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GOVERNMENT OF INDIA
| DEPARTMENT OF ARCHAEOLOGY |
CENTRAL ARCHAZOLOG! CAL

L| BRARY Soe

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BULLETIN

OF THE

SCHOOL OF ORIENTAL oripres
I ONDON INSTITUTION

Published by

The School of Oriental Studies, London laste |
| Finsbury Circus, E.C. 2.

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Agents: Messrs. Luzac & Co., 46 Greal Russell Street, W.C.1.

AL ARCH \FOLOGIGAS
LIBRARY, B1g 3. JEL.
Aco. No,.2.
mee COR 5/8 —.

ae ee

STtErHEeN AteTiIN AND Sone, LTD,
FPartEens, HERTFORD.

CONTENTS OF VOLUME IV

PAPERS CONTRIBUTED

Path

A Corean Vocabulary. By 8. Qcuna - ; : ]

On the Adbhuta-Ramiyana, By Sir Grorce A. GRIERSON . li

Man as Willer. By C. A. F. Rays Davips . ae « 339
The Mission of the Jesuit Fathers in China. Contributed by

Sir AnNoLp T. WILSON : | 47

The Passive Voice of the Jnanesvari. By W. Doperet . ; 59
The Government of “Prepositions” in Gujarati, By
W. DoperetT. ' ; .
Notes on “The Assyrian Tree”. By SipNEY Suir = lwti‘(et;*;*é«SD
Note on the Statical and some other Participles in Hindustani.
By Lient.-Col. D.C. Par.torr- : A AT
Bengali Ballads. By W. Surron Pace ; eae a
‘A Selection from the T’ung Shu. Translated by J. P. Bruce O7
Some Remarks on Indian Music. ByS.G.Kannere . - 100
Kurdish Stories from my Collection. By Bastte NiKITINE 121
Notes on the Pronunciation of Kanuri. By Ina ©. Warp. 139
The Original Home of the Indo-Europeans. By Jar

CHARPENTIER. ; i ; : . Td
Pe Voulten’s Noticia. Translated by Lavrence soma aNe . 22
The Swahili Saga of Liongo Fumo, By A. WERNER. . 247
Deux residents mongols en Chine et en Asie Centrale, By

E. BLocHeT : : ; % .. 257
The Jungle Tribes of the Malay Peninsula, By P. Scuenesta 269
Notes on some Sanskrit MSS. on Alamkara, By Susi.

Kumar De ; : : : : 9279
Janakiharana XVI. Edited by L. D. Barxetr. i . 285
Ajamila-miksa-prabandha of Nariyana Bhatta. By

VeNKATARAMA SanmA SAstri : 295
A Prayer of Sankaracharya. By S.G, KaANHERE .~ .- ool
Waman Pandit—Scholar and Marathi Poet. By 5. G,Kasnere 300

i] CONTENTS

«/Stress-Accent in Indo-Aryan, By Bananst Das Jars
The Development of English ¢, d, in North Indian Languages.
By T. Graname Baitey . ;
Syim Sundar Dis’s Bhigi Vigyin. Contributed by G. E.
LEESON ; ;
‘Omar Khayyam. By E. Denson Ross
An Arabic and a Persian metrical version of Burzo8’s auto-
biography from “ Kalila and Dimna”, By E. Dexison
Ross .
A Chinese Treatise on Avchibectite By W. ‘Pennevit Tene
Remarks on the Identification of some Jitaka Pictures. By
JARL CHARPENTIER.
A Burushaski Text from Hunza. By D. L, R. Lemiiaxe:
Notes on Dardic. By R. L. Turxer
The Grammar of the Jiiinegvari. By W. Hoven
Kodagu Peda, Tulu Pudar. By Epwis H. Tutrie
The Ramayana in Indonesia. By J. Kats .
A Study of the Oroha Language, Mala, Solomon (lands. By
W. G. Ivens , ;
Some Readings of Jicnktharans XVI. By 8. K. Dé
Notes on Japanese Literature. By S, YosHrraKe .
Some Mongolian Maxims. By 8. Yosurrake ,
Yama, Gandharva, and Glaucus. By L. D. Barxetr
Fresh Light on Khawass Khin. By E. Denison Ross
A Portrait of Abu'l Fazl. Communicated by T. W. Anwoip
Taxation in Persia. By Mosrara Kuawx Faren :
Studies in Contemporary Arabic Literature. By H. A, R. Give
The Agastya Selection of Tamil Saivite Hymns. By M., 8. H.
THompsox . :
Dravidian Gender-words, By Epwnt i. Torr
The Gender of Arabic Infinitives in Urdu. By T. igi
Balter.
ye ap Words in Panjabi. By T. Gace Bina ‘
The Pronunciation of Marathi. By A. Luoyp James and
5. G, Kaxnere a opel? Pes!
‘ Grammatical Sketch of the Jahai Dialect. By Parer P.
SCHEBESTA .
Chansons de Pagayeurs. By J. aria
An old War Song of the Babemba. By R. 0 Weneaul .

FaAGF.

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CONTENTS

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

T G. AravamuTHan. The Kaveri, the Maukharis and the
Sangam Age. By L. D, Barnett

Jonannes Herren. Die Arische Feuerlehre. By L. DD, Barnett

Hewxry Dopwett. A sketch of the History of India from 1858—
1918. By William Foster Sh eae fee ee ene

C. A. Kincarp and D, B. Parasnis. A History of the Maratha
People, Vol. TI. By H, Dodwell .

G. BE. Harvey. History of Burma. By H. Dodwell

Duan Gopat Muxers. My Brother's Face. By H. Dodwell .

Benoytosa Buatrracuaryya. The Indian Buddhist [cono-
graphy. By L. D. Barnett AL fea.

B. N. and B. B. MEHTA. The Modern Gujarati-English
Dictionary, 2 volumes. By W. Doderet ‘

CreisTiaN KEYssER. Wiarterbuch der Kate Sprache. By
Sidney H. Ray .

Auice Werner. Volume V 1 (African) of the My holes i
all Races". By E. Denison Ross . ; | ‘

Maria von Trttne. Somali-Texte und Untersuchungen zur zur
Lautlehre. By A. Werner .

FE. Torpay. Causeries Congolaises. By A. igen ¢

Gernarp Lispsiom. Jakt-och Fangstmetoder bland
Afrikanska Folk. Dell. By A. Werner

Maurice Denarosse. la Culture Moderne : avaisations
négro-africaines. By A. Werner

A. Satmony. Sculpture in Siam. By C. 0. Blagden

F. Bauiop. The Volga Pompei. By M. Kasanin. :

Yurer Rex Cuao. A Phonograph Course in the Chinese National
Language. By J. P. Bruce ; :

The Mathnawi of Jalalu'ddin Betton, Edited. ote by Reynold A.
Nicholson. Vol. I, By C. E. Wilson

A. BenrrepaLe Keirs. Religion and Philosophy of the V be
and Upanishads, By Jarl Charpentier . ;

Vikrama’s Adventures. Edited and translated by Franklin
Edgerton. By Jarl Charpentier

Buddhistische Spitantike in Mittelasien von av von iF Coq.
Fiinfter Teil: Neue Rildwerke. By Jarl Charpentier

Further Dialogues of the Buddha, Translated ee Lord

Chalmers. By ©. A. F. Bhys Davids !

Vil
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174
177
178
179
180
181
182
184
187

189
191

192
193
194
197

197

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Vil CONTENTS

8. Tachtpana. The Ethics of Buddhism. By C. A. F. Rhvs
Davids

Louis pe La VaLier Pov SIN. Nirea ina. By Th. Stcherbateky

R. J. WALKER. Parnassus Biceps. By R. L, Turner

E. Hutrzscu. Inscriptions of Asoka. New edition, By R. L.
Turner

A. M. Hocarr. Machine of the AsSimologice! Gieey of Cayien.
Vol. II. By R. L. Turner

Banpuram Saksena, The Verb in the Ramayan of Tulst Das, By
R. L. Turner

Dunicanp. ibe aur Hindi ka Bhisé- Vijhan: By R. i
Turner :

Jutes Biocu. “ Voir” en indoArven: By R. i: Turner

JULES Biocu. Le Nom du Riz. By R. L. Turner

G. Morcenstienne. Report on a Linguistic Mission to
Afghanistan. By R. L. Turner

Joun Sampsox, The Dialect of the Circa of Wales,
By R. L. Turner

BaBuraM Saksena. Hindi ona Didi The possibilities of
their rapprochement. By R. L. Turner . ;

Three Nepali Reading Books. By R. L. Turner :

G. A. Grierson. Bihar Peasant Life. Second edition. By
R. L. Turner . : ; . : ;

L. A. Wappett. Indo-Sumerian Seals Deciphered. By
R. L. Turner : ’ . - .

Prapuat CHANDRA ikke cles Linguistic Speculations
of the Hindus. By Siddheswar Varma : ‘ :

Atiya Beoum Fyzez Ranamix, Music of India. By 8. G.

Keseo Vinayak Goppote. Maharastra Sakuntala. By 8, G.
Kanhere,

JOHANNES HerTet. Die Methods der Paci: Forchung
By L. D. Barnett - :

Eexst Diez. Die Kunst Indiens. By L. D. Bah?

Brsope Benart Dutt. Town Planning in Ancient India. By
L. D. Barmett

Travel and Travellers in the Middle Ages ‘Edited by a p.
Newton. By H. Dodwell i

Padi

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366

S67

371

376

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CONTENTS

H. B. Morse. Chronicles of the East India Company Bias to
China, 1635-1834. By H. Dodwell . ; :

Memoirs of William Hickey. Vol. IV. By H. Dodwell

Sir Duncan Campsett. Records of Clan Campbell in the
Service of the East India Company. By H. Dodwell

S. H. Loxerice. Four Centuries of Modern Irag. By
H. Dodwell . : - ; ;

W. A. J. Arcueotp. Outlines of Indian Constitutional
History. By H. Dodwell |

Sir Georce Forrest. State Papers of the Ganbbae: General of
India—Cornwallis. By H. Dodwell , 3 ;

J.D. B. Griese. History of the Decean. Vol. IT. By H.
Dodwell ; ‘ ;

Arruur Maynew. The Education of India. By H. Dodwell

W.H. 'T. Garrpyer. Phonetics of Arabic. By H. A. R. Gibb
and A, Lloyd James

P. Pau. Sparx. Al-Mashra’. By H. A. R. Gibb

The Difnar of the Coptic Church. Edited by De Lacy 0 Page!
By 8. Gaselee

Rev. Frs. A. Rercnart and Dr. M. Kusreis. OSB. ‘Elonuantery
Kiswaheli Grammar. By F. Johnson .

Bruno Gurmann. Das Recht der Dschagga. By A. Werner

Gernarp Lixppitom. Notes on the Kamba oe By
*. Werner . ;

C.K. Meek. The Northern Tribes of Nigeria. By Ng We emer .

Tanganyika Territory. Report of the Education Committee.
By A. Werner

The International Review of Minions Bemntel Africa Wiebe:
By A. Werner

Hans Coupexnove. My httican Nesiones By A. Westar

The Satapatha Brahmana in the Kanviya Recension. Edited by
Dr. W. Caland. Vol. I. By A. Berriedale Keith

W. Catanxp. Over het Vaikhanasasiitra. By A. Berriedale Keith

R. D. Raxape, <A Constructive Survey of Upanishadic
Philosophy. By A. Berriedale Keith.

Tu. Srcuernatsky. La Théorie de la Conitixisasiana® et la
Logique chez les FRouddhistes tardifs. By A. Berriedale

Keith .
James M. MacrpHal., AsGKaL By i D. ‘Barneté

PAGE

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398

40)

401

405

406

408
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414

416

417
418

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624

627
628

x CONTENTS

Rapuakumup Mookers. Harsha. By L. D, Barnett

Magha’s Sisupalavadha. Ins Deutsche iibertragen von E.
Hultzach. By L. D, Barnett .

Adcaryactidamani. A Drama by ‘Saktibhadra. By L. D. Bamett

Gaekwad's Oriental Series. By L. D. Barnett

Further Dialogues of the Buddha. Translated... Ry Loud
Chalmers. Vol. IT. By C. A. F. Rhys Davids

Mukunpa Ganesu Miraskar. Samagloki Gita, By 5. G,
Kanhere

Jacannatu Das pe Bihari Ratnakar. By T. Giihans
Bailey ; ‘ ; ; '

Girrmnar Das. Jarasadh Vadh Mahakavya. Edited by Vraj
Ratn Dis. By T. Grahame Bailey

Father Prerre Dv Jarric, 5.J. Akbar and the Fostiee
Translated by C. H. Payne. By A. Werner

Georges Marcounies. Le Kou-wen chinois. By Lionel Giles

Grorces Marcouties. Le “ Fou” dans de Wen-sman. By
Lionel Giles

CHaries Hose. Natural Man ;: A facand iota Baran: by
C.O, Blagden =.

L. A. Minus. British Malaya, 1824-67. By C. 0. Blagden

Evwarp Graxvitte Browne. A Year amongst the Persians,
By Wolseley Haig ;

Tayyibat, the Odes of Shaikh Mualibu: ‘d- Din Sadi Shirazi
Translated by Sir Lucas White King. By Wolseley Haig

MusammMap Yaya tex Sigax. Dastir-i-"Ushshag. Edited by

R. 8. Greenshields, By Wolseley Haig ; ; ,
The Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem, Report... By
Amold J. Toynbee . ; ‘ ;
Francis Rexxect Ropp. People of ‘the Veil By P. P. H.
Hasluck .

A. Moret and G, yer Fic Hitbe to. Eninirs. By H. Dodw ell

Sir James Grorce Frazer. The Worship of Nature. Vol, I, By
“FH. Dodwell. ;

DowaLp A. MackeNzIE. The Migration of Symbol By H.
Dodwell . . c :

WILLIAM CROOKE. Relic sisi. Folklore 2 Northern India.
By H. Dodweil . : ; : |

PAce

Hol
HZ

633
637
637

638

Hal
640)

644
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659

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66]

CONTENTS

Franxcors Lexa, La Magie dans I’Egypte antique, de l'ancien
empire jusqu'a 'époque copte. Stom. By A.Werner
Nananin CHaAMANLAL Menta, Studies in Indian Painting,
By T. W. Arnold

P. W. Sonmrpt, 5.V.D. Die forachfamiliom wed Sprachen kreiss
der Erde. By C. 0. Blagden,

Crement M. Doxe. The Phonetics of the Zulu Languige
By Lilias E. Armstrong

W. Y. Evans-Wentz. The Tibetan Book of the Dead. By
H. Lee Shuttleworth

Tx, Stcuersarsky. The Ohare ption "ok Buddhist Nictauee
By C. A. F. Rhys Davids

Jan Dasrur Curserm Pavey. The Zoroastrian ‘Doctens of
a Future Life, By C. A. F. Rhys Davids “

Hemcuanpra Raycuaupuuer. Political History of Aniient
India, By C. A. F. Rhys Davids . -

Ryuxaw Krura. A Historical Study of the ferns Hinaya inh
and Mahayana and the Origin of Mahayana Buddhism. By
(. A. F. Rhys Davids .

Barhut Inscriptions. Edited by Benimadhab ‘Paras and
Kumar G. Sinha. By C. A. F. Rhys Davids

The Book of the Cave of Treasures. Translated by Sir E. A.
Wallis Budge. By L. D. Barnett .

Ernst Scurertirz, Die bildichen Datatolinngen ane Indischen
Gittertrinitit in der filteren ethnographischen Literatur.
By J. Charpentier : . :

Awanpa. K. Coomaraswamy. Catalogue of the Indian
Collections in the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston. Part V:
Rajput Painting. By J. Charpentier.

The Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe to India, 1615-19. Edited
by Sir William Foster. By J. Charpentier

Warren Hastings’ Letters to Sir John Macpherson. Edited by
Professor Henry Dodwell. By W. Foster

Sir Writam Fosrer. The English Factories in India, 1668-9.
By H. Dodwell .

G. H. L. Prrr-Rivers. The Clash of Cultures ‘anil the Contact of
Races. By H. Dodwell :

CuEikKH MOHAMMED Appov. Rissalat al Tawhid. ee de
la Religion musulmane. Traduite de l'arabe . . . par
B. Michel et le Cheikh Moustapha Ae Ras By
A, §. Fulton ; : ;

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670

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=1i CONTENTS

A.J. Torxper. Survey of International Affairs, 1925, Vol. 1:
The Islamic World, By A. T. Wilson : :
Munammap SHaraF. An English-Arabic Dictionary of
Medicine, Biology, and Allied Sciences. By H. A. R. Gibb
CG. R. Driver. A Grammar of the Colloquial Arabic of Syria and
Palestine. By H. A. R. Gibb ;
Commandant Justrvarp. Manuel de Berbére Marocain. By
P. P. H. Hasluck : :
Sipxey H. Ray. A Comparative Study of the Melanesian
Island Languages. By C. 0. Blagden ‘ |
James Barkre. The Amarna Age, By C. J.C. Bennett .
Université de Paris; Travaux et Mémoires de l'Institut
d’Ethnologie : : ; ; : : :
Eu. G. Warrertor. Tome I: Les bas-reliets des
bitiments royaux d’Abomey. By A. Werner.
René Mavntrer. Tome IIT: La construction collective
de la maison en Kabylie. By A. Werner.
Rexe Travrmaxs. Tome IV: Ia Iuttérature
populaire } la Cote des Esclaves. By A. Werner.
Antuur S. Cries. An Africa for Africans. By A. Werner
Drepeicn Westermann. Die westlichen Sudansprachen und
ihre Beziehungen zum Bantu. By A. Werner .
M. Herre, Jaunde-Worterbuch. By A. Werner ;
The late E. Jacorrer. A Grammar of the Sesuto Language.
By A, Werner ; gee Sn : : :
G. Mureray-Jarpive. Abridged Swahili Grammar. By
A.Wermer . - : . oe ase ; : ‘
Aveusr Kurscennenes. Die Laute des Ful. By A. Werner .
S P.C.K. Publications. By A. Werner .

NOTES AND QUERIES ‘ : ; : 207, 421

OBITUARY
Edward Granville Browne, M.A., M.B., F.B.A., F.R.C.P.
Nawab Imadul Mulk Bahadur Sayed Husain Bilgrani
Professeur Maurice Delafosse ;
William Ernest Taylor

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ULLETIN

OF THE
SCHOOL OF ORIENTAL STUDIES
LONDON INSTITUELON |

oe “ ue. QIRECTOR CEVE 97, - ~~
PAPERS CONTRIBUTED. na
MINTED,
A COREAN VO®8 | Vy

By 8. Ocura

1
THEN, in the beginning of last May, I visited Professor Sir E.
Y Denison Ross, of Oriental Studies, he showed me a book
entitled Ch'ao hsien Kuan i yi (3 SE fit WE FS). Ut was of great
interest to me, as I had not seen it before, and I asked permission
to examine it. He willingly complied with my request, but at the
same time asked me to write some explanatory notes on the book.
Being only on a visit to the country, I am unable to refer to C
books of reference, and for the explanations, ete., which follow,
only trust to my memory. fe
The above-mentioned book is indeed a part of Ko &
(4 fA fF HS) in which are found the vocabularies of 4 number
of nations, viz., Quigur, Malay, Annam, Siam, Japan. Loo-choo and
others, numbering ten in all. It is the work of a Chinese who collected
the Corean vocabulary. Corean is a language that has been studied
by Chinese, Mongolians and Japanese for a fairly long period, The
Chinese as carly as the first or second century a.p., wrote in their
histories descriptive accounts of Corea, and in these books many Corean
words are to be found. Besides this we especially find.many collections
of Corean words in the Cha lin ley shih (24 $k Hi Mh). 4 book written
by Sun-mu ($f #) of the Sung dynasty, about the eleventh century |
a.p. This book supplies our material for knowledge of ancient Corean,
VOL, IV. PART I. i

2Sbee

B.S0-A:'S

P ee aw Ui ACOLUGIGARD r
LIBRARY, NEW a i
=. ——

| sae nde pK ps fake

o_o 5 Fp09/.1 2-5:
pee is highlf valued by eee es scholars. Since the time of
Sun-mu the Chinese have done little towards the elucidation of the
Corean language, and this work is unique in its wealth of Corean
vocables, and is indispensable to the study of Corean.

Ch’ao hsien kuan i yi is divided into nineteen heads—astronomy,
geography, meteorology, botany, ete., and in these are found 596
Corean words. In the vocabulary which follows, the arrangement
adopted is to place—

In the first column Chinese words ;

Inthe second column Corean written with Chinese characters used
phonetically regardless of meaning ;

In the third column the pronunciation of the first column is given
by a different Chinese character.

What I have in view here is chiefly of course the Corean contained
in the second column, and from ite contents to show the value of this
work,

Call Ne,

2. [xitrats
1. In Corean wu is a close vowel, and sometimes is pronounced
rather like w, and the Chinese occasionally express it by the character
with the initial p.

CHivEse. lang Saeronae COREAS, | ExGLisn.
!
A (pen) | RA sul! (su-ul) wine
i fi || MAI — | sul-pap wins thd oni
hh | St i Br ok nurun-sul 4 yellow wine
i i | HE By AC ch’an-sul ! unwarmed wine
|e AA i-ut-chip next door
#4 (pen) FL iN 7 TY Be A té-un-sul heated wine
iL 0H] SE 94 | pardl-ka-un-tai | mid-stream
Ws (pl) Is MF cho-eui * paper
ik | fie ts nu-tl | Younger-sister
aj Mek yo-ui-ta 4 | to be thin
= | pee
h

fF (pu)

| tul # | two

1“ Sul" is pronounced “ su-ul and the character pén is used to express “ ul ",

* yf equals “eui™, but is supposed to have been used to express “h" in the
word “ cho-heui ".

* In some dialects this is pronounced * y6-pui-ta "’.

4 Tul" is pronounced “ tu-ul " and the character “ pu” is osed to expreas a",

A COREAN VOCABULARY Ba Mie cet TV

9 In Corean r is never used as an initial ; but in the second or
following syllables it, may be so used; and in this bock the Chinese
use the character # to express the r.

1. In Corean -k, -+t, -b, when final, are implosive and not accom-
panied by an explosive. As in modern Chinese this kind of finals has
ceased to-exist, such words cannot be expressed by one Chinese
character. Therefore in this book, when the author wishes to express
-k, -t, -p, he uses a Chinese character in which somewhere the desired
sound is contamed. |

a ——— 2 en

wit | teureu-patk | suburb

|
1 In these words “tis also pronounced as “5”.

i 8. OGURA—

2. In Corean =e the Sania -m, -n, -f, are used as finale, ‘and rt
is desired by the writer to express ‘liom distinctly, as in the above
case of -k, -t, -p, he often uses some character in which the sound is
somewhere contained.

1 Is these words “t” is also pronounced as “a”.

— ee,

A COREAN VOCABULARY 5

3. As explained above, modern Chinese has lost the implosive
force of the finals -f, -t, -p, they, the Chinese, pronounce kak, kat, kap,
nearly as ka, making the difference in tone. Therefore, even when
they hear the different Corean sounds, they cannot distinguish the
difference between -k, -t, -p, -! final. They show no regularity in
expressing these finals, e.g. fh, which originally ended with a vowel,

~ is used for Corean words which end in f, I, ete. ; again, {4,. which
originally ended in & implosive, is now used to express Corean words
which end in the vowels a, 0, etc., and is also used in Corean words
which end in -k, -1,-p. I will now give some examples.

eee | oso. | CRIKnE | CORKAN. | Escnisy,
FB (hu) | Fu fay JA —a-hop nine
Vy (i) i= Dit i-seul dew
& Hr kii-eei | goose
| Pe | op | mouth
OM (na) Bt A na-mo tree
ik (Mak nat kil-ta the days are long
ow ee Fi * moi nop-ta _ mount is high
| | | rf aif nap _ monkey
{i (ni) i. fh nik to rise
iB: fr ne tooth
+ {i <r nil-kop seven
7 (pa) pl iC iat | pa-ram | wind ;
& ¥ YA 7 ie | i-pa-chi | banquet
at | pat - rice-field
4é Ht IE | kot-pat (flower)-garden
fi ie pap boiled rice
it (shih) 7 7% {Ik _ chép-si | dish
= -l- A tlt eul-sa — | doctor
ye fl ttt koa-sil fruit
+— A tke | sip-1-uol November
47 (ta) th dy @ | ta-sa(t) five
ts AAT _taitap _ answer
He (to) Ai A = -—to-l stone
Bi KH HR to-t -wild-boar
nie (2 tol tin | stone-bridge
Fy] (tet) a | fey A | a-(j)a | younger brother
. F's me cha _ purple

6 &. OGURA—
ee | CuiNest | Cannan y | Coma, | ExGLisit.
sein ae kn SESE.
Z| | | ot
= Wa PS | = |
He ka-( jyal | | au nmin
Y | A kyd-( j)al aie
= | = et, Gh o-nol ay
er) 2 A | . Eh | chyéng-uol January
+ | | th | ols | ijewel
iu) Ze i | : o-nin- -hal next year
a (wo) | ji . | ck se wf o-hai this we
ei (@) | ik iii te HE Hi BA Oreum d-reu-ta to freeze
araal | iE | "i we é-mi mother
| -+ #ii { | eui-sil doctor
[so ees | pi dp-ta _ drought
HH | kW tal-eup | large town
fi (chih) ti ei ka-chi egg-plant
: | i ift chip house
/ $e #8 WL | kybi-chep woman
Fe (ch‘th) | ve Rex ch‘t-p-ta | to be cold
| a | ka-cheuk skin
(che) me | chd-ko-ri | smock
| | Ay Te ay a. 4e ig ché-keun pa-rim | breeze
ii +P | — A pyol chdk-ta stars are rare
#y (ku) | a 4 2a ko-ku mong nostrils
| ial a aK _ kol-mok street
. ’ L iy nil-kop | seven
Fi (ki, chi) | i | 1 t'o-ki rabbit
| | WE i th ti ki-ri-ki | wild-goose
phy ie. 55 ko-#t meat
| He | ki-l road
| HE a Fi Kk hai-kil-ta | the days are long
| riers xk mul kip-ta the river is deep
1 # kip silk
st (ka, chia) | 2 m \|\MMEK chat na-ka-ta | to go bis of the
castle
Ahi a ii ka-chi ege-plant
i. pi | a i Tt | ka-ma-kui crow
ae) i ka-ma saucepan
| iy 40 | week | kil kat-kapta the way is short
i Nt kap armour
BO | i kap-chybi to pass (an exam-

_« Ination)

CHIN ESE.

# (mo)

et aS

Se BERRBSXUER

HY (pieh)

Pr (pu)

i (pl)

-
=
ie

(e
&
BRRES DRY ESR

aR Actos

ES
a i:
u

Sm ry By ba oe Be EL

Hes
SU BS &

WE (tsa)

ooo

CHis sr
Worn.

—

A COREAN VOCABULARY

(CMIX ESE.

> ome

35 SRA

eKArTr7T7TBZSZaResse
=
Pay

SBF

eS eT te ee
a

Bi or i

O_O

*EISBICaoSRS aes

ConEA™ IN

(CoREAX,
1

mo-Ti

moi wii-ri

| til malk-ta

mul-mélk-ta

| na-mal
| kil mol-ta

| pyérak

pee

pu-chval
pok-sang

| (pok

pad
ch’1-p-ta

pi-tan

hai-pit

mul ppa-reu-ta

| pa-Ta
paik-syong
s0-Ti

sa-10l

- seu-meul

| nun-#i-uk
sal-mo-ra
seup-TyGl

few-reu
Get

1 WE # | paral ka-on-tai

| hai ¢ép-ta

_cha-nan-chip
ce chat

pyol teu-meu-ta

ESoLian.

“head

| summit

the moon is bright

the water is clear
vegetable

the way is long
thunder
sunbeam

fan

peach

drum

| (writing)-brush

to be cold

rain

father

ailk

white
the stream is swift

to sell

people
frost:

April

twenty

eye-lash

boil

etiquette

the stars ate rare
uncultivated land
bridge
mid-stream

the day is warm

bedroom

| castle

) 4. Liaw in jan Chinese canna mya -m, -", fave lest all distinction,

and are pronounced alike, although in Corean the distinction is always
strictly observed, the Chinese usually express -m by the -n final; and
sometimes -ng is used to express -m or -K.

8 s. oGURA—

SS C—O ———— SSS —S—S—S—

5. To express the Corean words with final -m, the Chinese some-
sities use the characters which -yollsgeraiiea hand did not contain the final -m.

=——-

CHIN raK. ‘Word. Corea Be a ConEay. Excusn,
if (ma) | Bs aes aa | mom nom Sy srl bate

6. Because the final -I has ceased to exist in modern Chinese, Corean
words with a final -l are sometimes written in Chinese with final -n

A COREAN VOCABULARY 4

CHINESE, | — | ae | COREA, ENcLisi.

He (nén) =| K

4 OH Ft ee Py o-nal a-ch'im | this morning

=—

af we tie fy | ha-nal u-heui | heaven

———_—_—_—_=___—=_ = == =

4. Onso.eTe Worps anp DIALEcTS

In this book there are many ancient words now obsolete and
varieties in dialect which are not in use to-day in Seoul. I will give
a few examples.

CHINESE | ConkaN 18

; | imperial court

ae A Jet AL Sie tir | to ®-heun sa-rim good man
af | Ae ME A to heun ma-jim | good heart

1“ Pata” of “ patang " in now the word for sea; but anciently it was‘ pa-ral".

i “Nyd "is the old word for “in

3] represents the old word “jal” or “ia”

« 4 (chen) representa the old form “jam” now known as “am ".

‘ The imperative “ ki” is now only used in some dialects.

® These examples of “ to” etymologically are spelled “ tyo ", and now pronounced
“ cho", and in the dialect of Western Corea “ tyo " is even now pronounced “ to”.

10 A COREAN VOCABULARY

5. ConcLusion

In Chi lin lei shih, of the Sung dynasty, the Chinese characters
make clear the difference between the finals -f. -t, -p, -m, -m -ng;
but in this book these distinctions are entirely absent; which is
evidence that this book is by a later author than the former. On the
other hand, in Ko kuo i yii we find the Japanese and Malay vocabularies
as above mentioned, with the same arrangement as in this book. And
at the end of the Japanese vocabulary, we find the date “ Chia ching ©
(3% #8) 28 year, 11th month. This date is by a later hand. We find
the same date after the Malay vocabulary, viz., a.p. 1549, Therefore
I believe this book under discussion was compiled about the middle
of the sixteenth century. If we consider the various vocabularies
contained in this book, we are led to the same conclusion. In fine, as
there is little material from foreign sources for the study of the Corean
language, the acquisition of this book at the present time is not only
a great benefit to scholars, but also, for the historical study of Corean,
is of inestimable value and throws light on a difficult study.

ON THE ADBHUTA-RAMAYANA
By Sir Georcr A. GRIERSON

YESIDES the well-known Vilmiki-ramiyana, three other Sanskrit

poems entitled “ Ramayana ~ are current in northern India, and
are highly esteemed. They are (1) the Yiga-vasistha-mahdramiyana,
(2) the Adhydtma-ramdyana, and (3) the Adbhuta-ramaiyana. Of these
the first and the last claim to have been composed by no less a person
than Valmiki himself; but the Adhyitma-rdmayana forms a section
of the Brahmdnda-purdna, and does not suggest any pretension to
his authorship.

The Yéga-vasistha-maharamdyana * is devoted, not to describing the
Rama-saga, but to an explanation of the means for acquiring final
emancipation. It is said to contain 32,000 sékas, and purports to be
the instruction conveyed to Rama by Vasistha before he was taken
away by Viévamitra on the tour which ended in his marriage. It 1s
divided into six prakaranas, entitled, respectively, the varragya-,
mumukgu-, ulpatti-, sthiti-, upasama-, and nirvdna-prakaranas. Their
contents can be gauged from their titles.

The Adhydtma-ramdyana is a work of an altogether different kind.
It closely follows the Valmiki-ramayana in its main incidents, but
explains them from a sectarian Vaignava point of view. It may be
taken as having for its text V.-Rim, VI, cxix, 11 (Cale. Ed.), where
Rama states his ignorance as to who he really 1s :—

aise Ta aaate Hata Fat &

In the Adhyatma-rim’ (I, ii, 13), Parvati asks Siva how it was that
Rama, influenced by his own maya, did not know his own self as the
Supreme Deity. Siva recites the whole work in order to explain that
Rama, as a human being, had limited intelligence, while, as the
Infinite Deity, his intelligence is absolute.* As Lala Baijnath, in the
Introduction to his translation ? of the work, says, “ Where there is
difference [between the two poems], it is due to the fact that, whilst
the Adhyatma starts with the theory of Rama’s divinity, and tries to

1 A full account of the contents will be found in Eggeling’s Catalogue of the
Sanskrit MSS. in the Library of the India Office (Nos. 2407-14).

* Compare the Christian arguments as to the meaning of kendsis.
2 Panini Office, Allahabad, 1915.

1? SIR GEORGE A. GRIERSON—

explain away all failings of humanity, whenever they come into the

narrative, by resorting to the anddi avidya (beginningless error) of

the Védinta, the Ramayana of Valmiki describes Rama as the best
of men, and tries to show how, in spite of the few failings of humanity,

‘one can rise to godhead by setting before him the noble ideal of

truth and duty as Rama did.” To the author of the Adhyitma, Rama
is identical with the Supreme Brahman, and Sita is his Prakrti, also
called avidyd and maya. She is the Creator of the universe, and (I, 11, 35),
from her proximity to him, what is created by her (e.g. human nature)
is imputed to him by the ignorant.

The Adhyatma-ramiyana marks an important stage in the history
of religion in India, for the theology of the different Vaisnava sects
is largely based on it, and Tulasi-disa owed much to its inspiration.
One fact may be mentioned here, which is common to the Adhyatma-
raméyana, the Tulasi-krta-rim®, and the Adbhuta-ram®. All the three
recoil from the idea that Sita was abducted by Ravana. They have
therefore evolved the doctrine that Ravana carried off only an illusory
form of Sita, the real Sita having previously, under Rama’s
instructions, disappeared in fire. It was this illusory Sita who suffered
all the sorrows of abduction in Laika, who was rescued by Rama,
and who entered the fire as a test of her purity. She then disappeared,
and it was the real Sita who issued from the fire and who was taken by
Rama to Ayddhya.

The Adbhuta-rimiyana is different from either of the preceding.
It is also called the Adbhwéttara-kanda, and professes to be an
additional, or eighth, k@nda, or a supplement to the Valmiki Ramayana.
Valmiki is said to have composed two Riméyanas,—one ina thousand
million slékas tor the use of the gods, and one in twenty-four thousand
élokas for the use of mankind. The latter is the well-known Raméyana
generally current at the present day. The Adbhuta-rim® professes to
consist of extracts from the former, and to give accounts of episodes
that find no place in the latter. Thus, although the frame-skeleton
is the same in both works, the actual contents of each are very different,
For instance, in the Adbhuta, while long and minute accounts are
given of the respective origins of the incarnations of Rima and Sita,
the building of the causeway, the taking of Lanki, and the destruction
of Ravana, are all dismissed in a single éldka (xvi, 17),

As a religious document, while, of course, Vaisnaya, it is also
Sakta, and the later sargas are & frank imitation of the Devi Mahatmya,
in which Sita performs the actions of Dévi in that. work. She,—

So i

ON THE ADBHUTA-RAMAYANA 13

the tender, gracious Sita of Valmiki,—is in this section of the poem
even given Dévie attributes. She is pictured as famished, hollow-
eyed, loud-shouting, wearing a garland of skulls, four-armed, with
lolling tongue, matted hair, and so on, with all Dévi's accompaniments
of grisly horror, including even her matrkas. The poem is thus a mixture
of Bhakta-teaching with Saivism, in which the salient features of both
schools are combined. The attitude towards Rima and Sita is care-
fully worked out in a long conversation between the former and
Hanumat (Sargas xi—xv), in which, after discourses on s@ikhya-yoga
and bhakti-ydga, Raima declares that he himself is the Supreme
Brihman, the sandtana-sarvdtman (xiv, 1), in whose Sakti everything
that is exists (xiv, 9). Elsewhere, Sita repeatedly appears as this
Sakti (e.g. xxv, 5).

The work is also valuable on the score of the folk-legends relating
to Rama and Sita that are contained in it, The first thing that strikes
the reader is the extraordinary power attributed to Indian saints such
as Narada. If a saint gets angry, without any hesitation he will curse
even the Supreme Deity or his Spouse (Narada does it twice) to undergo
some humiliating calamity, and, asa saint’s curse can never be in vain,
the Deity has to accept the consequences with a smile. In fact, in those
mythical times, it must have been much safer to be a saint than to be
a god. A god only granted petitions, while the greatest and most
pious of saints could curse every whit as successfully as Balaam. The
only inconvenience to which a saint was liable was being cursed by
another saint. In such cases we have instances of, say, an uncle and a
nephew cursing each other, and in later ages being sadly put to it to
undo the consequences.

The earlier sargas of the poem are devoted to stories explaining
why Visnu and Laksmi consented to become incarnate as Rama and
Sita, respectively. This was not,—as elsewhere explained,—to relieve
the earth of the burden of sin, but im each case as the direct
consequence of a saint's curse,

In Rama’s case we begin with the story of Ambariga, to which are
supplied additions and embellishments. When Narada and his nephew
Parvata were rival suitors for the hand of his daughter Srimati, they
eursed Visnu, who interfered with their plans, to become incarnate
as a descendant of Ambarisa, and Srimati, whom Visnu had carried
off from both, to be born as Sita (ii-iv).

Another, and quite different account of Sita’s origin is next given.
Narada, while attending a concert in heaven, is hustled aside by

14 SIR GEORGE A. GRIERSON—

Laksmi's attendants, who are conducting her to her seat. He promptly
curses her to become incarnate as the daughter of a Raksasi. This is
a long story (v—viii), and begins by telling of two pious Brahmanas,
who, with their disciples, sang hymns in praise of Visnu. They cut off
their tongues and pierced the drums of their ears rather than sing or
hear the praises of an earthly monarch. When they died, they went
straight to heaven, and it was at the concert given in their honour that
Narada conceived himself insulted. The chief singer at the concert is
a Gandharva named Tumburu. Narada tries to emulate him, but
failed. He then goes off to a singing-master—an owl, named
Ganabandhu,—and studies under him for a thousand years ; but as,
even then, his songs are not full of bhakti, or devotional love, he mangles
all the musical modes, who, maimed in hand, foot, eye, nose, or what
not by Nirada’s attempts at harmony, crowd round Tumburu’s house
for repair. After many adventures, Nirada is at length taught true
music by Krsna, and then, finding himself filled with bhakti, he no
longer desires to emulate Tumburu.

In the meantime, Mandédari, believing Ravana to be unfaithful
to her, drinks certain poison that Ravana had put into her keeping.
By an accident, this, so far from being poison, was milk impregnated
with Laksmf, and she straightway becomes pregnant of the goddess.
She hurries to Kuruksétra, where she privately gives birth to the child,
and buries it. It is subsequently ploughed up by Janaka, and the rest
of the story follows the familiar lines. Tt is well known that Jaina
legends also make Sita Mandédari’s daughter, but that they make
Ravana her father, This association with the Riksasa Queen more
than once turns up in Indian folklore, and is even adopted by the
Kashmiri poet Divakara-prakaéa Bhatta in his epic entitled the
Ramévatdra-carita,' The Buddhist version of the saga, as contained
in the Dasaratha Jataka (461), is even more strange. According to it,
Sita was Rama's uterine sister, and became his wife after his return
from exile,

Except for the contest with Paragu-rima, the events of Rima
Dagarathi’s life are not given in detail, nor is the palace intrigue
that resulted in his banishment referred to. The story is broken hy
the long philosophical conversation already referred to, and then
hastens over the conquest of Lanka and the return to Ayodhya,

In the concluding sargas (XVii-xxvii) we are confronted by an
entirely new aspect of the Rama-legend, in which Sita is represented

* See JRAS., 1921, p. 499.

eee a

ON THE ADBHUTA-RAMAYANA 15

not only as Rima’s Sakti, but even as more powerful than Rama
himself. The pair are happily established at Ayédhya, when she tells
him and the assembled court that to her the killing of Ravana does not
appear, after all, to have been so very great an exploit. Ravana, it is
true, had ten heads, but he had a brother with a thousand heads, who
is infinitely more powerful than was Ravana, and who has conquered
Brahman’s and Indra’s heavens. At her words Rama sets out with her
to conquer this thousand-headed Ravana, who, however, heavily
defeats his army, and slays Rima himself, Sita then, as already stated,
takes the form of Dévi. Herself she slays the thousand-headed Ravana
and destroys his army. Brahmén then resuscitates Rama, who obtains
the resuscitation of his own army as a boon from Sita. They then all
return in triumph to Ayddhya.

It is evident that the Adbhuta-raméyana is a comparatively modern
work. It is distinctly Sakta in character, exalting Sita above Rama.
It is also an attempt to introduce the terrible cult of Saiva Saktism
into the altogether alien soil of Vaisnavism. Its chief value is as a
storehouse of folk-legends, and, as such, I offer the following abstract
to the reader.

Sarca |
The Framework of the Poem

The work begins with four introductory verses praising Narayana,
Nara, and Narittama, Dévi Sarasvati, Vyasa, Valmiki, and Rama-
candra. It then describes the circumstances under which it was
narrated by Valmiki, making a sort of framework for the whole. The
rest of the framework is given at the end of the last Sarga.

(1) Bharadvaja approaches Valmiki, whose abode 1s on the bank of
the river Tamasa, He states that Valmiki had composed a Ramiiyana
in a thousand million éékas for the Brahma-ldka. and one of twenty-
five thousand 4lékas for the earth. He now asks to hear the former,
which has hitherto been concealed from the world of men. (8) Valmiki
explains that the account of Rama’s exploits in twenty-five thousand
slokas is sufficient for mankind. He will nevertheless now tell the
Mahatmya of Sité, which has hitherto not been told in detail therein,
and has been hidden in the abode of Brahman. He goes on to explain
that Sita is Prakrti,—the origin of everything, from whose sport every-
thing moveable and immoveable takes its being. She is one with
__ The colophon of this Sarga runs—‘ So, in the Arsa Ramayana of
Valmiki, in the Adbhuta Uttara-kanda, in the Adi-kivya, ends the

16 SIR GEORGE A. GRIERSON—

first Sarga.’ [The colophons of the other Sargas are the same, except
that occasionally there are also given a few words indicating the
contents. They will not be repeated.]

Sarca IT
The Cause of Rama’s Incarnation, The Story of Ambarisa

Valmiki promises to tell Bharadvaja the reasons for Rama and
Sita becoming incarnate. He begins with that of Rama. |

The Story of Ambariga—Padmivati, the wife of Triganku, js
devoted to Nariyana. He appears to her in a dream, and promises her
a perfectly devoted son, Ambarisa is born to her, and, in process of
time, succeeds his father as king. He makes over his throne to his
ministers, and performs austerities in honour of Nariyana for a
thousand years. At the end of this period, Nardyana, di ising himself
as Indra, appears to him, and promises him protection. Ambari
refuses to acknowledge Indra as the Supreme, and states that all his
austerities were in honour of Nariyana only, Nariyana then assumes
his proper form, and grants him the boon of perfect devotion (bhakti),
of protection, and of victory over his enemies, Ambarisa resumes
his kingdom in Ayédhya, and rules prosperously over happy subjects,
ever protected by Nariyana’s discus, Sudargana.

Sarca III
Continuation of the Story of Ambarisa 1

Ambariga has a fair daughter, Srimati. One day the saints Narada
and Parvata visit him. Each sees the girl and asks for her in marriage,
He promises to give her to whichever she may prefer, They agree,
Narada then hastens to Visnu and begs him to put a monkey's face on
his rival. Visnu smiles and consents. Parvata also hastens to Visnu

' This part of the is not in the Valmiki or in the . t Enilwina.’
Bhignvata Purina, IX. ie has a peta of how Ambariea was jrotetst ee he
by Vignu's discus, But the saint's wrath was caused by @ quite different reason. In
acy Vil, eae told how Narada and Parvata quarrel led over Srfijaya's daughter,

prid bring him to his senses, Visgu sends forth hj Mivi ris Boe delusi
ope n gyre city. Nirada : aes with Vidva ! reap ie es of ite
I hidhi, A seayadeara is held, but the pri Narada wit pet
ten cures Wing ain Te exh tg? 0s cn he 0 hol. Rea
hen curses Visqu, as in the text, bu ere is no mention of the discus episode. The
on apa (JRAS., 1910, 281 ff.) connects the diseus episode with Durvisas, not

ON THE ADBHUTA-RAMAYANA 17

and asks him to give Narada the face of a “ cow-tailed ” monkey,
Visnu consents to this also, and the two suitors hasten to Ayédhya,
where they find the city decorated, and a magnificent court assembled
to witness the maiden’s choice.

Barca IV
Continuation of the Story of Ambariga

The two saints arrive, and are received with honour.’ Srimati
is told to throw her garland on the saint of her choice, but she replies
that neither Nirada nor Parvata is there. She can see only two
monkeys; but between them is seated a glorious youth of sixteen
years, who is also a claimant for her hand. The unknown suitor is
not visible to the rest of the crowd. Ambarisa, fearing that the saints
will become angry at the delay and curse him, urges Srimatt to throw
her garland round the neck of one or other of the two, She advances,
and, at the last moment, throws it over the neck of the mysterious
third suitor. Immediately on doing this she disappears, for Vignu,
it being no other than he, has carried her off to Vaikuntha.

(29) The saints, who by this time have discovered that they have
each a monkey's face, and are full of angry shame, hasten to Vaikuntha.
Visnu, seeing them approach, conceals the girl, and receives them. He
explains that they were both devoted to him, and that he can never
refuse to grant a prayer made by a devotee. Each had petitioned that
the other should have a monkey's face, and so it was not his fault.
He pretends that he had had nothing to do with the disappearance of
the girl, and that it must have been done by some magician.

(44) They conclude that it has been some device of Ambariga’s,
and return to earth to curse him to perpetual darkness. Visnu's
discus opposes the curse, and the two saints, followed by the darkness,
run away before it. They flee to Visyu for refuge from the darkness
and the discus. He stops the pursuers, and explains that Ambariga
was his devotee, and that he must protect him. They now perceive
that the whole affair has been an example of the working of Visnu’s
delusion (maya), and, in wrath, they curse him to be born as a man
in Ambarisa’s line of descent. SrimatT is also cursed to be born again
from the earth, and to be brought up as Janaka’s daughter. She 1s to be
again carried off, but this time by a vile Rakgasa, just as Vigsnu has
acted in carrying her off himself. He is to suffer much sorrow on her
account, just as they have sorrowed owing to Srimati’s abduction.

(65) A saint's curse can never be in vain. So Vignu accepts the
destiny imposed upon him. He promises to become the son of
Dadaratha. His right arm shall be born as Bharata, and his left as

1 As in Tulasi-disa's version, the ape-like faces are visible only to the girl. To the
other spectators, Nirada and Parvata preserve their ordinary appearance, and no
one knows that there je anything wrong with them. “

VOL. IV, PART I. a

18 SIR GEORGE A. GRIERSON—

Satrughna, while Sésa shall become incarnate as Laksmana, The
darkness (being the result of the saint's curse) cannot be destroyed ;
80 Visnu agrees to take it on himself when he shall become incarnate,
and commands it to leave Ambarisa. He also commands his discus
to desist from the pursuit of the saints.

The two saints depart full of grief, declaring that so long as they live
they will never marry. They engage in spiritual contemplation, and at
length regain their proper forms.

Sarca V
The Cause of Sita’s Incarnation

The Story of Kausika.—In the Tréta Yuga there was in Dvaraka
a Brahmana named Kaudika, devoted to Bhagaviin. He had seven
disciples of Brahmana, Ksatriya, and Vaidya castes, and they used to
receive alms from two pious Brahmanas named, respectively, Padmiikga
and Malava. The wife of the latter was named Malati. Kaugika and
his disciples became famous as singers of hymns to Visnu.

(15) The king of Kalitiga asks Kauéika to sing songs in praise of
him (instead of Visnu). Kaudika and his disciples refuse, on the ground
that their tongues can sing, and their ears can hear, only the praise
of Bhagavan. The king makes his own servants sing his praises before
them, but they make themselves deaf by piercing each others’ ears,
and dumb by cutting off each others’ tongues. The king, in a rage,
banishes them, and they wander off to the north, where, in due course,
they die.

(28) After death they are carried off to the Brahma-lika. Thence

Brahman and the other gods escort them to the Visnu-lika. Visnu
_ appoints Kausika to be the chief of his- ganas,—he, with his
disciples, to be ever near him (Visnu). Mialava and Malati are to
abide near him, and Padmiksga is transformed into Kubéra.

Sarca VI
Continuation of the Story of Kausika

A great festival 18 begun in honour of K ausika, at which Gandharvas
sing and play instruments. Laksmi, the spouse of Visnu, comes to hear
the music, In order to make way for her, her attendants hustle to one
side with their staves the assembled Gods and Munis. The finest singer
is the Gandharva Tumburu, who is handsomely rewarded by Vigna.
(12) Narada,—who is one of those that have been hustled to make way
for Laksmi,—on seeing how Tumburu has been rewarded, becomes
filled with rage and jealousy, He hastily curses Laksmi for the insult
offered to ae “As aaa like a Raksasa, has made her attendants
smite me with staves, and has hustled moe aside, so shall Laksmi
be born among Raksasas, and a Raksasi shall cast her away sent

ON THE ADBHUTA-RAMAYANA 19

ground.” No sooner has Narada uttered these words, than he recognizes
their enormity, and is filled with remorse. (21) Laksmi and Narayana
accept the position. She admits that a Brahmana’s curse cannot be
voided, and resigns herself to the consequences ; but she asks that she
may be conceived in the womb of a Raksasi, who has drunk the blood
of forest saints (munis) which has been collected little by little in a jar,
and that she may be the offspring of that blood and of no one else.
Narada consents.

