G. Z. Christophe and Himanshu. ‘Caste and Socio-economic Inequality in Bihar: A Disaggregated Analysis of the 2023 Census’, Economic & Political Weekly, Vol 59, Issue no. 47, November 23, 2024
In India, caste has been extensively studied, both historically and academically, to understand its impact on society, and the socio-economic challenges faced by various communities. Scholars have examined caste dynamics from different perspectives.
While colonial authorities conducted studies on caste for ease of administration, post-independence, caste became central to affirmative action policies aimed at addressing inequalities. Despite the breadth of research, the lack of comprehensive and uniform caste data remains a significant gap, highlighting the need for a caste-based Census to better address caste-based disparities.
Why a caste-based Census
The three broad administrative categories devised for affirmative action — Scheduled Castes (SC), Scheduled Tribes (ST), and Other Backward Classes (OBC) — group a multitude of diverse caste groups under generalised classifications. While people from the SC are those, who have historically faced untouchability, people from the ST are recognised for their social and economic backwardness, and social and economic disadvantages characterise people from OBC. Communities outside these categories are classified as the General Category.
In this context — where concerns persist that certain castes may dominate and monopolise benefits, that additional castes may need inclusion, or that aid fails to reach those who genuinely require it due to lack of reliable data, and how broad administrative categories fail to show the complexities of caste and tribe disparities — the importance of a caste-based Census becomes undeniable. Addressing these issues, the authors, Christophe Z Guilmoto and Himanshu, through their article “Caste and Socio-economic Inequality in Bihar: A Disaggregated Analysis of the 2023 Census”, undertake an in-depth examination of Bihar’s 2023 caste Census. This initiative by the State, similar to recent efforts undertaken by Karnataka and other regions, shows the increasing need for more detailed data on caste.
A caste Census is vital for backward-caste politics, as it enables accurate identification of OBCs, many of whom lack verifiable data for inclusion. It also supports demands to reassess the Supreme Court’s 27% reservation cap, reflecting their demographic share. Finally, it prevents misuse of benefits by revealing intra-community disparities, fostering a more equitable system.
The caste history of Bihar
The socio-political landscape of Bihar has been deeply influenced by caste dynamics. From the colonial era’s regimental assignments to identify “criminal tribes,” caste data has been integral to administrative and political strategies. Post-independence, the Constitution institutionalised affirmative action through Articles 16(4) and 340, recognising the socio-economic backwardness of certain groups. However, these classifications were often based on “expert assessments” rather than empirical data, as seen with the Mandal Commission.
Since the 1950s, caste-based politics has shaped Bihar’s socio-political landscape. Key milestones include the 1978 Karpoori Formula and the Mandal Commission’s 1990 implementation, which empowered OBCs under leaders like Lalu Prasad Yadav of the Janata Dal (JD). Internal divisions within OBCs led to political splits, including the rise of the Janata Dal (United) [JD(U)] and the Lok Janshakti Party (LJP), while Nitish Kumar’s 2007 Mahadalit mission stratified SCs. While repeated calls for a national caste Census did not materialise, Bihar went ahead, conducting its own in 2023, addressing data gaps and highlighting the socio-economic disparities within caste categories.
Methodology
The 2023 Bihar caste Census, overcoming legal challenges regarding the State’s authority to collect caste, gender, and religion data, was conducted in two phases — house listing in early 2023 and socio-economic data collection mid-year. After the Patna High Court dismissed petitions against the survey, reports were released detailing caste and socio-economic data. Using a predefined list of 215 communities, the Census categorised SCs, STs, OBCs, Most Backward Classes (MBCs), forward castes, and a separate “other reported castes” (ORC) group.
Over 98% of the population fall into backward classes (BCs), GCs, MBCs, and SCs, with BCs and MBCs making up nearly two-thirds. The Yadavs are the largest group at 14.3%, followed by Dusaadhs, Chamars, and other significant communities. Despite dominant groups, the population is highly fragmented, with the 10 most prominent castes comprising less than half of the total population. The fractionalisation index of 0.96 highlights extreme diversity, exceeding even the ethnic diversity of countries like China or the U.S.
To analyse socio-economic status across communities, factor analysis was employed. This analysis focused on the 78 largest communities with populations over one lakh, as data from smaller populations is less reliable. These 78 groups represent 98.2% of Bihar’s population. While the Census included key socio-economic data, the authors note its limitations. Key indicators such as age, land ownership, and regional breakdowns were excluded, limiting the scope and depth of the findings.
Disparities in income and education
The authors explain that Bihar’s caste clusters (GC, ORC, BC, MBC, SC, ST) reveal stark socio-economic disparities. ORCs and GCs lead in income and education, while Dalits, particularly Musahars and Bhuiyas, fare the worst. Over 40% of SC and ST households earn below ₹6,000/month, compared to 25% of GCs. Meanwhile, 12% of ORCs earn above ₹50,000/month, while Dalit incomes average ₹8,000/month, far below ₹39,000 for Kayasthas.
Educational disparities mirror income trends. Dalits have less than 3.5% higher education attainment, compared to 17% among GCs. Musahars and Bhuiyas average less than four years of schooling, while Kayasthas average 10.7 years. A polynomial regression (r²=0.90) highlights a strong correlation between income and education, with higher education yielding returns, particularly for upper castes.
Within clusters, socio-economic diversity persists. BCs generally perform better than MBCs, but some MBC groups, like Dangis and Halwais, surpass many BCs. Yadavs, Bihar’s largest caste, align with regional averages but exhibit internal disparities: 40% are poor, yet 6% are highly educated. Muslim groups like Pathans and Sheikhs face challenges akin to BCs. These findings underscore that broad administrative categories fail to capture the nuanced realities of caste-based inequalities.
Employment and asset ownership
Employment data reveals glaring inter-caste disparities. GCs dominate both the public and private sectors, while SCs like Musahars and Bhuiyas are largely confined to manual labour. Although reservations have narrowed disparities in government jobs, they disproportionately benefit dominant castes like Kurmis, Kushwahas, and Yadavs. Marginalised groups and Muslims remain underrepresented.
Asset ownership and migration patterns further underscore the socio-economic inequalities in Bihar. GCs and ORCs lead in housing and asset ownership, while marginalised groups such as Musahars, Tiyars, and Bhuiyas struggle with kutcha housing and homelessness. Migration trends also highlight disparities, with forward castes dominating student migration, while both affluent and impoverished groups are engaged in labour migration.
Using Principal Component Analysis (PCA), the authors evaluated socio-economic status across communities, focusing on variables such as housing, employment, assets, and migration. PCA, which utilised 19 variables, revealed that Musahars, Tiyars, and Bhuiyas were the most deprived, while Kayasthas emerged as the wealthiest. This ranking, based on various living standard indicators, is also closely aligned with the rankings based on education and income.
Through a detailed look at the Bihar Census 2023, the authors highlight the deep-rooted socio-economic inequalities in the State, where higher castes benefit from better income, education, and employment opportunities, while marginalised groups like Musahars and Bhuiyas remain excluded.
The Bihar caste Census is proof of the need for detailed caste data. By offering comprehensive insights, this Census shows how it can become an essential tool for informing policies and ensuring resources are allocated effectively to address disparities and foster more equitable reforms.
Rebecca Rose Varghese is a freelance journalist.
Published - January 07, 2025 08:30 am IST
