiwan’s labor recruitment system differs from that of other countries because migrant workers need a broker’s permission to do anything.

“It gives businesses a channel to hire cheap laborers in a very short time,” Wang told Rest of World. “But the whole practice exacerbates the burden of the workers.”

Taiwan’s global network of brokers has been ramping up efforts to recruit people for its round-the-clock AI chip production. Companies in Taiwan have recruited a record number of Filipinos to build chips recently, and are scheduled to hire another 20,000 this year, taking the total to nearly 100,000, according to the Philippine Migrant Workers Office in Taipei. 

The moment workers step off a plane in Taiwan, brokers line them up and check their identities even before they pass through immigration. They’re then stuffed into dormitories owned by broker agencies, with more than 10 people in a small room sometimes, often with strict curfews, the workers said.

Brokers charge a fixed monthly service fee and sometimes additional fees for rooms, meals, utilities and transportation, they said. While some tech companies subsidize the broker fees for their workers, many Filipinos said they lose around a fifth of their salary to brokers. 

A Filipino migrant chip worker and former resident at the Taichung shelter, who asked to be called Luis, said he had to flee a job packing chips after his broker squeezed him for money, including abnormally high electricity bills. 

Luis shared his room with seven people, but each was still charged 3,000 Taiwanese dollars ($100) a month for electricity, nearly triple the average household bill in Taiwan, he said. His broker would never show him the bills, he said. 

“They’re all liars,” he said of brokers. “They probably pocketed hundreds of thousands just from our room.”

Brokers prioritize company interests because they earn more from employers than from the workers, said Gilda Banugan, chairperson of Taiwan’s chapter of Migrante, an international association of Filipino migrant workers. Brokers tend to support the company’s demands and pay less attention to what employees request, she said.  

“If a worker wants to speak up, the employer calls the broker, who then coerces the worker to get in line or resign,” she told Rest of World.

Another worker at the shelter, who asked to be called Julia, said she had been injured on the job and had to quit to get an operation and recover. She discovered that her broker had not paid for her insurance, so the money for her treatment had to come from her pocket and a charity. She said she didn’t dare complain because she needed the broker to get another job. 

“I’m too scared to run away,” Julia told Rest of World.

Champion Manpower Group, a top broker firm one worker complained about, said it doesn’t charge workers to help them find new jobs, and that if it discovered any brokers doing so, they would be fired. 

Champion takes care of workers, said Sam Lo, an assistant manager at the company.

“If a migrant worker gets into a situation in Taiwan, say, a traffic accident, or they get sick, or get pregnant, or are caught using drugs or drunk-driving, usually, our company’s staff are the first to respond,” he told Rest of World. “We take on that responsibility to look after them.”

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Hsiuwen Liu/Rest of World

Two other broker firms that workers complained about declined to comment.

Manpower Agencies Association, a broker industry association group, did not respond to requests for comment. The Taiwan Semiconductor Industry Association declined to comment.

The Philippine government appreciates the efficiency of the broker system, said Manila’s Labor Attaché in Taipei, Cesar Chavez Jr. The best companies subsidize the fees, and laws protect Filipino workers, he told Rest of World

“We don’t mind if there is a broker as long as the worker will not pay for their charges,” he said. 

Taiwan’s Ministry of Labor has a 24-hour hotline for foreign worker complaints, and has received hundreds of complaints from foreign workers about access to documents. When necessary, the complaints are referred to local officials for investigation, a spokesperson told Rest of World.

The ministry also works with the countries that send laborers to ensure they are better briefed on what to expect, the spokesperson said. It also has social media and radio content in multiple languages to inform workers about their rights.

Still, when workers have disputes with management, brokers coach them not to file a formal complaint but instead request to return home or transfer to another company for “personal reasons,” the workers said.  

“Personal reasons is the number one excuse,” said Tajonera, the priest at the shelter. “It’s never the fault of the company or the employer. It’s always the worker’s fault.”

Meanwhile, workers said some brokers expect an under-the-table payment to expedite job placement or release key documents.  

Luis said one of his brokers once charged him a large sum to fast-track his job application at a tech factory. 

“I had no choice” but to pay, he said. “It’s part of their business.” 

Luis said his broker claimed to be working for Champion Manpower.

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Champion does not engage in such practices as it “operates on a zero-fee policy,” its assistant manager Lo said.