(27) Narayana explains to Narada that he loves hymns of praise
far more than austerities, sacrifices, or visits to holy places. “ For this
reason Tumburu is more dear to me than you.” He directs him to
repair to an owl named Ganabandhu, who lives in a mountain to the
north of the Manasardvara, and to learn how to sing from him. Narada
hastens thither, and finds Ginabandhu surrounded by Gandharvas,
Kirinaras, Yaksas, and Apsarases, whom he is teaching to sing. He
tells Ganabandhu why he has come to learn singing, as he has found
that all the austerities he has undergone, all the gifts he has made,
all the sacrifices he has carried out, all that he has heard, and all that
he has read, are not worth the sixteenth part of the hymns sung by
Kaudika and Tumburu. Visnu has sent him to Gianabandhu to learn
the method. Ginabandhu tells the followmg story -—

The Story of Bhuvanééa—{47) There was once a pious king named
Bhuvanéga. He worshipped Bhagavan with thousands of sacrifices
and other pious acts; but he stopped the singing of hymns in praise
of Hari. Only in his (Bhuvanéda’s) honour were songs to be sung. A
certain pious Brahmana named Harimitra was found singing a hymn
to Hari, while engaged in worship. Bhuvanéda confiscated all his
property and banished him. In course of time Bhuvanéga died and
came before Yama. Yama sentenced him to continue eating his own
corpse for a whole Manvantara (4,520,000 years), then to become a dog,
and finally a human being. He thereupon first became an owl, with the
corpse of his former body before him, from which he was compelled
to satisfy his hunger. One day Harimitra came by on a heavenly
chariot and saw the owl. The latter told him his story, and craved his
forgiveness. Harimitra granted it, and conferred upon him the power
of song, so that his tongue might become pure by singing Visnu’s
praises. He further promised that he should become the singing master
to Vidyadharas, Gandharvas, and Apsarases, and thus earn pure food
in place of the horrid banquet to which he had been condemned. “ So,
in fact, it turned out, and I, Narada, am that owl.”

Sarca VII
Narada gains the Power of Singing
The Story of Narada and Tuwmburu.—Narada passes a thousand
years in learning to sing from Ganabandhu, and masters the techmique
of the art. Asa fee he promises Ganabandhu that in a future age he

—— SUC ltl ee
i

20) SIR GEORGE A. GRIERSON—

shall become Garuda. He then sets out to conquer Tumburu in singing.
When he arrives at Tumburu’s house he finds it surrounded by a crowd
of maimed men and women, wanting hand, foot, nose, eye, breast, or
so on. These turn out to be the various musical modes (ragas and
raginis) who have been mangled by Narada’s bad singing. Narada,
thus put out of countenance, repairs to Madhava (i.e. Bhagavan) in
the White Continent (Svétadvipa). Madhava explains to him that he
has not yet assimilated all Ganabandhu’s powers of song, and that
he is still not the equal of Tumburu. He goes on “in the Dvapara
Yuga I shall be born as Krsna. You must then come to me and remind
me. I will complete your musical education; and make you sing
better than Tumburu. In the meantime continue your studies among
the Dévas and Gandharvas”’, Thereupon Narada applies himself to
learning the lute. Devoted to Vasudéva, he wanders over all the worlds

* with his lute,

(39) In the Brahma-lika, he meets two Gandharvas named Haha
and Hiha, who are skilful in singing the praises of Brahman. Narada
begins to sing in praise of Hari, and Brahmin honours him. He wanders
on and reaches Tumburu’s abode. He finds in attendance there the
sadja and the other primary notes of the scale (svaras). On seeing them
he is filled with shame and hurries off, learning more and more music
wherever he goes, (45) At length K rana becomes incarnate, and Narada
hastens to Dvaraki. He reminds Krsna of his promise, and Krana
makes him over to his third wife, Jimbavati, for instruction. He studies
with her for a year, and is then sent to the second wife, Satyabhima,
who teaches him further. He is then sent on to the first wife, Rukmini,
but her attendants complain that he sings out of tune, so he studies
with Rukmini for two years. Finally Krsna takes him himself. In this
way music comes to him in perfection ; and, simultaneously, all hatred
departs from him, and all jealousy of Tumburu disappears,

Sarca VIII
The Conception and Birth of Sita

Ravana, the ten-headed, performs terrible austerities, and through
them he becomes as fiercely radiant as the stin, 80 that the earth itself
takes fire. Brahmin and the gods entreat him to desist, and offer
him a boon if he will do so. He demands that he should never die at
the hand of any God, Asura, Yaksa, Pigica, Naga, Raksasa,
Vid “adhara, Kirinara, or Apsaras, and also that if ever he should look -
on his own daughter with lustful eyes, and she do not yield to him
suas a he ee ae He does not mention men in demanding his
first. n, a3 he looks upon them as — : - The boons
are granted, and the gods depart. Bp tak

(14) Through the power conferred by his first boon, Ravana
enters upon a career of conquest. On one occasion he comes to the

ON THE ADBHUTA-RAMAYANA : Zl

Dandaka forest, and, on seeing the Regis, considers that until he has
overcome them he cannot be looked upon as having conquered the three
worlds, On the other hand it would not be right for him to slay them.
He therefore summons them to submit without resistance, and, with
this demand, draws from each with the tip of an arrow a little blood,
which he collects in a jar.

(18) One of the Rais is Grtsamada,' the father of a hundred sons.
His wife has begged from him that she may have a daughter, and that
this daughter may be Laksmi herself, In order to fulfil her desire, the
Rai has been day by day sprinkling, with appropriate mantras, milk
from a wisp of kuda-pgrass into a jar, so that thereby it may become
inhabited by Laksmi. He does this, as usual, on the morning of the
day on which Ravana appears, and, before the latter's arrival, goes out
into the forest. It is in this same jar that Ravana collects the Hgis’
blood, He takes it home with him, and gives it to his wife Mandoédari
to take care of, telling her that the blood in it is more poisonous than
poison itself. She may on no account taste it, or give it to anyone to
taste.

(24) Ravana again goes forth on his career of conquest, and in
Mount Mandara debauches the daughters of the Gods, Danavas,
Yaksas, and Gandharvas. Mandédari, seeing them preferred to her,
determines to kill herself. With this object, she drinks the contents of
the jar of Rsis’ blood, which Ravana has told her is a deadly poison.
Instead of dying, she immediately becomes pregnant with Laksmi,
who has been installed in the sprinkled milk by the power of
Grtsamada's mantras.

(30) When she finds herself pregnant in the absence of her husband,
in fear of his reproaches, she sets out for Kuruksétra under pretence
of making a pilgrimage. There, freeing herself from the foetus (garbhamh
niskrsya), she buries it in the ground and returns home, keeping the
whole affair a secret.

(36) Shortly afterwards Janaka comes to sacrifice at Kurukgétra.
In order to prepare the ground for the sacrifice, he ploughs it with a
golden plough, and while doing so turns up the foetus,—a girl-child.
Being warned by a voice from heaven, he adopts her and names
“gal Sita. After completing the sacrifice, he takes her home, and brings

er up.

Sarca IX
Jamadagnya Granted a Vision of the Universe
The story now omits all account of the boyhood of Rama-candra,
of the journey with Visviamitra, of the breaking of Siva’s bow, and of
the marriage with Sita. The narrative is resumed with the departure
of Raima-candra’s and Sita’s wedding party from Janakapura. (2)

1 T have not met this particular story about Grteamada cither in the Mahabhirata
or in the Bhagorata Purina.

23 SIR GEORGE A. GRIERSON—

They are met by Paragu-rima (Jamadagnya), who displays the bow
with which he has destroyed the Ksatriyas. He challenges Rama-candra
to string it and to draw the magic arrow up to his ear. Rama-candra
reproves him. “ You owe your might to Brahman. Now see me in
my proper form.” Rama then gives him divine sight, so that in Rama-
candra he sees the whole universe [(18 ff.) list of details, cf. MOh.., iii,
8673], Rama then discharges the arrow. The usual portents follow.
Parasu-rama is struck senseless. On his recovery he worships Rama-
candra, and retires to Mahéndra, There he abides, devoid of all might
for a year. The Pitrs then direct him to go to the Diptéda Tirtha ?
on the Vadhisara river, where he will regain his might. His ancestor
Bhrgu performed austerities there.

After the encounter with Paragu-rama, Rama-candra goes on to
Uttara Kasala,

SAnGA X
The Vision of Rama's Celestial Form

The story then takes up the narrative of Rama, Laksmana, and
Sita im the forest. (1) They go to the Dandaka forest for some
unmentioned reason (kéndpi hétund), Rama builds a hut on the bank
of the Gédivari, and passes the time in hunting. One day Ravana,
under the influence of delusion (méhat), carries off Sita to Lanka. Rima
and Laksmana set out in search of her. A river is formed from the
flood of Rama’s tears, and because a tear quickly accomplished
(vitarati) the origin of the river, it is called Vaitarani. It has also
this name, because, after the due performance of oblations, the Piirs
pass over (farane-) it. From the rheum of Rama's eyes, mountains were
formed, (7) He and Laksmana go to Rsyamika in order to form
a friendship with Sugriva, who lives there with five manérins out of
fear of Valin. Haniimat (sie passim) meets them. Rama amazes
him by revealing to him his celestial form.

Sarcas XI-XV
The conversation between Rima and Hanimat, XI, Rama
instructs Haniimat in the esoteric nature of the Supreme (Sankhya-
yoga). XII, Continuation of the same (Upanigat-kathana), XIII,
Continuation of the same (Bhakti-yéga). XIV, Continuation of the same
(Bhagavad-dhanumat-sarwada). XV, Hanimat praises Rama
(Han iimat-kyta-stava-rija).

Sarnca AVI
Rima succeeds to the Throne

Rama explains to Haniimat that Ravana has carried off Sita,
Haniimat replies that, just as the whole universe is illusion, so the
1 MbA.,, iti, BOSS #f,

ON THE ADBHUTA-RAMAYANA py

abduction of Sita has been illusive.) Nevertheless, he will do all he can
to help. He sets Rama and Laksmana on his shoulders and carries
them to Sugriva, who also promises his assistance. (7) Rama kills
Valin, makes Sugriva king, (8) and then, mding on Haniimat’s
shoulder, while Laksmana rides on Angada, goes off with Sugriva
to the sea-shore, accompanied by the army of monkeys. (10) Laksmana
orders the sea to allow the army to pass over. The sea refuses.
Laksmana leaps into the sea, and fire issues from his body, so that all
the water in it is dried up. The inhabitants of the water are afflicted,
so Rima reproves Laksmana, and refills the ocean with his tears of
grief for Sita, “(17) The Sea sings Rama's praises, and he builds a
causeway over it, enters Lanka, and destroys Ravaya with his family.
(18) With Vibhisana’s help, Rama takes Sita in the Puspaka chariot,
and, accompanied by Sugriva, Hanimat, and the rest, returns to
Ayédhya, where he is joyfully welcomed, and reigns in peace ancl
happmess.

Sarca XVII
Sita’ s Story

Vidvamitra and other Resis, with their disciples, come to AyGdhya
from the East, South, West, and North. [List of these Nsis, with the
point of the compass from which each came.] They are honoured by
Rima and Sita and the others. (9) Song of praise by the Ksis, led by
Agastya, (15) They express their grief at Sita’s having suffered so
much. Sita returns thanks, but remarks, with a laugh, that, although
Ravana was wicked, his slaying does not deserve such high com-
mendation. The Rsis are astonished. (27) Sita explains :-—

Sita's Tale— When I was a girl in Janaka’s house, a certain
PBrahmana came as a guest for the four months of the rainy season.
Janaka appointed me to wait on him, and he diverted me by telling
me stories of the various holy places that he had visited. One day he
told me a wonderful story. Beyond the Sea of Curds, there is a fresh-
water lake surrounding the Puskara-dvipa. Brahman’s lotus throne is
in Puskara, The Manaséttara Mountain, of huge extent, forms the
boundary between Puskara and the Continent (varga). Round the
mountain are the cities of Indra and the other gods.

The Two Ravanas.—(40) Sumalin, the chief of the Rakgasas, had a
a daughter named Kaikasi. She became the wife of Visravas and bore
him two sons, both named Ravana.2 One of these had a thousand
heads, and the other had ten heads. The gods, by a voice from the sky,
named them “ Ravana”, because they would cause wailing (rivana)

1 According to the Adhyatma Raméyana (ITT, vii, 2 ff.) it was only an illusive
form of Stta, not Sita herself, that was carried off.

© It is hardly necessary to point out that the Valmiki Rimiyapa contains no
reference to these two Rivanas. Similarly the Adhyatma Rimiyaga. According to
them, Kaikasi’s children by Viéravas were the Ten-headed Ravaya, Kumbhakarga,

24 SIR GEORGE A. GRIERSON—

of the peoples (lakindm). By the favour of Mahadéva, the Ten-headed
Ravana lived in Lanka, which had been built by Kubéra. Having
obtained a boon from Brahmin, he despised the universe.

(44) The Thousand-headed Ravana forcibly took possession of
Puskara. He tossed the sun and moon about in play like balls, and did
the same with the (seven) chief mountain ranges of the continent. He
captured the cities round the Manaséttara Mountain, and lives there
happily with his mother’s relations. He himself lives in Indra’s city
and has greatly beautified it. [49-60, description of its beauties.]
There he has imprisoned Indra and the other deities, and plays with
them as a child plays with toys. Mount Méru he looks ‘upon as a grai
of mustard, the Ocean as the puddle in a cow's footprint, all the worlds
as bits of straw, and the continents as clods of mud, although Brahman,
Pulastya [Viéravas’s father], and Vidéravas [his father] have remon-
strated with him in affectionate terms. :

(68) Telling stories such as this, the Brahmana passed his four
months with Janaka, and then departed after giving us his blessing.

Sarnca AVITI
Continuation of Sitd's Story

Sitd continues.—* Up to now my husband has slain only the Ten-
headed Ravana, and, although Lanki has been destroyed, that, so
long as the Thousand-headed Ravana is still alive, is not so very great
a deed. It is for this reason that [ laughed when you all addressed me.”

(7) The saints approve of Sita’s remarks. Rima shouts an order
from his throne, collects an army, and sets out against the Thousand-
headed One. He takes them through the air to the Minaséttara. On
arrival they roar a challenge, The Thousand-headed Ravana [from
this place called simply “ Ravana] issues forth raging, with his
two thousand arms, and two thousand eyes, fierce as the sun, armed
with clubs, barbed darts, javelins, and other weapons. (33) He
threatens Raima, and boasts of his might and wondrous feats. (43-71)
Names of his chief warriors and generals, with descriptions of them.

Sarca XIX
The Sons of the Thousand-headed Ravana
(1-9) List of the Thousand-headed’s sons. (10-42) Their
appearance,
Sanca XX
The Armies join in Combat
The Thousand-headed Ravana wonders who the attackers are. A
voice from heaven informs him that it is Rama, who had killed Ravana
of Lanka, accompanied by his army of monkeys, ete, Infuriated
he attacks Rima, (7-31) Description of the batile

ON THE ADBHUTA-RAMAYANA a

Sarca XXI
The Scattering of Rama's Army

At length Ravana, despising these men and monkeys, and
considering that they are too mean to kill, discharges his Hurricane-
blast. (vayavya) arrow, the effect of which is to blow Rima’s entire
army of men, bears, and monkeys back, by a mighty gust of wind, to
the particular country from © hich each has started. Only Rama and
Sita in the chariot Pugspaka, together with the Maharsis who accom-
panied them, remain, Everyone else,—including Rama's brothers,
Bharata and Laksmana, Haniimat, Sugriva, ete..—is blown away
with the army. The Mahargis and the gods are dismayed; for, ever since
this Ravana in sport once threw Visnu riding on Garuda into the
Salt Ocean,—just as a jackal hates the smell of a tiger,—they have
been unable to endure even his smell. Uttering the hope that, for their
own sakes, Rama may be victorious, the gods make themselves scarce
and disappear. Ravana, despising Rama, rushes at him with a roar,
but before his blazing lotus eyes, finds himself unable to strike him.

Sanca XXIT
Rama Struck with Insensilility

Rima, watching the troops of the Thousand-headed One rushing
at him, draws his bow, and, pouring arrows into the midst of the
Raksasas, cuts them up. Ravana orders his generals to stand back
and watch him, as he alone destroys Rama and, after him, the rest of
the universe. He challenges Rama. The two join in combat. (15-45)
A terrible fight, magic weapons being employed on both sides, (45)
Rama discharges at Ravana a fiery arrow that had been given to him
by Brahman, but Ravana catches it in its flight with his left hand
and breaks it across his knee. He then aims a razor-edged arrow at
Rama. It pierces Rama's chest, passes on through the earth, and
enters hell. Portents in the Universe, as Ravana dances in joy.

Sanca AXITI
The Slaughter of the Thousand-headed

The Munis lament to Sita. She grasps Rama’s bow and arrow, and
assumes the terrible form of Devi (famished, hollow-eyed, with whirling
glance, long-legged, loud-shouting, wearing a garland of skulls, anklets
made of bones, fearful in speed and might, harsh-voiced, fouwr-armed,
long-faced, with blazing ornaments round her head, lolling tongue,
matted hair, bristling down, black as the Ocean of Universal
Dissolution, carrying bell and noose). She dismounts from the chariot
armed with sword and shield, and, like a hawk, pounces upon Ravana.

26 SIR GEORGE A. GRIERSON—

Tn an instant she cuts off his thousand heads. (14-25) With her talons
she tears off the heads of his champions, and so on. She adorns herself
with a necklace made of their entrails and heads, and tosses about
Ravana’s heads as if they were balls, while from her pores issue a
thousand Matrka@s to join in the sport. (26-55) Names of the Matrkas.
(56-65) Description of them and of their grisly sport. (66) The earth,
unable to bear the weight of Sita’s trampling, and the worlds, imagini1
that this is the universal dissolution, prepare to descend into hell.
The gods address Mahadéva, who hastens to the battlefield, and helps
the earth to support the burden by taking the form of a corpse and
placing himself under Sita’s feet. Nevertheless, the worlds that are
above her cannot endure the sound of her trampling or of her roaring.
The heavens shake from the wind of her breathing, The gods are
terrified at the prospect of destruction.

Sarca XXIV
Brahman’s Remonastrance

(1-21) Brahmén and the gods praise Sita as the Sakti of Visnu,
and entreat her,—seeing that Vignu is the Protector of the Universe,—
to desist. (22) She refuses; because Rama is lying dead in the Puspaka.
Brahman resuscitates Rama, who, tmaware of what has happened,
when he misses Sita from his side, and, instead, sees a second Kali
dancing on the battlefield, prepares to resume the fight. (30-7)
Description of the furious Sita. Brahmin explains to Rima what has
happened, and entreats him to recall Sita to her proper self,

Ssarnca AXV
The Tale of the Thousand Names of Sita
fama, full of sorrow, entreats the Divi to say who she is. She
replies: “TI am the Parama-éakti (5-7, epithets). Rama sees her
in her true nature. He praises her in her 1009 names (List, 18-152).
Benefits of reciting them.

Sarca XXVI
Rama Trivmphant

Rama asks Sita, as Paraméévari, to abandon her terrible Aigvara
form, and to assume another. She (Dévi) assumes her own gracious
and lovely form. Rama praises her as Dévi, and as the Para Gatih.
(10-37) “ You are the origin of all creation and of dissolution. Some
people call you Prakrti, and others Siva, whose abode is Siva. In you
are contained the Pradhdna, Purusa, Mahat, Brahman, and [gyara.
In you are Avidyd, Niyati, Maya, the Kalas in their hundreds. You
are the Parama Sakti”, and so on, with further attributes, — |

ON THE ADBHUTA-RAMAYANA 27

(39) Sita explains that the form which she has assumed for the
slaughter of the Thousand-headed Ravana is that in which she dwells
on the Manaséttara Mountain. (41) “ Your colour is naturally dark
blue (nila), but you have become red through the pain inflicted by
Ravana. For this reason I dwell with you in a dark blue and red form.”
She invites him to ask a boon from her. He asks for the return of his
brothers and the army, who had been blown away by Ravana. Sita
grants it, and he determines to return with her to Ayddhya.

Sarca AXVIT
The Return of Sita and Rama to Ayddhya

Rama embraces Sita, and they set out in the Puspaka for Ayodhya.
They are received there with warm welcome. The Iisis who had accom-
panied him on his return, bid him farewell. Rama, with Sita and his
brothers, continues to reign happily. He rules for more than eleven
thousand years.

(11) [Valmiki continues:] I have now told some wonderful
occurrences im the story of Rama. In order to avoid repetition, I have
not told the whole story, and I have also not been able to tell that
portion which has been kept concealed by Brahmin. That which has
been told in this Adbhutéttara-kanda is equal in value to the Veda.
In the benefit which it confers, a single verse of it is equal to the whole
of the Ramiyana in 25,000 verses [referred to in Sarga I].

(20) I received this from Narada, and Narada from Brahman.
We three are the only individuals who know the whole of it from end to
end, There is no fourth individual who knows it all. The whole of it
is preserved in the Brahma-loka ; a part of it is in this world; a part
is in Patiala; and a part is in Svarga, with Indra.

(23) Summary of the contents of the work, and benefits gained by
reading and hearing it.

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MAN AS WILLER
By C. A. F. Ruys Davins

\W* know that in the Pali and Jain scriptures we find, as we do-
‘Y not find in other early Indian scriptures, the triplet: action
of mind, action of word, action of body. We know that the triplet
is a feature in the ancient Persian thought which we associate with
the work of Zarathustra. And we may or we may not have noted
as significant, how three great founders of creeds which were primarily
concerned with the importance of man’s will and man’s actions or
conduct, should be credited with the wording of this triplet, while
the intermediate development in India of the creeds of the rite and
the ritual, the priest and the sacrifice, leftthe triplet unstressed. When
this threefold wording of thought, word, and deed as modes of action
(kamma) came into use in Buddhist teaching we do not know. It
does not appear everywhere in the Pali scriptures. In many books
it scarcely appearsat-all. It attains its chief prominence in the fourth,
or Anguttara Nikiya. But wherever it does occur, it occurs as
an unquestioned and accepted way of wording.

There is one important branch of Buddhist literature where it
is not brought to the front—a branch where we should expect it would
have been brought to the front. This is in the field of the analysis
of man as expressing himself in body and mind. As such he is not
scheduled under the category of mental action, vocal action, overt
or bodily action. He is analyzed under other categories, chiefly
under (i) the twofold one of “ name” and “shape ’’, and (i) under
the fivefold one of the material and immaterial groups (thandhas),
and again, later (ii) under the threefold category of material qualities,
mind, and “mentals”’.' But when conduct and the consequences
of conduct, either in the past, or here below, or hereafter, come to be
considered, then it is that the triple category of action or the deed
is worded.

It was no small achievement, in man’s early attempts to word
and worth himself as man, to sum up himself, in this threefold activity.
Wherever it began, it was a notable vantage-ground. For it presents
man to men as chiefly and as always not a static beholder, nor a
passive creature of destiny, but as actor, as doer, and, as such, as willer,

1 Rapa, citta, eetasiki. |

Bi Cc. A. F. RHYS DAVIDS—

a chooser and a “becomer”. It looked behind, it looked forward.
It saw how man, as agent, is no creature only of the hour that now
is. It saw him in the perspective of the worlds. It saw him in a state
of perpetual becoming. As were his actions, so was he now, so would
he be. He was not just played upon. He was actor, maker,
Werdender.

Now it is because we of the West have come to realize this in
our own way and our own wording, that we have found a place, in
our summing up of the man, for the words “ will” and “ willer”.
It has taken us long to get even only so far as we have got. And
India never got so far.

But she felt early and much after what we have somehow come
to know. We have come to know, because we have, at least, to
some extent, learnt what it is that we mean by “ will”. And that
which we have come to learn in a very vital, very general way, we
have named. India did not word “ will" as Latins and Teutons
and other Aryans worded it. The root of the word was in her Aryan
heritage as it was inours. That which we developed as wat, she held,
but did not equally develop, as war :—choice. It is not likely that
the very different fate of these two forms of a common root—if common
indeed it was'—has been a matter of mere accident. The history
of this very pregnant word has yet to be written. When it is, much
of the history of Indo-Aryan and European Aryan will be involved,

India used her word ver- in narrow, ineffective ways. It was
used for one or two modes of choice ; for a boon, for marriage-custom :
and again as meaning “of chosen, choice, or elect quality". It
appears much im compounds and in these both Jain and Buddhist
worded the importance of self-restraint. But we cannot point to
any words in which var- has attained to a force and worth approaching
that of wal- in, for instance, elle, uolo, uoluntas, or will(e).

We of to-day cannot imagine a literature where occasion for
wording what we will to be or to do does not arise. Man expresses
himself in many ways both then and now, but if a literature reveals
him as expressing himself without it being often necessary to word
that self-expression as some form of will, we should not in such

' Cf. Skeat, BaglisA Dictionary, Aryan roots,

* Kaushitaki Cp. ii, 1. To him said Indra: “ Choose a boon (eardin trnisgeeti) !™
“Do thou thyself choose for me that which thou deemest most well-working fs
mankind." To him Indra: ‘Nay, verily. the elect (rare) for the unelect (inferior)
chooses not. Choose thou!" s

MAN AS WILLER 31

documents get man as we ever find him. Indian literatures must
contain substitutes for wording will. And they must attach more
or less emphasis to that aspect of man which we have come to call
will and willing and willer. Else there is something wrong with
man in India, something lacking. The restricted use of the
variant forms of var is not enough to make out, in that literature, a
normal man.

But whereas in every collection of human documents we look
to find expression of man as willer, we may, in any given collection,
find more or we may find lese of such worded expression. And I find
that in Buddhist literature and in early Upanishad literature the
ideas—will, willing, willer—are not made so articulate as we might
well, especially in Buddhist thought, have expected.

We have in the Upanishads a storchouse of highest value for
what we seek. We have in them teachers expressing themselves,
without the pre-occupations of the hymn or the sacrifice. We are,
it is true, never far away from the rite and the ritual. But the quest
is chiefly man and the whence and whither of him. And there is
a certain amount of unorthodox freedom, inasmuch as opinions
are put forth varying in many points. Here, if anywhere, we should
find how man as a willer, and how his will are severally worded.

The harvest to our inquiry is curiously meagre. The default
may lie in the present writer, whose hunting-grounds the Upanishads
are not. But they whose hunting-grounds the Upanishads are do
not help us much. Not only were they not competent psychologists ;
as writers on man, they had no convictions as to the profound
significance of will. Deussen, for example, gives us plenty of good
indexes, but in not one of them! does he mention the word Wille
or any equivalent, save in one passing allusion to Schopenhauer |
This may be due to want of psychological interest, yet 1t 1s inconceiv-
able that a writer so sympathetic to most of his subject-matter
and so humane should have ignored this great side of man’s nature,
had the literature itself worded that side with any emphasis. So
far as I have been able to discover, the only use he made of “ Wille”
was to suggest it as an alternative to “ Verstand” in one or two
places where the text has manas (e.g. Brih. U., i, 2, 1; 3, 6).

L Allgemeine Geechichie der Philosophie (Indin); Sechsig Upanishad’s; Philo-
sophische Texte dea Mah-ibh trata, In the last work the index is expressly said to be

of “noteworthy names and ideas". Hence he has found nothing “ noteworthy ”
on will |!

32 c. A. F. RHYS DAVIDS—

Regnaud, on the Upanishads,’ gives us no index, but under
“Diverses facultés psychologiques”’ he distinguishes samkalpa as
manas acting, hence we may take it, he says, to mean desire (kama)
or volition.

Now samkalpa is certainly a term involving will. The root of it
(kip), aceording to Whitney, means “ be adapted”. And if we found
it meeting us wherever, in the context, we should look for some
reference to man as willing, the pomt of this article would be weakened.
But it is precisely the very rare and the irregular use which is made
of the term both in the Upanishads and in the Pitakas that does not
weaken but sharpens my point.

Taking the older Upanishads, we find samkalpa occurring in nine
contexts. Judging by the renderings given of it in these, we cannot
conclude that translators have made out for it s0 unambiguous a
meaning as Regnaud does. A comparative table of the ways in
which four of them have Englished the word will best show this :—

& Roer.*
1. Ait. U.5,2 conceiving Vorstellung determination* conception
2, Kau. U. 3,2 conception = Erkenntniss resolve ;
3. Kena U. 30 imagination yorstellen ascertained
4. Chha. U. vii, 4,1 will Entechiuss will
5. » with, 3, 1 ~ Wunsch wishes i,
i. Brh. U. i, a, a representation Entechendung determination L imagination
7: , #40 percepts Strebungen P intentions
8 Swet. 0.5, 8 thoughts Vorstellung Pr conception
0 Kathi, 10 (sénfas”) pacified beruhigten appeased in intent
Gemiiths thought appensed

We can sympathize with the translator's need, in using equivalents
that do not coincide, of varying his renderings to suit the context.
We could humour the alternatives : will, Entschluss, wishes, intentions,
resolve, etc. But there must be a limit to alternatives, and we cannot
justify a tether so loose that it brings in, with these, percepts,
conception, ascertaining, Tepresentation, imagination, thoughts,
Vorstellung, ete. We can only conclude, either that the translators
were uncertain as to the meaning, or that precision in terms of mind
was not a part of their mental equipment. If so, they falter in notable
company. No one thrust the potency in the idea of will u pon dormant
European philosophy as did Schopenhauer, yet how slovenly he is
in psychology one needs not much reading of him to find out,

1 Matcriauz, ii, 03. *S.B.E i, ii.
3 Sechzig Upanishad's, * Twelve Principal Upanishads
* Thirteen Principal Upanishads, * Le., definition, not seater

rae

MAN AS WILLER 33

Not only do translators here and there camouflage in this way
the word samkalpa as a makeshift for will, but, as we see, the word
itself is not used to express any very fundamental aspect of man,
much less the most fundamental aspect. Thrust for one moment
into relief, in the reference No. 4,' a8 “greater than manas * it
dropped forthwith into the series as less than cittam and 4s, @ priori,
less than many other aspects. It was not an indispensable, a constant
in Indian thought on man. And this is equally true of the phase
of Indian thought termed Buddhist, as we shall see.

Was there then any other word, were there any other words, by
which the early Indian literature expressed man as willer ¢ May we
perhaps judge, as Oldenberg suggests, that the inner activity we
word by will was implied in the word manas, but was as yet
undifferentiated ? Oldenberg, in his last work,* has nothing about
samkalpa (which barely occurs in the Brahmanas), but is more con-
cerned with kratu, a word also of active import, and occurring
frequently in Vedic works. Here, he judged, we have a word bound
up with manas, and meaning both insight how to act and will to act.
Such a meaning is implied in manas itself, e.g. in the passage ~ when
he desires with manas”’.

If then we are discussing a stage of wording man " prior to such
differentiations, we need not judge that we are considering the records
of an abnormal section of humanity. But let us not forget this—
it is the very gist of what I have here to say—if the ancient Indian
worded both mind and will by words belonging to the category of
mind, leaving will to be implied, it 1s evident that, for him (assuming
we translate truthfully), man was mainly minder, not willer.
Willing was an adjunct of thinking. }

It is possible, too, that among the European branches of the
Aryans we should not find, at so early a date, the notable
developments of the wat stem. Of those other branches, the Greeks,
in their greatest thinkers, came nearer than India to a worthy con-
ception of all that is really implied in our own words will and willer.
They too earnestly worded the “man”; they earnestly worded man
as both seeking the good, and as capable of becoming better. They
conceived his inner world as “movements”. And among these
movements of the psyche they reckoned the will-word boulé, boulesthat.
Plato even saw boulesis in his conception of the Divine. But they

1 See table above.
t Die Wellanschauung der Brahmapatezte, 69, 1. 2.
VOL, tv. FART 1, a

34 c. A. F. RHYS DAVIDS—

did not raise the notion of will to that true worth which still is
lacking even in our own outlook. A thoughtful writer, Miss Mary H.
Wood," has laid all the works of Plato under embargo to show that,
while a definition, a doctrine of will—she adds “ hypostatization of
will "—is not in him, the real thing is there, in that his whole philosophy
treats man as exerting self-activity.

This is, I hold, most true. And Aristotle herein followed in
Plato's wake. Miss Wood, as a special pleader, forces the note
occasionally, over-emphasizing a “principle of growth” in phusis
and “ process of becoming " in kinésis, but both thinkers were feeling
out after a view of man as willer. It was only the heavy hand of
tradition shaping the view of man as mainly thinker which hindered
them from a truer perspective,

Professor Bloomfield finds the equivalent, for ancient India,
to our “will” in the Indian “desire ”’.* He quotes the notable
passage from the Upanishads : “ Manis wholly formed from * desire’ ®
(kGma); as is his desire, so is his ‘insight’* (Aratu); as is his
‘insight’, so does he the deed (karma); os he does the deed, so does
he experience.”

This is well said. Adama undifferentiated serves here for will,
and might have continued worthily to do so. But it underwent
that specialization which usually connotes depreciation. And with
regard to this poor, over-driven word “ desire ”, here it is the modern
translators who (with the exception of the more discerning Deussen)
have failed to differentiate. As I have pointed out long ago, “ desire ”
has been fitted by various translators to no fewer than sixteen Palj
words, all conveying varying meanings of, as we might say, feeling,
with some co-efficient of will, or conversely.’ It is here that kama,
in noun and verb, does play a fairly large part in the Indian's inner
world emerging in action. It is even placed at the back of the all-
ereator’s fint in creating (aktdmayata), both in Vedas and old
Upanishads, as the wish of God.* On the other hand, we find the
word, in the troubled conscience of the Buddhist, restricted, I think
without exception, to the world of man’s sense-desires and senge-
pleasures. But, for the desires stirring in the man of the Buddhist

i a Ps im on en! of wi
enim. tm
: 7 sh aebag ara Hume; Deussen: “ Begierde " = craving,

3 Eg, JRAS., 1508,“ The Willin Buddhism,” p, 47,
© Oldenterg, op. cit. 179, n. 3.

MAN AS WILLER 35

literature towards the Best—now worded as samma or Lrahma-, not as
dtman—we come upon very different terms.

Here the wordlessness I have commented upon becomes more
marked and less explicable. The older literature is in its way as
“ religious ” as isthe Buddhist and the Jainist. And it is more closely
concerned with the “man” than are these. But this older religious
thought did not concern itself searchingly with man’s choice of conduct,
with man’s will to righteousness as the essential in religion. Nor did
it systematically analyze and define man a5 an outer and inner
microcosm. Hence that older thought was not so travailing as were
its successors with the springs of action, nor with the analysis of man,
as willing or not willing to walk in a Way towards the Best. It could
therefore use more lightheartedly, less anxiously, all available words
bearing on its goodly, brave world of warrior and priest, of thinker
and worker. It could mean much in little; or it could, an it willed,
deploy some word here and there, especially if a little entertaining
word-play were possible. And so we get a pleasant if incidental
sing-song wording on ké-alliterations about wishing, enjoying, working,
on kalp-klp-alliterations about planning and uniting; on var-
alliterations about boons and rank, and so forth. The authors make
out their “ gods as loving eryptic speech “’,' but that was because
early man himself loved the oracular and the pun.

But in the Buddhist books, while we have yet oracle and pun,
we are in a world that has been changing. Attention Is fixed on the
plastic nature of man, on his being in a “ way” of becoming better
or worse, on his composite nature, on his serial life. Here, if ever
or anywhere, was the world, one would think, where man’s somewhence
innate tendenty to become “ better ", to live up to the best (samma)—
which the whole Buddhist teaching sought to develop—called aloud
for a distinguishing, called aloud for a wording of what it was in man
which could express that tendency. For what was vf in man that
sought after the best, the “right’’ in thought, word, and deed ?
What was it in man that responded to the teacher's monitions herein ?
Manas the mind, citfa the observer, would never “seek, would
never “ move towards”. What was it but “will” that moved,
that sought ?

Yet in this world we no more find that clear distinguishing, that
adequate wording than we did before Buddhism arose. Some wording

1 Ait, U. ii, 14, ete.; Brh. U. iv, 2.2; Kau, U. ii, 1.

36 c. A. F. RHYS DAVIDS—

we do get. In the teaching, initiated (in wording in a dialect largely
lost) by Gotama, and developed in “ Pali” by the church, which
acknowledged him as its supreme teacher, we get a wording of human
nature that plays all round the will, assumes it, evokes it in such
words as chanda, viriya, vaydma, padhana, ete., regulates and “ tames ”
it. We get a wording of amity (goodwill) to men, of quest for one’s
own and of others’ welfare. We get a wording of man’s composite
personality. Yet we never get a wording of, aname for, man’s tendency
to seek his good as a bed-rock factor in his nature, nor any grasp of
it as that on which his salvation depends.

I have tested the worth attached to will by indexes. Let us
do so once more. In his valuable Coda to the Sacred Books of the
East, the General Index, Dr. Winternitz has had eight volumes of
Buddhist classical works before him. Yet his articles on Will and
Volition are entirely unaffected by this increment. The articles are of
the briefest, and not one reference to those eight volumes is in them.
The only references are to Pahlavi and Vedintic texts. (The articles
on Desire and Tanha are almost equally meagre.) Such a silence
_is impossible had a clear wording of will been forced from the pen
of the translators by their subject-matter.

But while there is no clear word for that in man which could
worthily respond and react to the Buddhists’ system of sikkh@pada
or training, they were not without makeshifts, else neither could they
have formulated nor could we read of such a system.

In the first place, as with the Vedic wording so with them, the
words cifta, celo, celand, all wording what we express by mind or
thinking, awareness or consciousness, are now and then used in such
an active or volitional sense as we convey by the words intent, purpose,
or will, when the speaker wishes to express this aspect of mind. This
is true also of mano. Manokamma “ action of mind” can mean
“ will-to-act ”, notably in the Upali-Sutta. In it, as has been said,
mind is viewed as active process. So is cetand which, in one Sutta ®
(but in one only) is stated, like mano, to be action (kamma) :-—

“T say, monks, that cefand is kKamma. When we have celayila,
_then we make action of deed, word, and thought.”

Manasikara, again, “ work of mind,” is another word, unspecialized
in the early literature and possibly used with volitional implication.®

1 Mojjhima.Nikdya, i, 3751.

= Anguifara, iit, Pp. 415.
2 Cf. Compendium of Philosophy, p, 05 n. 1, and Mr, Aung’s note, p. 282,

MAN AS WILLER : oT

Again, we read of Gotama being made to say, he forced his citla by
ceto,! albeit ceto is nowhere, early or later, defined, distinctively or
otherwise.

Citta is even used to cover the four well-known Suffusion-sentiments
called Brahmavihira, or divine states, 4 meditative rite of aspiration
ascribed to brahmins, but adopted by Buddhism. They. are spoken
of as the love-citta, pity-ciffa, sym pathy-with-joy-citta, equanimity-
citta. In each of them, starting with a person, 4 house, a street,
and so expanding, one suffuses (pharatt) the whole world with these
eittasin turn. Weshould call this “ willing © or “wishing ” the welfare
of others with love, or pity, efc., there being of course present the
thought or idea of those others. We ought not, as we now tend to do
in treating of the subject, to lose sight of the will in the feeling. If
Buddhists did not word will in them, neither did they word them as
emotion. The whole inner man was engaged in these citta’s. And
+f we were to translate cilta here by “ will”, we should be psyeho-
logically correct, but we should be historically wrong. Oldenberg
discusses them—without psychological insight—as- “a paychic
gymnastic for a man of feeling”. This is again historically (as well
as psychologically) wrong. The Buddhist uses no emotional terms save
in naming of the cittas as amity, pity, joy (with others’ joy)-
But he speaks of a “ radiating” 2 admirable and true word !|—
whereby his thought spreads and spreads till the very world is warded
by (the goodwill in) it. And he speaks here of “ the mother ”*.*
But he is not referring merely to her sentiment towards her only
child, but to her warding of him, her work for him. Her love is but
the reverberation of her very synergy.

In the second place, Pali tried to make good its want of a worthy
word for the strenuous and systematic mental and moral traming
it so commended, by certain adjunct words, some of which are strong
and lusty. We find samkelpa again as sankappa. This is both
raised to a factor in the Eightfold Path of the Middle Course of the
“ best” living, and it has a definition peculiar to itself and one other
term in Abhidhamma. It is defined (and so is vitakka) as lifting
the mind on to its object, disposing or adapting or applying it." Hence.
*t is what we should now be disposed to call attention. And the

1 Majjhima i, 242.

2 Pharati. Lord Chalmers is the firet #0 te render the word in this connexion.
2 Khoddakapitha, Sutta Nipita, Vis. Magpa, ch. ix.

‘ Buddhist Psychological Ethics, §§ 7, 21.

38 Cc, A. F. RHYS DAVIDS—

word is often rendered intention. Corresponding to the 4dnta-
samkalpa or “ appeased intentions’ of the Upanishad term, we get
twice the compound paripunna-sankappa “ fulfilled” or “ satisfied
aims." We have here, as in attention, mind active, alert, purposive.
To that extent a will-word is found. Yet nowhere is any use made
of the term in the structure of the fivefold or khandha summary of
man as body and mind. No factor or factor-group of this is reserved
for will-terms. In the Abhidhamma analyses, where the group called
sankharas or“ plannings “ 1s specified under some fifty items, sankappa
and vitakke are both included, as is also cetand, But they are defined
as always, more intellectually than volitionally. And they are
classed in a list in which will is less represented than is either cognition
or emotion. It is indeed curious that a term so suggestive of will,
of mano-kamma, of man’s inner world as movement, activity, as is
sankhdra should have been thrown away as effective for will-classifica-
tion, and have served as a dumping-ground for whatever did not fit
under the other three mental groups: feeling, perception, mind
(consciousness, cognition). If I have rendered the term by
“synergies ’, it 1s merely to give a literal Englishing of the Pali,
It has no more reference to the miscellany classed under the term,
than has sankhdra. The only old definition we have of sankhara.®
enforced by the Commentary, is that of a prepared complex. Yet
among the 50 are items such as “calm”, “ rapture ’’, “ mindfulness”,
which we should not so describe. I am inclined to think that when
those 50 items came to be specified, sankhard had lost its old quasi-
volitional force, and that the Buddhist teaching was virtually con-
sidering the items more as just cefasika, mental adjuncts, “ mentals,”
which were even then in use,” and were soon after to supersede the
Khandha classification.

Other noteworthy substitutes are three words of vigour:
iddia, literally “ effecting", “ having wrought"; wviriya “energy ”,
“effort; padhana “effort”, “endeavour”. Of these iddhi, as
a mode of supernormal will-power, meets us throughout Pali literature.
Yet is seems to be nowhere intelligently defined. Nor was it a faculty
of the normally human. It was “ psychic”, abnormal, and as such
to be found in the morally worthy and the mora lly unworthy. As

1 Majjhima Nikdya, i, 192, <M); iii, 275 (mistranslated by Neumann),
(a. i, 54, 301). jot la ought, meaning pre-requisites,
5 Buddhist Pay. Ethics, § 1,022, and note.

MAN AS WILLER 2g

now, quite a small minority then possess
not the will of the average man.

Viriya on the other hand and padhana are both practicable,
and should be practised, by every man who is morally earnest. Viriya
is “mental inception of energy, striving, onward effort, exertion,
endeavour, zeal, ardour, vigour, fortitude, unfaltering verve, sustained
desire, unflinching endurance, and firm grasp of the burden, one's
best padhana.”} Padhdna is nowhere so defined; its modes are
described in terms of moral training ;* it is used to describe four
modes of moral iddhi,? but it is not included in the factors distinguished
under the mental group sankhara. Viriya is 80 included. And
whereas, for all the fine earnestness shown in the teaching as to the
importance of energy, endeavour, and “ ardour in effort”, no sign
betrays that herein the most fundamental factor of mind itself (citta,
mano, viiiidna) was being laid hold of, we can at least say, that
Buddhists in these terms just missed stumbling upon 4 notable doctrine
of will, They were all the nearer not only to a doctrine of will, but
to a truer doctrine than any psychology has yet put forward, in that,
for them, viriya and padhdna were bound up with growth, with progress.
To the world the saintly “ almsman ” may have appeared a Quietist,
but his inner world was seething with energy.

O see my forward strides in energy |"
is a recurring note in the anthology. The brotherhood was

Of strenuous energy and resolute,

Ever advancing strongly .. -°

For the conception of the believer's remainder of life as a path,
a way, was a transformed one. It was no longer the endless round of
samsidra which we have re-named ~ transmigration”. It had become
a progress in holiness. It was a way of growth. Here is a notable
growth-word: “Growing by the five growths the Ariyan woman-
disciple grows with the Anyan growth ; she becomes one who lays hold
of the real (sara) and of the excellent (vara) things in her person, to
wit, faith, morals, learning, giving up and wisdom.’ ®

The books hover in this way about this vital notion of growth

or developed it. It was

1 Bud. Pay. Ethics, § 13.

2 Thid., § 1966 (¥).

9 Bud, Pay., 2nd ed., p. 290 f.

« Palma of the Brethren, ver. 224 and others.

® Psalma of the Sistera, ver. 161.

* Samyutia Nikiya, * Matugima,’§ 10 © Person = kityasaa, lit. group, Le.,
either body or the whole person.

hi) c. A. F. RHYS DAVIDS—

(vaddhe or vuddhi, and anubriheti, cf. Dhp. Comy, i, 107), but just
miss gripping the truth, that their central tenet of the Way is just
that: growth of the man (not only of body or mind) along the age-
long way of the worlds.

Still nearer was Buddhism to a worthy theory of will in yet another
word, the word chanda. Abhidhamma early and late has been
psychologically sound enough to save the term from the monastic
associations which often lowered it to the level of ima. The Sutta
usage wavers. Now chanda ranks with virtya and its equivalents
viyima, ussolhi, ussiha, padhdna;* now it named as that the
suppression of which is the aim of the holy life. There was nghteous
desire, dhammacchanda. And later chanda, as such, is described ©
as an un-moral “ desire-to-do” (kattukamyata). [have sought for many
years * to do justice to this distinction, not without some special
pleading. It was impossible without a hot sense of injustice to read
the many fine calls in the Nikayas on what we call the will, the earnest
exordiums to energy, to noble quest (ariya-partyesand), to progress
in the way, the lovely “ faith in what we may become ",* and then to
note how translators and narrators glossed over it all and emphasized
only “extinction of desire "’.

Yet after all Buddhism has been its own worst enemy. When
the eminent disciple Ananda told a brahmin that elimination of
chanda was the object of the holy life ‘that the saint did but exercise
chanda to gain his saintship and then needed it no further—‘“ just
as you, brahmin, exercised chanda to come and find me, and have
it now no longer "—we begin to see why it is that Buddhism had no
worthy conception of will. For it the perfected man is a will-less
man. He is not without intellectual or emotional powers, But he
is depicted as using these for joyful retrospect over victory won in
past struggle. He is conceived as so near the final mysterious change,
past birth and death, of parinibbana, that he is already nibbuta, “ in”
Nibbana “the goal”. He has “done what was to be done”.§ He
ean no longer become. And so he has ceased to will. Will is therefore
not of the nature of man; it was not as were ciffa or even wedand.

Whén we read such vigorous will-words as these—* When a man

‘Eg, M. i, 480; A ii, 14f.; iii, 108.

+ JRAS,, 1898, 496; Bod. Poy. Bth., 1900, p. Ixv; Bud Pay, p. 125, 158, 167;

* Wordsworth, Prelude.

* Samyutta, v, 272; Chandapahdnattham,
® Kataw karasiyan Bhagarali braAmacariyan russati.

MAN AS WILLER 41

is not thoroughly aware of some blemish, he will not bring chanda
to birth, he will not strive, he will not set energy afoot to get rid of
it,” 1 we ask, how can we say there 1s no wording of will in Buddhism !
When we read such words as Ananda’s we realize that, for Buddhism,
such activity was not of the very life of the complete man, but was
only an episode, was only the writhing of the learner.

Nearer still to a really worthy theory of will was Buddhism (as was
Jainism) in the frequent use, in the training, of the causative form of the
word “to become” bhavati, namely, the form bhaveti “to make-
become”. In our poverty of words for this notable expression, we
render the term by meditation, practice, cultivation, These by no means
’ eoineide with bhavand. Bhavand is not a learning by intellect, which
also requires practice, cultivation. It is a developing-one’s-self-into,
a re-creating-one’s-self-according-to an ideal. For example, the
difference between vififidna and pannd, both words being forms of
“to know ”, is that the former is to be understood, the latter is to be
made-to-become.*

Is it not a little singular, that with such a view of religious training,
‘n which the disciple is expected to concentrate with utmost vim
and verve on growing into, on becoming what he was not before,
and which is figured as a way or road strenuously, unfaltering pursued
towards a goal, we should not find man conceived as a willer putting
forth will—that we should only find man conceived as a minder,
or as mind, set in body,® and having certain mental adjuncts or
co-efficients of energy, endeavour, desire, intention, which were to
he discarded with maturity, with perfect attainment ‘ How was it
that the Buddhist dhamma, finding no worthy form of var- to hand,
did not look on man as essentially using wiriya, OF chanda, oT as
essentially becoming in his Way to Well? Why is there not even &
bhavand- or viriya-khandha? How was it that Buddhists made
shift with these terms as merely incidental in the life they held most
worthy, and not as fundamental in man’s nature ?

It is not enough to say that they did not find wording corre-
sponding to ours ready to their hand. They were so far pioneers
in wording, that they brought into use, brought into high relief,
brought into recreated use words which we do not find employed

1 M.i, 25. Lord Chalmers, in his admirable translation of the Majjhima renders
chanda by will-power, but this is a reading too rich for the Pali.

® Majjhima Nikiya, 1, 293; pariiidiabtam .. . hha refablad,

2 Digha, i, 77; Af. ii, IT.

42 Cc. A. F. RHYS DAVIDS—

as Buddhists employed them. Where once men “ will” strongly
about anything not covered by the day's wording, they will find
a name for it. Language old and new is strewn with these increments.

It is an interesting problem and not to be solved im a sentence.
To some extent, I repeat, they were their own hinderers. They felt
after the truth that man, as he becomes better, is not as it were
dressing or painting himself with something external, but is under-
going an inner change. Yet they feared the idea of change. Never
are the words “ transient’, or impermanent, otherwiseness, or change
used in any sense save as ushers-in, or guarantees of ill, They pictured
spiritual progress as a making to become, bhavand, yet they strained
every nerve to suppress the tendency “to become”, 1.e. be reborn’
(bhava). They spoke of saintly advance, yet they aspired to cut
short vital progress by a cessation of that way of life m the upward
way of the worlds, and by hustling on a final change for which not a
single man on earth was ready. And in resisting rightly the
Brahmanie conception of the real man as unchanging, and as, even
now, if he knew it, Very God, they emptied the flux of man’s activities,
bodily and mental, of the man. Nay, thereby they emptied the
stream itself, and spoke of the banks as the river.

