If you’re just tuning into this series, I posted this booklet alleging the wildest totalitarian conspiracy imaginable, with a map to a sea of proof.

The big picture: Cryptocurrency is history’s largest Ponzi scheme that will soon collapse the world economy, all so the U.S. government and their criminal allies can escalate the theft of our entire livelihoods with a fascist world coup. We are effectively in history’s largest doomsday cult – our government and media have intentionally made us divided, anxious, hopeless, and helpless as they gut any collective opposition to their theft.

That’s because the U.S. is a ‘secret kleptocracy’: they pretend it’s a democracy, but both parties are controlled by financial criminals whose only goal is to bleed us dry.

In this post, rather than share some wild secrets, we’ll be digging into political theory to better understand why our government would do something so destructive, how ‘secret kleptocracy’ relates to fascism, and what the public must do to escape these hellish circumstances. 

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I’ve been asked a couple times why I’m posting this series on r/stupidpol. Although it isn’t within this sub’s wheelhouse, I’ve been posting here because it’s the best online leftist community that I know of: It isn’t steeped in irony, it generates intelligent discussion, and its members already see through the charade of identity politics that our media and government use to keep us divided. And as we’ll see, leftist action is the only way out.

I’m especially grateful to one user who recommended the book Fascism and Social Revolution by R. Palme Dutt in the context of this research. The book, written during Hitler’s ascent in 1934, is incredibly prescient: while few imagined the atrocities that were on the horizon, Dutt saw the writing on the wall perfectly. The book’s final chapter serves as an incredible (and incredibly important) essay, and you can find a PDF of the full text here.

“Fascism is the outcome of modern capitalism in crisis,” Dutt writes, “of capitalism passing into the period of the proletarian revolution, when it can no longer maintain its power by the old means, but is compelled to resort to ever more violent methods for the suppression of all working-class organization.”

He argues that following World War I, the bourgeoisie maintained its power through myths about Social Democracy and Reformism: They promised that workers’ rights would improve so long as they worked within a liberalized capitalist framework. But in the face of the Great Depression, this framework only weakened workers’ rights as they conceded more and more power to capitalism.

We can see clear parallels with the modern era. Despite the majority of the public’s support for more liberal policies and a growing rejection of capitalism entirely, we’ve seen a steady rightward shift as both major political parties operate in service of capital: Through hollow promises of liberal reform and social democracy, the public has been coerced into accepting the dominant power of capital above all.

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When I began posting about our impending fascist coup, one commenter said, “Why would our government do a fascist coup? Capitalism’s power has never been more entrenched than it is today.”

That is precisely why our government would pivot to fascism now: Because they’ve effectively consolidated power, divided the masses, and shattered any collective leftist action against it. Fascism, Dutt argues, is the inevitable end result of a capitalist system that has suppressed the revolutionary power of its workers, when economic circumstances become so dire for the public that capitalism “is compelled to resort to ever more violent methods for the suppression of all working-class.”

And where does this parasitic, destructive power of capitalism lead? Once more, Dutt hits the nail on the head: “Barbarism and the return of the Dark Ages; the systematic destruction of all science and culture; the enthronement of… obscurantism [misinformation], racial persecution and torture systems; the return to a system of isolated, self-sufficient warring communities.”

If you’ve been following this series, you can see striking parallels between yesterday’s fascism and today’s secret kleptocracy: Rather than championing scientific research, our most elite universities are awash in fake-science Ponzi factories as our criminal government guts public education.

Meanwhile, they’ve poisoned culture so completely that they’ve turned society into a haunted carnival of messaging designed to atomize us and turn us into depressed, malleable, and obedient consumers.

Misinformation is at the heart of this totalitarian con: Our own government wants us chasing nonsense conspiracies about aliens and QAnon, and they’ve created a fake ‘red vs. blue’ puppet show to convince us that they have the public’s best interest at heart but that the other political tribe stands in the way.