However, “scams are rampant in Taiwan,” he said. Some individuals have “impersonated our company to scam workers.”

Not all brokers expect bribes, and it is illegal to demand them, said May Chen, a manager at May God Human Resources, a brokerage agency.

“Unscrupulous brokers would say, ‘I can help you find a job, but I need to charge you a fee,’ or, ‘If you want to move to a new broker, you’ll have to pay a certain fee to get your documents, or else I won’t release them’,” she told Rest of World.  

Some workers are fleeing their brokers and working illegally. Taiwan’s undocumented labor force has nearly doubled since 2021, reaching a record high of 90,000 at the start of this year, according to the government. It is not clear how many of them work in the tech sector. 

One such undocumented worker said that, for years, he laminated printed circuit boards at a small electronics company. When his contract expired, his broker wouldn’t help him find a new job, so he had to start working illegally to survive. 

Dodging the authorities and looking over his shoulder while earning a living for his family seemed better than dealing with a broker, said the worker who asked not to be named, as he feared being deported.

“Better to be on my own,” he said.

Labor

Why AI advancement doesn’t have to come at the expense of marginalized workers

In her new book, Empire of AI, Karen Hao insists that AI companies don’t have to choose between exploiting workers and chasing growth.

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Ilana Panich-Linsman//Getty Images
Ilana Panich-Linsman//Getty Images

In her new book, Empire of AI: Dreams and nightmares in Sam Altman’s OpenAI, Karen Hao writes about the Silicon Valley firms competing to be the first to reach artificial general intelligence and the damage they are inflicting on workers in poorer nations. 

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The book comes at a time when OpenAI, Google, Meta and others are fast-tracking their AI projects amid rising competition from Chinese firms. Their models are built by a vast hidden workforce in nations such as Kenya, the Philippines and Venezuela that tag data, moderate content, and train and test AI models. 

These workers have complained of precarity and exploitation, including low wages, psychological trauma from moderating disturbing content, and being fired for unionizing. Tech companies are also accused of extracting the creative labor of artists whose copyrighted works are used to train large language models without their consent.

In her book, Hao — who was among the first journalists to gain access to OpenAI in 2019 — argues that this route to AI development is not the only way. As Pope Leo XIV warned this month of the challenges AI posed to human dignity, justice and labor, Hao spoke to Rest of World about the choices made by AI firms and alternative paths for AI development. 

The interview has been edited for length and clarity.

Data annotation firm Sama and its client Meta are facing a series of lawsuits from content moderators in Kenya and Ghana on exploitative working conditions. We’ve seen similar reports on OpenAI. What makes these workers vulnerable to the extractive practices you describe as “data colonialism”?

The countries where the digital workers live are still wrestling with the legacies of colonization. Many of them have underdeveloped political institutions and heavily volatile economies. When companies from the Global North enter these countries, they can easily find workers who are well-educated and have good internet connectivity—and are desperate for any job opportunity, and willing to work for any price. 

The governments of these countries are also in a tough position. Some don’t function well and are not acting in the best interest of their citizens. But even the ones that are trying to bring more economic opportunity have little power in stipulating the conditions under which foreign tech companies should operate. They’re willing to allow the companies in to secure the investment and be part of the global technology chain.

These labor practices happen so far away, and that’s by design. The companies choose places that are hidden from the consumers that they sell to.

Psychologically traumatizing work is not necessary for progress.

Data annotation firms are often bound by legal contracts that limit what they can say, allowing Big Tech companies to distance themselves legally and ethically from their workers. What makes working conditions for these digital workers so challenging?

Book cover of Empire of AI

Content moderation for generative AI exposes workers to psychologically traumatic content. Regardless of the benefits they’re provided, whether it’s pay or mental health counseling, the work itself is extremely damaging to anyone who does it for long periods of time. It’s hard to imagine a version of this work that would not be harmful or debilitating.

AI companies have created this veneer of inevitability that, in order to have technological progress, workers will need to do this kind of labor. 

But that trade-off is false. Psychologically traumatizing work is not necessary for progress; it serves only a particular vision of AI development that uses colossal models trained on the whole internet, and that needs an army of workers to filter out its worst content.

Many research organizations outside Silicon Valley advance alternative notions of AI: well-scoped systems trained on well-curated datasets that do not encompass all of the content in the world. In that vision of AI, the need for psychologically compromising work could be significantly minimized or even eliminated.