Now we cannot get very far in an adequate notion of will without
the willer. We may cheat ourselves by figuring thought as a world
of impressions and ideas, and by figuring feeling as waves of somatic
resonance or what not. But we cannot get on thus with will. Because
will is a self-directing. And the Buddhist, with his excellent emphasis
on the “taming of the self” and self-reliance, had inherited a
protest against self conceived as God. This he came to interpret
as meaning there was no self at all. So he barred the way to a clear
view of all that bhavand implied.

In such considerations as these there may lie material to account
for Buddhism, with no word for will in its word-heritage, finding or
annexing any adequate term for that self-directed activity which
it so zealously and admirably fostered.

Other considerations too we must take into account, considerations
of world-currents, where Buddhism itself is merged in Aryan history,
nay, 1s but a ripple in the world-growth of man himself. The laying
hold and developing of the root-word for choice as wal, wol, wel, wil,
instead of leaving its form war in relative atrophy, belongs to most of
those Aryans who took, not the southern (possibly the earliest) trek
into India, but who went westward by the longer trek and spread

MAN AS WILLER 43

over Europe north, west, and south. And of these it is at least note-
worthy that the branches most potent and effective in moulding Europe
by common action of each were the Latin, the worder of uolo, uelle, wale,
and the Teuton, the worder of Wahi, Wille, Wohl. There would seem
never to have been any such consensus of a race in action in Indo-
Arya as to be driven to word itself by such ways, Nor of the Hellemic
world, galvanized briefly into patriotic action, though it was, by
Persia.

But the stage of Indian thought we have been considering is older
by a little than these developments of European Arya, old enough
to be the more overshadowed by the prior world-wording, in terms for
thought and mind and action as compared with words otherwise
expressing man. Man was first and foremost a beholder, a namer,
once he tried to word himself. He was as we see Adam represented,
looking at and naming a procession of interesting beasts. He could
do very little with his world. His will was very limited. He was a
child of fate and the unseen. What he feared therein, and what he
sought help from, was Will, yet he pictured it as power and as the
To-be-placated. In course of time he figured it as Mind, like himself.

In these ways too, then, the sons of Indo-Aryans were kept, by
obstacles not of their own making, from developing a self-expression
of man as willer no less than of him as minder.

In conclusion I would say, that to render Pali words in our own
Western wording of will-terms is to let tradutiore become to some
extent traditore. I write this with a quilt-stained pen, which cannot
be washed white. In changing the English of cetand from thinking
to volition,! I have consented to use the meaning read into the word
by the Burmese scholar of to-day. That there was some notion in
the Abhidhamma editors’ mind of distinguishing it from citta, such
as we get implied here and there + the manas of the old Upanishads,
is possible, Why else are we given both celana and citta side by side
in eg. the Dhammasangaypi? But to say ~ yolition ”, weak form
of will as it is, is going too far. Again, the responsibility of “ will”
for ceto in Kindred Sayings, III, 1s, L fear, mine. It also goes too far.
So does “ will-power” used in Lord Chalmers’s translation of the
Majjhima for chanda. It puts something there which the Buddhist
editors had not. It is a little like translating the “ wooden horse of
Troy” by “ camouflage ” Tt is part of oar duty, 19 translators,

44 c. A. F. BHYS DAVIDS—

to our readers fo make them realize that India had no word equating —

“will”,

It is true that, when we review the muddled way in which * will”
is used in general literature, and the boycotting (with furtive
reinstating here and there) of the word “ will” in current psychology,
it may seem to matter very little where or how the word is made to
serve in work on Buddhism. But for me that is not so. I see in the
word “ will'’, now under a passing shadow, or in the dust of misuse,
a most precious legacy, a word pregnant with a great future. I will
try to say why I see this.

We have the heritage which Buddhists had not. We have the
word “ will”, and its daughter “ well —for “ well”’ is just what we
“will '’-to-be. And we are freed, as the Buddhists were not, from
a call to protest against a morbid use of the word “ self”, that is,
“the real man", and also from the strangle-hold on life of a monastic
ideal. In other words, we can believe that both God is spirit (mveipa
o Geds) and we are spirit, and we do believe in life; we hold that
the words: “‘I am come that ye might have life and that ye might
have it more abundantly "? is a bigger, truer gospel than that man
should renounce all substrates of rebirth. Like the Buddhists we
hold that everything is in a state of change, that we are not so much
as we are becoming. Unlike the Buddhists we do not view this world-
fact as a whole with deprecation. We believe, with them, that there
is a becoming worse in this or that aspect of life. But, unlike them,
we believe that becoming better is, that the whole man and the complete
man should progress, not the man or woman who has renounced the
betterment of the race in the family, the community, the nation,
and has simplified his or her life to a segregated, a-sexual wrestling
against human nature. We do not believe that man’s progress, as
man, is assured, aloof from that great laboratory of experiment in good
will, life im the world. We believe, more consistently than the
Buddhists, in the necessity and value of “making-to-become ”
(bhavand), for we believe in education, in training, in culture, in
development, in evolution, in reform. We believe, theoretically, that
we cannot stand still; we must go on, if we would not stagnate,
rust, fall back, become Rip van Winkles. Actually we are not so
consistent. We still hold there are traditions, “ instincts ’—oh ! the
word-fetter there for man !—tendencies we shall ever follow unchanging.

Here it is, that our psychology, no less than that of the Buddhi

! John's Gospel.

pk _

MAN AS WILLER 45

is a creaking, still primitive vehicle. And we have not their excuse.
* ‘We are still, as we ought not to be, over-shadowed by the primitive
domination of the old attitude : that man’s inner world is funda-
mentally a beholding, a naming. We have not got to the bottom
of what that inner world fundamentally is. When we shall have taken
right home this thing, that the living man’s fundamental self-
expression 1 8 radiating movement, an activity from within, after
something felt to be “ we whether we call it life-preserving, oF
© hetter ’, or well-being, or welfare matters little—that in exercising
this he is “becoming” (and in “ becoming” is making to become), that
in “ becoming ” he is finding a way (magga) towards what he deems 18
well ’—when, grasping this, we shall call that radiating movement
of becoming :—“ will to well”—then at length our psychology will
become fit both for the great legacy it has in these two words and also
for the new heritage it holds in awareness of what they imply.
Zot ours should it be to rest contented with the saying of Kant:
You can for you ought”. More fit for us is it that we say: “ We
will because we become ”.

HISTORY OF THE MISSION OF THE FATHERS OF THE
SOCIETY OF JESUS IN CHINA AND OTHER KINGDOMS
OF THE EAST
Contributed by Sir ARNotp T. WiLson
\ la a previous number of the Bulletin, I submitted a translation of
La little known work ! describing the history of the Mission of the
Society of Jesus in Persia. I now propose to supplement this history
by giving a short abstract, and translation of a part, of an interesting
work which appeared in 1681, bearing on the earlier and wider

activities of the Society in the East, including Persia,

The book contains an account of a Jesut missionary, Whose name
is not given on the title page but, from a reference at page 144, is
clearly Father Alexandre de Rhodes, in India, the Malay Peninsula,
Malacca, China, the Philippine Islands, Java, Celebes, Persia, and
Armenia.

In the preface he mentions that he has already published a brief
account ? of his travels, the reception of which has encouraged him
to publish a fuller account, but he emphasizes the evangelical character
of his mission, and disclaims any intention of writing an interesting
hook of travel. He states that his journeys cover @ period of thirty-five
years.

In the first part of the book, he mentions that he joined the Jesuit
Community primarily because it was his ambition to go to India, to
convert the heathen there. He left Rome for Lisbon in October, 1618,
when 18 years of age. He visited his relations at Avignon, net
without coming to blows with some militant Calvinists on the way,
and he left Lisbon in April, 1619, in one of three fine ships, along with
five other Jesuits.

2 Endeavour to trace this publication has hitherto been unsuccessful, but attention
must be drawn to the Helation de la Mission des Phrea de la Compagnie de Jesus.
Eatablie dans le Royaume de Perse par le R. P. Alexandre de Rhodes, by Pire Jncques de
Machault (ride p. 115), | iblished in Parisin 1659, which gives a full account of a further
journey of the author to Persia. Father Alexandre died at Isfahan in 1060.

45 SIR ARNOLD T. WILSON—

The Cape of Good Hope was rounded on 20th July, 1619, and he
reached Goa in October of the same year. After three months at Goa
he fell ill and was transferred for reasons of health to Salsette Island,
where he remained for three months, and then returned to Goa where
he was employed in giving religious instructions in the prison and
in the galleys to the slaves of the Portuguese. He relates how, having
by chance visited the prison where gunpowder was made on a Saturday,
instead of as usual on » Sunday, he narrowly escaped death as, on the
Sunday morning, an explosion occurred which wrecked the prison,
killing three hundred and maiming many.

In 1621, during his stay at Goa, news was received of the
beatification of Francis Xavier, now the patron saint of Goa.

In April, 1622, he embarked for Japan. Passing the pearl fisher.es
of Ceylon, he refers to the pearls as “ beautiful tears from the sky,
which are collected and hardened inside the oysters ” and mentions
that the divers are such good Christians that, after the pearling season,
they often place great handfuls of pearls on the altar: he was shown
at Tuticorin a chasuble, covered with pearls, valued in that country
at 200,000 crowns, He refers to the fine citadel built there by the
Portuguese, and to the Jesuit College founded by St. Francis
Xavier. From Ceylon he went to Negapatam and thence to Malacca,
arriving in July, 1622; here also he refers to the Portuguese citadel,
and to the magnificent Christian monasteries ; he praises the Christian
spirit and earnest devotion of the people and mentions the fine Jesuit
college established there.

Our author remamed nine months at Malacca waiting for a
favourable wind for his onward journey to China, during which time
he—with another Father—baptized at least 2,000 idolaters.

He refers to progress made in converting the Siamese to
Christianity, and to the judicial murder of Father Margico by the
King, who was annoyed by the false preaching of some Spanish
soldiers in his service.

He went to Macao, in constant danger of capture by the Dutch,
arriving in May, 1625, living for a year in the Jesuit College there,
and then passing on to China.

He writes enthusiastically of this country—“the greatest and
richest Kingdom in the world”; he estimates the population of China
at twice that of Europe and he describes Canton in detail. He enlarges
on the riches of Chima, its good bread, its rice, and the habit of
drinking hot rice-water, and not “ fresh water, like Europeans”, He

MISSION OF THE SOCIETY OF JESUS IN CHINA 49

describes “l'usage du Tay “—tea drinking—giving details of its
preparation in China and Japan respectively. He highly approves
of tea as a healthful beverage, because, he says : “ Since [ have returned
to France I have had the honour of meeting some persons of high rank
and great merit, whose life and health are very essential to France,
who derive advantage from drinking tea, and who have asked me to
tell them my own thirty years’ experience of this great remedy.”

In the second part, he describes Cochin China and Tonking. He
enlarges on the indiscretions of one of his brethren who tried to abolish
all the ceremonies practised by the people—in particular ancestor
worship—and he adds, “though there are some practices which
(Christians cannot rightly indulge in, most of them are very innocent
and we have judged that they may be retained without prejudice
to true religion.” Wise sentiments, too often forgotten even to-day.

He notes, among other customs, that children are marked with the
sign of the cross in charcoal or ink immediately after birth, by their
parents, “ to chase away the devil and to protect the child from harm ~
and he thinks that this may be a relic of some earlier preaching of
Christianity in this kingdom, the origin of which is lost in obscurity.

In March, 1627, he went to Tonking where he had much success
as a preacher, and he speaks of the favour shown him by the King, and
the opportunity which fell to him of baptizing a rebel just before the
latter lost his head, “‘ whereby I believe his soul went straight to
Heaven.”. His successes increased to such a point that the anti-
Christian elements started an active campaign against him and, in
1630, he was forced by the King to leave Tonking; but, as he says,
he left his heart there. He returned to Macao in May of that year,
where he met an old man aged 150 who had been baptized by St. Francis
Xavier himself.

From Macao he went, in February, 1640,to Cochin China, which was
then under a Japanese ruler. He quotes, from personal experience,
the efficacy of a remedy for sea-sickness which he learnt from the
Christians of Cochin China, viz., “ to take, when going on board ship,
one of the little fish which one finds inside the stomach of larger fish,
to roast it well, to put a little pepper on it, and thus to eat it.”

In chapter xix, he describes a visit to the Philippines which he
was forced to make by the Governor of Cochin China. He returned
to Cochin China in 1642, where he found his old flock not less devoted
than before to the Christian Faith. He returned to Macao, but visited
Cochin China, for the fifth and last time, in 16-44.

VOL, If. PAET I. 4

50) SIR ARNOLD T. WILSON—

The King of Cochin recommenced a violent persecution, which
his flock sustamed with wonderful constancy. He was condemned to
death and cast into prison, but delivered—to his sorrow, for he desired
martyrdom—by the intervention of a friend, and banished, in July,
1645, to Macao. .

In the third part, the: Father describes how he left Macao for
Malacca in December, 1645, arriving in January, 1646. Malacca was
now in Dutch hands, and he remarks on the bigotry of the Dutch,
who refused to allow Catholics a place of worship, though they
countenanced a heathen temple at the gate of the town. He passed
on to Java and was imprisoned for three months in the port of Jacquetra
' (Jokyakarta) by the Dutch, who broke and burnt his crucifixes under
a pile, on each side of which they hanged a thief.

From Jacquetra he went to Bantam where he was well treated
by the English Governor-General, Aaron Becza, who openly regretted
the breach with Rome and the recent religious troubles in England
which, he said, prevented him from sending our traveller on his way
by an English ship; so he left Bantam by a Portuguese ship for
Macassar in October, 1646,

He left Macassar in an English vessel, on which he was very well
treated, and again visited Bantam where he was once more treated by
the English Governor with a courtesy and kindness which ashamed
and astonished him, he offering to put him up and send him home at
his own expense, explaining that it was through the Goa Fathers
that an accommodation had been made between the Portuguese and
the British. He stayed a month with the English at Bantam, saying
Mass daily, at a distance from their houses, so as not to annoy them,
in view of the kindness he had received at their hands. He left in
August, by an English vessel, on which he was most civilly treated,
reaching Surat at the end of September: here also he was warmly
received by the British, and remained four months,

He then left for Comoran (Gombrun), where he arrived in March,
1648. He gives the old name of this town as Bandelké, Here he fell
in with a Frenchman and a Fleming—both Calvinist, but otherwise
very honest people—and with them set out for Isfahan. The text of
chapters xili-xvi, part 3, describing his doings whilst in Persia,

18 Set out, in full, below.
On the 29th June, 1648, he left Isfahan with a caravan of
Armenians, and reached Tabriz a month later.

Thence he journeyed
to Erivan—at the foot of “ the great mountain which is said to be

MIESION OF THE SOCIETY OF JESUS IN CHINA ol

that on which Noah’s Ark reposed after the deluge. Certain it =
that it is so high that no one can go to the top without endangering
life owing to the great cold: the mountain is called‘ No’. The snows
remain all the year round. They say that, on the top, there still
remains a part of Noah’s Ark, but I have difficulty im believing it,
as they say that no one can reach there.”

At Nakhshivan, he left his Chinese companion, whom he had
baptized at Macao, to be sent on to Rome by the Archbishop
of this city sixteen months later—he dared not take him at the time
through Turkey lest he should be mistaken for a Tartar and a
Muhammadan and be retained in Turkey; but, six months later, he
had learnt to speak Armenian so well that, though suspected of being
a Tartar, he was always able to satisfy the Turks that he was an
Armenian. He himself returned to Erivan and describes, with
admiration mingled with regret, the customs of the monks of the
celebrated monastery of this city: their midnight devotions lasting
five hours, and their long fasts, which have procured for them much
reverence from Muhammadans and from the Shah. There was a
fine carillon at Erivan, the only place where bells were permitted by
the Persians. Here he fell seriously ill, but was cured by the delight
he felt at unexpectedly meeting four Carmelite Fathers. Thence he
journeyed to Rome, by way of Tokat and Smyrna, arriving on the
27th June, 1649, after an absence of over thirty vears.

TRANSLATION
Cuar. XIII.—My Jovrxey rrom Surat to Persia

I waited four whole months in Surat until the English ship was
ready to take me to Persia, from whence I had determined to travel
overland to Smyrna,—across the whole of Persia, Media, both parts
of Armenia, and Anatolia—for, being unable to find any vessel prepared
to sail round the Cape of Good Hope, I made up my mind to return
to Europe by a route which, though more difficult, would be shorter.

After taking leave of the Reverend Father Zenon, to whom I
expressed my deepest gratitude, and of Father Torquato Parisiano,
who was awaiting an English ship for Suakin, we embarked on the
third of February for Persia. This was the second time that the English
received me on their ships and they treated me, as before, with the
utmost civility that I could possibly expect or indeed desire, The

25163

5? SIR ARNOLD T. WILSON—

voyage lasted exactly a month: we passed in sight of Hormuz and
came to land two leagues further on, at Comoran (Gombrun).!

Hormuz, as everyone knows, is a small island at the mouth of the
Persian Gulf, where the earth is all burnt up, and on which nothing
grows owing to the excessive heat. Only salt is found there, and the
sun's heat immediately burns up everything. Great mountains shelter
this island from the wind, so that the air is so stifling that it feels
like an oven.

Yet, notwithstanding the barrenness of the soil and the discomfort
of the climate, this island was exceedingly prosperous at the time when
the Portuguese held it. The harbour there was so good and so con-
venient and commodious that people used commonly to say that, if the
world were a ring, Hormuz would be its preciousstone. The number of
merchants who called there was unbelievable, for they came from China,
the Moluccas and all parts of the East Indies. Merchandise was sent
there from all parts of Persia, Arabia, and Armenia. The English
Dutch and Portuguese used to gain great advantage from this trade,
which provided them with all the most precious products of the earth.
But since the King of Persia, with the help of the English, took this
island from the Portuguese, about thirty years ago, it has been entirely
deserted, as the Persians preferred to transfer the trade to a
neighbouring port called Gombran, formerly called Bandelké. It was
there that we arrived at the beginning of March in the year 1648,

I stayed there a few days and then, by good luck falling in with
a Frenchman and a Fleming who were going to Isfahan, I started my
overland journey in their company, They were both Calvinists,
but in other respects very honest folk, and I lost no occasion during
the journey of pointing out their error, but was not so successful
over this as I should have wished,

After travelling several days on the wa y to Shiraz, I had a chance
encounter for which I have since thanked God a thousand times,
I was on foot, saying my office at some distance from my companions,
when I saw on the road a man of prosperous appearan ce, well mounted
and dressed in Persian costume with turban, loose robe and scimitar :
his beard was long and cut square, and I took him for a Persian or
Armenian nobleman.

Observing my hat and black pown and realizing that I was a
priest from Europe, he greeted me most civilly in Latin, and his
pronunciation told me that he was a Frenchman. I therey pon replied

1 Bandar Abbas,

MISSION OF THE SOCIETY OF JESUS IN CHINA 53

in our native tongue, at which he was overcome with joy, descended
from his horse, and we embraced and conversed for about half an
hour so pleasantly that during that short time we formed a friendship
which I shall treasure very dearly all my life.

He is a gentleman of Anjou, by name Monsieur de la Boullaye,
and has recently published an excellent book ! relating his travels, in
which he gives a faithful and lucid account of his doings in many
different countries. He has traversed the greater part of Europe, Asia
and Africa, has been among Turks, Arabs, Persians, Armenians,
Indians and other nations, some the most barbarous in the world;
and has everywhere acted with such prudence and virtue as to keep
inviolate both his Religion and his conscience, winning the hearts
of all and sundry, and showing that a good Christian and a Frenchman
can traverse the whole world without making a single enemy.

I have since met him in Rome, where Cardinal Capponi paid him
the same honour as he would render to one of his equals. He arrived
in Paris at the same time as I did and, by a further piece of good
fortune, I have reason to hope that I shall have the consolation of
having him as a companion on the long journey to China which I
intend to undertake at the earliest opportunity.

Our road took us past a large and beautiful town called Shiraz,
where it is said that the Persian Court was held for a long period.
Here I had the happiness of being able to say Mass in a little chapel
belonging to the Barefooted Carmelite Fathers, after being two whole
months without being able to celebrate it.

Coap. XIV.—Ovr Arpivat at Isranan, THE CaprraL or Persia

We continued our journey from Gombrun by long stages without
break each day, yet it took us thirty days to reach Isfahan, the capital
of Persia, where we arrived on the 13th April, 1648. I may say that
it is one of the largest and finest towns that I have ever seen. It is
so thickly populated that the streets are always crowded. The King
was at that time at war with the Great Mogul from whom he wished to
take a stronghold called Kandahar on the frontier of the two kingdoms.
He had an army of four hundred thousand men, a large part of which
had come from Isfahan. Nevertheless the crowds in the streets
were 80 great that I should not have been able to cross them if I had
not been escorted by a servant who walked in front, to make way for

1 Leas Voyages et observations du siewr de La Boullaye Le Gous, gentilhomme angevin,
ete., Paria, 153.

HE SIk ARNOLD T. WILSON—

me through the throng. All the streets are straight and very broad
and the buildings are magnificent. In the middle of the town is a fine
square, not unlike the Place Royale in Paris but very much larger: it
is twice the size of the Piazza Navona which I saw at Rome. All the
houses there are well painted or gilded on the outside, and a broad
gallery runs the whole way round.

But the most magnificent feature of all is a great road extending
for at least a league, along which are many fine houses, leading from
Isfahan to the new town of Julfa, where the King has caused the
Armenians to reside, as I shall presently relate. The gardens of the
King of Persia, said to be very beautiful, are to be seen there, but I
did not feel the curiosity to go and see them, any more than I did to see
his palace, which is situated in the centre of the town of Isfahan.

In this great meeting place of all the nations on earth, I found so
few Catholics, that among these there were almost as many in holy
orders as there were laymen. I had the pleasure of seeing three fine
monasteries belonging to religious orders, who enjoy complete liberty
in the exercise of their faith, without being molested in any way,
The liberty which the King guarantees them is as complete as they
could enjoy in France.

There is a fine monastery belonging to the Reverend Augustinian
Fathers, which the King of Portugal caused to be built, together with
a very beautiful Church; the Barefooted Carmelites have one also,
where there are ten Brothers who labour with much zeal. <A third
belongs to the Capuchin Fathers, then numbering five, all French—it js
the King who maintains them in this country. They entreated me to
lodge with them and I should gladly have accepted their kind offer,
had I not been aware that one of their number would have to go out of
the house in order to make room for me, and I would not put them to
any such inconvenience. The Augustinian Fathers, who had more
accommodation, received me with open arms; and I had the consolation
of their company until my departure, and of profiting by their good
examples,

Cuar, XV.—Hores wuich Workers ror THe Gospxrt, MAY
Enterrain or Rearine Success mw Persra
The greatness of the Kingdom of Persia has long been so well
known, that it constitutes indeed one of the finest pages of History.
I am convinced that many people, who are filled with that zeal which

burned in the hearts of the Apostles, will be glad to go to this fair

MISSION OF THE SOCIETY OF JESUS IN CHINA 55

land and spend their strength and their very life in preaching Jesus
Christ who was driven therefrom by Muhammad, and cause the
Christian faith to live again in this country, watered as it has been by
the blood of so many martyrs.

It is supposed, however, that nothing is to be gained among these
people; that it is impossible to exhort anyone to follow the way
of salvation without being instantly impaled—this being, it is thought,
the unpleasing method employed by Muhammadans to bar the way
to those wishing to show them the light of the Gospel; and that, there-
fore, all that could be expected by anyone who went to Persia would
be to live in constant fear or to meet immediate death.

I must therefore state my own views on this matter, and disabuse
those who, owing to this false idea, are missing the opportunity of
w.nning great glory by enlarging the Kingdom of Jesus Christ. Let
it be known then that I have seen, in the capital of Persia, members
of six different religious orders walking about in public each wearing
his peculiar garb, and that these enjoy liberty to celebrate Mass, say
their Office, or preach just as they would have done in the most
Catholic cities of Europe.

In the large towns of this country there are a very great number
of foreigners who are not Muhammadans, and these can be converted
without any danger at all. It is true that the King of Persia does not
permit those of his own sect who have reached the years of discretion
to embrace our Holy Faith openly ; he does not however exercise the
same rigid severity as the Turks; he allows religious discussions
and nobody is blamed or ill-treated for condemning the superstitions
of Muhammad. This makes easy the conversion of a certain number
who leave their country and go to Goa or other Portuguese territories.

Moreover, the Muhammadans, when their children are seriously
ill, can be easily persuaded even to have them baptized. I knew a
Flemish Carmelite in Isfahan, called Father Denys, who was able in
this way to send forty little children, who died shortly after he had
baptized them, to Paradise. I ask you to consider whether this good
Father had laboured in vain when he had delivered from purgatory
forty innocent creatures, who will be eternally indebted to him for
their salvation.

They not only do this for their children but, when ill themselves,
they ask to be brought to the Churches, where they offer candles.
They wish our priests to read the Gospel to them, and God has often
restored these to health who, without really knowing Him, have asked

56 SIR ARNOLD T. WILSON—

Him to do so. Those whom one can help the most, however, are the
poor Armenians who are Schismatics and followers of the heresy of
Eutyches. They may be induced to renounce their error without any
fear. Persia is full of them, they are indeed almost as numerous there
as the Persians themselves; for when Shah Abbas, King of Persia,
Was Waging war against the Grand Turk, fearing that the Armenians
might join his adversaries, and in order to prevent them from so doing,
he drove them from their own country and made them settle in his
territory, where he gave them towns, I said just now that he had caused
the new town of Julfa to be built near Isfahan and, here, there are
& great number of Armenians, who have beautiful Churches and
enjoy entire liberty in the practice of their religion.

It is true that they are very badly treated as regards both their
persons and property. They are ruined by the tribute levied upon them
and, if they are too poor to pay this, they are tortured by being beaten
with rods until they either die or renounce the Faith of Jesus Christ,
which, alas ! they do only too often. Their tyrants inflict a still more
cruel outrage on these poor slaves; they select the most beautiful
among their children and shut them up in the King’s palace, so that
they can never know their parents nor profess any religion other
than that of Muhammad.

It must be confessed that these Armenians are most worthy of
compassion, in their errors as in their misfortunes. Most of them
have never heard of the Pope and are totally ignorant of the fact
that they are in error. They are scrupulous in saying their prayers
and in keeping their fasts, from which they will not dispense themselves
for anything on earth, though these are incomparably more rigorous
than our own. They eat neither meat, eggs, milk-foods, nor even
fish or oil, and drink no wine during these times - they fast the whole
of Advent as well as Lent, and are not content with fasting merely
on the day before the festivals of certain saints, but keep vigil for a
whole week. They observe the same abstinence on Wednesdays
and Fridays, except during the time between Easter and Whitsuntide
when lay-folk are not obliged to abstain from ordinary food. It is
reckoned that even the laity are compelled to fast six months and
three days in the year. Those in holy orders have many more fasts
which are observed with such rigour that, if anyone chances to break
them, he is punished severely by the priests. It js true, as I have
related, that their fasting consists merely in abstaining from certain
kinds of food, for they are allowed to eat several times in the day.

_—

MISSION OF THE SOCIETY OF JESUS IN CHINA 57

They accustom their children, even the very young, to this rigorous
fasting, and sick people are rarely dispensed from it, as I observed
myself. They say that it is the best medicine that the doctor can
preseribe.

This is what I saw of the fasts of the Armenians. I have thought
it well to tell this in order to warn those who feel desirous of converting
them, that they will gain nothing from the Armenians unless they are
resolved to observe a similar abstinence. Let no one imagine that
he can win any Armenian for God without showing his convert that
he has the courage to fast in a like manner.

Cuap. XVI.—How We Lerr Persia anp TravELLED ACROSS THE
Wuote oF Mepia anp Urrer ARMENIA

I was obliged to remain about three months in Isfahan to await
an Armenian caravan without which I could not have travelled in
safety through the kingdoms which I still had to cross; and even
so my friends wished me to discard my clerical dress and disguise
myself as an Armenian, lest the Turks should molest me while passing
through their territory. The day of my departure was the 29th of
June, the festival of St. Peter and St. Paul. I was indeed in need
of their protection, being the only Catholic in this company of five
hundred travellers. However, we pursued our journey very happily
and, after a month’s travelling, arrived at the fine city of Tabriz,
which is said to be the ancient Ecbatana, capital of the Kingdom
of Media.

THE PASSIVE VOICE OF THE JNANESVARI
By W. Doperet

es forms of the Marathi passive are found in the Jiianegvari

or Jianadevi, a commentary on the Bhagavadagita in the ovi
metre, written by the poet Jiianefvara or Jiianadeva in the year
A.D. 1290. These may be termed the “1j",“ p”, and “ pry” forme.
The “ij” form is the one most frequently employed. It occurs on
almost every page and frequently more than once on the same page.
Its derivation has been discussed by Beames, Bloch, Grierson, and
others. It is employed with any verb, whether used transitively or
intransitively. The subject of the sentence, if expressed, is put into
the instrumental case. The object is generally in the nominative
(subjective), but the dative also occurs, especially where there are two
objects. The use of the dative is especially noticeable when the con-
struction with the postposition lagi “* with reference to” is employed.
Lagi eventually became the modern “ la” termination of the dative.
In this connexion the use of the dativein the Karmani construction may
be noticed. The Aorist (old Present) is the tense most frequently
employed and is often used as an Imperative, to which the precative
termination “o” is added, e.g. audhdrijo “let it be heard by you”
(cf. the je, jo forms of the Gujarati honorific Imperative). Several
examples of the future (jel, jarl, patil) and past tenses (pele, pelé) occur.
This form of the passive does not occur in the modern language, except
in the case of dije “let it be given ” and Mije“ let it be done” in formal
documents, and of mAhanaje “let it be said,“ that is to say”,
“then, and pahije “ it is necessary", “ must”. In the Jiiinesvari
pahije generally means “ it is seen", “ let it be seen ” (e.g. im x1, 594),
but the extended use in the sense of “ it is necessary occurs very
occasionally (e.g. x, 261).

Adverting to the “ p” form, which appears to require more definite
consideration than has been given to it, it is to be noted that the use
is common in the case of four verbs, namely ghe “ take", ghal “ put”,
“place”, “throw”, mhan “say”, and har, or har, “ deprive,”
“conquer.” Stray instances, to be noticed hereafter, occur of the
employment of the “p” form with other verbs. This “p” form
appears to have been derived from the Sanskrt pya passive of the causal,
through the Prakrt pp, but all sense of causality has disappeared from
the stems occurring in the Jiinesvari. The sense yielded by the limited

60) W. DODERET—

number of passages, in which the “ p” forms occur, is that of a pure
passive. Not only so, but the “ij” and the “ p” forms occur in
juxtaposition ; they are occasionally interchanged according to the
twelve different texts; the grammatical construction is the same and
the use as an exhortative or Imperative is, in certain contexts, identical,

Taking the four stems in their order and commencing with ghe,
it is found that ghep occurs forty times—ghe-ije is but rarely met with,
some half-dozen instances occurring in the 9,033 ovis,

Jari ved? bahuta bolilé | vividha bheda sucavile | tarhi Gpana
hita dpulé | téei ghepé || ii, 260.

“ Although many matters have been propounded by the Vedas
and various philosophical doctrines have been alluded to, still let that
only, which is advantageous to us, be selected by us,”

To Kamandmdiré na ghepe | mohamalé na limpe | jaisé jali
jalé na simpe | padmapatra || iii, 71,

“ Even as a lotus-leaf growing in the water is not besprinkled by
the water, so he is not assailed hy the element of desire, nor is he defiled
by the foulness of illusion.”

Athileni dehé | jo na ghepe dehamohé | deha gelayA nohe |
punarapi to || xiii, 1034.

“ That man is not reborn after the body dies, who, while the body
exists, is not overcome by the illusions of the body.”

Pai sila ka sidoriyad | datané eka Dhanaiijaya | pari jé vahatd
visivayd | milije t2 ghepe || xviii, 938.

“ A stone and victuals for the journey may weigh the same, oh
Arjuna! but let that be chosen, in earrying which, refreshment (at
our camping place) may be attained.”

Ka bavané dni dhuré | ha nivddu taiwaci sare | jaitva na ghepati
vaiseanaré | kavaliini donhi || xviii, 1253.

“The distinction between Malabar sandalwood and a (common)
wheelshaft persists only as long as neither have been seized by the fire
In its embrace.”

HG ga sikhara ini dudha | hé gaulyé kira prasiddha | part krmidogt
viruddha | ghepe kevt || iii, 226.

“ Yes, indeed, sugar and milk are celebrated, it is true, for their
sweetness, but how can they be taken as an antidote for worms +

Ghap occurs only twenty times, The verbs siiné, siidané, and
binané are employed as synonyms of ghdlend,

Pari ghetala svasu ghape | yetulenahi mapé | visava tay ndtope |

durjandst || xvi, 411,

THE PASSIVE VOICE OF THE JNANESVARI 6l

“ But those wicked ones do not obtain rest even for the space of
time required for the intaken breath to be breathed out,”

Dekhdi agni maji ghapati | tyé bijé jari virudhati | tari asanta
sukhaprapti | ghadé sake || ii, 346.

“ Behold | if seeds, which are cast into the fire, will sprout, then a
man ill at ease can acquire happiness.”

Yerhv! cdndiné pikavijata dhe cepani | ki varaya ghipata dhe
vahani | hiho gaganasi gaiivasani | ghdlije kevi? || ix, 20.

“ Else are moonbeams set to ripen in a frame, or is motion conveyed
tothe wind? Look you, how can a covering be placed over the sky ? "

Taisé g@ saiinyds® yené | mila avidyesici nah jiné | ma tiyecé
kirya koné | ghepe dije || xviii, 266.

“ Thus the root is not to be kept alive for ignorance by such
asceticism ; then by whom is its fruit taken and given ? ”

Piirnacandraed kodi | vaktrtoa ghape kuraundi | taist ani godi |
aksaraté || xv, 11.

“ Let a waving of countless full moons be made to his eloquence,
such sweetness does he impart to his speech,”

Jari dima tii ekasara | héhi mhanatd datara | tari Gntula ti bahera |
ghapatasi || xviii, 23.

“TEI, oh my benefactor, address Thee without more ado as the Soul
of the World, then Thou, who art now within me, willst be placed
outside me.”

Tené dehdtmadystimulé | Gim4 ghape dehacé jalé | jaisa abhalaca
vequ Kolhé candri mani || xviii, 391.

‘The snare of the body has been cast by him over the soul by reason
of the body being regarded by him as the soul, just as the jackal
attributes the velocity of the clouds to the Moon.”

Jiidnes'vara has the root padighd (pratighd) in the sense of “ to
seize”, “hold down", “ overcome "—marandric? dnga | padighati
avagheci roga | kd kumuhurt? duryoga | ekavatati || xvi, 258—“ All
manner of diseases lay hold of the dying man’s body, and inauspicious
combinations gather together on an inauspicious occasion,”

_ Other passages in which padighd occurs in a similar sense are xiii,
51 (Padighdyilé), 588, and xiv, 185. He uses the root ghdl in the aorist,
future, and past tenses, and one instance of ghdlije occurs (ix, 20).
He has also ghal, the intransitive form of ghal in two passages in the
sense of “ being immersed ", “ to plunge into”.

Pai dgimaji na righave | athavinaghalave | dhagadhagita nagave
Sila jevi || xviii, 711. “‘ Forsooth just as fire cannot be entered,

62 W. DODERET—

nor a plunge made into deep water, nor a red-hot spike laid
hold of.”

The. other passage is xv, 69. Sten Konow refers the root ghal to a
Prakrt form ghallai (JRAS. 1902, p. 421). Perhaps the derivation is
ghal > ghad > ghat on the analogy of celo ceda ceta or goli > gudi.
But gh@ and ghap appear to be connected with ghata (c.f. ghd “a
wound ” in Gujarati, ghdva, Marathi) and hence it would seem
preferable to keep the derivation of ghal and ghap separate, though the
matter is not free from doubt.

The instances of mhanipe are more numerous than those of ghdpe.
Thirty-nine have been detected. On the whole mAhanipe appears to
be commoner than mhanije, but the texts vary in places and some have
mhanipe, while others read mhanije.

Snehdlag! maye | mhanipe té kira hoye | pari kypa te murtta Ghe |
Droni iye || i, 42. “ What is said regarding a mother’s love is
undoubtedly true, but kindness is incarnate in this man Drona.”

Here the construction with /ag! is interesting in reference to what
has been said above about the “ij” construction.

Dekhad saddarsan€é mhanipati | tect bhujdct aki | mhanauni
visdvdda dharifi | ayudhé hati || i, 10. “‘ Behold! what are termed the
six éasfras are identical with the form of Ganapfi's six arms; therefore
they regard differences of doctrine as the weapons in his hands."

Te katheci saigati | bhavact sampatli | rasici unnati | mhanipail
pudhid || iv, 212. “ The sequence of the story, its wealth of devotion
and the eminence of its poetic sentiments will be related further on,”

There are forty-three instances of Adrape or the less common form
harape. Many occur in Chapter XI, where Srkrsna shows himself in
all his might and majesty to Arjuna and explains the evolution of the
phenomenal world, and also in the long 18th chapter, with 1,810 verses.

The alternate form Adrijye (or hariye) is not met with, Majhée
astepana lopo | ndmariipa hirapo | maja jhané vasipn | bhitajata ||
xii, 198. “ May my existence be blotted out and my name and form
be destroyed, lest mankind go in dread of me.”

Disice thavaht harapale | adhordhea katct nena jalé | cellayd
svapnataise gele | lokakdra || xi, 189. “ The traces of the four quarters
of the compass have been obliterated; I know not what even has
become of what was above and below and the phenomenal world has
vanished as the waking man’s dream is dispelled,”’

Jantrivaricila médra | padafice mogara | mukhdint bhara
harapatati ma | xi, 395. “ Whole crowds of artillerymen and choice
foot soldiers are being swallowed up in thy mouth, I declare.”

THE PASSIVE VOICE OF THE JNANESVARI 3

Akalici abhré jaisi | tirmivina dkdsi | harapati dpatsi | udayali
adti || iv, 117. “ Just as unseasonable clouds are dissolved in the sky
as soon as they are formed, without discharging rain.”

Ath jaydceni sankalpé | he lokaparampard hoya harape | xi, 82.
“Now by whose resolve this succession of worlds arises and 1s
destroyed.”

Etha agnicihi dithi karapat | sirya khadyotu taisa hirapat | aisé
tivrapana adbhuta | tejacé yaya || xi, 300, “Such is the marvellous
fierceness of his brilliance that the fire’s countenance is being scorched
and the Sun is being consumed like a glow-worm.”

These Adrap or harap stems are interesting, as the verb hadrapané
or harapené is still employed in the modern language in the sense of
“to be lost”. Ghep, ghap, and mhanip have become obsolete, but there
are a few stems occurring in the J/idnesvari such as 4imp “* to get wet "’
(xvi, 175; vi, 101), talap “to be brandished about”, “ burnt”,
“to swelter ” (xii, 610; xv, 331), and jhirap “to ooze” (xiii, 568),
which are current at the present day. Others, like palip “ to catch fire ”
(iv, 128; xvi, 394) and adap “ to be arrested ”, “ obstructed ” (ii, 294)
are now obsolete, All these appear to be “ p ” passives.

It remains to consider the curious “ij” forms. These are very
rare. Only four examples have been met with. “They appear, from the
sense of the context, to be nothing more than double passives with the
“4 termination appended to the “p” passive, the latter being
is gone’. The references are :—

Aigd jé patalé | t@ karuni ghali dpulé | tetha sahateni navalé |
ghepijend || xiii, 352. “ He who treats whatever ills accrue to the body
as part of himself is not consumed by the conceit of one who endures
pain.”

Taisé sukhaduhkarip? | dvandvi je puyyapip! | na ghepijati sarpi
garuda jaise || xv, 295, “ Just as eagles are not conquered by snakes,
so they (who believe in monism) are not obsessed by good and evil
deeds corresponding to happiness and pain in the dualistic doctrine.”

Alternate readings are neghavijati, neghijati, na ghemjeli and na
ghepajati.

Vari juiijhacé nirvana | mandalé ase déruna | dohi hari dpana |
harapije jaisé || xviii, 1585. “Such a terrible end had been made o
the battle that in both armies it was as if each (thought it) had been
defeated.” sr

Nandduhkhi prapti | jay uderga nahi chittt | dni sukhdeciyd

64 THE PASSIVE VOICE OF THE JNANESVARI

adrtfi | adapaijena || ti, 294. “He who, when various ills arise, is not
downcast in spirit and who is not troubled by craving after happiness.”

The passages in which the “ p” forms of the principal verbs occur
are noted below.

ghep: i, 260, 262; iii, 71, 183, 184, 226, 249, 260; vi, 392; ix,
175; x, 129, 261; xi, 254, 1034, 1045, 1118; xiv, 248; xv, 488:
xvi, 69, 152, 182, 301; xvii, 111, 118, 177, 257; xviii, 266, 415, 533,
718, 774, 869, 938, 1099, 1124, 1190, 1215, 1253, 1406, 1701. it

ghap: ii, 346; vi, 100; ix, 20, 346, 459; x, 80; xi, 425, 4572 >
xiv, 236; xvi, 89, 97, 411, 459; xvii, 202; xviii, 23, 391, 415, 596,
1266, 1487.

mhanip: i, 10,47; in, 42, 192, 287 ; ui, 75, 118; 1v, 85, 91, 141,
145, 212; v, 77; vin, 30, 100, 159, 169, 173, 188; x, 41, 131; xi,
152, 155, 160, 879, 925, 1094, 1106; xvi, 93, 196; xvii, 241; xviii,
370, 505, 648, T17, 834, 983, 1112, 1430.

harap: iv, 105, 117; v, 154; viii, 30, 173; ix, 332.

harap: x, 34, 198; xi, 82, 189, 246, 300, 372, 395, 496, 650, 692 :
xill, 198, 650, 925; xiv, 246; xv, 228, 509, 314, 429, 434, 435, 526,
587; xvi, 137; xvii, 175, 424; xviii, 150, 197, 399, 406, 544, 858,
889, 979, 1026, 1103, 1532.

GOVERNMENT OF “ PREPOSITIONS" IN GUJARATI
By W. Doperer

ey page 95 of his Grammar Taylor divides prepositions, or more

_ strictly speaking, postpositions, into five classes, and speaks of ne
prepositions as those which govern the preceding noun or pronoun in
the locatival genitive, masculine or neuter. In paragraph 97 a list of
141 prepositions is given: Of the 27, which take the ne construction,
15 may be explained as above, but in some instances, eg. Karane,
jore, dvdre, and yoge, the case may well be the instrumental, if the
meaning of the postposition be taken into account. They are the
following :—arthe “with a view to”, Kae “for”, in order to,
Kdrane, jore “on account of”, thekdne, badale “ in place of”,
dvare “ by way of", padakhe “near”, mukabale “in comparison
with", mokhare “in front of", yoge “by means of”, lekhe
“at the rate of’, sate “in exchange for”, sthale, sthine “in
place of”. These are all locatives, and in some cases possibly
instrumentals of nouns still in use and signifying the idea conveyed
by the corresponding postposition. But tulya and sam “ equal to”
are adjectives, while lagto ““ pertaining to" and pharto “ surrounding ”
are declinable participles or participial adjectives. The ne, which
precedes them, is not the locative of the genitive, but the dative
(objective) case ending. It may be added that lag (with the root-
meaning “touch ”’) is construed with the dative, even when the
derivative meaning “commence” is involved. Lidhe “on account
of”, “for the sake of", is an abbreviation of Rdhethi, i.e. loc. +
ablative. The ablative is often affixed to the locative—te nisdlethi
avyo ~ he came from school "— to give more definiteness, or to express
the sense of “out of", The locative of past participles is often used
in the absolute sense, with or without the addition of thi, eg. trsd
lagi hoya tyare rasédrikeri mdya, amraphala dhdrana karethi, sul:ha
thaye tydya (Prema@nanda), Jamavano vakhat thaye hii tamane bolavié
(Sarasavati Chandra), An alternative rendering of tene fidhe “ on that
account “ is fene la-ine. Tene must therefore be the objective case
(accusative), governed by lidhe. Cf. also—éi thayii tapa ne Girtha
Kidhdthaki. Sii thayii mala grahi n@ma lidhe (Narasinha Meheto)
(What have austerities and pilgrimages availed thee, or what the
assumption of the rosary and the utterance of God's name ?). Here
lidhe = lidhethi.

VOL. IV. PAT I. 5

66 W. DODERET—

Sdru “ for the sake of ", “in order to”, and Aathu “ by the hand
of” are indeclinable “u" adjectives formed from sar and hatha
respectively, on the analogy of ca@lu, lau, bharu, garaju, ete.
Probably fene sdru meant originally and simply “ good for that”,
where tene would be the dative case and not the locative. Tene hathu
may be explained as equivalent to tene hathethi, Vere “ with”, usually
employed in the sense of “ married to”, appears to bea corruption
from tera “a husband”. In such expressions as fe fene vere Para yi —
“she married him”, paranarii is derived from S.pari-nt “to lead
round (the sacred marriage-fire)’, Tene is therefore in origin
the accusative governed by parani. The agential case vare becomes
vere as ghere results from ghare, and were is equivalent to vere
Karine “by way of, as a husband". The use of tene vere to
express “with” in relations, where marriage is not in question is
recent and rare. Pdrasdt “from” (“received”’), used in legal
documents, comes by a corruption from the Sanskrt péaréwd;
“from the side of". The locatival genitive ne preceding
parasat has probably arisen from the frequent association of the
locative with the ablative, e.g. as in the true fadbhava pase from
paréve +- thi.

Vaste “ on account of", “ for the sake of "', a corrupted loan-word
of recent date from the Arabic and current in Hindustani, may be
regarded as taking the locatival genitive, as vaste came to be regarded
as a locative and as the synonyms mde, etc., have the ne government,
Daramiydn “ during “ is a loan-word from the Persian or Hindustani.
Narmadaéankara employs the nd@ government with the word. Possibly
the me government arose from the duration sense of daramiyin
and may thus be accepted as a locatival genitive construction, There
remains the case of mate “on account of ", “ for the sake of ”, which
is a doubtful locative, as the derivation of mafe is unsettled. Tf
mate be a corruption of the faltsama matya, which was used in Sanskrt
as an independent word meaning “ purposely "’, “ with the idea that is
ne would come to be employed with it by reason of the common
association of the locative with the ablative, or mite may have been
regarded in time as a locative itself. But the bulk of philological
opinion is against the change of the Sanskrt dental “ t " to the cerebral
“t+. Matyd became mate and mete, postpositions no longer in use,
The same reason would militate against Tessitori's male ex nimittena,
The suggestion is hazarded that male may be nothing more than the
locative of the common word mat” a pot ", which plays so great a part

GOVERNMENT OF “ PREPOSITIONS” IN GUJARATI 67

in the every-day life of India. “ Put it in my pot ” may from constant
repetition have come to mean “ do it for me". It is the oldest known
word meaning “for”, “on account of”, and is constantly used by
Narasinha Meheto Pee other medieval poets. Sdru, fidhe, and vaste
are comparatively modern synonyms.

The result of the foregoing analysis is that a sixth class, namely
postpositions, governing the objective case, should be added to
Taylor's five classes, to include fulya, sam, pharto, lagto, lidhe, saru,

The locatival genitive government may be conceded for péarasat,
vaste, hathu, and mate and for daramiydn as well, Leas the last be

regarded as a nd postposition.
April, 1925.

NOTES ON “ THE ASSYRIAN TREE"
By Stpney Sairu

J Migs Pahlavi text which has been recently re-edited and translated
™“ by J.M. Unvala, entitled Drakit « Asurik,’ has not to my
knowledge received any attention from Assyriologists. In spite of the
difficulties entailed in dealing with a province of which I am wholly
ignorant, I have been tempted to put some suggestions on paper in the
hope that the meaning of this little-known text may be viewed in a
fresh relation.

The starting-point for such a consideration is provided by the
remarks of Unvala on the textual history.* He believes that there was
“an original Pahlavi form, perhaps written in imitation of the Arabic
> Lill, which was translated into Modern Persian ... the latter
was retranslated into the Pahlaviform”. It is to be expected in a text
with a long history of this kind that incongruous elements will be
juxtaposed, that older elements will be found in strange collocation
with what is comparatively recent. It is not therefore necessary to
believe that, because certain parts of the text (e.g. “raw silk of
Tukhir,” § 42) definitely belong to a late date, all the references therein
must be considered late. The title of the text invites us to consider
the possibility of reference to Assyria.

The Assyrian capital, Nineveh, fell in 612 p.c.; the last effort of
the Assyrians for independence failed at Harran in 610 n.c. In
Achaemenian times there was an Assyman detachment in the Persian
army, but they can only have been a remnant. That remnant persisted
through the centuries to the Christian era, and continued to use, mn
their personal names, the appellations of their pagan deities? This
continuance of an Assyrian tradition is significant for two reasons. The
miserable condition of these late Assyrians is attested by the
excavations at Ashur, and it is clear that they were reduced to
extreme poverty under Persian rule. Now in Babylonia it has been
ascertained that under the later Achaemenians the religious fanaticism
of the Zoroastrians led to the wholesale burning and destruction of
Babylonian temples. Clearly therefore (1) the persistent use of the
names of pagan deities would not be approved by Zoroastrian priests

2 Tbid., p. 639, § 5.
® Jensen, MDOG., No. @),

70 8. SMITH—

in Assyria ; (2) the mere fact of this late Assyrian survival is sufficient
proof that in the late Achaemenian period at any rate old Assyrian
religious beliefs and practices continued, and must therefore have been
known to Zoroastrian priests.

