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Opinion | Asean needs a plan to navigate choppy US-China relations

The regional grouping is at a crossroads, under pressure from its own citizens to do better amid high anxiety over major power competition

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As the world awaits the results of the most closely watched and most consequential election in November, Asean needs to have a strategic game plan regardless of who wins. The peace and prosperity of Southeast Asia cannot be left to the whims of polarised US politics and uncertain American policy towards China.
While China was not at the centre of the debate between Donald Trump and Kamala Harris, both candidates promised to be tough on China. Trump vowed to continue his trade war against China, while Harris promised that the United States will win the competition with China.

For members of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations, the state of US-China relations has profound implications. It is therefore imperative for Asean members to plan for different scenarios that could unfold in the years to come.

Asean leaders will be gathering in Vientiane, Laos, from October 6-11 – a month before the US election – to talk about connectivity and resilience. These are two catch-all words for all the tasks Asean member states have to undertake to remain relevant and shape their own destiny amid great power rivalry and in the face of complex regional challenges.
In recent years, Asean’s credibility and centrality has been called into question because of its inability to achieve substantive progress in its community-building efforts, manage rising tensions in the South China Sea and implement the five-point consensus on Myanmar.
When Asean started in 2003 to pursue deeper integration, globalisation was in full swing, the security environment was benign and there was broad strategic and political stability. Two decades later, Asean faces rising economic nationalism, geopolitical uncertainties and a climate emergency. None of these forces show signs of abating and without sound and pragmatic leadership, the regional and global environment may only deteriorate further.
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The proliferation of minilateral groupings such as Aukus and the Quad challenges the centrality of Asian-led mechanisms, while increasing division within Asean on how to deal with Myanmar and how to respond to the situation in the South China Sea has dented Asean’s credibility.
Indeed, in a new State of Southeast Asia survey published by the ISEAS-Yusof Ishak Institute in Singapore, more than 75 per cent of respondents from around the region expressed concern that Asean is becoming an arena of major power competition, and that Asean is too slow and ineffective in coping with the fluid political and economic developments.

Asean is at a crossroads. It is under internal pressure from its own citizens to do more at a time when it also facing increasing doubts over its ability to deliver on the strategic goal of keeping the region peaceful and stable through dialogue and diplomacy.

Asean-led regional mechanisms such as Asean Regional Forum and the East Asia Summit are under stress; and Asean agencies such as the Asean Coordinating Centre for Humanitarian Assistance on disaster management and the Asean Institute for Peace and Reconciliation need to develop more capacity to deal with increasing humanitarian crises that result from climate change and sociopolitical tensions.

The emerging and long-term challenges faced by Asean require that member states actively engage civil society, businesses and think tanks to seek ideas and expertise and work collaboratively to co-create solutions, to foster an open and inclusive community that is focused on delivering peace and prosperity for its population.

On September 10, with the support of the Asean Secretariat, the Asean Institutes of Strategic and International Studies network of think tanks held a summit involving a wide spectrum of think tanks from Asean member states and Asean dialogue partners.

A Rohingya refugee carries a bamboo pole at a refugee camp in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh, on September 28. Many Rohingya Muslims who fled Myanmar to escape political violence have ended up in Bangladesh. Photo: Reuters
A Rohingya refugee carries a bamboo pole at a refugee camp in Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh, on September 28. Many Rohingya Muslims who fled Myanmar to escape political violence have ended up in Bangladesh. Photo: Reuters
Bringing together a very diverse group of domain experts, thought leaders and policy researchers, the summit generated stimulating discussions and robust debates on what Asean’s priorities should be in economic integration and how Asean should deal with the situation in Myanmar, manage the great power tensions and operationalise its 2019 Outlook on the Indo-Pacific to retain its centrality.

The deliberations broadly agreed that for Asean to regain its credibility and centrality, it has to step up efforts and garner the necessary political will to make real progress on the following.

First, there needs to be more connectivity and integration to transform the region into a dynamic, digitally enabled, sustainable and green economy.

Second, more resources are needed to build institutional resilience and strengthen capacity to respond to humanitarian and political crises.

Third, more internal strategic discussions, policy coordination and proactive engagement with dialogue partners are needed to ensure an open and peaceful Indo-Pacific.

Philippines and China trade blame over confrontation in South China Sea
One thing that stood out during the deliberations at the Asean Think Tanks Summit is the anxiety among countries in the region over US and Chinese policies and politics. The tense atmosphere in the South China Sea has gone up a notch with the clashes between the Philippines and China, and the perception that the Philippine actions were influenced by the US after the trilateral US-Japan-Philippines leaders’ summit.

If elected, would Harris carry on Joe Biden’s policy of carefully maintaining a lattice of alliances to counter China’s influence? And what would US policy towards Asean look like under a second Trump administration?

The message that came through loud and clear from the think tanks summit is the need for Asean to revitalise its regional mechanisms and operationalise its Outlook on the Indo-Pacific to ensure that the region remains open and inclusive, and that dialogue and diplomacy, security and development go hand in hand.

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Yeo Lay Hwee
Dr Yeo Lay Hwee is director of the European Union Centre in Singapore and a senior research fellow at the Singapore Institute of International Affairs.
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Beijing uses ‘divide and conquer’ tactic with Asean as South China Sea tensions heat up

As China doubles down on its tactics against the Philippines, it is trying to pull other Southeast Asian nations away from Manila

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Southeast Asia is playing an ever-growing part in China’s investment and diplomatic decisions, particularly as Beijing’s rivalry with Washington heats up. In the first of a four-part series on China’s ties with Asean, Shi Jiangtao looks at the wider implications of the increasingly adversarial relationship between Beijing and Manila.
Escalating hostilities between Beijing and Manila in the South China Sea has brought the region closer to an undesired conflict, putting Southeast Asia’s growing China conundrum on the spot.

China and the Philippines have exchanged fiery criticism of each other’s “provocative behaviours”, with coastguard vessels from both sides colliding six times since March near two uninhabited flashpoint shoals in the disputed waters.

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‘Tremendous risk’: can Asean unity endure if US-China tensions erupt?

The 10-member regional bloc’s ‘passive neutrality’ stance could fracture if member countries are forced to choose sides, analysts say

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Southeast Asia is playing an ever-growing part in China’s investment and diplomatic decisions, particularly as Beijing’s rivalry with Washington heats up. In the second of a four-part series on China’s ties with Asean, Dewey Sim looks at the challenges facing the bloc and what it must do to remain relevant.
A long and heated rivalry between the United States and China could spell trouble for Asean – a scenario that would expose cracks within – and pose “tremendous risk” to – the regional bloc as member states grow increasingly divided over their approaches to the superpowers, according to diplomatic observers.

The stakes are high. If the 10-member Association of Southeast Asian Nations fails to navigate the intensifying US-China competition, it could become irrelevant on the world stage, they say.

Staying on the fence while tensions simmer between Washington and Beijing is familiar territory for nations in the bloc, with top officials from the region often stressing their countries will not take sides.

But that routine may soon become less tenable, according to Muhammad Waffaa Kharisma, a researcher at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies in Jakarta, who predicted it will become increasingly difficult for the Asean bloc to collectively maintain its “passive neutrality” towards the US-China rivalry.

“Ideally, Asean should assert a form of autonomy and agency commensurate with its growing size and projected growth and importance,” he said.

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