Generative AI is replacing the clickwork that many migrants in countries like Venezuela relied on. What does that mean for these workers?    

The AI industry has had a long-standing ambition to replace clickworkers with AI models, but edge cases still require humans in the loop. Even so, the work remains precarious because the industry continually moves to different populations and geographies in search of cheaper, more compliant labor.

That’s why Venezuelan workers began falling off platforms [like Appen]. Improving economic conditions made the workers demand higher pay. 

Then, the industry shifted from image-based to language-based tasks, prompting companies to seek out English-speaking workers in Kenya, the Philippines, and India.

The AI industry shifts to different parts of the world whenever it encounters an obstacle. With so many countries undergoing economic or political crises, the labor pools for exploitation are abundant.

The work remains precarious because the industry continually moves to different populations and geographies in search of cheaper, more compliant labor.

Artists, writers, and musicians in the U.S. have filed lawsuits against AI companies for training their models on copyrighted works. Writers and publishers in Singapore have rejected their government’s plan to train LLMs on their work, even as Big Tech firms lobby governments to allow use of copyrighted material under “fair use.” How does this impact artists whose work is used without consent or compensation?

I’ve spoken to artists who say that they do not have economic opportunities anymore. Concept artists, who generate visual ideas for film and advertising, have been especially hit hard. Karla Ortiz, one of the first concept artists who filed a lawsuit against generative AI companies, has described these jobs as solid middle-class jobs that you could build a life around. 

But now, concept artists are not getting jobs, or getting extremely underpaid jobs, because their work was taken by tech companies that created models to replace them. The fact that they’re rapidly losing economic opportunities shows definitively that AI-generated works are functioning as direct substitutes of their original work.

What are some examples of alternative visions for AI that can produce ethically sourced systems—for those who create the data and the workers who train the models?

We can develop AI systems with data that are ethically sourced, labeled, and curated. 

A Maori media organization in New Zealand developed a speech recognition tool for the Maori language with data given by their community members, with consent. They also developed a license requiring any organization seeking to access their data to sign a legally binding agreement that governs how they will use, protect, and secure the data. This ensures the data is not fed into applications that might ultimately harm the Maori community.

In generative AI, the BigScience initiative was an open-source effort involving hundreds of scientists around the world to develop a large language model using archival data from governments and public institutions and donated data. There are a lot of these kinds of models out there. But tech companies have chosen not to adopt any of them. And they have been so effective in completely hijacking the public’s imagination for what AI should look like and how it should be developed.

China Outside China

Chinese startups once downplayed their origin. Now some celebrate it. 

Following DeepSeek's rise, more Chinese companies are highlighting their roots as they expand overseas.

A person in a suit dramatically pulling open their shirt to reveal a red shirt with yellow stars and the colors of the Chinese flag, against a blue background.
Kotynski for Rest of World
Kotynski for Rest of World
  • Increased scrutiny of Chinese tech companies pushed startups to hide their roots overseas.
  • DeepSeek’s success has emboldened some Chinese founders to tout advantages of China talent and operations.
  • Startups chasing foreign investment are more likely to pursue China-shedding.

As Jessy Wu prepared to launch her Beijing-based artificial intelligence startup overseas last year, she grappled with a question familiar to many Chinese tech founders: Should her company hide its Chinese identity?  

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For years, as governments in the U.S., Europe, and elsewhere restricted Chinese apps and technologies over national security concerns, many companies practiced what came to be known as China shedding — downplaying and obscuring their origin in overseas markets to win over investors and customers. But the global success of Chinese social media apps and the launch of a successful AI model by startup DeepSeek earlier this year have convinced some founders like Wu that they no longer need to do so. 

“DeepSeek has shown us that as long as our product is competitive, we should not worry too much about being a Chinese company,” Wu told Rest of World. “The popularity that TikTok and RedNote have been receiving in the U.S. shows us that users are actually welcoming towards good Chinese products,” Wu said, adding that her film-generation platform has steadily grown its user base across the U.S. and East Asia while being openly Chinese.

Wu’s confidence signals a shift among Chinese startups. Rather than avoiding calling attention to their Chinese roots, they are promoting the competitive advantages of being Chinese. DeepSeek’s rise has attracted foreign investors searching for the next Chinese tech breakout, and Chinese tech companies are launching English-language product videos and even speaking with foreign media — something that executives had shied away from.