The Pahlavi text belongs to a branch of literature which is repre-
sented at an earlier date than the list of Steinschneider! might seem
to permit. The so-called “ Beast Fables" * in cuneiform, the texts of
which are the merest fragments, belong in part to these “ poems of
contest ", Another good example is afforded by a cuneiform text found
at Ashur,* which contains a dialogue between a date-palm and a
tamarisk. The translation of this text is difficult, but the portion
preserved is long enough to allow the general sense to be clear. The
beginning is broken, and two paragraphs render but little sense. Then
the tamarisk says: “I am greater than you in every way. The
cultivator takes everything he has from my shoots. On beams [made]
of ine he drives up his cart, with a cart [made out] of me he... : [when]
he opens a sumphole and the field is irrigated, I come up (as a bucket),
and for the ...of the earth I... the bread; ... and corn I [bring in]
that maketh men to thrive.” The date-palm replies: “I am greater
than you in every way. Everything the cultivator has, the rope, the
whip, the yoke, and... the... , the cultivator’s gear, is there by my
will. I am greater than you.” The dialogue then turns to the use of
the two trees for religious purposes, and each tree proposes to go to
a different city, clearly in order that the dispute may be settled,

The copy of this dialogue between the tamarisk and the date-palm
which is extant dates from the seventh century. It must have been
composed at an earlier date, and there is good reason to believe that
similar texts were very popular in the fourteenth century p.c. through-
out Western Asia, for a hieroglyphic docket from the tablet store at
Akhetaton, the capital of Akhnaton (Amenhotep IV, circa
1380-1362 n.c.), bears the legend “ Book of the sycamore and the
olive-tree "4 Tt is certain that texts of this kind must have been
known in the Achaemenian and Seleucid periods in Babylonia, and

+ Ab. K.A.W., Wien, phil:-hist. Klasse, Bd. 155, No.4, See Unvala, loc, cit,, 638.
© For translations see Chr. Johnston, Assyrian and Ffabylonian Beast Fables.
AJ&SL., xxviii, 81 ff,
* Keilschrifiterte aus Assur religiésen Indalts, Heft iii, No. 145. For a Pa ee
translation see MDOG., No. 58, pp. 3244. Sager
* Zeitschrift fiir Assyriologie (N-F.), ii, 80-1, Dr. Hall has kindly pointed out to
me that the name of the second tree in the hieroglyphic text on the Original is bbw
* olive-tree,” not “date-palm ", as it has previously been misread.

NOTES ON “THE ASSYRIAN TREE” reo

remained in use there so long as the old religion was practised, that is
to say until the second or first century p.c. It is possible that the
original Pahlavi version of “The Assyrian Tree” was based on a
knowledge of such cuneiform texts, rather than on Arabic sources.

Can this connexion be proved more than a possibility ? In other
words, 1s 1b probable that the original Pahlavi, written we may suppose
in the Sassanian period, has anything to do with the literary texts of
the Assyrian and Babylonian priests, whose activities cannot be traced
after the first century n.c.? This must depend upon detailed
arguments ; but before details are considered, a general consideration
of the purpose of the text called “ The Assyrian Tree " is in place.

This text has been described by the learned E. W. West, as “ non
religious ”’.' Dangerous though it be for one without special knowledge
to dispute the judgment of so great an authority, this view seems
surprising. Sections 27, 30, 31, 32, which stand at the commencement
of the goat's reply to “ The Assyrian Tree ” contain an argument which
seems to amount to the assertion that “ the goat " is the representative
of the Zoroastrian religion. Turning back to the arguments of “ The
Assyrian Tree ” it is at once noticeable that they make no mention of
any religious ground for superiority ; the sole reason which is not based
on practical use is that given in § 3, “I am the tree in the land of
Khraniras.”” A reference to the colophon, § 54, shows that the copying
of the text is reckoned a religions act, which entitles the writer to the
reward of the faithful. And the sentence ‘in every... of. . . enemies,
may he see this head of the enemy dead ” seems most easily intelligible
if we suppose that “ The Assyrian Tree ” is meant by “ this head of the
(religious) enemy ”. These passages suggest very clearly, to my mind,
a religious interpretation. “The goat” represents the Zoroastrian
faith, “ The Assyrian Tree " typifies an, or the principal, opponent of
this faith. This view would explain the somewhat excessive
vituperation “the goat " is allowed to utter in reply to the very mild
remarks of “ The Assyrian Tree *’, e.g. in § 51, where the tree is com-
pared to a pig, a boar, and a mad camel; above all, it must be remem-
bered that the very summary ending, “ And the goat went away in
triumph,” even if it represents an abbreviation of the original Pahlavi,
would be natural, if the proposed interpretation is correct. No true
Zoroastrian, bearing “the goat's " claim to represent his religion, could
have had any doubt about the verdict.

The use of an animal type, the goat, to represent the Zoroastrian

1 See Unvoals, boc. cit., G37,

72 8. SMITH—

religion, might be paralleled by many instances. It will suffice to quote
the use of the lamb and the dove as the Christian types. For “ The
Assynan Tree” it 1s possible to quote an almost exact parallel. The
figure by which the glory and the fall of Assyria are depicted in
Isaiah, xxxi, is that of a tree, namely the cedar of Lebanon. The reason
why the figure of a tree should be emploved to represent Assyria is,
indeed, less clear in the Pahlavi text than in the Hebrew prophet, for
the phraseology of Isaiah sufficiently explains the choice of the figure.
Yet even so it 1s possible that both Isaiah and the writer of the Pahlavi
text thought of Assyria as a tree owing to certain religious practices
in Assyria.

At the New Year festival in Assyria a ceremony took place in the
gardens of Nabu’'s temple, which was probably concerned with a bare
tree-trunk. Old fillets of green leaves placed on the trunk were
removed, for fresh ones to be placed there, metal bands called
“ yokes ” were cut off, also perhaps for fresh ones to be put on, and
on top of the trunk was set, at least in one case, a golden dish.
A seat, with appropriate beasts depicted at the sides, and a canopy
thereover, is then set ready for the god to come and superintend a
magical ceremony conducted on the day of the festival itself The
ceremony seems to be depicted on the frieze from Ashurnasirpal’s
palace at Nimriid,? where the tree, bedecked with metal bands and
green fillets, is the centre of interest: before 1t the king, priests in masks
that represent various gods, and the goddess, Ishtar, are depicted as
performing acts that bring the dead tree to life. This kind of magical
practice at festivals was widely spread over the ancient East, The
earliest representation of a similar scene known to me is on the stele
of Ur-Nammu, King of Ur about 2300 n.c.2 A small tree, perhaps
intended for a cypress or a similar genus, is shown in a pot, from which
there hang also two bunches of fruit. Priests pour water into the pot.
The same magic appears to have been in use in ancient Greece, to
judge from Sir Arthur Evans’ discussion of a gem from the Vapheio
tomb,*

It is indeed not improbable that the Assyrian text containing a
dialogue between a tamarisk and a date-palm was actually recited at
a religious festival. No cuneiform text yet known is literary in
intention ; the great epics themselves were written to be recited. Both
the tamarisk and the date-palm were, with several others, holy trees ;

1 Revue d' Assyriologie, xxi, 84. . ae,

2 padtekertes Journal, 1925, plate xlviii, ‘ so aides teen pn car

NOTES ON “THE ASSYRIAN TREE” is

and the miming which is known to have taken place at the New Year
festival at Babylon might well include a dialogue such as the one in
question.

There is, then, sound reason to believe that magical cerenionies
concerned with a tree formed a very important part of the Assyrian
cult. Granted that a Zoroastrian writer was searching for a symbol of
“this religion, it would prove a suitable object to attack. For in
attacking the Assyrian religion a Zoroastrian would have to be circum-
spect. Ashur, with his attendant fire-deities and spirits, bears a passable
resemblance to Ahuramazda, and his symbol, the winged disc (itself
possibly: borrowed from Egypt) was adopted as the symbol of the
Zoroastrian good god. Much of the service of Ashur, the sacrifices and
80 forth, must have closely resembled the practice of Zoroastrian
priests. But in the magic connected with the tree was an element
foreign, apparently, to Zoroastrianism ; even in Assyria it may have
been derived from Syrian rather than native beliefs. In short, a
Zoroastrian controversial writer could conceivably, under the symbol
of the tree, attack pagan religion.

To turn now to the text of “ The Assyrian Tree”. The first
paragraph reads, in Unvala’s translation :—

“ A tree stands grown up there in the land of Assyria. Its trunk is
dry, ita top is fresh, and its root resembles the (sugar-) cane, its fruit
resembles the grape. It produces such sweet fruits.”

This 1s no ordinary tree, calls to mind no natural genus: but it
does specifically resemble the magical tree in that it consists of a dry
trunk, to which incongruous elements are attached. Anyone who had
seen the pagan priests performing their mumbo-jumbo at the New
Year, on hearing the opening sentences of the Pahlavi text would
naturally think of those rites. It is right to insist on the significance of
these opening words, because the mind of the reader or hearer is thereby
directed to the points which, if my view of the text be correct, are
essential. The tree of the land of Assyria, the magical tree used in pagan
religion, sets forth clearly the subject.

The second paragraph announces the contest of this tree with a
goat, and the tree’s speech opens with a formula which exactly corre-
sponds to that used by the trees in the Assyrian dialogue. The formula
is 4 natural one, and of course no argument can be derived from it.
The next section is more important :—-

“Tam the tree in Kh’aniras ; there is no (other) like me, because
the king eats from me when I carry fruits anew.”

T4 8. SMITH—

The significance of the latter portion of this section is not
immediately apparent. A king eats all kinds of fruit, doubtless, as soon
as it is ripe, The point in the boast of “ The Assyrian Tree " seems to
be that the king eats the fruit immediately the fruit appears. In other
words, the fruit 1s magical fruit, which needs no time to ripen. In the
hocus-pocus of the Assyrian rite it is probable that such fruit was made
to appear, to symbolize the fruitfulness of the New Year. This is based
on the stele of Ur-Nammu, where two bunches of apparently ripe fruit
appear beside a tree quite incapable ef bearing it. And it is worth
noting that the emphasis laid on the king in the Pahlavi text finds
an exact parallel in the Assyrian dialogue, where both the tamarisk
and the date-palm claim as a merit their use by the king. The date-
palm for instance says, ‘“ Where I do not come, the king does not
sacrifice...”

The remaining claims of the Assyrian tree are of no interest for our
immediate inquiry ; they do not vary from the kind of claim which
appears in all texts of this “ cgntest ” class, and merely enumerate
some of the uses to which man has put trees, But the “ goat" has some
interesting remarks about the tree.

(Sections 23-4) O men! the tree of even dry wood, whose top
was golden—thee who art made golden it beseems to bear fruits for
the children.”

The “ goat” again calls attention to the nature of this tree—the
tree without sap which yet bears fruit. Would it be too forced to
interpret the phrase, “for the children as sarcasm? Other trees
bear fruit which are good for everybody—but “ The Assyrian Tree ”
bears fruit only in the belief of the childish. At any rate, such an
interpretation lends considerable force to a remark otherwise pointless.
And the golden top reminds one of the golden dish in the Assyrian
ceremony, wherein doubtless water was placed, to keep the fillets
If this interpretation be correct, the point is driven home in
sections 27-8 :—

“ Men call [rather] me in the Apzohr ceremony of the Parsis than
[thou] who art [merely] foliage , but [otherwise] dead and useless among
trees. If thou bearest fruits, men of the [sacred] law would let [thee]
loose on the pasture-ground even in the manner of oxen.”

The wording does not permit of the interpretation, which might
appear natural, that the “goat” is claiming superiority as having
mobility, as against an immobile tree. ‘“ The Assyrian Tree ” is, even

NOTES ON “ THE ASSYRIAN TREE” io

“ among trees ”’, dead and useless. Were it not so, “ men of the law,”
i.e. Zoroastrians, would plant and use it just as much as they do oxen
(even though oxen have a special significance in pagan religion). The
magical tree has therefore no claim to be considered by men of the
true faith. Then finally comes the crowning insult, section 29 :—

“ Am I a self-conceited person like one who is born of a courtesan.”

The courtesan par excellence in the ancient East was Ishtar. Now
it has been pointed out that Ishtar is depicted on the Ashur-nasir-pal
frieze engaging in magical operations with the magical tree. Her
attitude is of some interest ; the goddess is holding out a ring, and the
action is doubtless intended to mean that the goddess is bestowing new
life on the tree. “One who is born a courtesan ''—‘ The Assyrian
Tree must surely be intended—is a bitter sarcasm on the pagan beliefs
of the Assyrians and Babylonians worthy of a patristic writer dealing
with Greco-Roman paganism.

Having fully established the character of ‘ The Assyrian Tree”,
the “ goat” proceeds to announce his own character in sections 30-2.
His kind is, for the Zoroastrians, holy. The subsequent claims are of
the practical kind, and only section 49 calls for further comment :—

“ When they bring the goat to market and offer it for sale, every
one who has not got ten dram does not come near the goat. [But]
the children buy thee for two pasiz. Wounded to the life, thou wilt
he destroyed, exterminated by the spiritual leaders.”

Could any words more clearly indicate the nature of this contest
between “the goat” and “The Assyrian Tree”? For one thing,
nobody, even in Persia, would believe that an ordinary fruit-tree 1s of
so much less value than a goat as the ratio ten dram—two pahz
indicates. What the children buy for that small sum would seem to
be bits of wood, chips from the magical tree intended to bring frutt-
fulness to the plantations. And the last sentence has but one possible
meaning : the true religion has already dealt belief in the magical tree
a fatal blow, which spells a speedy end to magical practices.

When the “goat” says (section 51) that he is laying “ golden
words ” before the tree “ like one who strews pearls before a pig or a
boar, or plays the éang before a mad camel ”’, it is not unfitting to
ascribe the heat of his remark to religious fanaticism. It is true that in
the dialogue as we now have it there is no trace of serious argument, no
attempt by the tree to advance a defence of Assyrian religion, or by
the “ goat "’ seriously to counter those arguments. Nevertheless, the
golden words ” in defence of the Zoroastrian faith are as relevant as

76 NOTES ON “THE ASSYRIAN TREE”

controversial literature dealing with religion, more especially in the
East, is apt to be. The essential point would be that the dialogue in
“The Assyrian Tree” should represent a triumph of the Zoroastrian
faith over pagan beliefs. By doing that, it would win the favour of all
true believers.

Tam not unaware of the very considerable questions that this inter-
pretation of the text raises. If the original Pahlavi text which Unvala
posits was written in the Sassanian period, the real enemy of the
Zoroastrian religion in the Tigris valley was Christianity, not Assyrian
paganism. It would be necessary to assume either that “ The Assyrian
Tree * went back to a period when Zoroastrianism was still struggling
to suppress the Assyrian and Babylonian religion, that is to say, to the
time of the Achaemenian kings, or to a time when the Assyrian and
Babylonian beliefs lingered on owing to the favour of the Seleucid
dynasty, at latest that is to the second century n.c. In other words,
the interpretation suggested in this article would demand that the
original Pahlavi version should go back to an even earlier original. It
is well known that Pahlavi literature to a certain extent consisted of
matter derived from other sources, considerably older. Whether there
is any good cause for doubting the possibility of this in the case of
Drakht i t Asurik it would be interesting to learn. Should it prove, on.
inguistie grounds or for other reasons, impossible to assume an early
origin for this text, then the interpretation of passages in the text
suggested above must be unhesitatingly abandoned. If, on the other
hand, an earlier original of the Pahlavi text is possible, the
interpretation I have put forward may serve as a basis for discussion.

NOTE ON THE STATICAL AND SOME OTHER
PARTICIPLES IN HINDUSTANI
By Lieut.-Col. D. C. Parmuorr

(a) (1) Considerable confusion exists as regards the Statical
Participles.

On page 174 of his Grammar, Platts states: “ Rem. The so-called
Staticals differ from Continuatives in denoting temporary or accidental
state. The two forms are clearly distinguished in most native gramn
but are strangely misunderstood by European PraMmmarians, ako
teach that the participle is inflected in Staticals and not inflected in
Continuatives ' Now, the fact is that it is just to indicate duration or
continuity (and occasionally a habitual state) that the particle (sic) or
verbal adjective is changed into an adverb and inflected. This is
evident from such forms as \§ Ayr cle cle chalte chalte thak

gaya, * | wearied through much or continued walking ...’”

Platts here seems to have made a slip. Chalte chalte is a Statical,
and the idea of continuity is given by the repetition only. Mai chalte
chalte thak gay@ means “I got tired whilst still in a state of continued
movement ", while mai chalta chalta* thak gay@ suggests “I got tired
after continued movement ’.3

The fact is that the Present and Past Participles are inflected
alverbially to indicate temporary or accidental state, the post-
position mé * (or according to some grammarians the words—Ai hdlat
mé) being understood.

For the sake of a complete survey of the two participles, I will

a ce too, in chale fina “* to continue to go" the idea of continuity lies in the jana

* (cd). |
a dept a present participle is repeated it is usual to inflect it statically, and the
Au,4 is always omitted.
2 In Hind! chalé chala may ‘bo used:
“ As regards this omission of m2, Sir George Grierson points out to mo that this js
‘a convenient way of putting it and isnot a true statement. Chalfe, like ghore, is iteelf
Se cacaniires six original Sanskrit cases, and can be used forany of them. Hence
ite use by iteelf for the locative, ia quite natural and proper, and is not added merely
because in this particular instance a defining particle is not necessary, the meaning
being clear without it. The meaning of all this rigmarole is that in modern Indian
ee defining particles" are used only when the sense clearly requires it.
A good instance of * defining particles" occurs in the infinitive wuA deine dy.
Here it is commonly said that dekAne is for dekine ko, It is really nothing of the sort :
dekhne by itself is o dative (as well as other cases), and as its use in this place as a
dative is perfectly clear, no defining particle is required. .

78 LIEUT.-COL. D. ¢, PHILLOTT—

repeat some matter that I have previously published in various
works.! :

In dealing with apparent contradictions in the use of the participles,
it must be recollected that the Statical construction is not largely used,
that the Present and Past Participles are both verbal nouns and
adjectives, that the Past Participle of Transitive verbs has an Active
as well as a Passive sense; and that, as other postpositions besides
mé may be understood, not all participles adverbially inflected are
Staticals.* Further, participles statically constructed may be prefixed
to honda, to the Continuative rahna, to the Progressives jana and ana?
and to others. To form the infinitive of the Progressives and the
Continuative, the statical participle seems to be preferred in Urdu,
thus kartejand (and, of course, Iyye-jand), “to go on doing” and
karte-rahna * “ to remain doing", but in Hindi kerta-jand and harta-
rand also oceur; soye-ralhnd or sofe-rahnd “to remain sleeping ",
and soyd-rahnd, and sofa-rahna. In other tenses of these compounds,
the present participle is treated adjectively.®

(2) The rule is, that with the Past Participle of transitive verbs
used actively, with an object, the Statical construction is obligatory, as :
Bibi sharab piye hu,e thi“ the lady was drunk ” (i.e. in the accidental
state of having drunk wine); mai ne bibi ko sharah piye hu,e dekha “1
saw the lady drunk”.

The object may be a clause, as: Mai samphe hue tha ki wuh Hinda
hat (= mai usko Hindi samphe hu,e tha) “ 1 was all along under the
impression that he was a Hindu”.

If, however, the participle is used in its passive sense, the adjectival
construction must be used, as: Rasid mansikh Mi hu,i pahiichi “ the
receipt arrived cancelled ”.

(3) With other intransitive present and past participles, either
the Statical or the adjectival construction may be used, unless the
subject is in the Agent case with ne (vide 4). Local usage, personal
predeliction, and euphony are deciding factors. Thus Sarat giite
(Au,e) ai “ the woman came in the state of singing “, occurs in Hindi,

1 To protect myself against a charge of literary theft I must remark ‘knit! pane Gt
this and a great deal more, has, without due acknowledgment, been placing by
a Hindu gentleman and published in a book called The Pucca Munshi. plagiarized

2 Vide (4) Remark, and (5).

2 Asin fel nibolta 264 Agi aur Addi red girtdh jana hea

4 Platts correctly calla thia a Continuative, ride p, 17 wen, a
term he also includes the Progressives. p 173, see. 212, under which

STATICAL AND SOME OTHER PARTICIPLES IN HINDUSTANI 79

while Urdu prefers gaft hut di! “she came along in the aet
of singing”. Several educated Muslims have even condemned the first
construction as quite incorrect. Similarly Layrki wiladyat jati hui ek
hafta Bamba, i mé thahri is preferred to jate Au,e.

For “I saw him coming” mai ne usko ate (Statical) dekhad and
mat ne usko ata (adjectival) dekha, are used indiscriminately.

(4) If, however, the participle refers to a subject in the Agent case.
the Statical construction is obligatory, as: Rant ne hathi par charhe
hu,e (never charhi hu, i) atkal pachehii ek tir chalayd “ the Rani mounted
on an elephant drew a bow ata venture"; hathni ne chingharte hu,e?®
baghele par hamla kiya “the female elephant, screaming the while,
charged the tiger cub".

So, too, if a transitive Present Participle qualifies an object, as:
(Umho ne) Do shakhg ko chori karte (not karta) pakra hai? “ they had
caught two persons stealing ".

Remark,—Such expressions as jate Ai “immediately on going”,
and ini rat ga,e [par] “ so late at night ”, are not Staticals.*

(5) Examples of Staticals :—-

Wuh bahdna kiye hu,e tha ® he was pretending all the time.
Wuh hathkart pahnde hue (or he was produced handcuffed.
pahne hu,e) pesh kiyd gayi.
Sole rahnd or soye-rahnd (or soya to remain sleeping.
rahna).®
Jile-rahnd (or jata@ rahnd) to keep on going ; to be lost, ete.
Ghuse rahna (better ghusd rahnd) to remain hidden (in a hole).
Bachte-rahna 7 always to be left over, to con-
tinue to avond,
Is ko pakre-rah ® keep hold of this.

The present participle giti Au,iis here treated os an adjective, and indicates an act
in progress without any idea of state. Sir George Grierson suggests that there is o
alight difference in meaning between these two constructions, ‘‘ The latter means
that the moment she arrived she happened to be singing and has no reference to what
she was doing before she arrived. The former means that the woman was singing and
while she was singing (or in the middle of her song) she arrived.”

* Platts, p. 336.

« Platts, p. 338.

® But boddsia bartd tha indicates a particular occasion.

* Soye- or soyd-rahnd suggests an intransitive meaning, “to be asleep,” and
sole. or soti-rahnd an active meaning “ to sleep, to compose oneself to sleep",

? Sau ripiya bhisine mé bachd rahéd Aai, “a eum of a hundred rupecs remains in
reserve in the treasury,” but saw ripiya dochid roAtd Aci, “a sum of a hundred rupees
is always being left over or always happens to be spare at stated intervals,”

* But pakartd rok would mean, if it meant anything, “ keep on catching it."

a0) LIEUT.-COL. D, C. PHILLOTT—
Kahe-ja | go on with your story. |
Kitab ko parhe-ja,o go on with your book (to one in

the act of reading).
[Ham abhi histari parhte jate hai ‘I am still going on with my study

(Progressive) of history.] |
Un se larta bhirta’ rofikobacha,e (the dog) fighting with them all
us chith par aya the way, in a state of having
saved the bread came to that_
pit.

Qasim dauyte dauyte (or dauyta Qasim came running up.
dauyta) dyi*

Mai girte girte bach-gaya [ nearly fell off (my horse).

Mai pare pare (or para para)? fot wounded whilst lying help-
zakhmi hua less on the ground.

Mai ne usko soye hu,e (or soya = mai ne usko sote hue (or sota
hud) dekha hua) dekha.

Jite jate, adv. at the last moment of going.

Kishti dibte dibte ditb-ga,i the ship sank by degrees,

Yih bimari jaté hi ja,eqi (or pate this disease will go away by
jate ja,egi) degrees.

Mai abhi piichhe ai hii I (fem.) will inquire this minute

and return without delay.

Chalte hue * begam ne kaha the lady said on her departure,

Bari dhitp pare hai * = bari dhitp pari hai or parti hat.

Mujhe is ghar mé rahte (hue) do I have been living in this house
sal quzre

for two years,
Bilt ko ate hu.e ek ghanta hug the lady came an hour ago.

(6) Note that in mai ne usko daurte hua pakra, the Statical,
to its position, may refer either to the subject or the object. The
adjectival daurta could refer to the object only,

(7) Compare mat koshish karte karte thak-gaya “ T got tired by my
continued efforts”, and mai koshish kar karke thak gaya “TI got tired
by my repeated efforts ”.

* Or statically, larte bhirte. In both eases the repetition indicates continuity,
Platts explanation of this example (p. 334, Rem.) seems involved, Why not Rofi ko
the object of the Statical bachd,e *

* But dowra dya “ hastened to the spot (with an object in view) ",

* The repetition in pare pare or para pari indicates continuity,

* The Aue could not be omitted, vide (E).

* Pare hat is probably the old Present tense (common in proverbs) and not a
Statical; it is so used by Ghilib, Sir George Grierson tells me this is still in use in
the Dakhin.

owing

STATICAL AND SOME OTHER PARTICIPLES IN HINDUSTANI 81

(8) In Sikamdar bo mare hue bahut Sarsa quzra the participle mare
is not an adjective agreeing with Sikandar, It is a verbal noun with a
post position understood, and is presumably not a Statical, as it clearly
does not suggest temporary state.

So, too, in Sawrat ko waht jdte hue (not jaf kuz) dar lagta hai
“the woman is afraid to go there or while going there ”’.

(9) Note that kutab ko liye Gyo “ come in the state of carrying the
book ” suggests that the addressee is in possession of the book, since
the Statical participle is in past time, but /efed,o suggests “ get it and
bring it”. The difference is slight.

The Statical suggests lifeless or subordinate objects, and for such
is preferred to the Conjunctive Participle, ae: Bachche ko god mé liye
hu,e (not so good lekar) d,t “ she came carrying the child’, but bap
ko lekar (not properly liye hu,e) aya “ he brought his father with him”.

(10) The uninflected Past Participle of intransitives may indicate
general state, as: Mai ne ek chiriya mart hud dekhi “I saw
a bird dead” ; mai is hotel mé thahra (hu,@) hi * IT am staying in this
hotel! ; gird raht@ hai “ it remains in a ruined state’: soya aur
mu,@ bardhar hota hai “a sleeping man is the same as one dead”,
In mar@ phirna “to wander aimlessly”, mara is from a transitive
verb: yh Sawrat mari phirfi hai “ this woman wanders about aime
lessly ”. Wide (b).

In forming the ordinary Infinitive compounded with this past
participle, the participle is not usually inflected Statically as in the case
of the present participle, thus bachd-rahnd, thahra-rahna., daura-jand,
ete. (and seldom bache rahnd, etc.\.2, However, if the Infinitive is used
as an Imperative, the participle must be inflected, as: Gundah se
bache-rahnd “ avoid sin”. The reason is that in this case fum has
to be understood and the Participle must therefore be plural.

(6) (1) As in Hindustani the Present Participle indicates an act
in progress, certain English Present Participles have to be rendered
by Past Participles. These are treated as adjectives, and like the
example in (10) above indicate general state, as: Wahd para hat,
“It is lying (in a fallen state) there" ; darya charha ata hai “ the river
is rising upin flood ” ; khizdne mé eau répiya bachad raed hai * the sum
of & hundred rupees remains lying in reserve in the treasury” ; fit Ki
palaké bhart bhari aur latki hui hai “ the camel's eyelids are heavy
‘ Mat is hotel mz hamesha thaharta raha ha,“ 1 have always been staying in this

abel."

® Pare rahna is, however, common.
YOu. IV. PART I, fi

82 LIEUT.-COL. D. C. PHILLOTT—

and down-hanging”; wuh waka baithd (hua) kai “ he is sitting
there “2

(2) Before gand, ana, daurnad, bhagnd, phirnd and perhaps others,
the uninflected Past Participle of intransitive verbs of motion is
ordinarily prefixed, as: Urd-dna, bhagajana, para phirna “ to prowl
about"; phird phirnd “to patrol”; bhatka phirna “ to stray, lose
one’s way"; and mard phirnd “ vide” (10).

If the Present Participle be substituted, it forms a Progressive, or
may rarely be used for emphasis, as: Kabitar urta aya “ the pigeon
came flying along or flying and not in any other way’. However,
Sow) barhft chali 2,7 and barhi chali ai are the same.

Dauyii-jana colloquially means simply “ to hasten with an object
in view ” (and not to go running); mai isteshan tak daura gaya may
even be said of a person driving: but mai isteshan tak dauyta qaya
“Tran all the way to the station”. Qasim daura@ dawra aya “ Qasim
came hurrying along”, but dauyta dauyta aya “ came running "’,

(c) (1) The verb jand may be a source of ambiguity, as besides its
use in forming Intensitives and Progressives, it may retain its literal
meaning. In Bagla machhli ko choch mé dabd,e liye-jata hai, the verb,
means, “is carrying off"; wuh hasta jata tha “ he kept on laughing
or he was laughing as he went along” ; is ko kiye ja,o “ go on doing
it as before, or do it before you go, or be in a state of doing it as you
go; ts ko kytt chhore jafi hai “ why art thou (fem.) departing and
leaving this behind thee?” ; sun73d o “ hear before you leave”, but
mai isko parhta hit tum sune-jd,o; tara rasta batate jana “ just show me
the way as you go along, or before you leave: d,o bhai baitho khana
khdte jé,0 “ comrade come and eat with us and then continue on your
way; karjana “to do before going”; kah-jana “to say on
departure”; wuh chitthi likhtd gaya hai “ he was writing when he
went (or he went on writing)".

Ap log ab andar dite ja,iye means “ do you gentlemen kindly begin
to come in”, or if there has been a block “ go on coming in ”’,

Remark I—Kha jana being an Intensive, y
but fejana not being an Intensive has a
le-jakar.

Remark I7T.—In Urdu, as in English, there jg frequently no
distinction between a Progressive and a Continuative

: “to go on
* But Raja Aaude md baithid hai “ the Raja always sits in the hauda” &. 0...
Grierson, however, points out that the root meaning of baishn is est Sir George

“to be seated ”. ‘to ait” but
* Neither the conjunetive participle nor the past participle of intenaives js in use

oucannot say khd-jakar
Conjunetive Partici ple =

STATICAL AND SOME OTHER PARTICIFLES IN HINDUSTANI 83

doing a thing” has much the same meaning as “ to continue doing
& thing’. However, in such a sentence as “ The enemy continued to
retreat ’, a Progressive is obligatory in Urdu: dushman hattaé gaya
(not raha). “ To remain reading” might refer to the reading of one
page; but “to go on reading ” suggests progression by turning over
the page or pages, So, too, when a continued or repeated act depends on
another continued or repeated act, Progressives are obligatory in Urdu,
as in “ He kept on dictating while I kept on writing to his dictation”.

(dq) Chalnd means “to move to come into motion, to start”, and
chale jana “ to go on moving’. Here chale is a Statical, and the idea
of continuance is contained in the Progressive jana. Chald-jind is
“to travel along, to go away, to go to a distance,’ and chald-and
is “to come along”. The Imperative Singulars are ((f) chale-ja
“ continue to go” and (ti) chala-ja “ go away”. The plural of both is
tum chale-ja,o.

(3) Chalnd as a “servile” means “to start, to begin”, as: Pani
par-chala = pani parne lagi.

(e) Strangely enough, chald-jana like chala-dnd and hota-dna may
have also a Progressive meaning. Examples :—

Mat us par mitfi dale chald gaya
(or dale gaya).*
Yih kahfi chali ga,i *

Bete hi bete hote chale® jate hai

Yih dastiir gadim se hota chala
aya hav
Tab se angrez muSallim us

madrase mé hote de hai

Do shikari kutte daure chale a
rahe heat

Dharna dene-wala mere pichhe
lagd chala ata hai

I went on piling earth on her.*

She went on (continued) saying
this. ,
Nothing but boys kept on bemg
born to him.

this custom has come down from
ancient times.

since then English teachers have
always been appointed to that
college.

two hounds are Just now coming
towards us at a run.

the man who is dunning me is
closely following behind.

1 Mat riste mi chalé jata thi and Ja per ki jaré ddr tak chali pati har.
7 Went on in a state of casting.” Chalé-garyi does not here mean “‘ went away ”.
* From a story about an Arab who was burying his daughter alive.

* But wih kadti hu,i chali ga,i “she went away saying this".

Yih kahkar chali

ga,i “she said this and then went away “. The difference between these two is really

slight.
* Pincott, p. 166.

Died r?

84 LIEUT.-COL. D. C. PHILLOTT—
Bhir barhti chali jatt hai * the crowd keeps on increasing.
Pani khetd mé barha chala ata hai the floods keep on rising in the
fields.
Meri mahabbat is larki se bet i my affection for this girl has
8 hott ai always been like that of a
daughter.

(f) Prefixed to verbs of seeming (such as maSlam hona, dikhai
dena, nazar dnd) the Present Participle used adjectively indicates
possibility or likelihood, as: Bechdra bachta nazar nahi ata “1 don’t
see any likelihood of the poor thing surviving”; wuh bacht@ nazar
ala hai “ he seems likely to recover” ;* yih tadbir bandi nazar nahin
afi “ this plan does not look like succeeding” ; yih chal chalfi dikha.i
nahi deti * T can’t see this move, this trick, coming off ”,

(7) The Present Participle inflected adverbially,? when prefixed
to bannd or ban-iind expresses ability,‘ as : Mujh se khiind Ehate nahi
banta *“ T cannot eat my dinner” ; bechari larlt se chalte nahi bantd
“the poor girl can’t walk’: ix ghar jo nirali chhabi hai, kahte nal
banti® “the strange beauty of the moon at this season baffles
deseription ” ; mujhe wiht kakte hu,e ban-ata hai bu wuh ulli ka patha
hai“ all T can say of him is that he is a young owl” ; Ad,e tum se kaisa
jate banta hai“ ah! how can you bear to leave me 7”

(A) (1) An intransitive adjectival Past Participle (hu,@ not
mlmissible) prefixed to jand@ and ana rive an lea of imminence,
indicating that an action is about to begin :—

Wuh diya 92a hai he is about to arrive.

Yeh diwar giri jaG hai the wall is threatening to fall.

Daryl charha @a hai the river is beginning to rise.

Mai tujhe bhila-jata hi I was nearly forgetting all about
you.

Mai be-dam hia pata hii I'm on the point of losing my
wind.” |

Bimar achchha hua jata hai the patient now promises to
convalesce.

1 Pincott, p, 193.

* Tt will be noticed that this use may be affirmative a8 well as negative.

2 Can this be a Statical ?

"Compare Mujh se Chand Rhdiyd- neki jata : mujh se chald nahi jal. Also the
construction Vik darwisa mere khole se nahi Aheltey,

* Beafi fem., because of chAahi,

© Sir George Grierson suggests that jind and dnd are here oh aad ™
equivalent to it, which would explain this idiom, see Of Kong” and

STATICAL AXD SOME OTHER PARTICIFLES IN HINDUSTANI Bo

Tum kyt ghabra,i jati ho
Piyits se dam nikla j@ raha hai
Mai thaile mé ghusd pata, hit

why are you (fem,) getting angry ?

I shall soon die of thirst.

I am just going to get into the
sack,

(2) A similar meaning may be given by parna, as: Diwér gift
parti hat = girt jaf hai: shira ubla payta hai“ the syrup threatens to
boil over”; kiida@ parna “ to threaten to jump ”.

(i) A transitive Past Participle, inflected like a Statical, conveys
some such idea of imminence when prefixed to the verbs dend, lend,
dalna and possibly some others, as :—

Mat tum se kahe-deta' hit bi

Hudhud.—Is ki nim kahe-deta
hai ki—

Ahand ld,e deta hii ®

Mat bhi diye-deta hi

Mera lahja meri qala’i khole deta
tha

Kawwe bechari ka tukra chhine
lete hai
Mat us se liye-letad hii

Mai apne Suzrat pesh kiye deta hit

Ghord rassi tore-dalta hai
Is bat Ki fikr mujhe mare dalta hai

Bagh ko nds kiye daltd hai
Yth ghar mujhe kate khiita hai

now I'm just going to tell you
(in confidence, or warning, or
In passing), that—

The Hoopoe. This name suggests
that (it is taken from its ery).

T am just going to bring dinner.

I, too, am just going to subscribe.

my (foreign) accent every
moment threatened to let the
cat out of the bag.

the crows are trying to rob the
poor little girl of her bread.

I am just going to take it from
him.

I am just going to present my
EXCUSES,

the horse is in the act of breaking
loose,

anxiety about this matter
threatens to kill me.

he is about to ruin the garden.

this house oppresses me (with its
painful memories),

Remark.—Such compounds are used in the United Provinces, but

are not usual in Bihar.

(7) A comparison of the following will show the fine distinctions
of time that may be expressed by the participles :—.
1 But bah-deld Ad “I tell you outright or once for all ".

? Bot thand [a-detd Ad “ TU go and get dinner".
9 Inless refined speech [ta Adi or ldiya,

am f |
of

leet

= —. = ry =” % ote
BG LIEUT.-COL. BD. C, PHILLOTT—

(i) Piichhkar d,o “ go and inquire and then return”, There may
be a considerable interval between the two acts.

(1) Ptichh-d,o “ inquire and return quickly". There is practically
no interval of time between the acts.

(i) Pichhe-G,o “inquire and return immediately” (ic. return
while still in the state of inquiring).

(k) There seems to be no rule for the insertion or omission of
hua. In chalt@ (hua) har-khdna “a thriving business" and marta
(hu,@) kyd na karta “ what will not a dying man do”, the hu,@ may be
optionally inserted after the adjectival participles. S80, too, it is
optional in Mai ne us basti mé bijli girfi (hu,t) or girte (hu,e) dekhi
“I saw a thunder-bolt fall in that hamlet ”,

It is omitted when the Present or the Past Participle is repeated.

It is omitted before a postposition.

With the prepositions bin and ba-ghayr it is optional, whether these
precede or follow the participle.

The fu,@ can always be omitted, if the omission causes no
ambiguity or does not sound awkward.

In chalte hu,e begam ne kaha the example near the end of (a) (5),
the participle is used as a verbal noun,? and not an adjective. The
omission of iu,e would at least sound awkward.

(1) (1) When in English a Present Participle qualifying a noun
indicates an action in progress, or a temporary quality, it may be
rendered in Urdu by a similar participle, as: Bhagti hui fawy “ the
feeing army”; layté ke pichhe bhagtd ke dge®“ a laggart in fight, a
leader in flight, in the rear of the fighters, in the van of the fleers -
marta kya na karta * * what will not a dying man do 7”

(2) If, however, it indicates an innate quality or a habit, it is
expressed by the noun of agency, especially in the case of transitives
as: Gosht Khdne-wale janwar “ flesh-eating animals” - jugali uta
wile janwar “ animals that chew the cud": mere thetin karne-wale
dost ne kaha “ my benefacting friend said ",

Bolft hui maind or bolne-wali maind are, however,
for “ a talking maina ”, but the latter is preferable,‘

1 ‘The post-position ke in such instances is omitted.

* It is often supposed that the oe) confines the participle to

* The noun “man” and “men™ is understood, as the
adjectives. You cannot say marte (or larte) ne kaha. These two ¢

both correct

its adjectival use,

participles here are
* Sir George Grierson suggests that there is » shade of difference vee

the former really signifying “a chattering (or loquacious) maina " = weplentios:

main& who is a speaker (i.e. who can speak)” . a

lis =a! BT
a ——— ——

eet Se

se . at ee yee

os See a ES
. ss <> - [= om! Su, ae E
i " STATICAL AND SOME OTHER: PARTICIFLES IN HENDUSTANT Seo ae
_

(m) A curious construction occasionally met with in the Panjab —
is the use of the Past Participle with hu,d after the Agent, as: Ayyam-i
jawani mé kutte ne apne aga i khidmat ia hu,ithi aur maSrika ke shikir-
mare hu,e the“ in youth the dog had served its master well and killed
a goodly quantity of quarry’; us ne chitthi Wkhi hu,i hai “he has
ready written the letter”
_ This is incorrect in good Urdu. .
(nm) It 1s hoped that the notes given above will prove of practical,
value. They are, of course, open to criticism.
1 So, too, the Panjabi construction of putting the subject of a simple passive verb

in the accusative, as Usko méri-gagd. Uako gatl kiya gay, however, is correct, in
Modern Urdu.

° stich -_ Ae
e Brae Ay ag. Bis 0 — — ‘SS q
|
* — rf. 5 c-

Oe -)
Na 3] vine -
aa — ‘

’

ca
bese’
Lie mv. . AX
4 ' ti
z = ’s
Se
+. a an

A
s

BENGALI BALLADS
By W. Surrox Pace

()* the occasion of a wedding, a piij@, or any other festival, it is quite

a customary thing for a well-to-do man in Bengal to engage a
kathak or a paiichali or ydtra party to give a performance or a series
of performances in the courtyard of his house, where a considerable
portion of the population of the village assembles as an audience, and
sits, often right through the night, listening to song and speech, dialogue
and story. It is for the most part by means of such performances that
a knowledge of the myths and traditions of Hinduism is preserved in
the minds of the illiterate mass of the population of Bengal.

In the ydtra, which usually represents scenes from Hindu
mythology, the players are men and boys, dressed and made-up to
suit the parts they play. There is noattemptat scenery or stage-fittings,
and the action is interrupted at frequent intervals by the master-singer,
or some other member of the party, who comments upon, and points
the moral of the story. There is, of course, a certain amount of spoken
dialogue, but the most attractive feature of the ydtrd is the sINngIng,
which is accompanied by a band of musicians. In fact, the performance
is in a crude fashion operatic rather than dramatic, and it is upon
the songs and the music that the attention and criticism of the
audience are mainly concentrated.

Besides the yaira parties there were also at one time, though they
are now extinct, bands of minstrels called bubiwalas who worked up
the operatic element in the yatrds into a separate class of songs, usually
describing incidents in the life of Krsna.

The paiichali was given its present form by Dasarathi Ray, who
was born in 1804. It is very similar to the kali type of performance,
from which it is distinguished mainly by the peculiar kind of doggerel
in which the songs are written. The song, or paichali proper, is inter-
spersed with choruses sung by a party of singers accompanying the
leader. In the kobi and pafchali performances, though they are
Femi-dramatic, no costumes or disguises are used.

Still another class of entertainment which includes a hallad-
element is that provided by the kathak, or professional story-teller.
People of this kind are mentioned in the Ramédyana, and numbers of
kathaks are still to be found in Bengal. The kathak tells in vernacular
prose stories from the Srimadbhagavata, the Ramayana, or the

a
=

Nae

rie?

ty
oA *

O0) W. SUTTON Page—

fahdbhdrata, and his narrative is interspersed with songs, sung
sometimes by himself, and sometimes by a party of singers
accompanying him.

The kathak is generally a Brahman, and the leader of a paiichali or
yatra party is, nowadays, at any rate, aman of more or less education.
But, besides these there are to he found in many villages, especially
in East Bengal, parties of quite illiterate minstrels. 'The head of each
of these parties is called a gayan, and the members of the chorus of
eight or ten men led by him are known as pile (= paliya, from pala,
turn or song). These ga@yans and pailes may be either Muhammadans
or Hindus ; many of them belong to the NV amasiidra, Hari, Dom, Jele,
Patani, or other low castes. They ply their caste trade or occupation
by day, and at night are engaged to sing their songs in some house in
the neighbourhood. Most of them are amateurs, and receive no payment
for their performances, beyond an ample supply of pan and tobacco,
Professional parties are sometimes paid a sum -fixed in advance,
generally about ten rupees for one performance. In some cases no fixed
charge is made, but each member of the audience is expected to con-
tribute a few pice in return for the entertainment. The money thus
collected is called pela in East Bengal, and plird in West Bengal.
The songs of the pile party are sung to the accompaniment of cymbals,
drums, violins, and nowadays the harmonium.

The songs are of the ballad type, and consist of material that has
been handed down by word of mouth from one generation to another,
suffering change, no doubt, upon the way, but, nevertheless, preserving,
as the ballac does in all countries, most valuable information about
the life ans thought of earlier ages, The original authors of the ballads
Are offen unknown, though sometimes at the end the “ signature ”

Of the author, or at least of the reputed author, is given in thesame way
45 in the songs of the Vatsnara pedakaritas. But whoever the authors
may have been, many of them were without any considerable
knowledge of letters, and it is safe to say that until the present century
most of the songs sung by these pale parties had never been committed
to writing.

In. these more sophisticated times the entertainments given by these
rustic minstrels are going out of fashion, and there is real danger of
‘the songs they used to sing being lost as giyan after gayan dies without
passing on his material to any successor, F ortunately, however,
Dr. Dineéchandra Sen, to whom all students of Bengali literature are
already so much indebted, has turned his atten

BENGALI BALLADS 9]

is doing something to rescue this invaluable material from oblivion.
In this he has had the help of a young man named Chandra-
kumar De.

Chandrakumar was born in a small village in the district of
Mymensingh. His only education was received in an elementary
village school, but he had a true poetic instinct and early realized the
value of the rural songs of the Gayans. Some magazine articles written
by him on the subject brought him to the notice of Dr. Sen, with the
result that in 1921 he was appointed by the University of Calcutta
to make a collection of these songs under Dr. Sen’s directions. He has
travelled all over the countryside, with great perseverance in the face
of great obstacles seeking out those who remember the old ballads.
It has been the exception for him to find one man who knows a whole
poem ; he has had to piece the songs together bit by bit as he has been
able to recover them from the lips of one and another with whose death
they would otherwise have been lost for ever. The firstfruits of his
labours are to be found in two volumes prepared by Dr. Dinegchandra
Sen.' One of these volumes contains the Bengali text of eleven ballads
recovered by Chandrakumar De, and in the other volume Dr. Sen has
given an English paraphrase of the ballads. This paraphrase (it is not
strictly a translation) gives a very inadequate idea of the charm of the
original, as, no doubt, Dr. Sen himself would be the first to admit.
In particular it does not reproduce the artless simplicity of the ballads,
which are composed in the Bengali of the people, and have nothing in
common with the Sanskritic vocabulary and the artificial style of such
poets as Bharatchandra.

The metre throughout is the common paydr (8-6-8-6). The social
customs and religious outlook reflected in the poems are very different
from those of orthodox Hindu society. This is particularly noticeable
in the freedom with which youths are represented as making love to
maidens of an age at which the daughter of an orthodox Hindu family
to-day would be safely married and hidden away behind the pardd.
Glorification of the Brahman priesthood and sectarian propaganda
are conspicuous by their absence. Astrologers and soothsayers are
caricatured and ridiculed and the caste spirit is very little m evidence.
The explanation of all this is probably to be found in the fact that the

1 Kastern Bengal Ballads, Mymensing, Ramtanu Lahiri Research Fellowship
Lectures for 1922-24, in two parts, Compiled by Dineéchandra Sen, Rai Bahadur,
B.A., D.Litt. With a foreword by the Earl of Ronaldshay. Published by the

University of Calcutta, 1925.

ee ol

9) W. SUTTON PAGE—

area in which these poems had their origin was for a long time very
little, if at all, affected by the Hindu revival under the Sen kings.

This part of the country developed and for many years maintained
a distinctive culture of its own, in which one may trace three main
elements—old Hinduism, as distinct from the Hinduism of the Hindu
Revival, Buddhism, and an aboriginal element contributed by the
Koches, Garos, and other non-Hindu tribes who are still to be found in
large numbers in this area. It is this old-world culture and outlook that
is reflected in theee ballads.

One of the most charming of the ballads tells the story of
Chandravafi and Jayananda and their ill-fated love, a story which is
still known and sung in one form or another all over Eastern Bengal.
According to the “ signature " at the end of this poem it was composed
by Naydnchand, probably Naydnchand Ghos, who is said to have lived
in the beginning of the seventeenth century.

Chandradvafi herself is an historical character. She was the daughter
of a Brahman called Baziisidas, who about 1575 wrote a Manasar
Bhasin or Manasdmangal in the composition of which Chandravati
herself collaborated with him.

Perhaps the best way in which to give the English reader some idea
of the charmin: simplicity of the poem will be to five an English
translation of some parts of it. No attempt has been made to rhyme
the lines as in the original, but the metre has been reproduced as far
as that is possible in English, and the version seems to he nearer both
to the spirit and to the meaning of the Bengali poem than the more
prosaic paraphrase of Dr. Sen. The poem opens in dramatic form,
Chandravafti, who may be thought of as a girl in her ‘teens, has come in
the early morning to the edge of a tank to gather flowers for her father
to use in the worship of Siva. There she meets the youth Jayinanda,
who is also gathering flowers.

CHANDRAVATI
Who are you who break the branches,
You who pluck the blossoms
Of the champi and nige4var,
Growing round this pond, sir ?
JAYANANDA
There is your home, yonder my home
‘Twixt them flows the river.
Tell me, maiden, why you gather
Garlands of the jasmine.

:
'

BENGALI BALLADS 93

CHANDEAVATI
I have come this morning early
Here to gather flowers
For my father, when he worships
In the shrine of Siva.
The poem now assumes a narrative form.
So they pluck the choicest blossoms
Pluck the searlet jabd.
Jaydnanda gathers flowers,
Lays them in her basket.
Many kinds of flowers they gather
Marigolds and champds
And the choicest jasmine blossoms,
Mallika and mélati :
And they pluck aparajita
And the fair dtasi,
Gather all the flowers and blossoms,
Light and happy hearted.

One by one, as days fly past them,
Every morn and even

Thus alone they gather flowers,
With no eye to see them.

While the maiden Chandravati
Plucks the jasmine blossom,

Her companion Jayinanda
Bends the branches downward,
Till one day she gathers flowers,
With them weaves a garland,

On the neck of Jaydnanda
Throws the garland gaily.

Jaydnanda writes a letter
To the maiden Chandra,
Whites a letter on a flower-leaf,
Just a little letter."
In his letter Jaytnanda
Tells his heart's great longing—

“ Ever, ever plucking flowers
You are weaving garlands
On the garlands you have woven
All alone I'm weeping.
Darksome grows the blossomed bower
When you leave me, maiden,

1 In the original “ an epistle of two and « half letters ".

94 W. SUTTON PAGE—

All I feel I dare not tell you,

Dare not tell you, maiden ;

All my secret love and longing
Words can never utter.

Stern and pious is your father,
High and holy-minded,

You, his daughter, Chandravati
Are his precious treasure.

I, an orphan live all lonely

In my uncle's homestead.

How can I pour out my secret
Tell you all my longing ?

