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Philippine defence: what’s so special about the Typhon missile system?

Beijing is wary as Manila can enhance its external defence with the Typhon to counter increasing Chinese assertiveness, analysts say

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The Philippines’ decision to retain the US Typhon missile system after its use in recent military exercises underscores Manila’s heightened focus on external defence, with experts noting its potential to reshape the military balance in the South China Sea.

Philippine Army spokesman Colonel Louie Dema-ala confirmed the missile launcher would remain in the country after the second phase of the annual Salaknib exercise involving the Philippine Army and the US Army Pacific ended in late September.

“The Salaknib exercise has concluded, and the Philippine Army is currently evaluating the entire training. As to the [Typhon], I’ll defer to higher headquarters on the future disposition because it is still a joint decision by the Philippines and the US,” Dema-ala said in a press briefing on Tuesday.

The Typhon, also known as the Mid-Range Capability (MRC), is a land-based, ground-launched system capable of firing the Standard Missile 6 (SM-6) and the Tomahawk Land Attack Missile with ranges of more than 240km (150 miles) and 2,500km (1,550 miles), respectively – distances that put the South China Sea and the Taiwan Strait within its radius.

Previously, General Romeo Brawner Jnr, the country’s military chief, said the Philippines wanted to procure the missile system as part of Manila’s strategy to focus more on external defence.

The Typhon was initially deployed to the Philippines in April, during the first phase of the Salaknib exercise and was also used in the Balikatan joint exercises in April and May.

A Typhon missile system being deployed in Northern Luzon, Philippines, in April. Photo: US Army Pacific
A Typhon missile system being deployed in Northern Luzon, Philippines, in April. Photo: US Army Pacific

While the military initially indicated that the missile system would be shipped back to the US after the conclusion of the Salaknib, officials later announced it would remain in the Philippines “until further notice”.

In mid-September, National Security Council Secretary Eduardo Ano said there was “still no plan to pull out the missile [system]” while Brawner Jnr said he wanted the Typhon to remain in the Philippines indefinitely.

China has voiced its opposition to the missile system’s presence in the country, with Beijing’s Foreign Minister Wang Yi issuing a statement in July accusing the US of provoking an arms race in the South China Sea. Manila has denied the accusation, asserting that the missile system is intended solely to enhance the Philippines’ defence capabilities.

Edge over China

Vina Nadjibulla, vice-president of research and strategy at the Asia-Pacific Foundation of Canada, said the decision to keep the Typhon was likely part of a broader US strategy to enhance its presence in the Indo-Pacific amid growing tensions with China.

“It signals a strengthened US-Philippine defence relationship and could serve as a deterrent against Chinese actions in contested areas like the South China Sea and Taiwan Strait,” Nadjibulla told This Week in Asia.

With its ability to strike targets deep within China, Nadjibulla said the Philippines-based Typhon would give Manila and its American ally a strategic edge.

“The Philippines is interested in the Typhon system because it enhances the country’s defence posture in the face of increasing Chinese assertiveness. While other systems from different countries may have been considered, the Typhon stands out due to its compatibility with US defence infrastructure,” Nadjibulla said.

US and Philippine marines gather at a military base in Taguig city, Metro Manila ahead of joint exercises in June. Photo: EPA-EFE
US and Philippine marines gather at a military base in Taguig city, Metro Manila ahead of joint exercises in June. Photo: EPA-EFE

The next joint military exercise involving Philippine and US troops, the Kamandag, will take place from October 15-24, when the Typhon is expected to be deployed again, according to Nadjibulla. The exercise would seek to counterbalance China’s growing influence in the region through enhancing cooperation and interoperability between the US and its regional partners, Nadjibulla said.

“During the Kamandag exercise, the Typhon missile system will likely be tested in simulated scenarios to assess its operational readiness and feasibility for regional defence. The US and Philippine forces have already been training with the system, and further exercises could enhance their ability to deploy it in potential future conflicts,” Nadjibulla added.

Filipino analyst Aaron Jed Rabena, a senior lecturer at the Asian Center in the University of the Philippines and a member of the Philippine Council for Foreign Relations, told This Week in Asia that Beijing’s strong reaction over the Typhon’s presence in the Philippines was because it set a precedent in the deployment of an advanced US missile system in the region.

“This is the first time deployment in Asia in history. And we can see China’s reaction by conducting its ICBM test. There’s an action-reaction,” Rabena said. He was referring to the test of China’s DF-41 intercontinental ballistic missile, which has a range capable of reaching the US mainland, on September 25, which coincided with the concluding phase of the Salaknib exercise.

An ICBM typically has a range greater than 5,500km (3,417 miles) and is designed to carry nuclear warheads.

Rabena suggested that Manila might consider purchasing the Typhon from the US. “I think the mentality of our security managers is that the more military weapons you buy, the more political power you will have. It has introduced a new dimension into the security competition between the Philippines and China,” he said.