Racial persecution is found in the rampant ghettoization and scapegoating of minorities and immigrants, something so pervasive that it hardly merits discussion.

On torture systems, I’ll note two personal stories from this year: First, I was detained for 72 hours on an involuntary psychiatric hold for breaking the unwritten rules of capitalism. I was detained in a hospital ward – although it wasn’t ideal, it wasn’t a hellish experience: I was free to roam the wing, talk with medical staff, shoot some hoops, eat decent cafeteria food, and so on.

Second, I was jailed for forty days for civil disobedience. It was my first time in jail, and it became clear to me after just one night that the purpose wasn’t corrections or rehabilitation; it was state-funded torture. We were woken up for slop breakfast at 4 AM before we went back to sleep; we were berated by zealous corrections officers for anything and everything; we slept on cold metal cots with practically non-existent mattresses. We weren’t just detained; we were treated like sub-human scum, stuck in a concrete box. If you view our government with the benevolence it ascribes itself, I implore you to break a small rule and spend a night in the torture box yourself.

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Perhaps fascism’s most significant contribution to political theory is in its use of propaganda; while Marxists viewed society through the lens of class struggle, Mussolini harnessed the power of totalitarian propaganda to assert the dominance of his own ideology and concentrate power at the expense of the Italian public.

In effect, he fought an information war, recognizing the power of language, iconography, and symbolism to coerce the public into accepting and supporting his dictatorial rule.

As we’ve discussed in this series, propaganda has been central to the rise of our secret kleptocracy, all designed to manufacture consent as the government steals from its own public. Mass media tells us that we’re oafish, divided and morally decayed; partisan news media divides the public against itself; and social media creates a haunted fiction designed to convince us to be anxious, apathetic, and hopeless.

As our criminal leaders undoubtedly realized following the horrors of World War II, they couldn’t simply champion fascism as Mussolini and Hitler once had even if it’s the end-stage of capitalist domination – the public would never stand for it. And so, we see how propaganda evolved accordingly: The public has been given the illusion of choice to support competing ideologies, but all options yield to the domination of capital and therefore steer the unwitting public right back to fascism.

We can see this when we reflect on the uncanny similarities of competing worldviews: Whether someone is a liberal, a conservative, a socialist, or a libertarian, they will commonly believe that partisan strife is insurmountable; that capitalist power is so entrenched that it cannot be usurped; that our best days are behind us; and that we are incapable of solving the growing existential crises we all face.

And that, of course, is a result of our secret kleptocracy: By slicing us all into competing tribes and instilling us with hopelessness, they’ve effectively smashed the power of the collective, leaving us paralyzed and impotent as they steal the American Dream.

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While these are admittedly very dark times, there is one (and only one) path forward.

Returning to Fascism and Social Revolution, Dutt notes that fascism rose in Germany not because the country’s workers’ movement was backward, but because it was relatively advanced. Given the growing agitation and discontent among the working class, the violence and suppression of fascism became the only means to quash the power of the public.

We can find the same truth today: Although the government has successfully fractured leftist solidarity, a record number of people oppose capitalism and support socialism. Even among those that don’t, we have a growing distrust of the American government and a pervasive belief that our elites do not serve the interests of the public.

And so, despite being on the eve of fascism, the public has never had more potential energy to rid themselves of this parasitic government once and for all. If we arm ourselves with truth, hope, and conviction, we can do exactly what our cult leader government tells us we cannot: build collective action, unite against them, yield no power or authority to them, and fight for a working-class movement to abolish our criminal government.

Or, as Dutt put it:

“Whatever the black hells of suffering and destruction that have still to be passed through, we face the future with the certainty and confidence of approaching power, with contempt for the barbarous antics of the doomed and decaying parasite class enemy and its final misshapen progeny of Fascism, with singing hearts and glowing confidence in the future. ‘The last fight let us face. The Internationale unites the human race.’”