From the day when first I saw you,
Saw your face so moonlike,
From that dav I walk distracted,
Maddened by your beauty.

What is in your heart? O tell me,
Tell me truly, maiden.

All I have to you I offer,

If yourself you give me.

From to-day with you I'll gather
No more flowers and blossoms.
Distant lands I seek, O maiden,
Far away I wander.

But if you to hope would bid me,
Write to me a letter:

At your fect, a slave, O maiden,
I will stay for ever,”

At their next meeting Jaydnanda hands the letter to Chandravafi,
and she ties it in the corner of her sari, and when her father is busy in
the worship of Siva, praying the god to send a worthy bridegroom for his
daughter, she hides herself in her room to read the letter, weeping
tears of mingled joy and sorrow. She writes a reserved and non-
committal answer 5 she is but a girl, and what can she say ? But all
the while she is praying to the gods to grant her Jayvdnanda as .
husband. She sends her reply to the youth, but does not herself go any
more to the pond to meet him or to gather flowers, but contents her-
self with those growing in the courtyard of the house. Meanwhile
a ghatek, or match-maker, calls on Bavisidas and proposes Jaydnagie
as a suitable bridegroom for his daughter. The astrologers are called
in, and after consulting the horoscopes of the two young people and
examining their palms, they solemnly declare that a happier m es

BENGALI BALLADS 95

was never indicated by the planets—a rather bad miscalculation in view
of the subsequent course of events. For meanwhile Jayananda has
seen a beautiful Musalman girl at a bathing gha@t on the bank of the
River Sundhd, and, forgetting all about Chandravati, has fallen so
completely in love with her that for her sake he gives up home and
caste and all.

The news reaches Chandravafi and her father only on the very eve
of the day fixed so confidently by the astrologers for her marriage.
For many days to all around she seemed like one turned to stone, but
night after night she spends in weeping over the tender memories of
the past, and her shattered hopes. In course of time fresh offers of
marriage are made on behalf of one youth after another, but she
declares that she has vowed she will never wed.

Marriage offers come in plenty
Come from many places ;
Bamiidis sits gravely pondering
One by one these offers.
But the maiden Chandravati
Speaks thus to her father,
“In this life I'll never marry
I will die a maiden.
All my thoughts I give to Siva ;
At his feet I'll worship, :
Father, grant me sorrow-stricken,
This request I proffer.
So the father grants her prayer
Saying to his daughter,
“Worship Siva, In his service
Write a Ramayana.” 2
One day there comes to Chandra@vafi, as she is busy with her worship
of Siva and her work on the Ramayana, a messenger bearing a letter
of confession and penitence from Jaydnanda, who begs for a last sight
of her before he goes to meet his death. She consults her father and in
accordance with his advice replies re‘using to see the youth. But later
he comes to the Siva temple, where she is meditating and praying and
calls to her to open the door. Absorbed in the trance-like devotion of
yoga, she does not hear him; so he takes the red blossoms growing
beside the temple and with their juice writes upon the temple door
this farewell letter :—
1 The Rimdyana of Chandrdvati is still in existence. It has never been printed, but

it is widely known amongst the women of the Mymensingh district and a manus-ript
copy of it has been secured for the Library of the Calcutta University,

et " 4
O6 BENGALI BALLADS
: * Playmate of my happy childhood,

0 my youth’s companion,

Chandravati, grant me pardon,

For the wrong I did you.

Since you could not grant the prayer
Prayed by one so wicked

I to you, my Chandrivafi,

Bid good-bye for ever,”

Chandravati reads the message
Written by her lover,

And she deems the shrine polluted
By the sad inscription,

In her arms she takes her pitcher,
Walks down to the river,

There to bathe and make atonement
In the holy waters,

= Weeping, weeping Chandravati
am Walks down to the river
tpi. As the mighty tide inrushing

Brims the banks before her.
To the riverside al] lonely,

' pee Lonely comes the maiden,
re There the corpse of Jaydnanda
Floats upon the water.
a Ah, how fair he was to look on !
% Moonlike in his beauty !
BL, Like a full moon float-ng sadly,

Floating on the water.
And without an eyelid's flicker
There all speechless stood she,

is As in trance she gazes on him
By the silent river,
We ; ~All our laughter, all our weeping,

Is a dream,” sings Naydnchaind,
““ Ah! the sorrow of each bosom
= How can others understand ?”

ich It is to be hoped that Dr. Sen wil] be able to farry out his intention
a, of giving us still further specimens of these delightful ballads for apart
a altogether from the information they give of many vanished eS rs ae
2. vanishing phases of Hindu life and thought, they are in hee
: : worthy of a high place in Bengali poetry, and in the treasury ' fy
es ballad literature of the world, Seen

A SELECTION FROM THE T'UNG SHU BY CHOU TZU
WITH COMMENTARY BY CHU HSI

Translated from the Chinese with explanatory notes by
J. Percy Bruce

Cuou Tzt's Text

a BAZ,
U.K AAR M7, HM PE ih aR
1. We 3H $8 4b. 4% IE PE fir, ak WP On HK.
IV. RE 2B 3G A AIL.
A. — BB 2

A HG th, WK
I. FG 3, wm 2 Sh °
vi. KK We Sw th. PE 4

Trout |

I. Truth’ is the fundamental attribute of the Saint.

II. It is said, “ Great is the Principle of Origin indicated by Ch’ ien,*
from it all things derive their beginning” ; here Truth is presented to us
48 It 1s at its source.

IIL. Tt is said, “ It is the law of Ci’ien, by its changes and trans-
formations to impart the Nature and Decree in their perfection to
each individual thing’; here Truth is presented to us as it is in its
accomplishment.

IV. Thus Truth, in its beginning and in its consummation, is
the pure and spotless, and the supremely good.

V. Therefore it is said, “ The alternation of the negative and positive
modes is what is termed Moral Law; the efflux which ensues is Good-
ness; the resultant entity 1s the Nature.”

VI. The principles of Origin and Development are the procession of
Truth, the principles of Utility and Potentiality are its retrocession.

VIL. Great isthe Yi!* Here is the true source of the Nature and
the Decree !

VOL, IV. PART L.

ry
d

i
38 J. PERCY BRUCE—
AE Cuv Hsi's Commentary
lm BM i Mm eB 2 MH. KM MR Hw Re
EM mb AR AS i BAS Um |
HRwhh UERE ZH. Hee |
fe el He KOEN OP OM A me th,
2c E-— FI BUM 2, ee, wm BS Ht
i ME, 7) KS MH ah. 5, Hh wh, TE.
haath e2n hoi k UB eK
Mt th UM A ew, i ok Se tT OH.
El fal 22 Be Wy 4ty,,
ko, FR KKH MRS & ws
Eo i Mc GH fk. ih mE tt A Met
2 Eo UMM + — Hy > + K.
En fl 2 BE BF 4h.
4. Ml, OME th. PO HE hs PK ZS OH OR.
Bt 3. Re A OR, eR ES ME
o. BE OP Sy EE BS, A he. IE i FF 46 ah, Be
HE — Ps ao HE a. JE ii bk AF as it, On mp
mn hs Mi. RM SO i, i A Ay PR a
Mae. MM AT. im A A OH eS &
ho Pe 2 th Ok OM RN
Ye J Sr 6 ah BE eB a, ROS or a
8. 7 Mio % SH. AB. ME. ME OY HH oh, Gh ae.
yh ih RS oo ME Bh. Me.
fE Xo
1% Mo KR MZ Ho HR ZX Wo th B iw B.
K 3h Wil BS A 3c Sh ii HEE he a, — pe

=a ht JIE Fp, ap H4 ea Ht, 5

1. Truth is the absolute reality, entirely free from falsity, It is that
perfect ethical principle imparted by Heaven and received by the creature.
All men possess it, but the saintliness of the Saint is because he alone can
embody it in its completeness. Note: This work and the Diagram of the
Supreme Ultimate are muta lly explanatory ; What in the latter is termed
the Supreme Ultimate is here termed Truth.

2, These two sentences are cited from the Yi4 to
statement. The CA'ien hexagram represents the pe
is strength, the distinctive attribute of Heaven,
Principle of Origin which is the law of Chien, and

illustrate the Preceding
ect Yang, Tix Leaning
The passage defines the

whence all things derive

Ax Pe LW 36.
A SELECTION FROM THE TUNG SHU HY CHOU TzU 99

their beginning, as the principle of reality which flows like a river from its
source, and is imparted to man. This is what inthe Diagram is termed the
energy of the positive mode.

3. This quotation also is from the ¥i.5 The Decree is Truth as imparted
by Heaven, the Nature is that same Truth as received by the creature: *
and because, as the passage states, owing to the operations of Ch'ien every-
thing receives the Nature and Decree in their perfection, this principle of
reality becomes the controlling principle in each individual thing. Thisis
What in the Diagram is termed the inertia of the negative mode.

4. What Heaven imparts and what the creature receives is the ultimate
principle of reality which is absolutely good and pure.

5, Also cited from the Yi.7 The negative and positive modes are the
Ether and pertain to the material, but that which causes them to alternate
is a principle and belongs to the immaterial, Moral Law is a principle.

The expression, “ the efflux which ensues" refers to the moment of
the emanation of the Ether before anything is formed ; and the statement
that this is goodness refers to the moment when the operation of Law has
begun, but before there is any resultant entity. The statement is a
description of the positive mode—Truth at its source.

The expression, “the resultant entity’ refers to the individual being
after it is formed; and the ““ Nature” is Law as it is after it has become

‘the inherent principle in that individual being. The statement is a

deseription of the negative mode—Truth in its accomplishment.®

6. Ytien, Héng, In, Chéng, the principles of Origin, Development,
Utility, and Potentiality, are the four attributes of Ci’ien.’ The term
“ procession ” refers to the going forth of Truth and its impartation to the
creature, and corresponds to the ~ goodness which ensues " of the preceding
section. The term *‘ retrocession”™” refers to the reception of Truth
and its assimilation by the creature, and corresponds to the “ resultant
nature’, These four principles are the nature-principles™ of the Five
Agents represented in the Diagram.

7. Yi means interchange or alternation. Just as the diagrams of the
Yi Ching and the varying positions of the individual lines in each hexagram
are due to the interchange of the strong and weak lines, so the interchange
of the Two Modes and the consequent all-pervading operations of the
principle of reality throughout the universe, so that the Nature and Decree
are both imparted to and received by the creature, originate in this Yi
or Flux.”

Novres

The Author, Chou Tun-i, whose literary name was Lien-hsi, was the founder of
the Sung School of Philosophy, of which Chu Hsi was the final exponent. Lien-hai
was born in the year a.p, 1025, At the age of 30 Ch’éng Hao and Ch'éng I became his
pupils. These two brothers handed on the teachings of their Master to posterity in
two works which they edited and which are still extant, the one a diagram entitled

les i?

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fae.

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p rr ,
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Plies oh

100 J. PERCY BRUCE—

The Diagram of the Supreme Ultimate, with a monograph entitled The Diagram of the
Supreme Ultimate Explained, and the other T’ung Shu, also called Tung J Shu, or
The Complete Interpretation of the Canon of Changes (vide J. P. Broce, Chu Hai and
fits Masters, chap. ii). The selection hore given is from the latter of the two works,
Both works are published in extenso in the Symposium of Philosophy (44 Jip Jc
or in the Digest (#_ Ff Fy ye). The T°ung Shw has been translated into French by
Ch. de Harlez (L'Ecole Philosophique Moderne de la Chine), and into German by
Wilhelm Grube (T’ting-Sd des Cei-tsi, mit (G-Hi's Commentare, ete.)

* The word (ji) here translated Truth is the same as that which in the Doctrine
of the Mean is translated by Legge as Sincerity. Ku Hung-ming, however, in his
translation of the same work, adopts the rendering Truth, It is to the teaching of this
work, the Doctrine of the Mean, that Lien-hai refers, and particularly to the passage in
chap. xx, 18, which Ku translates thus: “ Truth is the law of God. Acquired truth is
the law of man. He who intuitively apprehends truth is one who, without effort,
hits what ia right, and without thinking understands what he wants to know; whose
life is easily and naturally in harmony with moral law. Such a one ia what we call a
saint or a man of divine nature,” (Ku Hung-ming, Conduct of Life, p. 37.) Compare
also chaps. xxii and xxvi of the classic (ibid., pp. 45, 47).

* Chien is the first of the sixty-four hexagrams in the Canon of Changes, Composed
entirely of the undivided, strong lines it ja symbolical of Heaven as one of the Dual
Powers, Earth being represented by Aun, composed entirely of the divided weak
lines. In Chou Tzi's Diagram it is represented as the male element in nature, (See
Chu Hai and His Masters, p. 156.)

2 By both Grube and de Harlez “ Yi" is understood to refer to the classic of tha:
name, the Canon of Changes, as in the closing sentence of the Tai Chi T'w Shuo
(Diagram of the Supreme Ultimate Explained), in which it ix undoubtedly the chaste
that is referred to, and I have myself so translated it in Chu Hai and His Masters,
p. 151. Here, apparently, it is not the classic but the Vi itself that is meant, ma is
manifestly the case in the sentence fol lowing, where the Yi, C
to bs the “ source ™ of the Nature and Decree, Chu Hsi here explains Yi as though
referring to the Yi iteelf, whereas in his commentary on the Tai Chi Ty Shun
he definitely states that the word there refers to the classic.

* Fi Ching, Imperial edition, bk. ix, f.1; Sacred Books of the East, vol. xvi, p. 213,

* Yi Ching, Imp, ed., bk. ix, £2: Sacred Books of the Kast, vol. xvi, p. 213

* Cho Hei elsewhere (in the 45 it) snys: “The source is one, the river Howing
from the source divides into streams and rivulets " (7 pit i x. bk. i, £ 18),
So the one Absolute Reality is embodied in individual men and things, |

* Fi Ching, Imp, ed., bk, xiii, f. 14; Sacred Books of the East, vol, xvi, pp. 355-6

* Thus the sentence, “* The alternation of the negative and positive modes js what
is termed Moral Law,” applies to both the Statements which precede it, the one Re
cerning Truth as it is at ite source, and the other as it is in ite accomplishment - while
the sentence, “‘ The efflux which ensues is food ness,” explains the former of poo tw
statements only, and the sentence, “ The resultant entity is the Nature,” the inties’
Henoe there are three stages in the evolution of the individual being, the source the
process, and the result. The source is Motal Law, the Principle which es:
the internal alternating movement in the Absolute, Tho resultant is the Nature ei
is the law of existence inherent in the individual being. The procems ts ie ee
from the Absolute Being ensuing upon its alternating movement, the nexis beth =
the source and the resultant entity. And this eflux—immanent and all. ween
creative and transforming, life-giving and life-sustaining —is wholly rood ee
ia no other Force at work in the evolutionary process but simply good aot ena

* Yan, Héng, Li, Chéng, are the first four words in the Canon of Changer They
the four attributes of Heaven as symbolized in the (7) en hexagram, Héng has sas

hange or Flux, is said -

A SELECTION FROM THE TUNG SHU BY CHOU TzU 101

meanings, “* beauty ({) and “ development " (347). Here the latter meaning is

uppermost, Li is * utility " in the sense of adaptation to the end for which a thing is

intended,

. That is, Truth returning upon itself in order to realize itself in the individua]
ing.

“ Viz. Love, Righteousness, Reverence, and Wisdom.

* Tt has been shown that the sentence in the Yi CAing, “ The efflux which ensues
is goodness," expresses the all-pervading operation of Heaven's Moral Law, and its
impartation to the creature; this is the Decree, The sentence, ‘ The resultant entity
is the Nature,” refers to the reception of this same principle by the creature and its
embodiment in material form; and in this aspect of it the principle is termed the
Nature, And since this principle, which in the one case is called the Decree and in the
other the Nature, is the emanation which ensues upon the interchange (Yi) of the
Two Modes, the Yi is anid to be “ the source of the Nature and Decree ".

CHou Tzit's Text

I. ae ill i ES Re,
Mh 2A A TZ Bh.
nL. ge Ne dB) A. ETE i BY OSE th.
V. fis Fi 4. FE ih FE AL. Ab bee AE +h,
v. iC aR R.
Ve ED if
vil. AS i Ate
vil. Wy —

tO
3

Trvuta IT

I. Saintliness may be expressed in the one word, Truth.

Il. Truth is the root of the Five Cardinal Virtues and the source of
all the Subsidiary Virtues."

ILI. Truth in repose is unknowable ; * it is when it is active that it
becomes cognizable.* In repose it is simply the ultimate, the principle
of rectitude; but in activity it becomes luminous also and can be
intellectually apprehended.

IV. The Five Cardinal Virtues and all the Subsidiary Virtues, if
Truth be absent from them, are nothing ; they are perverted, obscured,
and obstructed,

V. Truth, therefore, is without effort.

102 J. PERCY BRUCE—

VIL. But though in itself most easy of performance, in practice it
is found to be difficult.

VII. If, however, it be grasped with resolution and firmness, all
difficulty disappears.

VIII. Therefore it is said, “ If for one day there be the mastery of
self and the return to right principle the whole Empire will be restored
to the practice of Love.” *

Cau Hst's CoMMENTARY

L@QA SMU FA SHE PE.
k i AE A.

25h Fe MP. hit + # HH it.
wha Hwee kh th HHA WKF
A. ti A it WT Re

3. 7 aP ii ES. it WA aR FR ME th, LA IE a OE i A
we HR if Bo WIS Ht i # Af we,
i itt mi 2 4 HT. a eH SE ih C.D
Aj #e 42 WW) GE 25 FT OM 4th.

ee. ce ee ee ae ee ee
Boa. HF i 7 TE. ie WD. Hh ii a WR RR,
if A 2.

5. i HU 7 HE A RR oe HF i. OTE EM. i
FP i Rp

6. WE BEL WR. He Bho A WS 46 Ee te Re

LR Zh MAE 2 RS HS A,
MWA fh +E HR ZR,

85 EO Ho Mth K HK EF 4 HH th. Hit w
H-- Am ARM HRRKFR . BE
~ im it

1. What makes the saint to be a saint is neither more nor less than the
perfect embodiment by him of this principle of reality, which in Chon Tzii's
Diagram ia termed the Supreme Ultimate.

2. The Five Cardinal Virtues are love, righteousness, reverence, wisdom
and sincerity, the nature-princt ples of the Five Agents. The sy beiitary
virtues include such virtues as filial and fraternal devotion, loyalty, and
fidelity, and correspond to the myriad forms in nature, When the princi ple
of reality has full play the Five Cardinal Virtues are perfected and the
subsidiary virtues are cultivated. |

A SELECTION FROM THE UNG SHU BY CHOU TZU 103

$ When there is inertia there is the negative mode. But Truth in
fact ia never non-existent (wu). The word wu is used to express the state
‘n which Truth is not manifest." When energy takes the place of inertia
then there is the positive mode. This does not mean, however, that Truth
then comes into existence, but that Truth then becomes cognizable; and
to express this the word yu is used. When Truth is in the state of inertia
and unknowable (iw) it is simply the ultimate principle, the principle of
rectitude ; when it is in the state of energy and cognizable (yw) it 1
Iuminous and can be intellectually apprehended.

4. Without Truth the virtues have no reality. As has been said,
“ Without Truth nothing can exist.” * Applying this truism to the state-
ments of the preceding paragraph, to he in repose and without rectitude
is to be perverted, to be active and at the same time non-luminous and
inapprehensible is to be obscured and obstructed.

5, Where Truth exists all the natural principles of rectitude are present ;
not one is lacking. Thus, in their operation there is no need for thought or
effort, but spontaneously and naturally they accord with Moral Law.’

6. The principle of reality is spontaneous and therefore easy of
performance, but it is captured by human perversity and so becomes
difficult.

7. Resolution is determination in action, characteristic of the positive
mode: firmness is steadfastness in decision, characteristic of the negative
mode, With the courage born of determination and the strength born of
steadfastness human perversity has no power to rob us of that spontaneity
of action which is the natural property of Truth.*

8, To put away one’s own selfishness and follow after Divine Law 18
the most difficult thing to achieve in the government of the Empire ; but
if for one single day, at the very springs of government, there is
determination in its accomplishment, the result will be no less than the
restoration of the Empire to the practice of Love—so free from difficulty
will the task become through resolution and firmness !

NoTes
1 Lit. “ the hundred varieties of conduct.”

2 Lit, “ non-existent.”

2 Lit, “ existent.”

4 Seo Analects of Confucius, xii, 1.

§ When Truth is in the state of inertia and unknowable it is in the state of pare
being (ride Grube, Ting-Sa dex Ced-tsi, p. 13). Ch‘éng I says, “‘ Though the eye may
not be seeing and the ear not hearing, the faculty of seeing and hearing are there, and
when they do see and hear they are the same eye and ear as when in repose ; it is not
that when in repose they have ceased to be" (#4 FE sk 2b. bk. tt. f. 10).

& Doctrine of the Mean, XX, :.
t Chu Hai says elsewhere, “When it is said that Truth is without activity the
meaning ia the same as in the passage in the Yi Ching, which, referring to the Yi

104 A SELECTION FROM THE TUNG SHU BY CHOU TZU

(Change or Flux), aays, * It is still and without movement.’ " ( ¥i Ching, Imp. ed., bk.
xiv, £13; Sacred Books of the East, vol. xvi, p.370). Although the principle of reality
in its operation comprises both movement and rest, its essential substance is without
activity (# Fl -A: 4+, bk. ii, f. 13), Ch'in Pei-hsi illustrates thus: The ordinary
man is like a traveller who needa to keep his eyes on the track in order to walk in the
centre. The Saint is like the man who docs not need to use his eyes in this way, but
naturally strikes the middle of the road (f= FH Fc, bk. ii, m. 11-12}.

* Cha Hai adds (in the fp jf): ‘‘ Realizing how easy of performance Truth is
in itself, we shall be resolute in the practice of it ; realizing how difficult it may become
we shall be steadfast in our firmness of purpose. With such resolutences and
firmness what difficulty can there be?" (#4 BE HH ae, bk. i, f. 20),

SOME REMARKS ON INDIAN MUSIC
By 5. G. KANHERE

1S) Rake is the natural expression of man’s feelings. It expresses the

I sublime and beautiful inherent in man. It comes spontaneously
to all persons in all conditions at all times and in all countries. “ The
very fact of musical utterance,” says Sir Hubert Parry, ~ implies a
genuine expansion of the nature of the human being and is ina varying
degree a trustworthy revelation of the particular likings, tastes, and
sensibilities of the being that gives vent to it.”

. + a .

Music has been in great favour with the Hindus from the earliest
times. Even the Vedas (the Hindu scriptures) treat of this divine art.
The enormous extent to which the Hindus have cultivated this science
is proved by their attainment in it. But, unfortunately, the master-
piece on this “science and art combined”, the Gandharva Veda, is
lost, and references to it in Sanskrit literature alone remain to point
to the essential principles on which the Hindu science of music was
baged,

~ . . .

In India, like all other sciences and arta, music was developed to
the full seven notes, even to half and quarter notes, ages ago. India
led in music, instrumental and vocal, as well as in dancing and in
drama.

Many Westerners labour under the idea that Indian music is nothing ~
but mere noise. That there is no rhyme, no rhythm, and no harmony
in it. But if they experience a little, if they have patience and if they
lend a sympathetic ear, they will find that there is rhyme, there is
harmony, and that it is a highly developed and systematized art.

a * * *

There are several books written on Indian music. The oldest authors
of the existing books are Nirad, Bharat, Hanuman. These sages have
built the system on the scanty material they found in the Gandharva
Veda, which is lost. The Nityashistra of Bharata belongs to the fifth
century A.D., the Sangit Ratnikar of Sarangadeva belongs to the
thirteenth, while Sangit Parijata of Ahobal Pandit is as recent as
belonging to the eighteenth century. Quite recently there have been
several books by Indians and by Europeans in English ‘ena Sik
vernacular languages.

106 . 3. G. KANHERE—

There are two principal ystems or schools of music in India. One,
the Dravidian or Karnatic system, and the other, called Hindusthani
school. The first is confined to the south and east, while the latter to
the north and west of India. The Karnatic is quite pure and unaffected
by any foreign influence, the Hindusthanj school has gone through
many phases. It is chiefly dominated by Persian music, which had
been introduced into the land by Mohammadans. As a result of that
influence its original purity is lost to a certain extent, yet in the style of
songs (compositions) known as Dhrupad, Dhamfr, Prabandha, etc.,
one may still find the pure Aryan (Hindu) style. The Karnatic system
is based upon Hanumiin school, the Hindusthani upon that of the
Bharatmata. The two systems differ in some points, i.e. in scales, in
parent scales, in names of the Rigas, in distribution of Shruti
intervals ; both are trying, however, to accept what is good from each
other. The Karnatic system pays much attention to the strictness
of time-measures, while the Hindusthani is keen on melody, This
article is concerned with the Hindusthanj system as it stands at the
present time.

* . * *

The Sanskrit term for music is “ sangit “, which isa collective term,
embracing three arts—vocal musi¢, instrumental music, and dancing,
Vocal music, being the chief among the three arts, commands the title.

There are seven primary notes. Shadja, Rishabha, Gandhira,
Madhyama, Panchama, Dhaivata, Nishida. The abbreviations of
these seven notes used for sol-faing purposes, are “ sil, Ti, ga, ma,
pa, dha, ni”.

The group of these seven notes is called Saptaka (octave), The
human voice being capable of singing in three octaves, the three
saplakas are named mandra (lower) - madhya (middle), and Tar
(higher). Every Indian instrument can produce these three octaves
easily,

These notes are equivalent to :—

c ad e f zg A h
eto pee et A the

Out of these seven notes the sa (c) and pa (g) are shuddha
or Achala (immovable); that is they are neither sha
flattened. The rest of the five notes, ri, ga, ma, dha, nj
can be modified, flat or sharp. The ma (f) becomes sharp

(pure)
rpened nor
(d, e, f, a, b),
when modified,

SOME REMARKS ON INDIAN MUSIC 107

while ri, ga, dha, ni (d, e, a, b) become flat. The shuddha (pure) scale
is the same as the European major ecale from s4 to sa (c to c).

There are partial tones called shruties between these notes. The
subject of shruties is complicated, and artists and scholars have
disputed over the number and distribution of these shruties. The
generally accepted number is twenty-two, and their distribution is :—

Ba ri fa 6=0oma po dha wm
c d e f g ak b
4 3 2 4 + 3 2

The measurement of these shrufies is that two shruties make a
just semi-tone, three a minor-tone, and four shrufies make a major tone,

There are three (frdmas (collection of notes) with seven Murchhands
(string of notes) each, and jdtis (mode). The idea about the Grdma,
murchhand, and jdti belong to the past. The present system has
discarded these distinctive features of the art. In olden times the
Grima showed a group of notes, the Murchhand gave the lowest note
of the string chosen from the Grdma, and the Jdti gave a character to it
(mode),

The present method had been practised several centuries. It has
been evolved out of the confusing mass of Grdma, Murchhand, ete.
The line of demarcation between the present system and the past lies
in the Shadja tuning, which has superseded its rival the Dhaivat
tuning. It requires no acquaintance of shrudies, or their distribution.
It requires the correct knowledge of the order of majorand minor tones
in every scale. The shadja or sd (c) is the basic note ; the starting point
of all scales, and all other notes rise relatively in proportion.

The Gramas were three in number. Shadja grama, Madhyama
grima, and Gandhira grama. The Gandhara grima is sung only in
heaven, the sa and ma griimas are sung on earth. The difference of
shruti intervals make the difference of grima. The intervals of sa-

prima are :—
Sih ri pa ma pa dha ni
4 3 2 4 4 3 2
c d e f g a b

Now, if pa (g) 1s lowered by one shruti and dha (a) is raised by one,
that makes Madhyama-grima. The intervals of Madhyama-grima
are :—

ma pa dha ni sa ri ga

108 5. G. KANHERE—

This Madhyama Grima in shadja grama equivalents will be :--—
Sa ri ga mua pa dha ni
Der lone? Alaa 42 2318 2
cd e f 4 a b

In adjusting the notes of the Madhyama Grima, the pa (g) is to be
lowered by one shruti: the interval between ma (f) and pa (g) is of
four shruties. This is a major tone and quite a wide interval. The
lowering of pa by one shruti gives the measurement of one shruti,
therefore this is called the Pramina-shruti,

Both Shadja Grima and Madhyama Grima have seven notes, but
the intervals are different, To compose a melody in either Grima a
certain range must be selected out of the string of notes. This act was
known as the choice of Murchhana. The Murchhand was a scale,
distinguished by its lowest note. Each Grima having seven notes to
the octave, each had seven Murchhanis,

The use of these Grimas and Murchhands shows that there was no
system of drone, At present they have the drone of sa (c) and pa (g),
or of sa (c) and ma (f), and all scales are made to start from sa (c). It
is an easy method of making so many scales of different. varieties,
It saves the trouble of finding out the Grama, then the Murchhana
and then the Jiti.

* * * * *

Many Indian instruments of Vina-type are having frets to them.
Those which require no shifting of the frets are ealled Achala
(immovable). But some have fewer frets which are shifted and adjusted
according to the requirement of the Raga. Instruments of this kind are
called chala (with frets movable). The frets are fixed, as a rule, in this
way. The open wire on which the melody is played is tuned to the pitch
of perfect fourth ma (f). The open wire gives the shudda ma. The first
fret gives the ma (f) sharp, The second frot pa. The third and fourth
dha flat and shuddha; the fifth and sixth give ni flat and shuddha.
The seventh fret gives the sa (the tonic c) of the middle octaye. The
eighth gives ri shuddha and the ninth ga Shuddha. Ma (f}
shuddha and sharp have separate frets. The twelfth fret gives pa (gz).
Fret Nos. 13, 14, 15 represent dha, ni, and: si. This sa (c) is of
higher octave. Nos. 16, 17, 18 give the notes rl, ga, and ma of
the tar saptaka (higher octave). These frets of the chala instruments
are slipped up and down as required. To sharpen the note given
by a fret, the wire is pressed hard behind the fret, or js dragged
to one side to heighten the tension of it. Ap interval, however minute

SOME REMARKS ON INDIAN MUSIC 109
it may be, sharp or flat, can be produced on any fretted instrument.

Not only that, but sometimes the artist can produce a note, two or
three notes higher than particular fret should give. Thus, by dragging
the wire on sa fret, he can produce ri or ga or even ma (f). This action,
mend as it is called, gives another charm to the music in that it glides
from one note to another without a break. The effect of this is graceful,

Instruments played with the bow, generally have no frets. The
fingering of these instruments 1s absolutely guess work. By stopping
the wire, as on the violin, they produce a tone, however minute.

The instruments of Sandi (e.g. oboe or flute) type. have no con-
venience of this kind. The degree of sound is got by blowing it
hard or soft.

* * * + «

The notes separated by thirteen or nine shruties are said to be
consonant notes. This amounts to saying that sa and pa (ec, g), ri and
dha (d, a), and ga and ni (e, b), are in consonance with each other. The
ma (f) is a perfect fourth, and is in consonance with sa (c) in downward
series.

The Sveras (notes) are divided again into four varieties. The first
18 called Vidi, the speaking or prominent note. The second is called
samddi, or the consonant note with the Vddi, These two notes have
the interval of nine and thirteen shruties between them. Notes between
which the interval is of two shruties are called Virddi (conflicting or
discordant), and the rest are called Anwrdidi or assonant with the Vaddj.

a c a | *

The most distinguishing feature of Indian music is the system of
Raga. The word Raga is derived from the Sanskrit root Ran), to colour.
In the language of music the arrangement of notes which colour or
affect certain emotion of the mind 1s called Raga. The definition of
Raga given in Sanskrit books is “that a particular combination or
relation of several notes which is pleasing to the ear is called Riga”.
Many conflicting explanations of Raga given by different scholars
converge to the same centre, i.e. the pleasant effect of the arrangement
of notes. Here we may argue that an arrangement of notes which is
pleasant to one person may not be so to the other, But the writers
on the subject have devoted their powers and able pens to the
popularizing of the most difficult and complicated theory of music
and have built up a most elaborate and ingenious system.

,
‘oe

110 5. G. KANHERE—

We have a fanciful list of Ragaz and Raginies, and their large and
ever-increasing family.

These Ragas are sung at definite times and hours of the day or
night. Some are sung in particular seasons. Some have received their
names from the name of the country, such as Kalingdé, Multani. Some
are named after their inventor's names, such as “ Miyaka Malhir”, ete,

Leaving aside the innumerable local Rigas, if we take only those
which are in practice at the present time, and recognized all over the
country, they will number about two hundred or so.

It will be a hard and tremendous task to remember every scale
which separates one Raga from the other, The Arrangeinent of notes
which gives a Riga its character is called Thit, or the array of notes
If we take about ten scales (although miny more can be formed)
and treating them as parent scales, they will cover all the Ragas in
practice. The classification under different: scales is a matter of con-
venience for the student of Indian Ragas, and it is not based on any
natural musical laws, nor has any ancient authority to support
it. One scale will serve as a parent scale from which many Rigas
can claim their origin. And this is the origin of the mythology which
gives the census of so many thousands of Rigas and their wives and
sons and daughters. I need not repeat here that these scales were
built in olden times on the Gramas and Jaties. The ten typical parent
scales are :—- |

1 1, Bilaval ; a, Kalyiin ; 3, Khamij ; 4, Bahiray : 5, Purvi .
6, Marva; 7, Bahiravi; 8, Asivari: 9, Kafi: 10. Tod;

Bilival, the first scale, is formed by :—

5A ri fa = ma pa dha nj
g b

c d @ f fh
All notes shuddhu (natural).

The Kalyan seale requires only sharpening of ma (f).

a 9 ga =a pa (dha oni gg

c d & ff rs i b ec
When the ni (b) the sixth note, lowered by a semi-tone. it makes
the third scale, the Khamdj, ata

5a ri Ba mb pa dha pj si

c d e f g a bb c

' This classification and the detailed description of ihp two Bécas ie ent
Mr. V. N. Bhatkhande’s book entitled “ Hindusthani Sangit Buda from

o &

SOME REMARKS ON INDIAN MUSIC IT]

The Bahiray scale requires ri and dha (d and a) flat.
a | ga 06CUd ma—iéisCi‘éiédRS=OCOCk]SCs Bt
c db e f g ab b c
Adding sharp ma (f) to the Bahiray scale will make the scale of
Purvi, the fifth scale.
a ga ° = =«6ma pa dha mi 4a
c dpb e f¥ gf ab b c
The scale of Marva has ri (d) flat and pa (g) silent.
ary rl ga ma dha ni Sa
c db e if a b c
The seventh scale of Bahiravi has all notes flat, the s4 and pa
(¢ and g) are unchangeable of course,
ae #1 ga ma pa dha nmi sa
c dp eb f g aay bh «
On the pianoforte if the scale from e to e played, using only the
* white keys, will make the scale of Bahiravi.
The eighth scale Asivari, has the ri shuddha (d), the rest of the
notes are those of Bahiravi.
a ga ma pa dha ni #4
c d eb f g ab bb c
Altering the dha (a) from flat to shuddha in the AsAvari scale, makes
the scale of Kafi.
fa tiérd ma pa dha nia
c d eb f i ih bb c
The tenth scale is a typical scale of Todi. It is very hard to sing, as
it has peculiar intervals. It is formed with ri, ga, dha (d, e, a)
flat, ma (f) sharp, and ni (b) shuddha.
sib ri fa 8 =6ma pa dha oni sa
c db- eb f¥ g ay b c
These are the ten parent scales. Several Rigas are derived fromeach
of these. The derived Ragas must differ in some respects from their
parent scale, as well as among themselves, otherwise they cannot be
distinguished from one another. But there is a musical affinity between
the parent scale and those coming under that scale.
Under the Bilival scale come Ragas like Bihig, Kakubh, Durga.
Ragas like Hamir, Kedar, Kamoda, Shyima, Chhiyanat, and
others come under the scale of Kalyan.
Under the Khamaéj scale come the popular Ragas like Zinjoti,
Tilang, Tilaka-Kamoda, Jayjayvanti.

112 5. GG, KANHERE—

Bahirav scale takes under it Ragas like Kalingdi, Jogi, Rimkali,
Bibhas, Lalit, Gunakri, ete. The Purvi scale offers its scale to the
Ragas like Shree, Jetashree, Gauri, Puriyé-dhanashree, etc, The Marva
scale covers Rigas Hindél, Puriyé, Panchama, Gaud Pancham.

The Bahiravi scale is used for playing Ragas like Malkos, Jangli,
Dhandshree, etc,

The Asivari scale is a very popular scale. It has Rigas under it,
Jivanpuri, Gandhari, Deshi, ete. The Kafi scale covers Rigas Suha,
Bhimpalis, Saranga, and the like.

The Todi scale is difficult to sing, and the Rigas under it are of the
same character. They are Gujari, Multdni, ete.

+ * * a *
| The following method will show how different Ragas spring up from
the parent scale,

The seale of Bilaval is :—

Sih ri ga ma pa dha ni sa ni dha pa ma ga
c dl e f gn b e« b a z £ ‘es
Omitting the ma (f) in ascendance will make -—
Alliya Bilaval

sa m ga pa dha ni sa ni dha pa ma ga ri ga

SURG epeas a) bets Baog SE 4g) gon

Dropping ma and ni (f and b) both in ascend and descend wil]
make :—

ri
d

Deshkar
sa ri ga pa dha sa dha pa pga fri sa
OOO Be meme oh die fe
Omitting ri and dha (d and a) in ascend will make -—
ss ga ma pa nmi sa ni dha pa ma ga ri sa
Peer: 8. aie OSb eral ge Feu e Sa
I shall give, for example, a Raga or two in full Raga Bihig
comes under Bilival scale. |
The scale of Bildval is the shuddha scale, It is this :-—
rl ga ma pa dha ni ga
NS ED ae Fae eles
The seale of Bihag is the same as Bilaval, but it js pentatonic in
ascendance, and with all notes in descendance, The ti and dha are
omitted in upward course. The scale will be -— ts
OPO ete RS Oba gs

a
c

Tl
d

Sih
¢

SOME REMARKS ON INDIAN MUSIC 11d

This Bihag is a night-sung Rig, and every artist knows it. The
Vadi note is ga (e) and Samvadi is ni (b). ~The Vadi note is the most
frequented note in the melody. Although all notes are employed in
the downward course, however, the ri and dha (d, a) are very weak.
These two notes, if not used exactly as they should be, the Bihag will
lapse into Bilaval, ite parent-scale, Thesingers, while descending, sa mi,
dha pa, ma ga, ma pa ma ga, ri sa (c b, a g, fe, f g fe, c) linger a little
on notes ni (b) and ga (e) and soften the effect of or weaken dha (a) and

ri (d). Bihag has its individual character, and it is not difficult to
distinguish it from the other Rigas of like character. The characteristic
phrase of Bihig is “ga ma pa (e fg), ma ga(fe),risa(de)". This very
phrase may be used in many other Rigas, but in “ma ga (f e), ri sa
(dc), the ga (e) will never tolerate itself to be a halting point except in
Bihig. The absolute omission of dha and ri (a and d) in the descending
series of Bihag, will allow many shades of many other Ragas to
intrude.

* Sa ni (c b), pa sa ni (g ¢ b), pa (g) ga pa ga (e ge), ea (c),”’ is the life
and soul phrase of a famous Raga shankerd, while “pa ga (ge), pa ga
(z e), sa (c),” 1s common in both shankard and mdlashree, There are
many other devices to separate these two Rigas from Bihig. But
being Hepta-tonic in descendance, the Bihag should be expressed by
its own figure. The frequent phrase which characterizes Bihag is
“ga ma pa (e f g), ma ga (fe), risa (dc)”. Shankard, with no ma (f)
in it at all, and mdélashree, with sharp ma (f%) in it, will separate them-
selves from Bihiig.

The Aroha (ascend) and Avaroha (descend) of Bihag are very simple
and easy. They should be sung “ ni (b) sa (c), ga ma pa (e f g), ni ea
(be) ”. The ni (b) being the Vadi note, should be used very frequently.
And the use of ni (b) is remarkable, and worth studying. It isa charming
place when the singer makes a halt on the ni (b). “ Ma ga (fe), sa ni
(c b), pa ni (g b), sa (e).”” “Sa ni (e b), pa (g), ni sa (bc) ni pa (b g),
ga ma pa (e fg), ga ma ga (e fe), risa mi (dc b).” Repeated practice
of this phrase is essential if one is to sing Bihig successfully, The time
allotted to sing Bihag is the second watch of the night.

Many artists employ sharp ma (f) in Bihig. The sharp ma (f) does
not become a destructive element in the night-sung Ragas ; especially
in those which take ga and ni (e b) shudda. The sharp ma (f) does not
become antagonistic if used properly as a discordant note.

Another example may be given of Raga Paraj, which is under
Purvi scale.

VOL, IV. PART I. a

|
Bas ait a dity

i ry
ae ee

| é
Pe tal

1) a * =
P.

4% =
i to
.
i
os » @

114 Ss. G. KANHERE—

The scale of Purvi is -—
SA Ti ga ma pa dha ni sa
c dp « fF gw ab b c

The scale of Paraj is exactly the same. The principal difference
between Paraj and Purvi is that the latter is manifest in the lower tetra-
chord, while the former is in the higher. Paraj reveals itself in its
descending movement, The Aroha and Avaroha (ascend and descend)
are regular. Some artists prefer to pass over the ri (d) in ascend, The
higher tonic rules supreme in Paraj and therefore it stands as a Vadi in
the Raga. Paraj requires a tact in singing it. Itshould be sung after the
Purvi style. The frequent phrases of Paraj are “ ni, sa rinisa (bedh c),
ni dha pa (b ap g), ma pa (f¥ 8), dha pa (ab g), ga ma ga (e f¥ e)”,
Care must be taken that not a single note in the descending course
should be slurred, Paraj is very similar to Vasanta, A tiny phrase,
“ Pa dha ni (g ab b), dha ni sa (a> be), ni dha pa (b ab g),” will establish
the character of Paraj. This Raga is not of an imposing character, and
therefore it should not be sung slowly. If onestopsa little on the higher
tonic and then sweeps the notes “in dha pa (bab g)”’, this action will
reveal Paraj at once. The ascending series of Paraj is “ ni sa ga ga
(bee e), ma dha ni sa (f ab b e), sa ri ni sa (cd be)”, and “ pi ri ga
ri sa (b dedc), sa ri ni sa ni dha pa (ed be bag)”. Some artists use
ma shuddha (f) very ingeniously. Great singers intentionally show the
pa (g) with special emphasis in the ascend of Paraj. But it is not very
easy. The figure “ ma dha ni sa (fab ¢) ,18common to both Para yj and
Vasanta, But it can be substituted by “ ma dha sa (fac), or ma dha
risa (fa dc) in Vasanta. In Paraj the “ma dha ni sa" (La bc) is
so swift that the listener can hardly think of Vasanta.

Having no imposing character, this Riga has all songs of frivolous
character. If sung slowly, or slurred in the downward course, Paraj
will tend proportionately to Vasanta. Great artists do not sing
this Raga unless they are asked to do so, The lower octave is scarcely
entered in Paraj.

The Raga is extremely popular, and very easy to sing. It is sung
just after midnight. It is a kind of junction Raga, All Ragas that are
sung after Paraj take shuddha ma (f), until the T
the field. Todi is sung in the morning.

* * = * Ps

Ragas can be divided in four groups, Sam
employing all notes of the octave - Shadava,
six notes; Audava or Penta-tonic, of only fi

cli Raga comes to

purha or Hepta-tonic,
or Hexa-tonie, employing
ve notes: anid Sankirna,

SOME REMARKS ON INDIAN MUSIC 115

or mixed, sometimes called Asampurna (imperfect), i.e. some notes
may be omitted either in ascent or descent.
a . = # =

The scales of different Rigas given above are not strictly correct,
but only the nearest approach. They are not stated in their exact
intonation. For instance, the ri flat (dp) given forthe Raga Bahiravseale
is flatter and should be called Atikomal ri. The ni (b) of Bihig is
stated to be shuddha, but it is, in fact, sharpened to a point midway
between shuddha ni and sa. The sharp ma (f) of Todi and that of Paraj
are not the same. The ni (d) of Deshakar, and that of Bhup are not of
the same piteh, although both are said to be shuddha. But this is the
question of intonation. By no means the equal temperament will suit
Indian music. Able writers, like Mr. Clements and Mr. Fox-Strangways,
have written valuable works and the reader should refer to them in
this connexion.

x a * x *

It will be noticed from the list of the Rigas above that each group
reveals a distinct characteristic and we can see the musical affinity
which brings the Ragas in each group together. This classification is
based, of course, on practical theory rather than on any ancient

authority.
* = * # a

The songs are composed in several different styles. The principal
varieties are Khyal, Tappa. Dhrupad, Dhamir. Trivat, Tillind,
Gazel, Hori, Thumari, Chataranga, etc.

Khyal style is very popular, and one that affords an extensive
field to the artist to improvise numberless figures and graces of the
Raga he is singing. The original song is short and will be sung in five
or seven minutes.

Tappa is like Khyal, but its movement is not so manly as of
Khyal. It is sung with many small figures.

Dhrupad is a type of composition most vigorous. It is sung in the
metres (Til) like Chautal, Dhamar, Surfak, ete. This must be sung
with great strength and sustained breath. They have a saying that a
man with a strength of a lion can sing Dhrupad. The Dhrupad style
gives a great scope to the drummer to show his art.

Dhamir—a composition of Dhrupad type, but the metre is
necessarily Dhamir. Perhaps the name of the metre is given to the
song. The rhythm metre is very difficult and complicated. The rest of
the styles are not very important, but they are sung for the
momentary effect.

Be enabler ae Ba a
: —=3 ae = , "oe <7; «4 = 7
- y -- : w ah al i — 7 _ . i ’ E 7
116 5. gd. KANHERE—

Every song has two sections. The first section is called Astai, and
the second the Antara. Traditional Dhrupad has three or four sections -
they are called Astai, Antari, Abhoga, and Sanchari. Every section
occupies a different part of the octave. But all come to join the Astii,

The Hori, Chatarang, have many sections. But the sections of
Hori all have the same tune, except the first.

IV
ORNAMENT OR GRACE

Indian music is full of ornaments which are essential to a system
which is based entirely on melodic principle. These ornaments are
several in number. The text books give a long list of them. of which
the principal ones are as follows :—

Aldpana or A ldp.—This is a kind of prelude to the song. The singer,
before he starts his actual song, sings some free airs without time
measure; these free airs are only improvisations practised on the
Raga he is going to sing. In this action some meaningless syllables are
employed, such as ta, na, de, re, na, a, la, etc. These snatches ‘are
quite extemporized, still they must be or are in strict accord with the
Raga. These free snatches prepare the audience to listen te the Riga
in which the song is composed,

fdna.—This 13 a most favourite ornament, and it shows the skill
and training of the artist. The word Tiina is derived from the Sanskrit
root Tan, to stretch, or to extend. A long string of notes, of varying
degree, ascending and descending, is sung to any vowel 4 or i which
happens to be the ending vowel of a word in the song. The time
is marked by the drummer. This and other Ornaments start after
the whole song has been once gone through. Small Tanas, composed
of three or four notes, often find their place in the original song.
But the elaborate structure is built up after it is sing once. The song
is merely a skeleton, and the artist is free to decorate it with as 7
ornaments as he can. And therein lies his skill,

Jampamd, Murki, Gitakadi, Ghasit, éle.—These praces mostly belon g
to instrumental music,

Jamjamd is a kind of trill. Two successive hotes such as ri sq
(dc), ma ga (fe), pa ma (g f), are repeated as often as the melody-wire
permits. ‘

Murki and Gitakadi are practically of the same character, Ay;
is a figure of three notes (successive) played very quickly, and Gitakadi
with four notes.

many

= r z ~ a

a <= = a

el eT ag ae
—— a

ers
: ye) “= ee
- — a ee. i
_ « “Fhe asi bes ’ a =
: A ey = ye o— PP ae
‘ _ r ( e% ; >

- . .
a_- - =

SOME REMARKS ON INDIAN MUSIC lif

Ghasit.—After striking a wire at a certain fret, the wire is gradually
stretched, and then the finger is suddenly moved along the wire to
another fret.

Gamak.—A note is struck on a certain fret and a glide is made to
the next higher note of the scale by stretching the wire gradually.

. + * * *

yY
Taua (THe Time-Measure)

What metre is to the poetry, Tila isto music, Tila is the strength
giving perfect balance to the melody. To indicate the time-measure
clapping and certain motions of the hands are employed. There are
three degrees of speed in Indian music, Vilambita (slow), Madhya
(middle, or moderate), and Druta (quick). Whatever the speed is
each vara (measure) consists of a fixed number of units of duration,
called matra (unit). The time is measured in this way :

Kuropean equivalent.

Anudruta 4} mitra (unit) - Semi-quaver.
Druta ee . . quaver,
Laghu te ee heme : . cerotchet.

Pluta oF) Pyke : . minim and crotchet.
Kakapada 4 ., . . semi-breve,

Each Avarla (measure or bar) has certain definite Vibhigas (parts).
One of these Vibhagas takes principal beat, the others take secondary
beat, and some no beat at all. The Vibhiga with no beat is called Kila
or AAdli (empty). Principal beat is called Sam (strong accent), and
other beats are called simply Tilas. The Sam must always be on the
Tala (beat) and not on Kala. The measuring of the number of matris
ineach Vibhiga and in each Avarta is peculiar. Each Vibhiga (part)
of the Avarta (measure) is indicated by the clapping of the hands and
the rest of the mitris of the same Vibhiga are recorded by touching
the left hand with a finger of the right hand for each matra. The Kala
or AAdli (empty) is shown by throwing both hands in the air or clapping
the back of the right hand on the left. An example may be given to
illustrate this method.

The Tala called Tintal or Tita] with sixteen mitris, making an
Avarta which contains four Vibhagas.