A view of the Typhon missile system at Laoag International Airport, Philippines. Photo: Handout via Reuters
A view of the Typhon missile system at Laoag International Airport, Philippines. Photo: Handout via Reuters

Typhon’s deployment against vessels

Joshua Espeña, resident fellow and vice-president of the International Development and Security Cooperation, emphasised the Typhon’s capacity to counter the Chinese naval presence in Philippine waters.

Recent monitoring by the Philippine Navy reported a total of 90 Chinese vessels – including 11 People’s Liberation Army Navy (PLA-N) ships and 17 Chinese Coast Guard vessels – sailing around the West Philippine Sea from September 30 to October 6.

“That’s what you need to sink PLA-N vessels loitering in the West Philippine Sea and Luzon Strait. We can look to similar systems but this one stands out for reasons of maturity of technology based on deployment by US forces. We want to hedge our bets on used systems rather than anywhere else,” Espeña told This Week in Asia.

“This will help both forces to test their multidomain operational capabilities as the Typhon is an anti-ship capability. The fleet and marines of the Philippine Navy can’t neutralise all threats in a shooting scenario but ground-based units can offset such gaps,” he added.

Muhammad Faizal Bin Abdul Rahman, a research fellow at the Institute of Defence and Strategic Studies (IDSS) at Singapore’s S. Rajaratnam School of International Studies, told This Week in Asia Manila’s decision to keep the Typhon highlighted the converging strategic interests of the Philippines and the US.

The Typhon addressed a critical gap in the Philippines’ external defence capabilities, Rahman said.

South Korea, Philippines share ‘common understanding’ on South China Sea

“The Typhon is of great interest to the Philippines as it would greatly increase the country’s external defence capabilities, which is a capability gap that is sorely lacking and for a long time enabled Chinese forces to outgun and outmanoeuvre the Philippines at its exclusive economic zone in the South China Sea,” he added.

However, he cautioned about the potential repercussions if the Philippines and the US test were to test the Typhon’s capabilities near geopolitically sensitive areas like the Taiwan Strait or the South China Sea.

“China might respond with exercises at the South China Sea showcasing even more naval assets to demonstrate its displeasure. China might also use its diplomatic clout to voice displeasure during the coming 11th Asean Defence Ministers’ Meeting-Plus in November,” Rahman said.

“Officials from some Asean countries are likely to quietly meet with Filipino officials to better understand the Philippines’ intent or voice their worries that this is a destabilising move,” he added.

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Philippines refutes China’s arms race claim, says Typhon missile system for self-defence

Philippine Defence Chief Gilberto Teodoro Jnr says China should not interfere with Manila’s plan to boost its ‘credible deterrence’

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The Philippines has refuted China’s claims of an arms race between the two nations following reports that the Southeast Asian country will continue to host an advanced US missile system amid the territorial dispute between the two neighbours.

The comments by Philippine Defence Chief Gilberto Teodoro Jnr on the Typhon missile system were echoed by analysts, who say there is a huge imbalance in the defence capabilities of the two countries while the Philippines also lag behind its other neighbours in defence technology.

Speaking on the sidelines of the 5th Asian Defence and Security Exhibition in Pasay City on Wednesday, Teodoro criticised Beijing’s interference in Manila’s internal affairs over the Typhon’s deployment.

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Opinion | Whether Trump or Harris wins, for Manila, 1 thing will stay the same

Given the US’ contest with China, the Philippines’ strategic role and its alliance with Washington will remain critical

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Just a month before the US presidential election, Kamala Harris and Donald Trump have nearly exhausted their campaign capacity, even as the results remain uncertain. The election matters for the international community, given the ambiguity over Washington’s long-term influence in the Indo-Pacific.
The Philippines presents a dynamic case within the US-led “hub-and-spokes” network. Over the past eight years, Manila’s approach towards its sole treaty ally has fluctuated from neglect and ambivalence to robust and defining strategic cooperation.
Today, the US alliance is centre stage in the Philippines’ foreign policy. The partnership has become a fulcrum for Manila’s strategic cooperation with others to deter China’s assertive activities in its exclusive economic zone and to enhance its defence and economic resilience.

Given how President Ferdinand Marcos Jnr’s administration has invested significantly in deepening and broadening the alliance, Manila will naturally be apprehensive about the changes the US election may bring.

Concerns over a second Trump presidency, for example, stem from his first stint in the Oval Office. These include Trump’s protectionist economic policies and his unwillingness to allow the US to play a more prominent role as a net security provider without considerable burden-sharing from allies.
Trump also possesses a disdain for institutional economic and defence cooperation. But this only paints half the picture. For instance, when then secretary of state Mike Pompeo visited Manila in March 2019, he said an armed attack on any Philippine force, aircraft or public vessel in the South China Sea would trigger US defence obligations.
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