Startup founders who spoke with Rest of World said they are leaning into the strengths of their Chinese roots — such as engineering talent and cheaper production costs — while hiring foreign staff and complying with local regulations to avoid the sort of scrutiny faced by larger firms, such as TikTok, drone company DJI, and top electric vehicle maker, BYDiBYDBYD Auto is a Chinese carmaker that became the world’s leading EV manufacturer in 2023, competing with Tesla for market share and global attention.READ MORE.

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Jia Zijian, who launched his language-learning app TalkMe on global app stores last year, said DeepSeek’s success is proof of Chinese startups’ competitiveness.

“DeepSeek gives Chinese tech startups an image boost. … I believe foreign companies can hardly compete with the kind of innovation we create with such cost efficiency,” Jia told Rest of World.  

Although his 10-person team is based in Beijing, Jia registered his company in Singapore last year, like many Chinese companies have done to avoid close scrutiny, a move that has come to be known as Singapore-washing. His goal was to better attract foreign capital, he said.

“Where we place our company tells people where we are focused,” he said. Conversations with investors led him to believe that “there is no need to cover up, but also no point branding as Chinese,” he said, adding that his app was built entirely on foreign AI models and that all transactions were made through foreign banks.

DeepSeek gives Chinese tech startups an image boost.

Jia’s strategy is a common one. Some Chinese apps that launched in the past three years, such as short-form video app ReelShort and AI video generator HeyGen, have moved their operations and staff to California even as they have been open about their Chinese origin.

This approach is a mix of pride and pragmatism, said Ivy Yang, a China tech analyst and founder of New York–based consulting firm Wavelet Strategy, which provides communications and reputation management services for Chinese companies in the U.S.

“I wouldn’t go as far as to say that Chinese AI companies will suddenly make their Chineseness a selling point, but [it was] definitely a sigh of relief [after DeepSeek’s launch] that they will be less likely penalized for it,” Yang told Rest of World

Chinese companies have long hired Westerners to project an international image — sometimes as executives, other times as paid actors for events — a practice so widespread it is known as the rent-a-foreigner industry. That strategy has since evolved. 

Even a year or two ago, conversations with Chinese clients always began with “How do we eliminate the Chinese aspect of our image?” Chris Pereira, Singapore-based chief executive of iMpact, a communications firm advising Chinese companies expanding abroad, told Rest of World

Now, Pereira said, more clients are asking how to tailor their products and services for overseas markets. “It is not to hide their identity, it is to localize their operations,” he said. 

As long as our product is competitive, we should not worry too much about being a Chinese company.

“DeepSeek and [other] successful Chinese companies overseas right now are giving the people coming in the wave behind them more confidence to just be themselves — it’s OK to be Chinese overseas.”

For startups seeking foreign investment, registering overseas and setting up separate business operations outside of mainland China is a natural choice, Bob Chen, an economist at China-based investment firm FG Venture, told Rest of World. 

“Whose money a startup is trying to get would determine how exposed they want to be about their Chinese affiliation,” Chen said. 

Chinese startup Butterfly Effect, creator of general-purpose AI agent Manus, is reportedly considering relocating its headquarters to Singapore and has already registered a corporate entity there, as it raised $75 million from U.S. venture capital firm Benchmark. 

Chinese tech companies remain wary of political tensions and regulatory scrutiny, particularly in the U.S. TikTok faces a potential ban in June unless its Chinese parent company ByteDance sells it, although U.S. President Donald Trump has said he would extend the deadline. The short-video app, registered in Singapore, has faced concerns regarding data security and privacy as well as Chinese government influence. TikTok, which has a Singaporean CEO, has denied these allegations. 

The U.S. government is also assessing whether Chinese drone-maker DJI should face restrictions on national security grounds. BYD faces similar concerns in some countries.

More Chinese tech companies are placing greater emphasis on compliance with local regulations on data security and technology transfer to avoid scrutiny, according to a study by consulting firm Deloitte. 

As Chinese companies expand abroad, they will focus more on creating distinctive global brands, Pereira said. Companies going overseas are choosing Western names, he said, citing Temu, the international sister brand of popular shopping site Pinduoduo in China, as an example. 

“It’s just like Coca-Cola has a Chinese name, Kekoukele. … if we look at it from that perspective, it’s exactly what the American brands do globally too,” he said. “It is not to hide their identity, it is to localize their operations.”