OL ass ike ay | cea preg! eer

x xx x 0)

_ Ya _ wy ;
— ar cs = os
ee te i =
a alt Pe Ey 4 —

ani at ite =" ib. he : a; 2

d | ies. a aie 2. Pere , A Sat

ry a —

= = “| . i =

> wT

11s 5. G. KANHERE—

1-5-9 are the beats, which are shown by clapping both hands,
The 13 is an empty (Khali) beat, and is shown by throwing both hands
in the air, or by silence. The rest of the matriis are recorded by fingers.
No. 5 is the strong accent ; Nos. 1 and 9 are secondary or weak,

There are a number of time-patterns. The most popular of them
are as follows :—

Tintélor Trivat 1. ..5...9. . 113...
x xX x i)

Zampa A ee ae «as - 10) matras,
XxX X 0 x

Surfak bso eee soe g 1.» 3,
x 0 x = 0

Chautal ee ee nen eee" ee b Dn 12
ax 0.x 0.x =x

Dhamir penchant | aa 4
xX x x

Ad& chautl 1.3.5.7.9.11 213. ( Se
xx x 0O x O x ()

Deepchand!. Zumra when quick.

Aumrii BA vi ee eae - Sregee oo 2 ee ge eae 14
XX x O x

Tevra beso BE 7
XX x: x

Dadra ee ee: oe tj 2
xx x O

It will be noticed that Zampi and Surfak have the same number of
mitras in an Avarta, but the balance and rhythm is different.

Dhaméar, Ada chautaéla, and Zumri have the same number of
matras, but the accent is different, Deepchandi is the same Tila as
Zumra, but when the Zumarii is measured very quietly it is Deepehandi.

There is a popular Tal called Dhumdli which hag eight miatris.
Titala extremely quick will be Dhumdli. Another measure iz called
Ektal, which has 12 mitras, with three beats. This Tala is employed
in Khyil type songs.

The Khyil type songs are in the Tilas, either Tital, or

Dhrupad style songs are sung in the chautil, Surfak, Dhamiér, or
Ada chautil. |

Classical songs of Khyal or Tappa style do not require clapping of the
hands, The singer's whole attention is directed towards the elaboration

Zumra or

S0ME REMARKS ON INDIAN MUSIC 119

ofthe Raga. The style of the song is very slow, and the singer is guided
by the drummer, who gives warning of the strong, accented beat which
comes soon after AAdli beat. This Khali beat is most important for the
singer on his way to the sam (strong accent).

There are many more most intricate measures, such as Rudra Tal,
Brahma Tal, Matta Tal, etc. But they are not popular, and also are
not in constant use. Their Avartas are constructed with great
complexity. Thesongs in these elaborate Talas do not edmit of much
elaboration or embroidery.

fe * * * -
VI
DruMMENG

Drumming is an important factor in Indian murie. Druniming is
an art in itself. Also it is an accompaniment to the singer or the
instrument. Drums are of two kinds—one is called Mridanga, and the
other is Tabla. The latter 1s a modern form of the former. The Tabli
is In a pair with two separate heads, one positive and the other negative.
The left-hand strokes are nearly the same as the beats of the Tala,
and the right-hand strokes form the embroidery filling all gaps. To
effect this purpose the time-measures are uttered with certain technical
syllables called Bols. On the sam beat both hands are active, while on
the Ahdli beat the left hand is at rest. The drummer can show his skill
in momentary pauses the singer takes. In Dhrupad styled songs the
drummer has an extensive field to elaborate the time-measure in
exquisite fashion.

Following are the drum-phrases which are almost universal with
slight difference in syllables.

Drum phrase for Titala (mitra 16) :—
ni dhi dhi n& nai dhi dhi na na dhi dhi nf né ti ti na
x XX x i)

Chautal (matra 123) :—

Dhai dhi dhin ta kita dha dhin ta kita taka gai gina
XX 0 x 0 x x
4umpa (mitra 10) :—
Dhi gi dha ki ta ta gi ta ki ta
XX x () x

Dhamiir (matrai 14) :—

Ka dhi na dhi na dhi . ka dhi na ti na ta.

ax x *

Gat54

2 ee «ek EF

a>
An Pe
. s

b
Lay

P — ae ee he 3 a.
120) SOME REMARKS ON INDIAN MUSIC

These are original Bols (phrases) of time-measures, but they are
filled in picturesquely and enlarged in the course of playing. These
elaborations are called Parans, These Parans. some of them, are

traditionally handed down to the pupil by the teacher. Experts com-

pose them besides, according to their liking. The right head of the
Tabla gives the tonic note, while the left head should give the lower
pa (gz).

* * * /- a

A Specimen Inptaxn Metopy

Fag Bhu p.

Afa-ni (F.B.) silent, the rest slindda.

ACKDISH STORIES FROM MY COLLECTION

By Basire Nikirixe

A hl stories published in this issue of the Bulletin are from the same

stock as the tale of Suto and Tato given in Vol. III, Part I,
which I had the good fortune to publish with the most kind help of the
late Major E. B. Soane, whose premature death we have to deplore so
deeply. The Kurdish in which our stories are written may be termed
the Central dialect of the Northern group according to E. B. Soane’s
classification. The author, Molla Said Kazi of Kurdistan, was a learned
Kurd from Nahri, the capital of Shamsdinan. Indeed, we see in the
text some characteristics which can only be met with in the Northern
group, such as the plural in id, the termination rd, the preposition zhe
(from), which is only used in the Northern group and replaces la which
has the same value ip the Southern group ; and the preterite Aaba (he
was), which only extends as far south as Rawandiz, whose dialect
is decisively Southern, But on the other hand, there are some
peculiarities which lead one to think that this Shamsdinan dialect is
not a pure Northern group dialect, but may present a transition to
the Southern group. For example this dialect uses indifferently as
the genitive particle @ andi; it also makes indiscriminate ‘use
of the preposition zhe or la, These, of course, are only faint signs, but
one can hope that further careful investigations may furnish other
proofs. Anyhow, we must remember that Molla Said was born in the
Nahia of Girdi, i.e. the most southward part of this qaza.

Were I allowed to employ the Kurdish terminology I would say
that the texts of my collection belong to the “ Zhé baba” (or “ Guran ”
group), which is a nickname given by the “ Suran’, which are called
in their turn “ Korkore”’. This Kurdish ¢lassification runs as follows.
All the Kurds are divided in four groups: (1) Lur, (2) Kalhur (both
in the Kermanshah and Aoraman provinces), (5) Suran (from
Suleimaniye to Rawandiz, Ushnu, Saoudy Bulag), and (4) Guran (from
‘Agra and “Amadiya to Diarbekir, Bitlis, and Baiazid). The name
Zhé baba is to be explained by the frequent use of zhé (from) and zhi
(also), whereas the nickname “ Korkore’ would have its origin in the
frequency of the sounds k and r met with in the Suran group (/kidéiri’,
likwiya, véddrd).

}22 , BASILE NIKITINE—

As in the case of Suto and Tato, there is no need to stress the
value of these stories as giving us a vivid picture of the Kurdish
mentality. Both robbers Razgo and Suleiman are called “ méy
chak ™ (literally vir bonus ; are not Latin vir and Kurdish mép closely
related ?). How far is this Kurdish ideal from the Roman vir bonus
newint nocens wilam honestam vivens ! Still, the “Shaikh”
Suleiman who tries in his walk to molest no being, even an insect,
reminds one of the Buddhist monks who take somewhat similar
precautions, as I am told by Professor Gawronski. In the Russian
“anecdotic” folklore we find also similar details in & somewhat
indecent context. I chose the story of Mir Hassan Bek of Hakkari
(cf. my “ Féodalité Kurde ”, RMM., vol, Ix) as a specimen of what is
considered as wisdom in Kurdish folklore. As to the subject
itself, the most fascinating article of M. 8. Stasiak (“ Le Cataka,”’
Rocenik Orjentalistycony, t. ii, 1919-24, Lwéw) shows how high may
be the interest of all details concerning the folkloric theme of birds
of good or bad omen, Some grammatical notes are given at the end,
Being no longer able to devote myself wholly to linguistic studies,
I hope my readers will be indulgent to this “ amateur "’ essay.

l. Mam Rezeo, rHe Young MAN AND THE Opp Oxy

Three or four years ago in the vicinity of Diarbekir there lived
an-outlaw and a worthy man, a robber called Rezgin, This js
what one day his servant told me about his master. On one Occasion
we went off to rob on the high road and took shelter in a gorge to
roast a lamb we had stolen. We were forty men with Mam Rezgo.
Mam Rezgo went up to a hillock, looking out on to the plain with his
glasses. All of a sudden he catches sight of a youth coming up the
plain, carrying a Martini rifle of a steel black, “ like the goat's eyes,”
on his shoulder, and wearing two cartridge belt’ with fifty cartridges
in each of them, one on his waist and the other across his breast, He
was wearing Diarbekir shoes, a “ pestek ! from Geri Moussi,* a coat
and trousers from Dehe, and a Mossul scarf and bands around his
head. He was holding his hand under his ear singing loudly as he
went, and the Shah would not be worthy to be his servant. Said
Mam Rezgo, “ Ye crowd of servants, this man is either very brave
or else a fool. Let one of you go and strip him of all his belongings,
For it is a custom with us to £0 out one by one while his companions

+ * Pestek,"' a felt sleeveless garment,
7 Name of a village renowned for jts ™ pesteks **.

KURDISH STORIES FROM MY COLLECTION 123

are looking on.” So one of the servants drew nearer to the
youth and shouted, “ Ho-lo-lo.” The other answered ‘‘ Ho-lo-lo”.
“ Lay down your rifle, your clothes on it, take off your shoes, your
“pestek ', garments, searf and bands, and get away whilst you are
safe.” The other only asked, * All right, shall I also take off my
shirt and drawers ¢” “ No,” was the answer, “ we leave them for your
sake.” All these things were brought and laid before Mam Rezgo.
Again he looked down the valley through his glasses. This time there
eame an old man, driving slowly a donkey, a torn “aba” about his
shoulders, armed only with a sword and a shield. On he went driving
his donkey—* Woosha, woosh ''"—before him. Mam Rezgo ordered
one of his men to go and strip this one too, The servant shouted to
the old man, “ Ho-lo-lo,” and the old man retorted “ Ho-lo-lo! Oh
you, red spider, viper's venom, what are you doing here like dogs ?”
“ Now then, hold your tongue. Hand over your donkey, your sword,
shield and aba, and be off; save your life.’ ‘‘ When did you bring
to me your she-dog of a mother that I should give you all this ?”
The servant loaded his rifle and took aim at Mam Kal, but the latter
did not wait and threw himself with his sword upon the servant,
giving him no time to fire. So he turned and fled. Mam Kal, taking
his beard into his mouth, was after him until in such manner they
reached our gorge. The servant came among us. Mam Kal went on
to the hill. We intended to help our companion, but Mam Rezgo
would not allow us, and said “I do not accept. He said to the old
man, “Mam Kal, come and eat of our “kebab ".’ ‘I would not go
with the dogs en «a carrion.’"’ The servants said again to their
master, “Agha, let us attack him; he brought our dishonour.”
But Mam Rezgo aga'n did not accept, and shouted to the old
man, “ By the luck of Allah and his Prophets, come here.” Then
the other answered, “I am just coming; it shall not be said that I
did not dare.” He approached with drawn sword and crouched down
on his knees facing Mam Rezgo: “ What is it you want from me; I
am in a great hurry to goon my road.” “ First partake of the kebab,
then [ will tell you.”

He began eating the kebab, and when he had eaten of the kebab
Mam Rezgo gave him some of the things that had been taken from the
young coward, and added a dagger as a present from himself, saying
in the meantime, “Go in peace, you are welcome (Ii/,: * You came
upon our eyes '), may these things be of use to you, you are worthy
of them, be they blessed to vou.”

‘
rr | ate i

i, }

134 BASILE NIKITIXE—

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9 9 Sole lo Ss Ss e Sid-ostiuy
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oF 59 a9 pd oil So M1) G2 GLY (ss 9
HF) 3 9 09 Ns Sy ol. (S3\> Ss Ho dade SF iL
oy hy AS hes day SS) sk Ke

= =

Ss ngs “6 5K bs Yxe cls 5 deol, Ay a
Je x OSE 5 Gt 4 p> m5 Ss ah loz is oS
Sha lt O So" UT oy 5 G2 6,
Shear OI is SS, le 5G tainly 2)
SS ge cpl 69 tes ba Uy aie! Ob Se ae A
Fb 8 1 SO bty em cosy a, jek
359 Pl ye 3) J, en Ly 5b 5
ily 3° hes By ced no Boks, Gh 4s LE -
rl Fath 533 ace 2F of 32 OVE ies oS

on "EC 4 lyk A. 31 4, eee ob er! iS) ols

KURDISH STORIES FROM MY COLLECTION 135

Ag ee gh ota alls ols! ws cory
Sie Sy IK! dns ony C42 gto angle (guys
Mees Tne 5s bere pFale OT be Cailes ous
oS 55, gle Ss = 6S orgs 42939 ,» lls 72
Silgihs 5m 65 GS pe hy Gls eros ey
tx al wl ile So Hie hawiosds 33 2
less nats cles diy oF oS & sre re Fre “So
ale! oe 2 95 E> > KS 6 5S Soe. eS oa
as S)> | Ka And IS 4 dob 69 o¥ aly |
> Gp Ns ies dee SE ole IE) SE ple oS oul
2S 1 5 Gar ey geo 0 So pn EK
WU3> jo 5% G29 ane Ls) IE yl oe as
IE she de sh 9 She HE O9 S52 SK ji Le Ss ya
Fi let SA “hye ae Sd eo Ke ale
09 SS gle wis BSS, gl it J o3 ee p
Ld Ns tS» del L. § 5 la FUT.
op tso oat Zt Ee o3l oe b SoLoG
GAS 34 SE gl ons SITS, role Liss it ae

17 Sao “| | = a ; :

126 BASILE NIKITINE—

2ST eS) sh cml sb garry ws Cr+
on A Soh SN te N58 te hoe 5 SS eatig,
Be AK cord de we sth USGS &
GY Ce te Thy glhote ¢ cole 6

We) es (6) 7by eb 5 53412 PF oy ail. > al

4 gle as col Uy it wh ea REC 2 cgle |p
Halls cx jaw a bY 2 9a lear cy dhe

2. SHELKH SOLEYMAN
It is said that there lived once in the ashiret of Zibar1 a man
ih worthy person. His occupations were theft and robbery ‘He
carried out a big theft in Akra. and evidence being against him
the Government caught him. By some means or other es
succeeded in escaping out of prison and then decided, “I had best of
all reach Bagday*; there I shall settle near the tomb of Sheikh Abd-
ul-Kader Gilani? called * Markadi gawsi’ and Jead for a time cist
life. I will repent and thus acquire the respect of the people. | Thien
even if IT commit a big theft no one will suspect me.” He got =
put a dervish garment with a “ def” and “ keshkuyl ” on his shoalais
took the road for Bagdad, came to settlenearthe tomb of Abd-ul-Kad 2
known under the name “ Gawseye Bagday ’, took abode thee
prayed fervently day and night. He would never absent himself Frain
a corner in the mosque. The people coming to pilgrimage be a
consider him very much. When they asked him what his rae wa :
he would answer, “ I am the dervish Soleyman, slave of God.” | me
people objected, “‘ God preserve us, what are you saying , You :
a crown on the head of all us, you are a Sheikh Silivman. We at
you from time to time to honour us with your visit and let evecstica
see your high presence, master of perfection and blessing a as
1 Zibar, a Kaze of Mossul vilayet, on the Great Zab Ft.
® Kurdish for Bagdad.
2 Founder of the Qadirite order of dervishes, who dis

“tl : tees eri, a
thirteenth century. win the be EInning of (hry:

AE Aes + *~ 5 a ot wut 7 a, Soe
ae ae . ) * \ ;
KURDISH STORIES FROM MY COLLECTION 137

would answer, ‘ This sinful person is not worthy of that, and besides
there is another reason why I cannot go out.” “ Why ?” “ Because
there are s0 many ants (insects) crawling about on the roads. I am
afraid by God my feet may tread on these miserable beings, which
will die and I will be then more sinful.” The people venerated him still
more. They were saying, “ Such justice and conduct were not in
the time of Gawsi himself.” They told him, “ Would it be possi ble
if we carry you on our backs, you must honour our houses.’ “ No,
I can in no way accept to be carried on somebody's back, but for
your sake I will go out somehow, Bring to me two bells. I will sew
them on my shoes, their sound will carry, and the ants will save
themselves and my feet will not tread them.” The people said, ““ God
be praised, what a deep and detailed thought.” They believed in
him much more. Every day the rich men of Bagdad invited him and
he was feasted. He got much fame in the bazaar of Bagdad as
‘Sheikh Soleyman with the bells on his shoes”, His name was
widely known. He found many followers and companions, and when
he noticed that all the people believed in him and nobody had a
bad thought of him he told his rich admirers to build for him a
house outside the bazaar, “so that I may with some poor Dervishes
settle there and worship God, for inside the bazaar there is too
much noise and one’s soul gets confused and oneis not able to devote
oneself to pious thoughts.” All of them said, “On our heads
and on our eyes, every order His Highness the Sheikh may give, we
are ready to obey him with our lives and property.” A big house
was built for him and he settled there with some Dervishes of his
own choice. He found a way of winning over his pupils to his cause.
One day they came into the shrine, pretexting a pilgrimage, and
remained there for the night. They stayed there two days and dug
into the part of the wall where the treasure was kept and took away
for about one million of liras—money and precious stones. Afterwards
they returned home. Sheikh Soleyman and three cr four Dervishes
took a good quantity of precious stones and gold for themselves.
He told other Dervishes to take their share. “And what we cannot take
away go and hide underground in a far away place. After some years
in other garments and disguizes we will come and dig it out.”
He said then, “Now let us disperse, every one going to his
country ; otherwise, of coursé, we would be discovered and would
not escape from the hands of the Government.” They got up and
dispersed. Some days after the “ muteweli” the servants noticed

128 BASILE NIKITINE-—

the robbery and reported it to the Government, but it was
no use. Nobody knew where they were gone like the wolves.
Hach one went to a mountain, went to a cavern. Sheikh Soleyman
returned to his native village, repented, bought a lot of property
and cattle and became a rich man.

To these days some of his descendants still live in the village of
Perisse in Zibar. The name of the chief of this clan is Molla Hadji.
The Government has as yet no influence in Kurdistan. and nobody
would be able to take this property back from this clan. In times
gone by, when people used to say to Soleyman: It was a great
sin thou hast committed in robbing the Sheikh’s tomb, which
will strike thee (morally). He would answer, “Nay, it has been
a preat good I have done, the wealth is wanted for the living
and not for the dead. If this shrine be true (1e., the influence)
it would not worry about me, because it is through it that I gave up
robbery; if it be false, then it will not he able to influence in any
way. Thus I fear nothing.” Peace be to you.

Je x USS
ROW. 9552-695 glo .g She os ool. gun
NS 9-4. SEIT I oy» UTS 9 Sy
Sr 9 FOS SIL eS, 59) ey SS
GH MSs oem THOT STG. Kos
G4-E lan. (S\_>_c Eas + ) gS pas este
cde aly TV VS SE 533 TH
OF 039 colby SKE. G55. Ts La ys
iS. SS ola de A SI) 54 me ge OF Shas 5,

AC ade ee $29 53 4). Glan, £300 ®) oY ty

KURLISH STORIES FROM MY COLLECTION 129

“

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$99-3263 GLIA de Gabi dle SE
At ge (s2.39> get op Gb. Soa € 4 Sab Crue yd
arr lal 9 alll i piel, ne 93155 Seb GE
SE. fa Gs je pai lak at Sly ds
see Gh Le lass Olyb ok. 59 G0 6 oa $
fad Ole Cle bel Ing bess eS eh POS Ds
59 ISL) 6a LG oss 4. aa ee CNG
A> a Ss, 0 52> etl 48 (52 Sou. (S359 ne 99. 40
(GAS). da. ee eas:
Sa ols Ge os. 45 Kg Se 3
satel «63 G2 7 ots 3 | Ss. re AS ns Hs
4 95 65 Bs Gh 3 wer bail sl GF. 9 Na
La 35 Su 5 ox eh 4. Fu FN cab cs. a
Se EU BPS OR re de be any yt
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0999 09 9 V go 5 pos 62 Gad SUG 5 99 Ge
SEO IIe is ALS on oree coat
joj. F390 9 SS Sauce. ab he Sols

¥YOL. IV. PART 1.

130 BASILE NIKITINE—

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SN og. So SITS) clas Seb Sep Vets SO
Sieg Oe. SS et (Slaw (Sy. ib. S SI % S!>
WSs. JG; Ge Gee Gt 2 se 69 Gall
GAitnn MS LE 313 Sesles> . O TTay Gpnea. ye
ieee Liss vigl eV Le Seoul ans
plkaiaeesaa Us vs 9655 6339 5 Fo 3 Fl
Ares @ ele Gis) So ($94) nid Cuts 93 diay
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Nake = GFOP. CK 6 6 55 Sek eet
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HS S52 5969. Soe 69 Setsgys
a5 lei jh5 bom 45. 995. eM) Mal 55. lj
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LS amas » «Ls|
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G2 Nps ee 99455, GF Ke mY 5 93

KURDISH STORIES FROM MY COLLECTION 13]

SH a Xe ont ol Sor oo Ke 3,
SIE 4962 KN 4 dL ae sh, SS dhe yas
Pe Tk SoS. ww 9.92 4d! gh 9. ph 2.09
de ed goed 8 1, gs Ke y Se Oe ina!
ORs. oe | ANE ge Ke ge? 9 | I sth.cy LST
> — ied $ fe Lolo A> theo 9G. oy
scat Fob de Lal ge Kea Is et. Gul cd
ESET ei. Sele lets lS 55965 oF
mh gees] mee Where Sati, 96 BY al OL At
4 ob git atl So ie i Oo} S secd9> 9 6 5. 5N%3
ax Gib Stetes Led. abe eos lela st do 5 GAS
oan Meet ee 1555 Kee 4 ph os bib
deat. S12 S5 ld db os Lt OST 5 G Lee £7
Sheil chit ss Sule hie eS
63-4 Ke 6 69 Glan Soe SG 9 op SOL
Je kL SG eS 2oy Sat 4 0 H8 5)
ot Be ma ul, Sra lst. as e3¥ Obs. 405

s, LES S52) me Gp TT 3 \ erin Cae oS |
Some ‘eed Yas plale 2X PF) Spd mt 4992

132 BASILE NIKITINE—

3. Hassan Bex, Mir or Haxkkart, anp THE Goop News OF A
Spring Bren

In former years (the tribe of) Hakkari had a “ Mir”, who was
a Very Wise man and whose name was Hassan Bek. Kivery word of
his was either good advice or was as good as a proverb, One day in
winter time the people were talking in his presence about the good
and the bad and about who is a true friend, who is false. Friends
and servants were talking, one of them said “ This man 18 good ",
another objected, “ No, that one is good.” Mir listened and then said,
“ The one who first gives me good news of the bird, T shall give him
a reward which he will like.” Everyone decided that the Mir was
think'ng of the first bird announcing the coming of the spring. They
did not understand Mir’s object. Half of the month of Shawat passed
by. The starling arrived. A servant hurried to the Mir with the news
and said, “ Excellency Mir, I bring you good news, the starling has
come.’ But the other did not evenanswer him and made nosound, Some
thought, “The starling comes too early, the winter is far from
being spent when the starling appears. That is why Mir said nothing.”
They waited until the storks arrived, and again they hurried to the
Mir saying, “ Good news for Mir, the stork’s arrived.’ But still he
was silent. People guessed, “The stork comes also early, there js
much snow left, it is cold, spring has not come yet, that is why Mir
did not answer.’" They waited some days. About New Year's time all
said, “ It is time for the partridge to arrive. This is the beginning wf
the spring, if this time Mir is silent he must be wrong.”

One man went and told Mir, “ Good news, the partridge has
come, the spring has arrived, the winter is gone.” But Mir gave no
answer. People were astonished that Mir did not answer, The
cranes arrived, good news was given to Mir. He said nothing.
In short, many different birds that leave for warm lands in winter
time arrived, good news was given for each of them, but Mir
gave no answer. The great and honourable people cf Mir’s
assembly went to a placs, sat down to converse together. “Wa PP
not know the reason why Mir has broken his promise. There must
be something else. The Mir never broke his promise.” There was one
man named Mam Tal, a great joker. He cried, “ Cot up hamiea
magpie flying about, I'll go to Mir and tell him about it ; since he
ahve Bo Severe os the steing birds, then let me give him news abon:
a winter bird.” The others laughed and told him, ““ Mam Tal, you

KURDISH STORIES FROM MY COLLECTION 133

are a fool, how could you commit such an act. Mir will be angry ;
may it not be.” Mam Tal said, “ Anyhow, by God, even if my head
be cut off, I'll go and say it.” Soon he came to Mir and took his stand
near the door step of the “ Diwan-Khaneh ”, bowed his head, folded
his hands on his breast, as was the custom in those days, and
respectfully announced, “ Good news, Mir, our master, the magpie
has arrived.” Mir said, “ This is very good news indeed, you are
welcome ; this news proves your cleverness and understanding, Mam
Tal.” Mam Tal thought Mir was only joking, but no, Mir was not
joking but quite serious. He ordered his servant to give Mam Tal a
vest and a pair of trousers. These were brought and given to Mam Tal,
and Mir said to him, “ Be this reward blessed to you.” The people of
Medjlis were greatly amazed and said to Mir, Many nice and beautiful
spring birds have arrived, they were announced to you and never did
you reward anyone. Now you have given a reward for the magpie
that is always here and feeds on dirt and scratches about in the
rubbish heaps. We do not understand it, it is very peculiar.”
“ Certainly you cannot understand it, you would rather understand
the contrary.” They said, ‘“ What is the reason 2? We do not realize.”
“ Unless it is explained to you, you cannot understand the reason
of this. The spring birds fly about of their own free will, as long as
it is warm and pleasant here they stay; when it is winter time
and cold and dreary they fly away following their inclinations.
The dirty magpie is always with us, in good times and in adversity,
quite content with the rubbish heaps: a trustworthy friend, never
fearing the winter cold. It is our true friend, for in happiness and in
sorrow it always equally shares our lot, That is why I gave the reward
for the magpie.” All the people approved Mir’s saying with all their
heart.

(Sole Gx LT. » OWS Come Lak)
sal.» Jil 4 JU eh Je OI. Gx Gh
Sy LS! » jee if SI CS ry 2 & Cnn (G3
Ske fA x cbicss Liles. #dkuj So9p 202’ canis
Seg Dis Ghoess clatan3.9 a slbols ag lies

[34 RASILE NIKITINE—

Sa aie ke “556s SS. gis. 55S. ae

oS pb. pe yr sL. sles Tis. gs cape ge
* oi5 69 XS SE Ne s2'3, Sats ped hab LES 4
A Se repeats dS uF 99 65) Sac.
Pit bpm led Kotha G24 Soe. aie
edgy Che Soe Gels 9 lin boty cls
hee ee te 9 hy 55 lgaatccls ah 9%). nl ne
36S heey SS 5 oS Ww. 56 Ko las
Korte eel coeds beg a} cole AG ete
ble. "65 95-9 ob. KIT bg He SG
ole SI 09! oud oe g th hie ee Bees
9.295 CU GF FS bas lot ete Ls
Lana na hg) aisle 4 Lyre ty 09 gle. 9 i bet oss bile
ole Sisjay9 (g>3. ae ol 39) Ane. 1a wo) 5>

er re ee ern ee Sy Sa ere ae
BS 9S, cls S99 hin & Si 3 go, oS»
NAb hye ne bad. ge She oslo Cul cola Sain
CIS Wye de ues. 3S ant Ss
1 pb tie dee, OS te Lis. 4 wets

= = —— ti

——

KURDISH STORIES FROM MY COLLECTION 135

Si STI 9. Sle ge She Sues Sls
sha lial Sy poee9 vy ya's ba he et oe Lleol
| SS chee 933 Ss Sti cat ‘Sa ee
O53 4 p49 ea Re WF jocte Cw oh! 3
Gab ya A994. 4 AS ES Steg. ge ee SL a>. 4
eS? 3. esky “ols Soca selpossdc abst
te 9 59 S ple cle. MST, wh EF je. ne 4"
= wb LS Sle sl WINS Cle Gab
ee 9 db lead Tn Sew ga G9 & a gta
ple cant 09) oad Joe 85s 59 eS ge es bale ws
bolts. "3 po eo 62S S| oad. oss
Ble. 9% Ged seal, sles cops sl) ole JL ale
Maks Ube cee a. See
BS 50 8 ln. Fp hn KET ahh BS

2a. ots 15>. ist) AGS 9. os)

Dae Sle Foes IE, enw Lecek ss tir
Sot oe More ak rll 25> 6»
Jt Ele eae Fury:
Bl on a 66 dd. GI. G9 db ole ey

136 BASILE NIKITINE—

She caipbiotin | ja MiB 5 csloets Shes oie
ONES She 9 9.4 dle BS Ge LP 9 Tle geod «ek
7 de
ge wk: > OIE 69 96 Sigs eg OLE
AS arya GF. 8 i gp Kx S14 Se
AG "Sols dag Kea gk ail, oa. Oks 6

eh Gale co nb 4 oo) OH (Osa _
Ge ms a eee
in DR ceed bon Ves BOL So 8 lay | Slo Ie
Sl geo OF o 96 LiS 2 Ghar gs GL She; sly
golf od de SI 89 oe be tees ce 1. ATH
coe OSS geld hab 9 Sad. add) 4 Is ges
SE ST 4 slo bos ge ee Gy ae KE
-a_Kbs gt & ol Snys 55). oS,
Jay ae pt le or ee BOF gs th co Ga,

Nores

' Ide, young, youngster, may be compared with Iaek, child. Mdrd used here in the
sense of jwinmér, brave; cl. Persian Mdrdinigi. Mam, Persiqn ‘ ami.
call, af in Russian qa.

* nizikf!, a plural of nizit, near, considered here as a noun, neighbourhood: we
should say in French aur environs, We see the same in the case of lwédard, the ae:
having « plural form ld win dara, cf. Persian anja, anjaha,

familiar way to

‘ = Fe el ‘ae eee! OR yy te

ve. eo ae eS a 7:
4 *-\> v— a / —<_

~~ ~ 2 ‘4 - et

* . a

KURDISH STORIES FROM MY COLLECTION 137

* Oskar Mann (Die Mundart der Mukri-Kurden, Teil i, Berlin, 1906, p- xlix) says ;
“ Zum Ausdrucke dea unbestimmten Artikels wird das (unbetonte) Zahlwort -é£ als
Suffix den Nomen angefigt.”” Then wrweft = a man: mrecéli with an i giving an
idea of more indefiniteness? Or of o singular number? E. RB. Soane (Awrdish
Grammar, London, 1913, p. 8) says: “*. . . final e& and final 7 as distinctives for the
singular... mir, man; miri, wirek, one man, Thisform must not be confused with the
diminutive termination, and its use with it is very frequent... ; whenever it is desired
to form the singular of a diminutive noun the singular termination in zis used... :
the singular form of the diminutive gives also a certain indefiniteness to the statement.”
We have thus three ideas connected with the suffix ¢ and i: (1) singularity; (2)
indefiniteness ; (3) diminutiveness; the last one having also o sense of contempt.
Compare with Persian yak mértibid (H, Maseé, “ Contes en persan populaire,”’ J.A.,
t. covi, mn. 1, p. 81), un bonhomme,” which could he expressed martikdi, Anvhow,
absolute clearness does not exist on this point in the Kurdish grammar. Says 0. Mann
(op. cit., xlvii); “ Im Mukri finden sich, wie auch in den vorher bekannten Kurdiechen
Dialekten xum Teil, zwei bislang nicht richtig erkannte Suffixe zum Ausdrucke der
Determination sorie des unbestimmien Artibels am Substantivum.”

* This Aa6a is peculiar to the northern group of Kurdish dialects. Saye 0, Mann
(op. cit., Ixxxi): In der Bedeutung “* existieren " erscheint die auch im persiechen
Adatind aus dem Altpersischen erhaltene ah... Der Stamm ist... in daa Prateritum
tibertragen worden; Adhd“ es existierte, eg war einmal " (hiufig als Eingang von
Ereihlongen).

* digdtiné, they called him; he was called (of. Persian migoffdnddsh). The final
é= him, Says ©. Mann | op. cit., bei): “* Zur Erklirung des pron. pere. iii haben wir
von der suffigierten Form -/ auszugehen. Diese Form—eine Art Schibboleth Kurdischer
Dialekte in Persien gegendber dem reinpéersischen suffix -sh—acheint mir mit den
Avestaformen Aim, Aé uaw. in Verbindung gebracht werden zu miissen, wihrend daa
persische -sh auf die entsprechenden altpersischen Formen shim usw. zuriickgeht ;
wi reprisentiert eine aus dem altpersischen Genitiy Avahya cntstandene Form des
Demonstrativums, deren {sich vielleicht unterdem Einflusse des dancben echrauchten
i, des pron. auff., erhalten hat.” I always heard ¢in my dialect and not /, (Cf. O, Mann,
op. cit., xxviii, § 67 1" An verschiedeno Verba wird in allen Formen ein wir weerbldr-
liches @ angefiigt ... In Soujbubkiq wurde mir dieses # als ein Pron. suff, der 3 minngr.
erklirt."")

" bi bhé, his mastor.

* ch buind = rafti bidim. The suffixed d in bwind, as thought O. Mann (op. cit.,
Ixxvi), is indicating the movement (we have gono fo a robbery... );“ die im Sprechen
stete wie ein Enklitikon zur Verbalform pezogene Priposition d* nach" (aus altem

" abhi), sicho ZDMG., xlvii, p. 706) nach Verben, die eine" Bewegung ausdriicken.’”

Says E. B. Soane (Grammar, p. 90, prepositions): “ a, to, for. Often demanding a
final? to the noun. Ex.: Adtimd shart I came to town.”

* bi-mil-rd, a kind of locative (om the shoulder) not mentioned by E. B. Sonne
(op. cit., pp. 15, 16), who is giving for the N.C. di before the noun and da after it, which
would give us di-mil-dd. i

* To notice in this case that the second part of « locative form, I mean dd, is not
separated from the first tai (té). Taidd means inside (Soane, op. cit., p. 93): “.. .
generally used with the meaning of* at the bottom of '." May we compare it with the
Persian tah (dz thd dal) %

1? gilda diarbekré, shoe from Diarbekr. Soane (op: cit.. p. 15) says that this @ form
of the genitive ‘‘also very common in the N.G. even more so than the preceding
(fform).” Ex.: Aaspd Mutho Muhammad's horse.

" ldwehd, song, plur. lawshét; cf, Arab, lafs.

M4 duo dild kAdtra td bin = this let be for yourmke... Ain in plural, instead of
bit sing., being accorded with Larisa w darpéian,

138 KURDISH STORIES FROM MY COLLECTION

9 shurd mr, a pair of rhyming wordssuch as is met with also in both Persian and
Turkish, the second amplifying the meaning of the first, while without signification
itself (Soane, op. cit., p. 138, n. 6).

Cf. above, n. 2,

dina, after, behind; Soane (op. cit., p. 172) din, dima, O, Mann (op. cit.,
xli) speaks about the same long vowel i which he transcribes if, ox.: LAgén,
Persian Lada.

' hdwar, help, cry for help; Soane (op. cit., p. 216) gives it as a $.G. word.

17? nwérd, from wrin, to dare,

1 rifnall, cf. n. 15.

18 Gs bd-ldis-im; lez Lirtn, hasten (Soane, p. 215).

*° sh-nil-cho-rd, from himeelf (dz ndzdd khad); Soane (op. cit., p. 16) notices this
ablative as being particular to the Bitlis district of the N.G., as—bainin cherilttra,
bring from the country.

"| dw fishtand, these things ; to notice the termination a, which has to be compared
with the similar d in dw mrwrd, this man (twelfth line in the Kurdish text). O,. Mann
(op. cit., p. xlviii) thinks that’ Eine rweite Determinativ-Endung ist -d, die aber nur
einem bereits mit dem Demonstrativum verbundenen Nomen angefigt wird...
du pidwa, ‘ dieser Mann * (pidd).” Cf. n. 3 (the first“ Determinativ-Endung " is -dkd),
~ #9 wii for wd t = Persian in fowr. I do not think this wd is connected with the
difarmai (ef. O. Mann, p. Ixxiv, about “ein Prifix wa." having the sense of
reciprocity). |

= kar, desp, also bal S.J. ; Autir, fine (ef. n. 15).

4 pishk, part, from plahirin, separate }; scorpion, dapiahk.

o8 dé... ddmé, I will give him; ef. n. 5.

™ oifd mir, he snidto the Mir. Unlike the d (cf. n. 7, above) there is here no verh
indicating movement.

7 basi, from basin, to run.

cha jab nada, he gave no answer; negative sense of chd can be noticed also in
cha ding nakir, he gave no sound, remained silent ; chd jaran, never, ete,

"2 gala win, he told them, of. n. 26, See alsofurther hiddind wi, let us give him :
giind mim fal, they said to Mam Tal.

#9 hati nd Aéta bidn kirim, until it will not be explained. Passivum is formed by the
verb Adtin, to come, to become. Rhea, in his grammar, speaks about this form, ex.
hitin L-Ewahfin, to be killed. In our dialect we have not this ! affixed to the rerb,
Says 0. Mann (op. cit., p. xevi): “... Nun wird wie H. Schindler in einer An
angibt, in den persischen Dialekten hiufig das Verbum rdfiin in Sinne von shoddn,
und wie dmdddn im ilteren Neupersisch, auch zur Umschreibung passivischer
Auadrucksweise verwendet.” A resemblance can be noticed then between the use af
Adfin in our dialect and dmddda in early New Persian for the same purposes,

SOME NOTES ON THE PRONUNCIATION OF THE
KANURI LANGUAGE OF WEST AFRICA

By Ina C. Warn

[The phonetic symbols are those of the International Phonetic

Association, see Keriture Phonétigue, 1921. Tones ~ high level,

* falling, unmarked mid or low level.]

B* the courtesy of the Commissioner for the Nigerian Section of

the British Empire Exhibition at Wembley, I was able to make
the following notes on Kanuri, after about a dozen sittings with a
native of Kano, in 1924, and a few more in 1925. The native, whose
name 18 Arigana, spoke no English other than a few isolated words
such as yes, good morning, come, sit, etc. I knew no Kanuri at all, nor
Hausa, which he could also speak. Mr. Nicholson, who was in charge
of the natives in 1924, explained to Arigana what I wanted, and I
worked on the following plan. I had Kanuri Readings, by P. Askell
Benton, and Koelle’s Grammar of Kanuri. In the first of these books
several stories are written in a Roman script, with a word for word
and a free translation, a Kanuri-English and English-Kanuri
vocabulary, the latter a particularly full one. Between the summers of
1924 and 1925 I also used Noél’s Petit Manuel de Francais-Kanuri
and von Duisberg’s Kanwri-Sprache.

I began by picking out words from Benton’s Knglish-Kanuri
vocabulary, saying them as they are transliterated, but the sketchy and
often inaccurate accounts of Kanuri pronunciation in all the books
was of little value. Arigana repeated each word, and I imitated his
pronunciation, analysed it as well as I could, and wrote it down
phonetically, He was, fortunately for my purpose, not too easily
satisfied with my attempts at either the sounds or the intonation, In
this way, working from the vocabulary, it was possible to build up
sentences such as those given in the first section below. The second
section is a story taken from Benton's book, differing in a few
particulars from the original, because Arigana either did not under-
stand the words or would not have used the construction given in the
book. It is, of course, quite probable that some of the words may not
be correct as they stand. With no means of explanation between
us, it was not possible to discuss the meaning.

The difficulty of Kanuri pronunciation lies in a few consonants
which Europeans cannot make easily, some vowels of an obscure
quality, and the musical accent of the language. No mention is made

140 IDA C. WARD—

of tones or intonation in any of the books I used, but there is no doubt
of the existence of particular tones in the language. Kanuri, however,
does not seem to be like Yoruba and some other West African languages
in having a complete tonal system with many words differing in tone
only. But it has a decided musical accent, which may be found to have
definite rules. I also found several pairs of words which were
distinguished by tone alone.

si (mid-level tone) (he, she, it), and gi (foot).

kwolo, saucepan, and kwolo (both mid-level tones), little drum.
kili, insect, and kuli, thigh.

duno, thigh, and dimo, strength.

namnéskin, I break, and namnoskm, I sit down.

kamnoaskm, I cut, and kamndskm, I meet, catch.

boadgi, called, and bosdzi, part of the verb to lie down.
na:dalamba, here? and na:dalamba, not here.

In the vocabulary of No#l's book are given a number of pairs of
words spelt alike with no indication that the difference between them
is one of tone. Some of the above examples are taken from these, There
are many others which it was impossible for me to verify without an
interpreter, e.g. tei and tg& were recognized by Arigana as two
words (mana mdi), but which means formerly and which free, the
meanings given in Noél, I was unable to find out; and in the same way
tamneskm and tamnéskm were two verbs, the meaning of which
I could not discover. Many times I tried a word or phrase with different
“tunes ”, in order to test whether Arigana would accept more than one
kind of intonation, and he invariably refused all but one. He was, in
fact, much less particular about slight variations in vowel sound than
about “tune”. The time given to this work, however, was much too
short to allow of anything more than my recording as accurately as
I could the tones I heard in the sentences transcribed, No attempt at
classification or analysis was made.

Consonant Sounds.—The consonants recorded are: p, b, t, d, k.
g, &, ce, te, &, mn py, lr, dF, 0, 5, 2, 6, gh, w, j, There
is no doubt that further analysis would prove that several of
these consonant sounds, as well as the vowels, could be grouped
together as single phonemes, but it would require a very much longer
period of work and a large number of texts before such classification
could be made. 3

(a) Plosive ¢ metimes not exploded, e.g. tert,

SOME NOTES ON THE KANURI LANGUAGE OF WEST AFRICA 141

(quite). In some words Arigana would use b or vb, e.g. bibinémm or
bivinémm (you spoil). Such words are invariably written with b in
Benton. In the same way g and g were interchangeable, e.g.
ba:goa or ba:goa (not). kand g were occasionally palatalized. What is
written kaske (mine) I heard as kaske, chesdnki (he erected) as sazangqi.

(6) Nasal Consonants.—m, n, p, and y all occurred, and all but p
could be syllabic, e.g. satigin (to divide), gala (good), sinde (our feet).

(d) Rolled Consonant—r was fully rolled. It could be syllabic,
é.g. Frga:mi (claw), In the word duri, the r was slightly palatalized
and strongly labialized; the lips were rounded and the bottom lip
touched the top teeth.

(e) 1.—The sound represented by this symbol is by far the most
difficult in the language. It seems to be articulated by the tongue-
tip striking once against the teeth ridge, like a kind of one-tap r (I
could see the tip in a gap between the two front teeth), while at the
same time a little air escapes along the sides of the tongue. This gives
the impression of an l and r. If the lateral element was too strong,
however, i.e. if it sounded too much like 1, or if there was anything
like a rolled or fricative r, Arigana would not accept it. In all the books
this sound is represented by r or 1, and sometimes by both as if they
were alternative pronunciations, e.g. bali (to-morrow) is written by
Benton as bari and bali: while konduli (hair) is written as
kunduli, and korguli (lion) as kurguri. I found 1 in all these words.
It is not surprising that this sound has been taken for 1 or r, as the
acoustic effect is sometimes like the one and sometimes like the other,
to an English ear, but there is, I think, no doubt that lisa separate
phoneme of the language and not merely a weakening of 1 or rf,
comparable to the weakening of b to v (see (a) above) though of
course there may be dialectal variants. A curious confirmation of thj<
is found in comparing Benton and Noél ; in the former the verb rishi
is given for “T am aceustomed ”’, and liskin as “ I learn’, while the
latter gives liskin “ I am accustomed ” and riskin “] learn”. Arigana
would accept Inskm only for “I learn”. And the words written as
rineskin “T am afraid” and rinneskin “I take off (a garment)”
were pronounced by him as rmaskm and Jinnaskm respectively.

(f) Fricative Consonants.—Bi-labial f-and v (¥ and v) were very
common, €.g. Fa:to (house) nitwua (share). Two sibilant sounds occur
in the language s, ¢. 9 is a sound articulated between s and f, as in

142 IDA Cc. WARI-—

Polish, and in Mandarin Chinese (where it is generally romanized as
hs); the voiced equivalent - was found only in the affricate &.
[ found A in one word only, allaho (God).

(g) Affricate.—ts, dz, tp, de, e.g. baktsy (hit), guldzd (said), teezé
(he killed), igandgi (chest).

(h) Semi-Vowels.—w and 7, e.g. wirugam (you grew up), dunja
(world).

Vowels.—The vowel sounds recorded are placed on the cardinal
vowel figure below, They show an abnormally large number of
centralized } vowels, whose quality is somewhat obscure and difficult
to register. In Benton and Koelle the vowel written as ¢ and described

TONGUE POSITIONS OF THE Kaxtret VOWELS

Front

| Back

ae———e —ed
Front a Back

Diagram illustrating the tongue-positions of the vowels of
the Eanuri language of West Africa, by reference to the
Cardinal Vowels, (The dots indicate the positions of the
highest point of the tongue.)

Kanuri vowels, red.
Cardinal vowels, black.

! A centralized vowel is one in which the highest
part of tho to
front nor back, bur retracted from a front, or advanced from a sea peuitier on r

SOME NOTES ON THE KANURI LANGUAGE OF WEST AFRICA 143

as the sound in the French word /e is the only central vowel indicated.
In words containing this letter ¢ in the book, I distinguished
a centralized close e (written é), aa neutral vowel similar to the English
vowel in abou, and ¥ a vowel in the neighbourhood of cardinal
o made with unrounded lips and centralized. It is most probable
that many of these sounds can be grouped into phonemes, but the
phonemes of the language have not been worked out, and I can
only give here the individual sound I heard in words and phrases,
and hope that they may help someone else towards the work of a
full phonetic analysis of the language.

Vowels in the neighbourhood of nasal consonants were nasalized
to some degree, and sometimes the final consonant disappears, e.g.
busheow was pronounced ng&ran or ygard.

Ezam ples

i avizma, nothing, o bararo, hunt.

I tprnton, far. ¥ jasky, three.

i gim, eye. uo «©. zuma, Friday.
e dela, jackal. u _—i&kura, hig.

é dagarté, division. @ geri, gazelle.
— jénne, get ready. a1 mat, king.

& ma:lem, priest. Er rizézt, feared.

2 © guiidz, he said. ea kiméogér, red.
5 tildn, eleven. 09 «= boadgi, called.

Short Phrases and Sentences
wii miiskopé mdi, I have two hands,
wil giné mdi, I have two fect,
miiské komburam, the right hand.
miské worila, the left hand.
avi sedin, what is she doing ?
si sigadpm, she is weaving.
gi sgadgm ra:tolan, she is weaving in the house,
bali na:dero jiskm, I shall come here to-morrow.
nda wa:to, good morning.
sar jim la, good-bye.
wuro kanniia, I am hot.
wuro ka:kua, I am cold.
réro kurt, the girl is tall.
tada kuri, the boy is tall,

l44 IDA C. WARD—

adé tpita bu ba, that is a book.

wi kanuri liskm, I learn Kanuri.
wi nasara liskm, I learn English.
ji nasara limm, you learn English.
namgin, I sit.

namne, you sit.

naptey, he sits

andi namjan, we sit.

nandi € namno, you sit.

sandi 6 ndpsa, they sit.

Connected Text of a story taken from Benton's Kanuri Readings
kurgili(va) ma:lom dela(vja — konériva jaskt bara:ro

lion priest jackal ground-squirrel three hunt to
lezer. kurgilie ngara(n) tpezo dela:e ngari tpezé,
went. lion busheow killed ~— jackal gazelle killed,

kanjérie targona tpezd. kurgilie mia:lom delaa boadzi,
ground-squirrel hare killed. lion priest jackal called,
ma:lom deli aré agi andé:na duri. ma:lam delice
priest jackal come thing weget we divide. priest jackal
tpidgi. pgaran kura a:dé, niva wmar-ve guldz, ngari a:de
arose. busheow big that share king-of he said. gazelle that
nice kaské guldzd. tar(gjona a:dé niva kanéri-pj
share mine he said. hare that share fround-squirrel-of
guldzo.
he said,

kurgi:li gerga:zy em 27 tilda Forumzy sandi mdi

lion wasangry eye his one opened them
soa suri, gimz¥ kimé tit, kanna kiméoger tpurinja
looked at..eye his red quite, fire rev]
sandi mdi sd rzzér. kanjéri heey ja
they two him feared. ground-squirrel arose

when they saw

Ma:lam dela
oh ~ priest jackal
apé yi malem gopl edi kurnd-vg kusilu-va
indeed you priest not. Beneath kurnia-tree kusulu-tree
you grew up.

S0ME NOTES ON THE KANURI LANGUAGE OF WEST AFRICA 145

avima nénémi guldz>, nicva miéatr-ve vivinémm daradga
nothing youknow hesaid. share kingof youspoil honour
ba:goa, tpine na:‘dgn onamne. malom deli tpezt na
not arise place that sit down. priest jackal got up place
tpinten = naptpi. ngaran kira adé nicva mat-ve gima
for hesat down. bushcow hig that share king of he
teezd dagarté ba(g)o. ngari acdé nicva marve goldzi.
killed division not, gazelle that share king of he said,
kurghli gerga:zy. imzy tilon sandi-a wodzi sandi indi-sd
lion wasangry eye his one them looked they two all
rIZer, kurgulie mailm delaa baktsy teezd raktsi.
feared. lion priest jackal hit killed joined.
konjérie ja mar dunja samma_ vi pénne samgin
ground squirrel oh king world all of get ready divide
guldzs. gola samné, guidzd. dela gia © nomgzoli-é
he said. good divide he said jackal him foolishness his
tpezo «= adijé niva mai-ve. bargona adijé niva mat-ve.
killed that share king of. hare that share king of.
si til adé nitwa kaskjé goldzd. kurgi:lie garga:z¥
leg one that share mine he said. lion was angry
kondili -nz¥-a = sazangji. Frga:mi NEY-a sutuli.
hair his he erected. claw his he put out.
kanjé-rie tpezy. ala iro kanadi nds pi tild adjé
ground-squirrel arose. God you patience give, leg one that
nikva méat-ve guldz), ji mar daade kombinde gapi.
share kingof hesaid. oh king meat that foodour not
si-a bujéja, kasua ngandi-ve andi-a séter kondili
it ifweeat sickness chest of us would catch hair
tigi-ve samma Fidgi. j& mat dunra-vi kondali
body ofour all would fallout. ch king worldof hair
zanna = ma-ve guidzd. kundili -nz¥ boadi. rrga:mi nom

paradise of hesaid. have his laydown claw your
VOL. IV, PART 1, 10

lif SOME NOTES ON THE KANURI LANGUAGE OF WEST AFRICA
a:dé rrgi:mi zanna- ma-ve guldzd, im nom A:dre ptm
that claw paradise of hesaid. eye your that eye

zanna- mia-ve guldza. cimzy zaktpi. konjé:ri sogasy
paradise of he said. eye heshut. ground-squirrel ran away

bala:ga-ro ga:i(gargl). ja kanjé:ri aré quldza.
hole-to entered, oh ground-squirrel come he said.

subana (a)llachi kam pdga sobazéna-vi ala birganz‘-
without sin’ God man you isfriendlyof God bless,

kam pé:ro nomwaladi sedéna-ve ala bargangy-A goozii

man you service does of God blessing-his —_put
amana ba:goa guldzd, kurgizlze —ledgi. da:dgi.
confidence not he said, lion =o went away. _finia.

THE ORIGINAL HOME OF THE INDO-EUROPEANS
Pwo Lectures delivered at the School of Oriental Studies, London, on
LOMA and 17th June, 1925.

By Jari CHARPENTIER
ee question concerning the location of the original home of the

~ Indo-Europeans—by which name is designated, not a certain
race or people of which no traces have so far been found, but the
peoples or tribes who did at one time speak the no longer existing
Indo-European language—has at times aroused great interest and vivid
discussion amongst scholars, While at one time the consensus
omnium seemed to vote for an Asiatic origin of the Indo-Europeans,
and even, owing to a misunderstanding of the linguistic affinities of
Sanskrit, looked for their old home within the borders of India, general
opinion seems, since the time of Latham, to have decided for Kurope
as the cradle of Indo-European-speaking peoples. But as to where in
Europe the starting-point of the migrations of these tribes should
be looked for no uniform opinion is so far on record. The idea, certainly
impossible," that the ‘‘ Urheimat ” should be looked for in Germany
and then probably on the southern shores of the Baltic, has long been
in favour with German scholars who saw in the ideal old Teutons
described by Tacitus a real counterpart of the “ Indo-Germaniec ”
ancestors ; and Scandinavian archseologists and philologists have been
strongly inclined to adopt this rather fanciful theory and to look for
the “ Urheimat ” not only in Germany but also on the Danish islands
and in the southernmost province of Sweden. Other scholars looked
for a centre of spread in Hungary, and this theory has quite lately been
advocated in an able way by Dr. Giles? The late lamented
Professor Schrader, in his sound and thoroughly critical way, tried to
establish that South Russia, the rich corn-land to the north of the
Black Sea, was the original home of the Indo-Europeans ; but he was
not quite averse to the idea that they might at one time have extended
over areas to the east of that part of Europe. There are other theories
as well, but they do not need to be taken into consideration here.
The present writer is well aware that at this very moment no
solution of this problem which might be considered a thoroughly
' Cf. de Morgan, La Préhisoire Orientale, i, 191.
2 CE Cambridge History of India, i, 65 aq.; Cambridge Ancient History, ii, 20 a.

145 JARL CHARPENTIER—

satisfactory one can possibly be offered, But he would like to under-
line in the following some points of view which seem lately to have
heen somewhat overlooked by comparative philologists, and which
appear to go rather a long way in contradicting the hypothesis of a
European origin of our linguistic ancestors. He would also like to
state at the very beginning that he feels convinced, as far as con-
viction goes in a case like this, that the home of the tribes who once
spoke the Indo-European language is to be looked for in, and in the
neighbourhood of Central Asia. Such a theory, although looked upon
with suspicion and disapproval by most comparative philologists,
is not quite obsolete, It is upheld by at least one great historian,
Professor Eduard Meyer, of Berlin, and also by a very sound and
recognized philologist, Dr, 5. Feist, author of several valuable works
on Indo-European prehistory ; but the reasons on which these scholars
base their conclusions are scarcely quite valid.

Before starting upon my real topic first let me add a few remarks
of a more general nature which seem, in this case, to be somewhat
necessary. ;

. ~ . . *

The main foundation of comparative philology is the discovery
that the ancient Indian and Iranian languages are closely connected
with the main groups of European ones, viz. Greek, Latin, Albanese,
Keltic, Teutonic, and Slavonic languages, Armenian, a language
spoken since some 2,500 years in its present home, originally belonged
to invaders from Europe whom Herodotus calls “ colonists of the
Phrygians”” (dpvydv doar). Recent investigations in Central
Asia have brought to light great remnants of a hitherto unknown
language, which so far is most aptly designated as “ Tocharian ips
and which seems to be in some strange way connected with the
languages of Western Europe,’ though its affinities are by no means
clear. Excavations in Asia Minor have unearthed a great number
of documents pertaining to the ancient and mighty empire of the
Hittites, documents composed in a series of different languages: and
amongst these two at least seem to contain a good deal of Indo-
European linguistic material. Other branches of older Indo-Kuro pean
languages, as that of the Illyrians, Thraco-Phrygians. ete., have
disappeared with the exception of come scanty remnants.

Of who is the real founder of a developed comparative philology

1 Cf. Charpentier in the Zeifachrift der deutechen morgen ldndiaehen Gesellachaft
Ixxi, 377 #4.

THE ORIGINAL HOME OF THE INDO-EUROPEANS 149

there cannot be the slightest doubt. That honour is due to the famous
German philologist, Franz Bopp (1791-1867), who first of all, in his
monumental comparative grammar, published a detailed review of the
phonetic and morphological affinities of the main Indo-European
languages. But the main idea, that of the connexion between
on the one side Sanskrit and Persian and on the other the
European languages, is of a considerably older date.

It is quite well known that Sir William Jones, in his presidential
address to the Asiatic Society of Bengal, outlined the connexion
between the Indo-Iranian and the chief European languages in some
short but masterly lines; and his sagacious words have recently been
brought back to memory in a very proper place.’ But even he was not
the first one who had a presentiment of the great discovery ; for, as
has been well known for a long time and has recently again been laid
stress on by M. de la Vallée Poussin, the Jesuit father Coeurdoux
(d. 1779) in a letter to his friend Anquetil Duperron in 1768 drew up a
list of correspondences between the Sanskrit and the classical languages,
many of which are quite coincident with what is still thought sound
and well-established within comparative philology, To M. de la Vallée
Poussin, who, in his otherwise excellent work, lays slightly too much
stress on the achievements of French philological investigation, it
seems clear that this Jesuit father was the first one to give vent to
the idea underlying comparative grammar; but that is scarcely the
case, for even Father Courdoux had one or two predecessors. One of
those was Thomas Stephens, 8.J. (1549-1619), an Englishman who
spent the last forty years of his life mainly in Goa as a missionary,
and is rather famous as an author of grammatical works on Konkani
and of the large text called the “ Christian Purina’? In a letter to
his brother, dated 1583, he gives expression to the idea that the Indian
and the classical languages were closely connected with each other.
Another one seems to have been Filippo Sassetti (1540-88), an Italian
merchant and literary man, who lived for several years and even died
at Goa; he, no doubt, had a smattering of Sanskrit, and seems to have
suggested some connexion between it and the classical tongues.

* . + a .

Archwological researches seem to have established the fact that in
neolithic and protometallic times a rather uniform culture was spread
out over a very extensive area comprising different parts of Asia and

1 (4. Cambridge History af India, i, 63. ay.
2 Cf. this Bulletin, LU, 679 eq. ; TTT, 159 sq. ; IV, 231 aq.

150 JARL CHARPENTIER—

Eastern Europe. Traces of this culture have been found in Roumania
and Southern Russia (Tripolje, etc.), in Susa, in Baliéistan, in India,
at Anau in Turkestan, ete.; and the researches of Swedish scholars—
Professor J. G. Anderson and Dr, T. J. Arne—have succeetled in
establishing the presence of this same culture also in the interior
provinces of China. It seems scarcely possible that a culture spread
over such a vast area could have originated with one people only ; and
if such were the case we do not in the least, know the racial or linguistic
connexions of that people. Nothing at all goes to prove that the
upholders of this culture were at any place tribes of Indo-European
stock ; and from a chronelogical point of view such a suggestion seems
to the present writer to be wholly improbable.

So if archeology does not so far help us to try a reconstruction of
Indo-European conditions we may feel inclined next to turn to the
evidence afforded by historical documents. But even here we are left
sadly in the lurch. Peoples speaking Indo-European languages enter
at a late date on the stage of history, aud idstorice|! documents written
in such languages cannot at all compete for age with the chronicles
of Egypt and Babylonia, The Vedas and the hymns of Zoroaster,
though both probably of considerable antiquity, can afford us no
historical clues concerning the age of an unbroken Indo-European
unity ; some ancient Greek inscriptions, the history of Herodotus and
the edicts of the Achwmenians in reality are the oldest historical
documents in an Indo-European tongue, and it goes without saying
that they have preserved no single trace of the age of their common
ancestors.

Conditions being thus desperate, there is nothing to do but to turn
to comparative philology and have recourse to a purely linguistic
reconstruction of Indo-European times, The value of such an
investigation is not to be over-rated ; for it is quite clear that a great
mass of linguistic material dating from Indo-European times has been
lost in one language or another and can no longer be got at. But, onthe
other hand, the value of linguistic reconstruction must not be under-
rated, for it is, as we have seen, our only means for arriving at certain
conclusions concerning the place where the Indo-Europeans had their
home and the mode of life they were leading.

But if linguistic reconstruction is to be of any value it must, of
course, be attempted with the utmost care; and here the sins of
comparative philology are many and not easily to he forgiven
Unfortunately philologists have generally been considerably more

THE ORIGINAL HOME OF THE INDO-EUROPEANS 15]

at home in the European languages than in the Indo-Iranian ! ones,
and they have consequently neglected the evidence of the later ones.
This, of course, is a capital mistake, as it is only the Indo-Iranian
languages which, as far as we know, have never been spoken in Europe ;
and this makes the material offered by them for comparison to be of
the utmost importance. Further, comparative philologists are often
satisiied with root-relationships between words said to belong to the
Indo-European language and denoting natural or artificial objects,
the existence of which in Indo-European times is to be proved. This,
also, is quite wrong, and we must strongly insist that, in cases like
these, not only the root must be the same, but that the words
which are to be compared must be identical with each other.

I shall try to make clear by two examples exactly what I mean.
Much fuss has been made about the name of the beech-tree, which
in Europe does not grow to the east of a line somewhat schematically
drawn from Koenigsberg to Odessa? If the name of the tree could be
proved to have existed in the Indo-European language, this would,
of course, be taken as a proof that the people who spoke that language
did live to the west of the Koenigsberg—Odessa line; but,
unfortunately, this is not the case. The plain facts are these: there
exists a Greek word @yyos (dayds), a Latin fagus, and a Teutonic
*hoka-, which do all together go back to a common source and do
undoubtedly prove that at one time the ancestors of Greeks, Romans,
and Teutons lived in a country where beeches were found growing.
So far everything is all right. But then the late Professor Osthoft
and some still living scholars in Germany came forward to tell us that
also a Kurdish word—to he found only in one single dialect of
Kurdistan—meaning “elm-tree * (biz or wiz), and a Russian word,
bozti * elder”, should be connected with the already established name
of the beech; and so the proof was there that this tree had really
existed in the home of the Indo-Europeans, which must, consequently,
have been located in Europe. This, of course, is pure nonsense, and need
not trouble us at all. For nothing is won by drawing conclusions from
words which can be kept together neither from a linguistic nor from
a semasiological point of view; the one thing we can safely azsert is
that linguistically there is not the slightest proof that a name of the

1 T throughout use the term Jodo-Jroaian and not Aryan; for, while on the
continent those two are nowadays generally taken to be identical, Argon in English
generally means the same as Indo-European.

2 Detaila need not be given here; they can be gathered from e.g. Schrader,
Realleribon der indogermanischen Altertumatunde, 2nd ed.. av. Buche.

Foes

2 nee

12 JARL CHARPENTIER—

beech-tree existed in the Indo-European language. The legitimate
inference so far is that the people who spoke that language did not
even know the beech-tree,

A second example is afforded by the name of the metal “ gold”,
as some scholars will assert that comparative philology proves it to
have been known by the Indo-Europeans. This, however, is not the
ease, There is no doubt whatsoever that the Indo-Iranians knew
gold ; this is definitely proved by the nearly total identity of Sanskrit
iiranya and Avestan zaranya.’ But then thisis all, The Greek xpvads
quite obviously is of foreign origin, and the Latin aurum belongs to a
totally different group of words. As for the Gothic quip and the Old
Slavonic zlate (Russian zdloto), they are undoubtedly somewhat nearer
connected, though not wholly identical. But the original sense of the
words is simply “yellow”, and so the Teutons and Slavs called
gold the “ yellow” metal; and with this fact taken into consideration,
it cannot be further upheld that there exists a common Indo-
Kuropean name for gold. It may well have been known by the
Indo-Europeans, but it is methodically wrong to contend that this can
be proved on purely linguistic reasons,

- * ot Ss me

If, with all the necessary precautions, we now try to establish
which names of natural phenomena, of animals, plants, artificial
objects, ete., were to be found in the original Indo-European language,
and may consequently have existed in the home of the Indo-Europeans,
the results are not very far-reaching. But they are, according to my
opinion, quite sufficient for allowing us to arrive at certain conclusions.

The home of the Indo-Europeans was undoubtedly situated in a
region where snow, ice, ram, and thunder were well-known ; and we
find very clear designations of the three main seasons of g temperate
climate, viz. spring, summer, and winter, while a name for autumn
is wanting—a fact recurring in several other languages as well. There
is scarcely any need to underline that the Indo-Europeans had special
names for sun, moon, and stars, But it may be worth while to point
out that amongst the different constellations it js only the Great Bear
that can be traced back to the dictionary of the Indo-European
language ; * besides, it seems possible that our ancestors looked upon

» Secording to my opinion the words may originally have been com pletely identical
as I venture to think that Mranya may be s later development of an older *Aaraws ;

F Professor Bartholome, in fadogermanioche Forechungen, xxxi, 35 #q.; haw ne
peeves existence of an Indo-European name of the Pleiads; byt this if apparently

THE ORIGINAL HOME OF THE LNDO-EUROPEANS 153

the Milky Way as a way or rather a river on the vault of heaven, but
no linguistic facts are there to prove this suggestion.

The land where the Indo-Europeans lived seems to have con-
tained mownfains and woods, rivers, and brooks. But linguistic facts
seem to establish beyond doubt that there were scarcely any lakes,
and that this land, wherever it was situated, was far from any great
sea or ocean. Fords, by which to cross the rivers, were apparently
well-known, but the language does not prove that bridges were known ;
nor does it establish the acquaintance, in Indo-European times, with
dug, or otherwise constructed, wells.

As for animals and plants, it is quite obvious that the Indo-
European language did not know euch ones as are characteristic of
tropical climates. Names of the elephant, rhinoceros, tiger, lion,’
ete., are absent, as well as those of rice, sugar-cane, palm-trees, ete.
This, of course, tallies well with what has already been pointed cut
as indicating a temperate or cold zone as the original habitat of the
Indo-Europeans.

Comparative philology shows us that amongst wild animals the
Indo-Europeans knew the bear, which did certainly already at an early
date play a great part in animal lore, and the wolf; and one may feel
tempted to suggest that at a very early period the idea of wervwolves
was by no means unknown.? There are, moreover, names of the fox,
the otter, the beaver, the rat, or mouse, the hare, and possibly the
squirrel, though this is fairly uncertain. Language further testifies
to the acquaintance of the Indo-Europeans with some cervine animal—
possibly, but not necessarily, the elk—and the swine, which was
certainly the wild and not the domesticated one; for, the Indo-
Iranians certainly never kept tame swine? just as little as this
seems to have been done by the Semitic and Turko-Tartaric peoples.

There is no certain indication that the Indo-Europeans kept tame
fowls ; and the name of our tame hen presents serious difficulties and
is probably a very old loan word from a Semitic or Sumerian source.
But language proves that there existed in the Indo-European home

' There are, however, certain indications that some preat animal of the cat-species
was perhaps not unknown.

7 Cf. the well-known passage in Herodotus, iv, 100: Acyorras yap two Inula
wai “EAAQjvor tar dee Levlucy caroxyperaw aig frees dederow daof rae Neupcaw
ixaaros AdKxos yiveras Hyipas GAtyas wai adris dorice és tawrd mariararat.

2 This fact is not contradicted by the linguistically valuable discovery by Jacobsohn,
Arier und Ugrofinnen, p. 135 sq., that a word corresponding to Latin porcwa, ete., did
once exist in the Iranian languages.

the goose, the duck, the quau, the wild pigeon, and also a bird that may
have been either the woodeoek, the partridge, or some bird nearly related
to these; its name is apparently onomatopoctic and contains
the sounds #-f-r, |

OF other animals language indicates acquaintance with the serpent,
the ant, the fly, the flea, the worm, the crayfish, and the wasp. It seems
remarkable that we find an Indo-European name for honey, but so far
none for bee: this curious fact may admit of different explanations
which need not be gone into here. What is further to be strongly
taken into consideration is that the Indo-Europeans had apparently
not only no name for fish in general, but also no name for single
species of fish, It is only amongst the Indo-European tribes living on
the North Sea and the Baltic—the Celts, the Teutons, and the Slavs—
that we find certain correspondences amongst the names of fishes.
but these names generally seem to be of foreign origin; this tallies
well with the existence, proved by archwological researches, ete. at
different parts of the countries bordering on the Baltic and also on the
mouth of the Rhine, of prehistoric fish-eating populations. The Veda
and the Avesta do not betray any acquaintance with fish diet, nor do
the Homeric poems convey to us the impression that fish was at that
time any common sort of food. Taken all together, the facts seem
to indicate that fish and fish-eating were alike unknown to the Indo-
Europeans.

As for the domestic animals of the Indo-European age, they were
about the same as they are in our own days, with certain notable
exceptions: for, neither seems the ass to have been known—though
it was certainly known to the Indo-[ranians—nor the eal, nor the
rabint, and it has already been mentioned that the swine and tame hires
were probably not kept. But the doy—probably the oldest of domestic
animals, and at one time kept also to be eaten—was there, and the
sheep, the goat, the cow, and bull.) and, above all, the horse. The last
one, no doubt, was the most important domestic animal of the Indo-
Europeans. In Europe the horse was probably for a long time hunted
and eaten, while in the interior of Asia the Mongolian peoples had
already at an early period begun to domesticate the animal and use it
for riding purposes. This difference probably originated jp the

' In the fndogermanische Forechungen, xli, 175 ®q.. Dr. Ipsen has tried to prove
that the name of the cow is originally a loan word from Sumerian, This seems to i
a wholly unnecessary suggestion; on the other hand, the name of the bull (Indo.
European *(4)}feyro-) is probably a very old loan.

THE ORIGINAL HOME OF THE INDO-EUROPEANS 155

existence of different races of horses, a heavier Western one and a
lighter Eastern one; and it seems not wholly improbable that these
two races had entirely different names, of which one still survives
in the French cheval, the other one, e.¢., in Persian asp. The horse was
long unknown to the great nations of Mesopotamia and Egypt; it
may have been introduced from Iran into Babylon about 2000 n.c.,
or slightly earlier, and was there called “the ass of the mountains ”.
It seems a permissible suggestion that it came to Egypt with the
Hyksos. |

If, now, we turn from the animal to the vegetable world, the results
are far more scanty. It seems established beyond any doubt that the
Indo-Europeans knew the fireh—and not necessarily the common
Betula alba—the willow, and some species of fir-tree; and, besides,
there is a widespread word which did originally no doubt mean simply
“tree, wood, timber", but which has later on in certain languages
adopted the sense of either “ oak” or “ fir-tree “. On the other hand,
there is no name of any single plant or flower; nor does anything in
the language indicate that the Indo-Europeans had the slightest
acquaintance with the cultivation of fruit-trees or vegetables.

It has frequently been contended that the Indo-Europeans were
well acquainted with agriculture. But this is a fallacy owing its origin
to the fact that word-comparizson has chiefly been limited to the
European languages. As a matter of fact, there exists nothing but the
single name of a cereal—most probably corn (Skt. yava, ete.)—and a
verb denoting a very primitive method of crushing the grain,! which
points to Indo-European acquaintance, not with agriculture iteelf,
but with one single product of agriculture. It seems quite obvious that
it was only after the separation of the Indo-Iranians from the other
branches of the Indo-European tribes that the latter ones took up
agriculture—probably on the fertile soil of South Russia, Language
does not prove that beans were known in the oldest time; but there
seems to be a very old idea that the souls of the dead sometimes
took up their lodgings in beans, and this idea may date from Indo-
European times.*

The Indo-Europeans are generally said to have been living at a
neolithic stage of culture. But this suggestion is modified by the

1 This verb occurs in Skt. pig-, Latin pinso, ete,

® Aa for cucumbers, it is very tempting indeed to connect, as has been done, Latin
cuctrbila with Sanskrit corbhaja “* Cucumis utilissimus ; but the Sanskrit word ie
very late and doubtful. Anyhow, it is a remarkable fact that no species of cucumber
is indigenous to Europe.

156 JARL CHARPENTIER —

apparent fact that they were well acquainted with one of the metals,
viz. copper. The name of this metal is contained in Sanskrit ayas,
in Latin aes, in Gothic az, ete. It has recently been suggested that this
word is in reality nothing but an old name ef Cyprus preserved in
Egyptian and other documents. This suggestion has been contested ;
but although it cannot probably be proved, it remains a very
fazcinating one. That gold cannot be proved to have been known I
have already pointed out; as for silver there exist two quite different
sets of names, but the conditions are too complicated to be gone into
here, especially as the inference is that the metal in question cannot
be proved to have been known to the Indo-Europeans. There is no
name of any mineral preserved from the common language. And it js
certainly a fact not to be passed over that’ while the European
languages have a common name for salt (Greek dAs, Latin sal,
ete.) this is not shared by the Indo-Iranians, who denote this stuff
by wholly different names. This fact, seen in correlation with certain
other ones, seems to betray the curious circumstance that the Indo-
Europeans did not really know salt, and that it was only the
European branches amongst them who became acquainted with it.
This they probably did on the northern shore of the Black Sea, where
already come thousands of years ago enormous salt-mines were known
to exist,"

That the Indo-Europeans could perhaps dispense with salt seers
to be explained by the fact that their food was chiefly, if not exclusive y;
obtained from their domestic animals and—though apparently to no
very great degree—from the products of hunting. Language indicates
that the food did chiefly consist of meat and milk ; and though a name
for flour seems to be in existence there exists none for either bread or
porridge. As for butter, it did certainly exist, but was scarcely much
used for food ; classical writers remarked that the barbarians used it
as & cosmetic—especially perhaps in a etate of rancidity—and this
seems to have been ita oldest use. There is no proof whatsoever of the
existence of cheese. Nor does language testify to the acquaintance with
either ale or wine ;* but honey apparently was in extensive use, and it

Ch Herodotus, iv, 53: Acs re dri r@ ordyars alrod (ec, ros Beopvabireos)
auropara: tyynnra ardero. ,

* It seems by now to be fairly well established that the names of the wine in
Indo-European languages (Greek ofvos, Latin rinwm, Armenian sini, ete.), a8 well as
Semitic *welnm are all derived, from & Coneasian source of which traces do pecha

THE ORIGINAL HOME OF THE INDO-EUROPEANS 157

seems quite probable that the Indo-Europeans knew how to produce,
by the fermentation of mare's milk, an aleoholic beverage."

Simple as was the food were certainly also the other conditions of
life. Language testifies to no luxury in either dress—which seems to
have consisted of skins or woollen stuffs, linen and cotton being
apparently unknown—or housing or furniture and utensils. The
houses, to judge from the well-known house-urns, seem originally to
have been of a stack-like or tent-like shape; and they sometimes
perhaps consisted only of cave-like rooms beyond the surface of the
earth, with possibly a plaited roof to cover the entrance from above.
Of implements few were apparently known, of weapons only spear
and arrow—which, of course, also implies the bow—can with certainty
be said to have been used. But apparently the Indo-Europeans,
whatever else were their achievements in the mechanical arts, were
quite clever wainwrights; wagons and carts were well known and
frequently used, and there are several Indo-European names of the
different parts of these conveyances.

Scant and simple as seems to have been the material culture of
these Indo-Europeans, they were probably still superior to their
neighbours im one way, viz. by the possession of their herds of
domesticated horses, which made them able to move about at
great speed, and, consequently to develop a considerable military
superiority. One cannot help feeling that a description that would
probably have well suited these roving tribes with their riding men and
their women, children, and household goods loaded on carts and wagons
is the one given by Herodotus (iv, 46) of the nomadic Seythians :
7H de Leaving yéveD €v prev zo peyeoroy ray av pwaniwr
aTpHyHaray copwrara vavraw eevpyrat ray Huets topper, Ta perro
aAAa ote ayapa. To é€ péyiorov otrw ode dvedpyrat wore
amoduyely re prddva é€veAdvra eai oddas, pt) BovdAopevovs re
efevpefijvac xaradaPety pa oldv te elyat’ roior yap pore aorea
pyre retyen GF} oextiopdva, aAAa gdepéotwor edvres marres ear
immoroforat, CGrres poy am’ aporov aAA'aro xtyvewy, olxiara re
odt } emi Cevyéwy, cdis otk av efnoar obto: dpayot te Kal aro pot
Tporpicyetv.

Simple and undeveloped was certainly also the spiritual culture of
the Indo-Europeans. There are so far no indications that any impor-

1 The liquer denoted in Sanskrit by surd, in the Avesta by Awrd possibly originally

meant a beverage prepared from mare's milk. Later on swrd certainly means“ rice.
wine“ or“ rice-brandy ", ef. Laufer, Sino-franica, pp. 240, 581.

a
;

other gifts were spread out on grass and offered to the div

158 JARL CHARPENTIER—

tant spiritual innovations originated with the Indo-European tribes ;
and when we look back upon the brilliant record of the Greeks and
remember that they did already at an early date attain a very high
degree of culture, we must also remember that they succeeded, at the
time of their migration into Greece, to the splendid civilizations of
Mycene, Crete,and Asia Minor. Social institutions as well as judicial
proceedings seem to have been of the simplest sort with the Indo-
Europeans ; and the greater part of those legal powers that we are
nowadays used to see vested in the State were at that period
managed by the individuals or the family, That blood feuds belong,
in an extensive degree, to the institutions of a primitive age is too
well known to be specially underlined here.

As for the religion of the Indo-Europeans, little is so far known.
But those scholars who totally deny the possibility of arriving at any
sound conclusions concerning that topic are probably just as wrong as
those who think that quite a number of individual gods and of
very detailed myths can be traced back to the remote age of Indo-
European linguistic unity. To the present writer it seems to be a
legitimate conclusion that the Indo-Europeans had a cult of the spirit
of their ancestors, though they did not, as a rule, consider the dead as
malignant and bloodthirsty beings, as is e.g. the case with the non-
Aryan tribes of India. But higher than these spirits of the dead seem
to have soared, in the Indo-European religion, the great powers of
nature and especially the vault of heaven, the evxAos was rot oupaven,
which was, according to Herodotus (i, 131), the highest god of the
ancient Persians. There is not the slightest indication that the Indo-
Europeans possessed either temples or idols, just as little as did the
Persians or the Vedic Aryans.! They probably worshipped their pods
on certain sacrificial grounds, where the flesh of the animals and the
ine powers :

whether they made use of sacrificial fires is a question open to doubt,

as there will always be a difference of opinion as to whether the Persian
custom of not using the fire for sacrificial and sepulchral purposes is
the original one or not. According to the opinion of the present writer
it may well be an innovation ; and the Aryans in India may con-
sequently have preserved in their fire-ritual an inheritance from the
age of their Indo-European ancestors. |

1 What has been adduced to prove that the Aryans of
and worshipped idols (cf. eg. Konow, Ind. dat, xxx Till,
We have no mention of idols in Sanskrit literature earlie

the Veric times posse t
145 *]-) is wholly valueless.
rthan Panini, ¥, 3. 90.

THE ORIGINAL HOME OF THE INDO-EUROPEANS 159

Many more or less important facts have had to be omitted from this
review of the conditions prevalent, according to linguistic evidence,
in the home of the Indo-Europeans. But what has been said may still
be sufficient to convey the impression of a people living in a temperate
climate where snow and ice were at times to be known and surrounded
by the animals which are still found in such a zone of the earth. Also
the few trees which are proved by etymology to have existed in those
surroundings—viz. the birch, the willow, and the fir-tree—are such that
are usually met with in countries with a rather severe climate.

These tribes were apparently leading a very simple life, Their
chief possessions were their domestic animals, their sheep, goats,
cows, and oxen, dogs, and above all their horses, fleet of foot and trained
as well for the purpose of riding as for being yoked to carts and wagons,
These people knew corn, and a very primitive method of crushing
it, but no proper agriculture ; their food consisted chiefly of the meat
and milk yielded by their cattle and horses. No salt, no spices gave
to their simple food a more exquisite flavour, ner did they seem to
have possessed any ale or wine; but probably some drink prepared
from honey, as well as fermented mare’s milk, at times allowed them to
indulge in some simple bacchanalian pleasures. This mode of life
undoubtedly points to a fairly primitive people with nomadic habits,
roaming, by help of their horses and wagons, over great distances and
feeding their animals on different pasture-grounds where at certain
times they fixed those tents which, like the Scythians of Herodotus,
they used to move with them loaded on their heavy carts.

The spiritual culture of these tribes was also a fairly primitive one.
But as far as anything can be known concerning their religion, it seems
to have been rather a sublime than a repulsive one. They worshipped
the spirits of their dead ancestors, who were, at times, undoubtedly
considered to be rather dangerous customers, but who were, on the
other hand, never looked upon in the same way as that crowd of
malignant and blood-loving ghouls that are haunting jungle and
village over the greater part of India, But above all the Indo-
Europeans worshipped and offered their sacrifices to the majestic
powers of nature; and their highest deity seems to have been the lofty
vault of heaven, which, according to Herodotus, the ancient Persians
considered to be the counterpart of Olympian Zeus. It deserves to be
remembered that ancestor-worship and worship of Heaven seems to
be characteristic of the religions of Central] and Upper Asia and even

of that of the Chinese.
* * * 7 *

a ok aL

ve Ss

ole ie

in Tl

\ a

aera
"8

Nie Ste

> Ra

‘
if
a”
*

Lad) JARL CHARPENTIER—

Keeping in mind our main thesis that the Indo-Europeans were a
nomadic people probably roaming over very large areas, let us now
consider briefly the chief of the various theories concerning the
original home of the Indo-Europeans. That home, of course, has to
he looked for either in Asia or in Europe; no other continent could in
earnest be taken into consideration, nor has this, to my knowledge at
least, ever been done, | ;

At the time when Sanskrit became first known to European
echolars—the beginning of the nineteenth century 1—some leading
authorities advanced the idea that the ancient language of India was
in reality identical with that of the Indo-Europeans. This theory,
which was undoubtedly a retrogression in comparison with the
sagacious ideas of Sir William Jones, naturally led its propagators
to look for the home of the Indo-Europeans in India proper, But it
was soon established beyond the possibility of doubt that Sanskrit
was not the stem from which all other Indo-European languages had
branched off, and that, consequently, the difficult idea of locating the
““ Urheimat ” in India had to be given up. But scholars still clung to
the hypothesis that the cradle of the Indo-Europeans was to be looked
for in Asia ; and in that way the Pamirs, the Oxus region, and Central
Asia all found favour with comparative philologists as having a claim
to be considered as the original home of the tribes speaking the Indo-
European idiom.

A reaction set in, in the middle of the last century, with Latham
who pleaded on various reasons for locating the homestead of the
Indo-Europeans within our own continent, And ever since that dine
the idea of a European “* Urheimat ” has won more and more favour
with scholars who have tried to adduce more or less valid reasons for
establishing this new hypothesis. Amongst most students of com:
parative philology nowadays it seems to be a sort of article of oneal
that the home of the Indo-Europeans was situated somewhere in
Europe ; but I have already mentioned that some few notable ice
do not even now share this opinion. |

The majority of German and Scandinavian scholars seem is has
already been mentioned, to look upon it as an established fact that th
Urheimat ” is to be found on the shores of the Baltic, Tt has been -

favourite idea with German scholars since days long gone by to try

1 Certain individuals, especially some Jesuit fathers, had, however

than a smattering of Sanskrit also during the previous centuping. pomcened Mare

ee ee

= STC he eee atk “= < 4
ae pa ;
" -
THE ORIGINAL HOME OF THE INDO-EUROFEANS 161

to identify Teutons—as described by Tacitus '—with Indo-Europeans.
Archwological arguments, chiefly furnished by the great Scandinavian
archwologists of the last half century such as Montelius and others,
seem to prove the existence, in parts of Northern Europe, for more
than 3,000 years, of a somewhat uniform race ; this evidence has been
misunderstood or misinterpreted by certain German scholars, and it
has far too easily been taken for granted that this race was identical
with the Teutons, & hazy and vague conception which has not been
sufficiently defined. One has also tried to adduce linguistic arguments
to prove the presence, since times immemorial, of the Indo-Europeans
on the shores of the Baltic. We may well indulge in a quiet smile
when a German archeologist goes to the length of suggesting that
the Teutonic languages should represent the original Indo-European
idiom from which languages like the Indo-Iranian or the Greek have
considerably deviated. But even more earnest arguments no
doubt prove to be fallacious, A favourite one is this: the Lithuanian
languages are recognized to be of a very old-fashioned structure,

though the oldest proofs of these idioms preserved to our time are only.

a few centuries old ; consequently these languages cannot have moved
far from the place of their origin, and the Indo-Europeans must then

have been living near the present dwelling-places of the Lithuanians,

But the scholars who adduce this argument do not seem to have taken
into consideration that the Indo-Iranian languages are still more old-
fashioned, and that, were their theory a correct one, the tribes who
spoke those idioms must have migrated thousands of miles from their
original abode. Nor does it seem to have occurred to them that the
Teutonic languages which are, since long ago, in a state of utter
destruction should, according to their views, still be spoken within the
very area of the Indo-European language.

Some evidence has also been brought forth to prove that the
Indo-Europeans were agriculturists. But as such arguments are
wholly built up on etymologies from the European languages with a
wholesale neglect of the negative evidence furnished by the Indo-
[ranian dialects they need not detain us very much. The facts collected
above undoubtedly point to the Indo-Europeans as being a nomadic
people, and no nomads could at any known period have had their
abodes on the shores of the Baltic, Nordoes anything at all go to prove

* In this connexion one seems totally to have forgotten the otherwise obvious
fact that the description given by Tacitus is very strongly idealized in order to put up
the life of the Teutons as a standard to his demoralized countrymen.

VOR. IV. PART I, 11

a4 . P
LF he

=e) a.
" =. “
wh oe tae
eae ur ‘ay ae

— ~ oa » Lid
iw te Mac
ba ‘ oe

ry =
pas
ee
s

eo
sy” < a

a
een |
Lm,

162 JARL CHARPENTIER—

that the domestication of the horse originated in that part of the
world, while it is a well-established fact that the peoples of Central
and Upper Asia have since times of yore been possessors of fleet and
well-trained horses,

Further on, the Indo-European language did not, as far as we are
Aware, possess any name of the sea, which is rather remarkable,
provided its bearers should have lived on the shores of the Baltic.
Nothing in the language indicates that the Indo-Europeans were
acquainted with ships and the art of sailing, which would also be rather
remarkable had they been living amongst the sea-faring nations of
the north. A most astonishing fact also is that the Indo-Europeans seem
to have had no knowledge of either jish or shell-fish ;} for had they been
living at the period suggested by Scandinavian and German scholars,
on the shores of the Baltic they would undoubtedly have succeeded to,
or otherwise been in connexion with, the prehistoric people of the
kitchen-middens whose sole food seems to have consieted of fish,
oysters, and cockles, Nor could a people live for centuries on the
shores of the Baltic without itself taking to fishing, even if it had not
been taught to do so by its connexion with other tribes. Nor has
any one of the scholars who advance the Baltic theory tried to deal
with the question of the amber, Archwological research as well as
historical evidence have established beyond doubt that amber WAS,
since prehistoric times, found, used and exported by the tribes
inhabiting the shores of the Baltic -; but, notwithstanding this, there
cannot be found even the slightest trace of an Indo-European name of
this precious material. Does not this stnke one as being rather
incongruent with the hypothesis of a Baltic home of the Indo
Kuropeans ?

If, finally, we add that the theories of the spread of the Indo-
European tribes from their home on the Baltic —theories that need not
be repeated here—are totally unhistoric and have been made up with
the help of fallacious parallels relating to a far later period, no more
need be said concerning the Baltic “ Urheimat", The sooner a theory
like this disappears from the handbooks of comparative philology the
better. |

Another hypothesis, advanced by some earlier scholars

io affair and quite
recently ably defended by Dr. Giles, gives it that Hunga

ry was the

' Sanskrit g@retha and its European relations (og. Greek ib r
. : j : he . Fe £, a : : .
apparently do not mean the eatable ahell-jish, but the totklekace, eee sa
various purposes, ¢ sect fi

EE —— eee”

THE ORIGINAL HOME OF THE INDO-EUCROPEANS 1635

country from which the Indo-Europeans spread over Europe and part
of Asia, There is something to be said for a theory like this, and it
will be seen presently that to the present writer it appears probable
that some branches of the Indo-Europeans did at one time live together
in Hungary. But as the starting-point of the whole migration this
country does not seem to come seriously into consideration, The
Hungarian theory, just as little as the other European ones, counts
with the migrations of the Indo-Iranians into India and Persia, for
those tribes have, to our knowledge, never had their abode within the
limits of Europe, Nor does it seem plausible that tribes of nomads
could during any prolonged period of time have had their dwelling-
places on the fertile soil of Hungary ; and it would certainly be remark-
able if they had not, at an early time, learnt to supply their means of
existence from the innumerable shoals of fishes of the Hungarian
rivers. Altogether Hungary was fairly certainly a halting-place on the
way of the European migrations, but it was certainly not the starting-
place of the whole movement.

Much better than the Hungarian hypothesis is the one defended by
the late Professor Schrader with his great resources of learning and
sound judgment. His theory is that the Indo-Europeans had their
chief habitat in Southern Russia on the northern shores of the Black
Sea, where did, at a later period, dwell the Seythians, known to us
from the masterly descriptions of Herodotus; and from there they

spread in an easterly and a westerly direction. Professor Schrader’

was not even averse to the idea that Indo-European tribes might have
been living to the east of what is strictly called South Russia, but he
did not exactly tell us what he meant by that somewhat ambiguous
expression.

Tt will be seen presently what an important part South Russia did,
according to my opinion, play in the history of Indo-European
migrations. But it seems to me that a people unacquainted with
agriculture, fishing, and the use of salt cannot have had its original
home in a land which was already at a very early date one of the chief
cornbins of the world,! from which the peoples of the Mediterranean
drew their chief supply of dried and cured fish, and where salt was
“by itself produced in illimited quantities". Nor could, at any
conceivable time, a people of nomads have been roaming about on the
fertile soil of South Russia with its woods and wheat-lands,

' Cf. the very important book by Rostovtzeff, Iranians and Greeks in South Russia,
p. GI ag.

164 _ JARL CHARPENTIER—

The present writer has already declared it ae his opinion that the
home of the Indo-Europeans was in Asia, and in that part of the vast
continent where were found wide grasslands on which to roam about
with their herds of cattle and horses; where the climate was a
temperate, or, at times, a cold one, and where were found the animals
usual in such a zone and among trees the birch, the willow and the
fir-tree. No part of Asia answers quite to this description except the
regions to the east of the Caspian Sea, which are generally called
Central Asia, with the neighbouring plains of Turkestan, where
formerly conditions of living were far easier than nowadays, It is in
these parts—and perhaps also in regions a little to the north of them—
that according to my opinion roamed the nomadic tribes speaking
Indo-European with their horses, cattle and wagons. They were
probably near neighbours of the Mongolians, Hune, etc., tribes who led
the same mode of life; and like those roving nomads they were
certainly at times a cause of trouble and fear to their more peaceful
and settled neighbours. No dates tell us since what time the way
has been used between Mesopotamia and the Far East, the way which
at a later time ran through part of the regions in which the Indo-
Europeans had their dwellings. But nothing so far prohibits our
thinking that this way may have been used—at least at intervals—since
time immemorial; and along the western part of this road raw
materials and implements from the highly cultivated peoples of the
“Eastern Mediterranean region may at times have been imported to the
nomads in the plains of Central Asia.

* * * * ct

From Upper and Central Asia streams of invasions have at certain
periods hurled themselves towards the west and south-west, We have,
of course, no knowledge of the oldest of these outbursts from the
interior of the enormous continent nor have we any distinct idea of the
time when these eruptions started; but we have still some knowledge
of such migrations from a fairly early time, and some of
briefly be remembered here, |

The Greek author Aristeas from Prokonnesys (sev
was the author of a poem on the Arimaspeans which
been lost but for a few fragments. But the brillia
Tomaschek * into those scanty remnants have un
Aristeas told of a great ‘ Volkerwanderung ’
eentury B.c., which etarted somewhere jn

1 Cf. Sitzungsberichte der Wiewer Abad, der Wier

them may

enth century p.c,)

has, unfortunately,
nt investigations of
earthed the fact that
’ belonging to the eighth
the interior of Asia and the
entchafien, 116 (1888), p. 715 *q.

’ a a ee 5 ed ee eee | te An) «6S.
eat oe ae el: i ee ee
er 2 = ee ee

THE ORIGINAL HOME OF THE INDO-EUROPEANS 165

ultimate result of which was that the Seythians of the Jaxartes region
turned westwards, invaded the east of South Russia, and ousted the
Kimmerians, who had, until that time, for a certain period, had their
home there. But the barbarian nomads of Central and Upper Asia
not only wanted to turn towards the west and south; they also
cherished an indomitable longing for the rich and fertile provinces
belonging to the Son of Heaven. Finally at the end of the third pre-
Christian century, a Chinese emperor had to begin the building of the
famous wall which was to protect his subjects from the inroads of the
northern and western barbarians ; and it has been said, with a certain
amount of truth, that the erection of this protective wall did strongly
influence the later fates of the Roman Empire, For now the turbulent
elements of the interior of Asia were driven to resort to the southern
and western areas of expansion, and the results of their furious
onslaughts were soon felt both in Iran, India, and throughout the
Western world.

Already in the second century 6.c. a movement started amongst the
Hiung-nu (Huns) near the Chinese frontier which finally ended in
destroying the Greco-Bactrian empire, in strongly menacing the
existence of the house of Arsakes, and in landing crowds of Central-
Asian invaders within the borders of India. Less remarkable
movements may have occurred during the following centuries, which
were but incompletely noticed by Western chroniclers. But in the latter
half of the fourth century a.n. the Huns crossed the Volga and began
to pour into Europe, driving subdued and ousted tribes in front of
them. A little later on another branch of them, the White Huns, or
Hephthalites, flooded the south of Asia: and about the time when
the last legions of Rome shattered on the plains of Chilons the motley
hordes of Attila, the White Huns had begun to tread Sassanian Persia
under the hoofs of their horses, and were soon to smash the
Indian empire of the Guptas into pieces. We may then pass by the
movements of the various tribes of Turks, of Chazars, Magyars, etc..
only to remember the hitherto last and probably most horrid of
invasions from the East, the inroads of the Mongols led by Chingis
Khan and his successors in the thirteenth century. It may be true that
these had mainly the character of military invasions, and would not
perhaps have been so disastrous had they not been led by a number of
great and skilful generals. But, on the other hand, the enormous
expansion of the Mongols would scarcely have been possible if their tribes
had not, at that time, grown very strong in men and horses. For, at

hak: C2 =_ Th

Wey

|
a ’
fe 1

" ew) fs : oN
net tte at

Ly -
s =
—_— “"

* -
oS
4

4
4
'
r=
*
b

=44 =» i oe

166 JARL CHARPENTIER—

* the bottom of all these various movements lies the fact that at certain

periods and within certain regions in the interior of Asia there had come

to be a great surplus of men and beasts that must needs find new

pasture-grounds within the territories of their neighbours ; and thus
started a migration which spread like the nripplings of a wave over great
parts of the Asiatic and, at times, even the European continent,

« * * * +

These historical parallels are not to be left unnoticed when we try
to make out a theory concerning the migrations of the Indo-
Kuropeans. If, as is the opinion of the present writer, the centre of
these movements lay somewhere in Central Asia, it seems highly
probable that disturbances of the same sort as have been alluded to
above, may have been the ultimate cause of the whole of Indc-
European migration and expansion. It must be willingly admitted that
nothing of this can be proved with the help of our present means of
investigation ; but if, on the other hand, the earliest Indo-European
migrations did, as seems possible, occur at a time scarcely more than
4,000 years ago there is no reason why they should not be treated as
parallel with migrations of a later date which are known to us through
the evidence of history.

The present writer ventures to think that the Indo-European
movement did perhaps start with the Indo-Iranians moving towards
the south and crossing the Jaxartes, thus entering the fertile province
of Sogdiana. From Sogdiana their way lay across the Oxus into
Bactria, where they may perhaps have dwelt for some considerable
time ere one branch of them struck towards the south-west, directing
itself against Media and Mesopotamia, while other hordes took to the
south-westerly way and invaded India through the pass-ways of the
extreme north-west, But not all of the Inde-Iranian tribes crossed the
Jaxartes ; some of them, later on known as the Scythians, continued
to roam as nomads to the north of the river and to make frequent
inroads on the cultivated lands of Sogdiana and even Bactria, The
Gathas of Zoroaster tell us of the hatred felt by the settled agricultural
population towards the plundering and cattle-slaughtering hordes from
the north ; and the traditional life-story of the prophet of Iran has
vividly depicted the invasion of Arjasp, the chief of the barbarous
horsemen from the other side of the Oxus and the Jaxartes,

The late lamented Professor De Groot thought that he
Seythian tribes mentioned in, Chinese sources belonging to t
third century B.c.;' but, unfortunately, this was probably

1 (f, Sitsungaterichte der Prewss, Abad. der Wissenschaften, 19

had found
he twenty-

a mistake,
21.

THE ORIGINAL HOME OF THE INDO-EUROPEANS 167

However, since Iranian names are found amongst the Kassites in the
eighteenth century B.c., and since the horse was probably brought
into Mesopotamia by Iranian tribes about 2000 nc, or slightly earlier,
it seems a legitimate inference that these tribes may have invaded the
Oxus-Jaxartes country during the latter half of the third millennium
B.c., probable about 2400-2300 p.c, The age of the older hymns of

the Rigveda is unknown ; but so far there are no obstacles for assumin g -

that the Aryans may have entered India at about 2000 B.c. or perhaps
one or two centuries later.! As for the Pontic Scythians it is worth
while to remember that, according to Herodotus (iv, 7), they reckoned
a period of a thousand years from the reign of their first king, Targitaos,
to the time of the Scythian campaign of Darius I (about 513 B.c.).
It is, of course, very uncertain, but it may be possible that their
traditions did in reality go back to about 1500 p.c.

The migrations of Indo-European tribes towards the West probably
started about the same time—i.e. just about 2000 p.c. or slightly
earlier—as the origin of the movement was presumably the same one,
viz. pressure from the nomadic populations of Upper Asia. It seems
possible that the first hordes of invaders who passed north of the Cas pian
Sea into South Russia destroyed the eo-called Tripolje culture and
erected a number of kurgans throughout the land of Southern Russia.
Though part of the invaders may already at this remote period have
begun to settle down on the northern shores of the Black Sea, the
first swarms may possibly have gone on through Roumania into the
Balkans, from where they crossed to Asia Minor and destroyed the
second city of Hissarlik about the year 2000 B.c. For, between this
foundation and the town of Priam there only seem to have existed
minor cities, which points to the fact that a higher culture had been
superseded by a lower one. These early invaders may perhaps have left
traces of their language in the Indo-European elements found in
texts of the Hittites,

At a much later time—probably about 1200 s.c.—the Phrygians
seem to have crossed the Hellespont and invaded Asia Minor: and
their descendants, the Armenians, did, according to Professor Eduard
Meyer, enter their native country some six centuries later. As for
the Greeks they did perhaps never pass through Hungary, as has been

' The exorbitant theories of Professor Jacobi and the late Lokaminya B. G,
Tilak concerning the age of the Rigveda can no longer be upheld. As for the recent
hypothesis of Professor Hertel, according to which the bulk of the hymns should
date from about 500 n.c. or even later, it cannot, of course, be taken into serious
consideration,

* As for this theory cf., however, the recent article by Professor E, Meyer in the
Sitzungaberichte of the Berlin Academy, 1925, p. 244 aq.

> ae Ss a “ poe. aT e as ri *
= _- q y =, ri sill ~~ “| 9 df
a - i > ~w @ 4 <r ‘
168 JARL CHARPENTIER—

suggested by various scholars; they may just as well have passed
straight through Roumania to the Balkan peninsula, where at one time
they settled down in Epirus. Exactly at what time the Greeks occupied

the country that bears their name may be uncertain. But Hittite

documents, but recently deci phered by Dr. Forrer, seem to speak of a
great Greek kingdom with extensive connexions in Asia Minor about
the year 1300 B.c., and so the tribes who founded this mighty state
may have arrived in the country possibly some centuries earlier.

To the north of the Greeks lived the Iilyrians, tribes of whom, the
Messapians, did even cross the Adriatic into Italy. The conclusion
seems to be legitimate that the ancestors of the Illyrians came into their
later dwelling-places through Hungary, This country must also at
one time have been the common habitat of the later Italians, Celts,
and Teutons, who may have spent some considerable time together
on its fertile plains. Later on the Italians went away towards the south-
west and invaded Italy, where they found before them the Ibero-
Ligurians, tribes belonging to Western Kurope, and the Etruseans,
certainly invaders from Asia Minor. At what time the Italians arrived
in the valley of the Po has not yet been settled: but exaggerated
dates are to be avoided here as in the case of other Indo-European
peoples. |

The Celts during the first millennium pc, had an enormous
expansion over Brittany, France, the north of Italy—where they seem
to have arrived about 400 B.c.—and parts of Spain; at a somewhat
later date Celtic tribes even went as far as Asia Minor (third century
B.¢.). The Teutons, who are first spoken of as Germame by the famous
scientist Poseidonius of Apamea (d. 40 B.c.), seem to have gone due
north from Hungary towards the shores of the Baltic. At one time of
their development they seem to have been under the cultural, and
probably also political, supremacy of the Kelts, Pytheas from
Massilia, about 300 B.c., seems to have found them living to the east,
of the Celts about the mouths of the Rhine. The exact chronology
of the early Teuton migrations has not been fixed > but seeing that the
Celts spread over Western Europe about the Period 800-400 B.C., no
dates going beyond the first millennium p.c. can well be taken into
consideration,

As for the Lithuanians and Slavs they enter on the stage of history
by far the latest of all Indo-European peoples, It has been the
custom, at least, since the days of Safatyk, to find in some of the
peoples described by Herodotus as living in the interior of Russia and
Poland, Slavonic tribes ; so e.g. the Neupoi (iy, IT, 100 aq., etc.) ee

Fs prt ae ml A 7 es ta r as ees _
THE ORIGINAL HOME OF THE INDO-EUROPEANS 169

presumed by most scholars to have been real Slavs, But the reasons
addueed by them to prove these suggestions seem to be wholly futile,
and, as a matter of fact, there seems to be no evidence for their having
been present in Europe in pre-Christian times, According to Niederle
their presence at the mouths of the Danube can be established in the
second century A.p., and it consequently seems quite probable that
they did not enter Russia from the east until a few centuries before that
date. Most scholars are convinced that the Lithuanians are described
by Tacitus ' under the name of destii. It ie certainly curious that the
Roman author should describe their language as being Britannica
promor, for at no date could there have been any very stri king similarity
between the Lithuanian and Celtic idioms. But this, after all, may be
a mistake and the common identification may hold good. Tacitus
further tells us that these Aesfii gathered the amber on the sea-shore
but had no general idea of its use or its intrinsic value : ipsis in nullo
usu: rude legituy, informe perfertur, pretiumque mirantes accipiunt.
But no people that had lived for a prolonged period on the shores of
the Baltic, the most valuable product of which was amber, could have
been strange to its use or ignorant of its value: and the legitimate
inference is that these Aestii had at the time of Tacitus rather recently
arrived in their dwelling-places to the east of the Baltic. Altogether
the Slavs and Lithuanians were, according to the opinion of the present
writer, the very last tribes to leave the ancestral home in Central
Asia. If so it seems highly probable that they were in their turn driven
out by some migration of the peoples of Upper Asia—perhaps the
one that originated in connexion with the building of the Chinese
wall. Linguistic facts seem to prove that the Slavs did for some con-
siderable time live in close affinity to Iranian tribes, probably Scythian;
and this was almost certainly the case, though the linguistic evidence
has quite recently been treated as doubtful.?

As for the “ Tocharians ” their presence in Turkestan during the
centuries after the beginning of our era still remains inexplicable,
The Tocharian language undoubtedly shows strong affinities with the
Western Indo-European ones, but the explanation of this very remark-
able fact still remains a complete puzzle.

. * . * *

A short time after delivering these lectures the present writer began
to read the posthumous work of the late lamented Jacques de Morgan,
called La Préhistoire Orientale, tome i, Généralit¢és, Paris, 1925. The
main theories of this great savant concerning the depopulation and

' Cf. Germania, ch. 45,
7 Cf. M. St. Miadenov in the Herwe des Efudes Slaves, iv, 190 sq.

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170 THE ORIGINAL HOME OF THE IXDO-EUROPEANS

repopulation of the earth during the glacial periods must undoubted ly
be judged mainly by geologists; and some of his archeological
‘irguments are perhaps rather adventurous, But it was a great pleasure
to the present writer to find that de Morgan does not at all doubt
that the Indo-Europeans had their origin in Asia; and though he does
not perhape state it expressly it goes without saying that, according
to his opinions, they must at one time have been living in, or in the
neighbourhood of, Central Asia.

As for the various European theories de Morgan treats with
ridicule the idea of an “ Urheimat ” on the shores of the Baltic (p. 191) ;
and on that same page he says as follows: “TI est donc certain
que la steppe du Sud de la Russie n'a été pour les Indo-Européene:
venus dans nos pays, qu'un foyer sécondaire de dispersion, et que ce
foyer n’a rien A voir avec les mouvements des Perses et des Aryans
de l'Inde,.” This tallies almost word for word with the modest opinions
expressed above by the present writer.

May T also be allowed, at the end of this short paper, to five another
quotation from the important work of de Morgan,’ which sums up, ID
an admirable way, the historical points of view that I have tried to
underline above: “Je ne m’étendraj pas sur le détail des invasions
qui se sont produites tant en Asie antérieure qu’en Europe depuis
que l’Histoire les enregistre - mais je ferai observer que toutes celles
dont nous connaissons le cours se sont produites d'est en ouest avec
parfots inflexion vers le sud et celles que nous enregistrons dans
I Histoire, depuis le ii* millénaire ay J.-C, jusqu’au v* et yje Fiecle de
notre ére ont toutes suivi ce méme chemin depuis I'Emba ot le fleuve
Oural jusqu'au bas Danube. [La Seythie qui s'étendait depuis les
bouches du Danube jusqu’au pied de J’Altai et du Pamir les a vues
toutes passer, Cette loi est absolue durant toute la période historique,
cest-a-dire du viit siécle avant notre ére jusqu’au xviie apres, pendant
2400 ans, Il n'est pas admissible quelle n’ait débuté quavec Jes
temps pour leequels nous possédons des notions précises, alors que seg

causes sont infiniment plus anciennes. Nous devons admettre sa
continuité et, par conséquent, la faire remonter Jusqu'au temps of
ee sont produits les phénomeénes naturels qui lui ont donné Naissance,
c'est-d-dire la refroidissement de la Sibérie et l’ouverture des portes
entre le Nord de l'Asie et l'Europe. Les Lois naturelles sont inta ngibles :
et si la linguistique éprouve le besoin de s upposer deg migrations ile
grande envergure d Ouest en Est c'est qu'elle ne saul pag ner préter
les fragiles documents sur lesquels elle base ses conclusions,”

* Loe. cit., p. 14,

"A.
,'

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

Tue Kavert, rae Mavkuaris, AND THE Sancam Ace. By T. G.
ARAVAMUTHAN. Thesis which was awarded the Sankara-Parvati
Prize for 1924 by the University of Madras. pp.iv +i +i + 15],
Tmap. Madras, 1925. &vo.

The ordinary student of history, who on the basis of Bana’‘s
Harza-carita and a few inscriptions thinks of the Maukharis as located
somewhere in Northern India, will opine on reading the title of this
work that it is a far cry thence to the Kavéri. Mr. Aravamuthan,
however, may fairly be said to have established at least a possibility
that it may not be very far after all, and in doing this he has written
& very interesting and able book. The hypotheses which he maintains
are the following : (1) the great Cola king Karikalan built embankments
to check the floods due to the occasional overflow of the river Kavari,
and in this work he compelled many tributary kings and their subjects
to render personal service ; (2) among his tributaries was a prince
named Mukari, who failed to obey this command, and was punished
by Karikalan with the loss of an eye, according to Jayatgondan's
Kaliigattu-parani; (3) this Mukari was probably one of the Maukharis
of Magadha, for the Silappadhikaram asserts that Karikalan marched
into Northern India and conquered Magadha ; (4) such an invasion by
Karikalan is possible, and the statement is paralleled and confirmed
by the references in early Tamil literature to similar expeditions

by the Céra kings Imayavaramban and his son Senguttuvan; (5).

the distance in time between Karikfilan and Senguttuvan is only
about fifty years ; hence if we fix the probable date of these invasions
we have approximately the period of the Sangam literature; (6) the
only periods in which such expeditions could have been successfully
carried out were from 206 to 184 n.c., from 148 B.c. to the beginning
of the Christian era, and the third century a.p.; hence the Sangam
cannot have been later than the third century a.p. In addition to the
discussions of these theses we have a chapter investigating the ancient
geography of the river Kavéri, with a suggestion that the river may
have changed its course a few miles to the west of Kumbakonam, and
another on the history of the Maukhari dynasty. In the latter he points
out that the history of the family may be with much probability carried
back as far as the century of ASéka, as a clay seal found at Gaya bears

Bea

a or ” Dl x: ~~~ *
Pn J et ur
liz REVIEWS OF BOOKS

the legend in early Brahmi script Mokhalinam, which is most natural] y
interpreted as meaning * of the Maukharis”’.’ He then éXamines all
the epigraphie and literary data bearing on the family, and with
great ingenuity endeavours to reconstruct their history, leading up to
the tentative suggestion “that the Maukharis were the precursors
of Harsha and could have laid pretensions to be the Emperors of
North India” (p. 114).

The first of these hypotheses may be provisionally accepted :
the tradition of Karikalan’s embankments 18 ancient, and quite reason-
able. The second presents more difficulties. The passage mentioning
Mukari as having lost an eye for failing to obey Karikalan’s command
to work at the embankments of the Kavéri occurs in the Kaliigatty-
parant of Jayahgondan, a poetical panegynic of Kuldttunga Cola TI,
who reigned from 1070 to ¢ 1118 AD. It is correctly translated by
Mr. Aravamuthan: “(He recorded) how (Karikalan) directed a
portrait to be drawn of the Mukari who had not followed (the others)
to the Kaveri, the banks of which were being made by kings themselves
who had made obeisance (to him), and how, looking at it and saying
‘this is a superfluous eye ', he mbbed it out here, and (lo ) it was
extinguished there.” But we venture to think that he has missed the
exact nature of the episode here described. To the classical student
Jayangondan’s words recall the well-known story of Thrasybulus
striking off the tops of the corn told by Herodotus (v, 92,8 6), which is .
told of Periander by Aristotle (Pol,, pp. 8215, 1504, and, again,
with a slight variation, of Tarquinius Superbus by Livy (i, 54). As
Jayanhgondan conceived it, the episode seems to have been as follows,
‘reasons of policy he did not dare to pass an overt sentence upon him,
He therefore had recourse to upindu-danda, as recommended by sages
like Kamandaki for crushing men who were too popular or too trong
to be overtly destroyed? and hinted at an act which was promptly
executed. He caused a portrait of Mukari to he painted, and with
assumed innocence smeared out one of its eyes, observing: “ thig eve
is superfluous.” The hint was at once understood by his henchmen.
who aceordingly waylaid Mukari and destroyed one of his eyes, thus

1 Mr. Aravamuthan aeons also inclined to dally with the theory that the iia
Méuthari is a variant of Maurya, which is phonetically impossible, ‘Thy siephation
of Mr. Jayaswal, which ke accepts, that it Survives in the name Méuhar? borne by
a modern caste of Banias in Gaya needs further iNVestization, .

2 Nitisira, sarge xviii, § ¥xvii, I: witéjyanté Aattir Japg wiir ye syur
nepacallabhal| bidhanté heed heb we te Fferi pet mda Prodaayetz.

THE KAVERI, THE MAUKHARIS, AND THE SANGAM AGE 1T3

saving Karikalan from the odium of direct responsibility for the deed.
‘This gives us a very intelligible story ; but it must be confessed, in
view of the Greek and Latin parallels, that the story reads like fiction,
the more so as Jayaigondin is a writer of comparatively late date.
Henee the only reasonably safe inference that we can draw from it is
that Jayahgondin was thinking, more or less clearly, of the tradition
of the conquest of Magadha by Karikalan, which is mentioned in the
Silappadhikaram, and that he associated Magadha with the Maukharis.
Postponing for the moment the question of the date of the
Silappadhikiram itself, we may say that the tradition of Karikilan’s
northern expedition is old, and may possibly be true; and the same
may be said of the northern conquests of Imayavaramban and
Sefiguttuvan, which are attested by poems which unquestionably
belong to the Sangam age. After all, it is as easy for a southern king
to march into the north as it is for a northern king to march into the
south ; and Rajéndra Cola | seems to have done it. Such expeditions
were, of course, mere demonstrations, and had no permanent results.
But, granting this, can we aecept Mr. Aravamuthan’s suggested
limit of date for these movements, and hence for the Sangam poets
who record them? I venture to doubt it: the evidence, though
seductive, is not quite cogent. Our knowledge of history is hardly
sufficient to justify us in asserting that such raids could have taken
place only in the periods that he selects. Caution in this respect 1s
necessary, especially as most of the detailed information concerning
these invasions is given in the Silappadhikaram, which, as I have
elsewhere remarked, cannot be in its present form very early, since it:

mentions buildings in the Gurjara style of architecture (xviii, 145, 152). +

The Silappadhikdram likewise brings on the scene certain kings called
Niirruvar-Kannar, who seem to have been ruling in Eastern Malwa
and thereabouts, and Mr. Aravamuthan pleads ingeniously in support
of the view that this name is a Tamil rendering of Satakarni. If it is so,
Nirruvar-Kanner is a mistranslation, for it can only mean “ The
Hundred Kannas ", whereas Satakarai signifies “a descendant of a
Sata-karna 1 and Sata-karna means either “he who has a hundred
’ * Mr, Aravamuthan sugcests two alternatives to meet this difficulty, spelling
the name as Satukerai: (1) that bared means“ an arrow", which is indicated by the
neo of the arrow as a symbol on coins of the dynasty, or (2) that it signifies a shijr
or #teeraman, which ie indicated by the figure of a «hip on some Andhra soins. But
both these meanings seem rather artificial, and the second is most improbable in
view of the fact, proved by Dr. Sukthankar, that the dynasty seems to have had
ita original home in the region of Bellary, and were thus landiubbers, Besides, the
original spelling is not Satalurpi but Sdftebersi,

17¢ REVIEWS OF ROOKS

ears", an epithet perhaps referring to the vigilance required of the
perfect king, or possibly “he who is equal to a hundred Karnas "’!
The Silappadhikaram, then, either misunderstood the name, or meant
some other kings ; and even if it referred to the Satakarnis, its own
date is so dubious that we must not attach too much weight to its
evidence, We like not the security.

The chapter on the Maukharis is an able one, and justly emphasizes
the importance of that dynasty, But Mr. Aravamuthan seems to us
to exceed the bounds of probability in some points. There is no reason
to suppose, as he does, that Sarvavarman of the Nirmand grant was the
Maukhari Sarvavarman, or that Parnavarman of Magadha was a
Maukhari, or that Raivataka and the rest of Kathiawar were ever
under Miukhari rule ; hence the area which we may safely infer to have
been under the domination of the dynasty reduces itself to a triangle
of which the apex is Ahicchatra and the hase a Line drawn from
Asirgarh on the Tapti to Nalanda and Aphsad in Magadha, Even
this, however, is a dominion of imposing dimensions, and there is some
probability in our author's ingenious suggestion that Harsa laid the
foundation of his empire by assuming the position of Kumara of the
Maukhari kingdom in nominal subordination to his widowed sister
Rajyaéri, and that after a few years, when he felt himself strong
enough, he tock possession of the throne as Maharaja.

These and several other points in the book we would gladly discuss
at greater length, but grantha-gaurava-bhayad we must desist, with an
epilogue of thanks to Mr. Aravamuthan for his erudite and attractive
study,

L. D. Barwyerr.

Die Ariscue Fevertenre, I. Teil. Von Jonanwes Henrret.
(Indo-Iranische Queller und Forschungen, Heft Vi.) pp. 188,
Leipzig, 1925. &vo.

We have already had the pleasure of noticing the first three Hefte
of Professor Hertel's JIQF., in two of which he pursued at various
angles the study of his theory of early Indo-Iranian Weltanschauung,
The present volume continues these researches by examining from this
point of view certain Vedic and Avestic words in their context,—yiz.
Vedie yaksa, dhénd, wisu, Av. ciOra, daéna, vohy- ‘In order to show

1 The epic hero Karpa was very popular, and is constantly cited as a type af
princely generosity in inscriptions, pe o

—————— Oe
GSC EO

# bp i] me —— 2 ¥
#
DE ARISCHE FEUERLEHRE 175

that their primitive meaning, from roots denoting light or fire, is
suitable and necessary in the Véda and Avesta, and therein he
finds corroboration for his theory. "

Professor Hertel's doctrine, the Feuerlehre, is re-stated by him as
follows; “ The conception that fire surrounds the world and pervades
every individual being is already Aryan, and, in all probability, already
Indo-Germanie. Likewise Indo-Germanic is the identification of fire
with understanding (wisdom, reason, prudence) and power. The
Indo-Germanic incarnations of the heavens (4eus, Indra = Erhas
pati) are at the same time storm-gods (givers of rain and fire) and
embodiments of the highest wisdom and power. Their opponents are
the powers of darkness. Thus also dualism is already Indo-Germanic,
and does not begin with Zoroastrianism. The Indo-Germanic Deva-
religion has come down to us in its purest form in the Rgveda, and in
its next best form in the older Yasts (in the latter, of course, apart from
the Zoroastrian additions) . . . Heaven [as conceived by the early
Indo-Iranians] consists of a vast transparent mountain-range, upon
which dwell the powers of light (devd, \/ div = vdsu, 4/ vas) in an
atmosphere of light and warmth... The world of these beings of light
18 designated by the substantive dir, ‘ light.’ That these conceptions
were already Indo-Germanic appears from the etymologies of dei,
din; Zevs, luppiter, Diespiter, Tir, Tiw, Zio, and from aifyp. That
the mountain-range is transparent . . . appears from the fact that from
the earth one can see the heavenly river (the Milky Way, Avestic
Aradvt stra andhita) pouring down towards the west and the east upon
the earth in two or more arms on each side, and the heaven! ¥ lake lying
in the middle of it (samudréh, srayo vourukaiem), on the shores of which
stand the palaces of the devs. Under the summit of this mountain-
range, which is called in Vedic ddri, pérvata, dsman, déan, and in Old
Persian asman, Avest. asan (the Vedic words Vrtrd and Vald and the
Avestic word Vara also . . . denote the same), there is a cavern enclosed
all round by it, the ground of which forms the world of man, It was
without light and water until the highest of the heavenly gods enabled
the heavenly light and the waters streaming from the heavenly rivers
and heavenly lake to pour down upon the earth by cutting with the
vagra (= Avest, vacra) channels through the mountain-range, viz.
the sun, moon, and stars. These channels likewise form the gates of
Heaven ” (pp, 8-13).

In the main and with some reservations in details, we believe this
reconstruction of the Indo-Iranians’ physica to be quite correct, The

176 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

cosmography in it tallies on the whole with that of the Sumerians and
Semites, and readily explains a large number of otherwise obscure
passages-in the Rg-véda; and the conception of Fire as a universal
power in macrocosm and microcosm enables us to correlate the Vedic
Agni-cult with the fire-worship of the Avesta and the Greek jdeas
which underlay the Eleusinian legend of Demeter passing Demophon
through the fire and the speculations of Herakleitos, But it is possible
to carry this principle sometimes too far in the interpretation’ of words :
men might naturally use words denoting brightness to designate
happiness, prosperity, ete., without holding any doctrine of a Cosmic
Fire, and moreover we must make due allowance for the Vedic
poets’ love of riddles. Nevertheless, we fully admit that Dr, Hertel,
in operating with his hypothesis, has given a more plausible and, on
the whole, probably more correct interpretation of many passages
in the Rg-véda and Avesta than his predecessors.

With regard to the reforms of Zarathustra, Dr. Hertel propounds
some interesting and valuable suggestions. Zarathustra, he mainteins,
preserved the ancient conception of the heavenly Fire present in the
world and in man and embodied in the God of Heaven, but he deprived
the latter of all naturalistic attributes and made him an embodiment
of wisdom and power, creator and ruler of the world (Mazdah —
intelligence, Ahura = lord), who is lord of the z“a6ra, “ place of the

good fire,” and corresponds to Ved. Brhas pati. This “ good fire ”

is also the fire in the human heart, daénd, like Ved. brdhma ; reason and
fire are one (pp. 11 f.). Guided by vohu manah, “ bright thought,”
Zarathustra declared the daévas to be not benevolent embodiments of
light, but malignant powers of darkness, for they incited their
worshippers to acts of pillage and violence, to senseless sacrifice of
cattle, to drunkenness and debauchery ; the true ruler of the world
is the pure Spirit, Mazdih, ‘‘ Wisdom,” who acts through truth
(orata), “ bright thought (vohw manah), good government, and
promotion of settled life and cattle-raising, and who will receive into
his fire-heaven those who live according to His will (pp. 96 f.).
Zarathustra based his doctrine not upon faith and emotion, but, ipon
reason: his Supreme Being is “ Lord Wisdom “; Ghura mazdah
(pp. 145 £), And this seems to us a very reasonable view of the canbe
whether we accept Dr. Hertel’s theory of Zarathustra’s date
or not.

The book contains three appendices, one on ¢

he passage from th
mortal to the fiery (spiritual) body supposed ,

to be effected by

A SKETCH OF THE HISTORY OF INDIA FROM 1858 tro 1918 #£=<177

cremation,’ another on the “ miracle of the cow’, 1.e. the mystery of
the growth of warm milk in the cow’s body, on which some Vedic
poets dilate, and a third on the use of the term vinaspali = agni.

Here for the present we must say farewell to Dr. Hertel, with
a cordial hope that he may speedily complete his Fewerlehre and
continue his researches in germane fields as heretofore. His indomitable
energy and profound learning are most adnmurable, and even where the
reader ventures with all respect to dissent, he has learned much.

L. D. Barnett.

A SkETcH oF THE History or Inpia From 1858 to 1918. By Henry
DopwELL. pp. vill + 326. With six maps and a bibliography.
Longmans, 1925, fs.

As indicated by its title, the theme of Professor Dodwell’s new
work is the development of India from the time of the extinction
of the East India Company's control down to the formulation of the
Montagu-Chelmsford programme. During this period, as the author
observes in his introduction, “the forces of change have played
unceasingly upon India, with far-reaching consequences, political,
moral, and economic,” and his aim has been to “ show the effects of
these modern influences, firstly on the executive government and its
administrative policy, then on the foreign policy of the Government
of India, and lastly on the political development of the people and
its reaction on the structure of the government.” Deliberately
designated a “sketch, the volume does not attempt a detailed
history of the period, but essays instead the far more difficult task
of tracing the underlying forces which have brought about the
transition from “ a centralized despotism, under which, however much
might be done for the people, nothing was done by them”’, into a
system having as its recognized aim “ the progressive realization of
responsible government in India as an integral part of the British
Empire”. The result is an acute analysis, based on wide knowledge
and full of shrewd touches, impartial, yet showing a sympathetic
understanding of Indian sentiment. It is a book warmly to be
commended not only to the student but to the general reader, and
above all to the politician, both in England and in India.

Writiam Foster.

i This is brought by Dr. Hertel into connexion with his view of the Avestic
doctrine of the Sandyant, a term which he interprets as“ he who shall set on fire"
{the world], the Redeemer and Judge (pp. 18, 152).

VOL. Iv. PART I. 12

“al eWGa, et Ue

m1!» ae

178 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

A History or rue Maratua Prorue. By C. A. Krxcarp and D, B.
Parasnis, Vol. ITI. PP. xl + 254. Milford, 1925. 10s. 6d.
This new history of the Marathas, at last completed by the present

volume, though interesting, and to a great extent based on material

not yet available in English, will not supersede the classic history
of Grant Duff. Itis too much designed as a popular history to achieve
that feat ; its author dispenses with the usual apparatus of the serious
historian; and at times is scarcely critical enough of his-evidence.
An interesting case is afforded by his narrative of the events preceding
the battle of Panipat in 1761. After the Maratha leaders had come
clamouring to Sadashiva Rao to be led to battle, we are told a council
was held at which the principal leaders all advised a retreat on Delhi ;
this course was decided on and orders were issued accordingly ; but
these were revoked when Ibrahim Khan came and declared that he
would betray the plan and desert to the enemy unless a general engage-
ment was ordered. Thus the main responsibility for the battle is
cast on the unfortunate Gardi. But, one asks, why did the leaders
so suddenly change their minds when they got into Council ?

Mr. Kincaid does not attempt to explain the inconsistency, For the

present Duff's account seems preferable,

Again Mr. Kincaid holds the odd, and, we think, unjustifiable
view that the defeat of Panipat led to the ultimate subjugation of
the Marathas by the English, But even had they won the battle,
would they have escaped from those ruinous Jealousies and divisions
which really led to their downfall ?

The death of Savai Madhava Rao is & question on which Mr. Kincaid
dilates at some length, and comes to a conclusion different from that
of Duff. Did the prince fall from the baleony by accident or design ?
Mr. Kincaid thinks by accident. But here, after all, in the case of
a prince fast dying of disease, nothing much depends on the solution
we adopt, and the matter is fitter for discussion in a footnote or an
excursus than in the text.

As a final example we may quote a case where Mr. Kincaid has
not perhaps recognized the interest of afind. He tells us that Balaji
Rao set up an establishment for the training of revenue officials.

all possible fullness. But we hear nothing more about it, Perhaps
there is nothing more to know; but in that case Mr. Kincaid might
have said so.

These details all illustrate what we take to be the principal weakness

THE HISTORY OF BURMA FROM THE EARLIEST TIMES 179

of this work—a lack of critical judgment. On the other hand it is
interesting ; it includes original documents which are not to be
found elsewhere in English; it narrates a most complicated story
with great clearness; and eo long as the reader keeps on his guard
against slips, he will find Mr. Kincaid an entertaining and, generally,

an informing companion. :
H. Dopwe.t.

Tue History or BurMa From THE Earutest Times To l0rn Marcu,
1824. By G. E. Harvey, LCS. pp. xxxi + 415. Longmans,
1925. 21s.

We must warmly welcome Mr. Harvey's volume, which will fill
a long-felt gap in our historical literature. It incorporates the results
of the work that has been done since Phayre’s History was written some
forty years ago, in assembling, deciphering, and classifying the principal
Burmese inscriptions, and thus affording data for checking the
statements of the Burmese chronicles, all of which are comparatively
modern, The appearance of the work marks therefore a long step
forward towards placing Burmese history on a sound foundation.
It is, however, as Sir Richard Temple points out in the preface which
he contributes to the book, not only a work of scholarship but also
one of sympathetic understanding. Its writing has evidently been
a labour of love, and it will, we hope, be studied by the administrator
as well as by the scholar.

We do not propose to follow Mr. Harvey through the complicated
and blood-stained annals of Burma, from the rise of Pagan through
the perplexing period of Shan dominion down to the two great dynasties
of modern times. The earlier part naturally abounds in legend and
miracle rather than in sober history. Mr. Harvey apologizes for the
way in which he has found himself obliged to mix up fact and fancy.
But we do not think the apology was necessary. These legends are
hardly capable of analysis ; and the author's choice really lay between
omitting them altogether or giving them, wonders and all. Moreover
they enshrine a number of curious details. From these and other
sources Mr. Harvey has assembled a number of allusions of great
interest to the felk-lorist as well as to the historian. We find curious
detail, for example, about the Ari worship and the Buddhist Naga
cult; striking illustrations of the practice of human sacrifice are
afforded by Anawrahta’s Shan queen in the case of the weirs built
by him on the Panlaung river, or the child buried alive in

150 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

the foundationr of the Ananda temple at Pagan. The saying that “ he
who slayeth a king becometh a king ” recalls many pages of Sir James
Frazer's, And here, too, are survivals of matriarchy, and of the
practice of royal marriages with step-mothers and half-sisters.

The Chinese sources, which Mr. Harvey has been able to use
from the translations of Mr. Parker in the Rangoon Secretariat, offer
at times curious accounts of the early state of the country, such ae
the account of Prome under its kings of Indian name and possibly
of Indian blood, of whom we know also by urn-inscriptions of the
eighth century. The Chinese chronicles probably constitute a source
which merits further exploration,

In spite of this, however, Burmese culture owes more to India than
to China. Apart from the great gift: of Buddhism, Mr, Harvey has
many other instances to cite—Burmese kings who distribute their
wealth like Harsha, and Burmese Jaws derived ultimately from the
Manavadharmashastra, The loom-tax, by the way, which Mr. Harvey
mentions as almost the last word of fiscal oppression, was familiar
enough in India, where it was not considered peculiarly burdensome.

The volume contains some curions slip in the account of the part
played by the Europeansin Burma. M t. Harvey will do well to correct
these in a new edition; and he will find it possible to correct his
principal authority, Dalrymple, for this part of his work. The
French chief, Bruno, js persistently misspelt “ Burno "+ the
Ostender, Schonamille, js disguised as “ Sconenville "> and it isa
little startling to read that the French had to evacuate India in 1763—
the year in which the Treaty of Paris readmitted them to that country.
Nor do we like Mr. Harvey's rather complicated and unusual system
of references, These are, however, but trivial defects in a work of
great value.

H. D.

My Broruer’s Facer. By Duan Copa, MUKERII. pp. 288,
Butterworth.

This book describes the experiences of an Indian returning to
India after some Years spent in the United States. The author expected
to find a changed India, and in his wanderings he was constantly
on the watch for changes and their significance, We hear 4 good deal
about Mr. Gandhi, but we hear more of a certain teacher, ascetic
and saint at Benares ; we listen to the adventures of the author's
brother, who had played a considerable part in the political plots

THE INDIAN BUDDHIST ICONOGRAPHY 181

of 1914-18, but who had abandoned the creed of violence for social
service; we visit at the houses of the merchants who made great
fortunes during the war and are bent on industrializing India; we
go to see Tagore’s remarkable new university, the Vishwa Bharati;
and we find the author's native village altered out of recognition by
the economic revolution actually in progress. How far we are to
take all these scenes and the incidents woven round them as literal
transcripts of fact does not appear; but they seem to us at once
characteristic and true, Especially pleasing are the glimpses we
catch of family life in a well-to-do Brahman household—not the less
pleasing to the present writer because they reminded him of the
subtle and serene atmosphere surrounding another Brahman family
in a very different part of India, and yet evidently instinct with the
same type of culture. To those who wish to learn something of the
inner life and spirit of modern India this book 1s warmly to be
commended.

H. D.

THe Inxpian Buppnist Iconocrarny. Mainly based on the
Sidhanamala and other cognate Tantric texts. By Benoyrosu
Buatracharyya, M.A. pp. xxiv + xxix + 220, 70 pl. London ;
Oxford University Press; Calcutta printed, 1924. 4to.

This book is a really useful contribution to a very important
branch of knowledge. Mr. Bhattacharyya has inherited from his
distinguished father, Mahimahopadhyaya Haraprasad Sastri, a keen
interest in the history of Buddhism, and the present work is a testimony
to his efficiency in this study. It consists, for the most part, of
renderings from the Sadhana-mala, a manual of Northern Buddhist
devotions, in which a large number of deities of the Northern pantheon
are addressed and the attributes with which they are represented in
painting and sculpture are named ; and with each of these descriptions
Mr. Bhattacharyya has coupled, besides his own notes, a picture of
some actual representation agreeing with it. Most of these figures
are of icons in stone or metal, but a certain number are taken from
drawings by modern Nepali craftsmen, amongst whom the ancient
traditions still linger. Speaking generally, this part of the book is
excellent, vividly illustrating the manifold phases through which
Northern Buddhism passed in the course of its assimilation to Saivism,
phases that range from serene beauty to horrors before which Grand-
Guignol pales. The introduction is mainly devoted to a survey of

182 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

the historical developments of Buddhism, which is able and interesting,
though marred to some extent by a slight lack of precision and
definiteness, A particularly valuable suggestion is the hypothesis
that Maijuéri, now one of the most popular deities of the Northern
pantheon, was originally a foreign Yogi ; if this is right, as we incline
to believe, it will add another instance to the already long list of
gods of human origin.
L. D. B.

Tue Mopern Gusarati-Encusn Dictionary. By B. N. and
B. B. Mewra. 2 vols, pp. 1609. Published at Baroda in
March, 1925,

The authors are to be congratulated on having supplied a long-
felt want. Their Dictionary contains 91,595 words, whereas the
valuable Narma Kos, the first effort in Gujarati lexicography, has
25,268 only. Belsare’s and the Gujarat Vernacular Society's
Dictionaries contain 35,138 and 35,678 words respectively. Still
there is a considerable fap, as the authors believe that there are
some 75,000 words in use in the Gujarati language, Considerations
of economizing space and saving expense have prevented them from
further expanding their work. Some day, it is hoped, a lexicon as
comprehensive for Gujarati as Candy and Molesworth’s is for Marathi,
will see the light of day. The typing is clear and the English renderings
are idiomatic and concise, The work has evidently been carefully
revised for printer's errors before issue, but in a few instances the
English equivalents are not given in either of the cross-references :
e.g. sarigat and garigat (partner); visdt and visat (worth, value),

The authors need not have feared the charge of over-Sanskritization.
The present-day tendency is to enrich the higher literature and poetry
with Sanskrit fatsamas: witness Govardhanrima’s popular Sneha-
Mudra, Apart from dialectal considerations Gujarati spelling is still
in a state of unstable equilibrium, despite the somewhat pedantic
unifying efforts of the Bombay Text-books Revision Committee.
Spelling still varies from district to district, Narmadagankara
proclaimed from the house-tops the pre-eminence of Surati Gujarati,
Dalpatrima championed the cause of Ahmedabadi speech, while
lesser lights still go on their way cheerfully, unmindful of the Pandits.
Nagar Brahmans insert the “ fleeting A” sound wherever they can :
Kathiavadis elide it whenever they dare, We must therefore be

THE MODERN GUJARATI-ENGLISH DICTIONARY 183

grateful to the authors for giving alternative spellings in numerous

Kvery lexicon-user will hail with delight the authors’ abolition
for orthographic purposes of the distinction between anusvara and
anunasika, Reference might have been still further facilitated if,
instead of placing initially nasalized words at the end of their
appropriate vargas, the authors had adopted the simple method of
Candy and Molesworth of neglecting the nasalization for purposes of
arrangement under each letter-class, Further, the nasal dot is
sometimes inserted and sometimes omitted in words such as nakhuii
(throw), vift (a ring), ete. Cross-references would be saved if the
entry read nakhvd, nikhed, “* to throw,” ete.

The quotations from well-known authors and poets are a pleasing
addition, but it would have made for greater clarity if, in the case
of words with different and sometimes opposite significations, the
authors had indicated by numerals, corresponding to those of the
different meanings, the particular signification attaching to the word
in the quotation, The large number of scientific and special words,
which this Dictionary contains, enhances its usefulness.

The publication of this Dictionary renders the further prosecution
of the attempt to fill up some of the more serious gaps in Belsare
unnecessary, for the present at least. It will suffice to note down
from a list held in suspense a few fairly common words omitted irom
our authors’ work, which words occur for the most part in the Narma
Gadya, or in three plays by the well-known author, Ranchhodbhai

Avadya (adj.) “indescribable”. Aadhaman (i) (f) ‘ wages
for removal” (Dhingala sdru pit-v@ ga-i ne unt-Kadhiman adadho
bethe “ King Log for King Stork”), gaduecho (m) * medicine
galebandh (m) “ neck-cloth”. Chemad “ foolish”; “a fool.” Choj
(f) “ smart appearance ”. Tamia: dvipa (m) “ one of the 7 continents ”
“Tndia.” Tikadt (f) “a tabloid”. Doka-bart (f) “ fan-light o
Tevdj (adv.) “instantly”. Dvireph (m) “a large black bee”, Nada-
bindu (m) “the mystic syllable Om”. Bakasat (f) “a feast”. Bu
(m) “‘a bogie, hobgoblin”. Ratna-khachit (adj.) “studded with
gems". Rajavan (n) “a mourning song”. Sama (f) “ high water".
Hdsto “ Yes, indeed!”

W. Doperer.

184 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

A Parvayn Dictionary.—Wirrersvucn pep KAtTe-SPRACHE
GESPROCHEN IN NEUGUINEA. Dictionary of the Kate-Language
as spoken in New Guinea. Von Curistiax Keysser. Berlin,
1923. Verlag von Drereicy Remer (Ernst Vousen), A.-G.
Hamburg: C. Boysen, (Beithefte zur Zeitschrift fiir Eingeborenen
Sprachen. Siebentes Heft.)

The aboriginal languages of New Guinea are remarkable for their
number and diversity. For want of a better name they have been
called Papuan, which Suggests their principal location in the great
island of the Frizzly haired, the Tanah Papuwah of the Malays.
In the territory administered by the Commonwealth of Australia
there are at least fifty of these languages, and there are many others
in the Mandated Territory, and in the islands south-east: of New
Guinea, The differences between the languages are not those of
aberrant members of one linguistic stock, but absolute differences of
word construction, grammatical forms, and syntax. Some languages
are simpler than others with words formed by transparent
agglutinations to the stem.! Other languages incorporate in the
verb the pronouns, objective * and subjective,? or both,’ and even
various adverbial modifieations.® Others again are polysynthetic
with nuclei which are not easy to ascertain,®

Owing to this diversity, the study of Papuan js peculiarly

interesting. One never knows what new form of word or bizarre

the most widely separated languages have some common elements,
each Papuan language is unique, and a knowledge of one is no guide
to the idioms of another, Unfortunately, for linguistic science,

Papuan languages, with tew exceptions,’ are spoken by very small -

communities, and these often find it convenient te
1 As ec. Kiwai ( Fly River) : n-t-nidai—li-rume we tonk
* As e.g. Naman (Purari Delta): Auru-i-na toll me, furt-ni-na tell thee, duru.
na-re told me, turw-ni-nave told thee. '
7 As og. Binandere (Mamba River): te-na Say, fe-fa thoy Ba yest,
mT
aig e.g. Mailu (Clondy Bay): mini-la-wa ] give thee. min
mini-la-exla thou givest me, mini-[a-eeq thou givest him, min
me, mini-la-ga he gives thee, mini-la-ea he gives him.
* Ase.g. Maila: Awribawbawaa I have been sta
come ye back quickly. 7
* As ec. Monumbo (Potedamhaten): ¢& atsaif ] a
theo, nin mindait he bas seen, wl utsaik she has seen
* Perhaps Kiwai and Binandere,

use for trading
three, lit. we-more than

fe-sira he

i-ln-a T give him,
i-la-eala he Rivos

ying a lone time, Merorenceulasihiay

W, Of trek ateora [ have Bern
ef wriraik | Will see,

>>. Et eS

A PAPUAN DICTIONARY 185

purposes and communication with Europeans, the simpler language
of Melanesian neighbours. To the missionaries, for the most part,
is due the aceurate knowledge of several Papuan dialects.

The Kate-German-English Dictionary compiled by the Rev.
Christian Keysser, of the Neuendettelsau Lutheran Missionary Society,
is the first list of Papuan words of dictionary rank to be published
with interpretation in English. It shows the language of the Kéte-ngic,
(i.e. Bush-folk) of the mountain villages of the Huon Peninsula on
the east coast of New Guinea. By their Melanesian neighbours,
the Jabim on the coast at Finschhafen, the people are called Kai
(bush), and they are usually called Kai also by Europeans. The
language (Kidte-diing) is spoken by about 4,000 people, and was first
made known by the German traveller Zoller in his book Deutsche
Neuguinea in 1891. Notices of the grammar have been published
by Grube, Schmidt, and Dempwolff. According to Herr Keysser
there are several dialects. The Wena which is used in church and
school is that represented in the dictionary.

The dictionary contains 551 pages with 61 additional pages of
relationship, animal, plant, and mineral names. Only Kite words
with German and English interpretation are given, and there is no
German or English index or grammar. The English explanations
are added to the German without punctuation, and there are a few
misprints for which the author apologizes, and which are counter-
balanced by the convenience for use by Anglo-American readers,
as funds for the publication were provided by the Evangelical
Lutheran Synod of Iowa, U.S.A.

The compilation of a Papuan dictionary is not an easy task, but
Herr Keysser has accomplished it in a very efficient manner. The
extraordinary number of compound words must have required a good
deal of thought. The author has somewhat simplified the arrangement
by entering words of similar derivation and meaning under their
primary component. An example will show Herr Keyszer’s method.
I add a note following :—

“ Nalezo mir etw. geben, mir etw. antun to give me s. th., to do
s. th. to me. Objektivverb, wird wach dem Objekt abgewandelt
objectiv verb, conjugated according to the object: ag. nalezo, galezo,
léenezo (in Zusammensetzungen: in compounds :—enezo); dual.
nidictezo, nactezo, jactezo ; pl. ndlezo, yalezo, jalezo.

“ Enalezo (cf. eso) mir etw. antun, zufiigen to do me a good or
bad turn. banalezo mir (fiir mich) etw. machen to do s. th. for me.

186 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

“ Naleygaley gegenseitiges Geben, Handeln, Tauschhandel mutual
giving, dealing, barter, Boleynalengaley Wertsachenaustausch
exchange of valuables. Déynalengaley Redeaustausch, Gedanken-
austausch exchange of speeches, of thoughts,

“ Nalezo ete, driickt in 4usammensetzungen den Datiy (das ferne
Objekt) aus, z. B. : expresses the dative (the indirect object) in

compounds, e.g.: wikenalezo mir etw. zuwerfen to throw s. th. to
me, wikegalezo dir etw. zuwerfen to throw s. th. to you wikecnezo

ihm etw. zuwerfen usw. to throw s. th. to him, her ete."* 1

Note.—The words nalezo, galezo, ldenezo, etc., which mean: “ To
five me, to give thee, to give him, ete.,” zo being the sign of the
infinitive, are also entered in their alphabetical place in the dictionary.

Enalezo is given in its alphabetical place without definition as
“ enalezo vy. sub, ezo”’. It is also given under ezo. But banalezo is
not given in its alphabetical place and is not found under baco.

Boleynalengaley is not entered under boley (the valuable omnaments
of the natives) and déynalengalen is not found under day (voice,
sound, speech). Neither word is entered in its alphabetical place,
and the termination ygaley is not explained.

In wikenalezo, ete., wike is from “ wickezo etw. werfen, fortwerfen
to throw s. th. away. Under this is entered: “ wickenalezo etw.
nach mir werfen (aber nicht treffen) to throw something at me
unsuccessfully. (Hecnuzo nach mir werfen und treffen to throw
and hit me.)"

It is here evident, as Herr Keysser himself points out in his preface,
that unless the stem of a word is easily recognizable a certain difficulty
would arise in ascertaining the meaning, Banalezo, boleynalengalen,
and déynalengaley must be recognized as derivatives of nalezo before
their meaning can be sought in the dictionary, The difficulty might
have been avoided by the addition to the work of a grammar, or
at least of a list of formative particles. A few only of the latter are.
given in the dictionary, as to have given all would have made the

The Kate dictionary is a monument to Herr Keysser’s patience
and research. It is by far the most complete collection of words
in any Papuan form of speech. Not only the student of languages,
but the anthropologist also may find interest in its pages, for

1 In Kite orthography: d = open vowel o, ¢ glottal plosive consonant, j voiced

palatal fricative, y voiced velar nasal, 3 voiced alveolar affricate (dz), breathed
alveolar affricate,

THE MYTHOLOGY OF ALL RACES 187

Herr Keysser is not content with mere definitions. I quote his
entry (omitting the German) under the word losa. “ Losa, antique
stone bowls, found here and there in the wood and on the places of
former villages, with which some kinds of superstition are connected.
Some of them, with the opening on top, are said to announce famine ;
when found turned upside, they are said to announce a rich crop.
Some have got special names. Professor Neuhauss is of opinion
that they were made by a vanished race of inhabitants. As a heavy
pestle belongs to these bowls (these are mostly lost), they have surely
been used as mortars. From my view and old people still remember,
the hard falic—and the still harder zkoloc—nuts have been opened
in them. The finding of some of thes: bowls near zakoloc-trees
corroborates this view. Nowadays the nuts are easily opened by the
axe; the losa have become superfluous and out of use.”
It is to be hoped that Herr Keysser will complete his study of the
Kiate-din by a Grammar and Texts.
Sipvey H. Ray.
Tae Myrnouoey or Aut Races. Edited by Canon J. M. MacCutocn,
D.D., and G. F. Moore, A.M.,D.D.,LL.D. Volume VIL: Armenian,
by Marprros H. Anwanrkrax, late Professor of the History of
Languages of Turkey, Kennedy School of Missions, Hartford,
Connecticut. African, by Atice Werner. Archeological
Institute of America: Marshall Jones Company, Boston, 1925.
The Armenian section of this volume—by far the smaller, but by
no means the least in interest—must be reserved for notice on a future
oceasion, The African, though occupying about three-quarters of
the total space, has nevertheless suffered from the necessity of com-
pressing into these limits a subject for which the whole volume would
scarcely have sufficed, It may also be pointed out, m explanation
of some deficiencies (it will be obvious that various recent sources
have not been utilized) that difficulties connected with the book-trade
in the United States have held up the publication for several years.
The writer has found it convenient to treat Africa south of the
Sahara as a unity, and while calling attention, as oceasion arises, to
differences of detail among the various races which inhabit it, finds,
on the whole, a remarkable homogeneity in custom and belief. Hence,
instead of adopting an arrangement according to racial or regional
divisions, the subject has been treated under the headings “* High Gods
and Heaven ”, “ Myths of Origins ”’, “ Ancestral Spirits ", ete.

18s REVIEWS OF BROOKS

On the much-disputed question of a “High God”, the writer
preserves a somewhat non-committal attitude, admitting that it is
difficult, if not impossible to be certain whether the names commonly
accepted as applying to such a being may not Teally mean the sky
or the sun. It seems to us that the two instances she gives (p. 126) as
implying that “ Mulungu ” js regarded as a personal being might be
equally susceptible of the other interpretation.

Miss Werner considers that “ the bed-rock fact in Bantu and Negro
religion ” is “the belief in the continued existence of human beings
after death and their influence on the affairs of the living ""—in other
words, aneestor-worship. She inclines to the view, apparently
advocated by Klamroth, that all spirits recognized by the African are,
in the last resort, ghosts of dead human beings, Perhaps this view
requires some modification in the light of Mr. D. R. Mackenzie's recent
work (The Smirit-ridden Konde), where we read: * Prior to the arrival
of the first human spirits, the place was inhabited by the owners af the
land,” and other authorities speak of “ earth-spirits ”, who, however,
may or may not be ghosts. Some further light is also thrown by this
writer on Mbasi, the “definitely evil power ” referred to by Miss
Werner on p, 159.

In the chapter on “ Myths of Origins there is an unexplained
contradiction in the statement that « Bumba produced eight living
creatures ", whereas, in point of fact, nine are enumerated. The
* point may not be without importance as eight is a sacred number
with some Bantu tribes (e.g., the Chaga, who, however, have been
subjected to a good deal of non-Bantu influence, through the Masai),
and wine with the Baganda, in whom there is, likewise, a Hamitic
strain. The Galla, also, taboo nine, which they call “ the spirits’
number *,

Farther on, this same chapter raises an interesting point in the
curious belief of the Nandi that the first ancestor of mankind produced

children from a swelling on his knee—a notion which probabl ¥ underlies |

the confused and perplexing accounts of the Hottentot Tsiti-Goab,
Strangely enough, there appear to be traces of some such belief in
the most unexpected quarters. Miss M. E. Durham has Pointed out
that the Serbian word for “ race’, “ seed", « generation” (K oljeno)
had originally the meaning of * knee".

The Hottentots, by the by, are described.

SOMALI-TEXTE, UND UNTERSUCHUNGEN ZUR LAUTLEHRE 189

of their long migration south-west and south. It might, perhaps,
with equal justice, be contended that they are originally of the same
stock as the Bushman, but mingled their blood with the precursors of
the present Galla and Somali, or some other Hamitic peoples. Whether
their descent: is to be traced from the Automoloi of Herodotus, as some
affirm, is another question.

The chapter on “ Totemism” is but a tentative approach toa
difficult and much-disputed subject, and the writer cannot claim to
have reached any definite and unassailable conclusions. But the
specimens of folk-tales, to which it is the introduction, are at least
adequate to give some notion of the wealth of fable existing in Africa,
much of it as yet ungarnered.

On the whole it may be said that, in spite of a style somewhat
cumbrous (probably due to a conscientious effort at presenting all
aspects of the subject), though evidently much influenced by the late
Andrew Lang, this book is readable enough, and has perhaps succeeded
as well as could reasonably have been expected in pouring several
quarts of matter into the prescribed pint jug. In any case readers of
this book have the satisfaction of knowing that it is the work of one
of the foremost living experts. E. D. R.

SOMALI-TexTE, Un» UntrersucnuNnGEN zur LauTLEnRE. Von Maria
von Tintne. (Beihefte zur Zeitschrift fiir Eingeborenen-Sprachen,
herausgegeben von Carl Meinhof, mit Unterstiitzung der
Hamburgischen Wissenschaftlichen Stiftung. Achtes Heft.) Berlin,
Reimer; Hamburg, Boysen, 1925.

The Somali language—an interesting member of the Hamitic
family, closely related to Galla—has received little attention in this
country of late years. Nothing seems to have been published since
Kirk’s Grammar (1905—superseding that of the late Colonel Hunter,
1880) and the only Somali-English Dictionary in existence is, so far as
I am aware, that of Larajasse and Sampont (1897). The more recent
work of Dr. Cerulli and P. da Palermo in Italian deserves to be better
known.

Fraulein von Tiling has worked on this language for several! years,
with the assistance of Muhammad Nur, a Somali, from the Berbera
district, who, having found his way to Germany in connexion with a
performing troupe, was on the outbreak of the war interned in
Ruhleben as a British subject, and released at Professor Meinhof’s
request, for work at the Hamburg seminary. The present volume

190 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

is the thesis which gained for the writer the degree of Ph.D. The texts
which form its second part were dictated by Nur and embrace a con-
siderable variety of subjects. His account of his own life and
experiences in Germany, and of his journey to Benadir, whither he was
sent by the then Sharif of Mecca, in or about 1910, will be read with
interest, if only in the German translation. We have also the narrative
of Muhammad bin Abdallah’s (the “ Mad Mullah ™) war, descriptions
of Somali life, folk-tales, proverbs and songs. Dr. von Tiling has made
a very thorough study of Somali phonetics, Previous studies (dealing
in the first instance with the Jabarti dialect) have appeared in the
Zeitschrift fiir Fingeborenensprachen (1922); and the present volume
contains an essay on two special points, the articulation of the
“pressed” or “emphatic” sounds d (=) and g (3) and the lary gals,
rand a Memhof has formulated the rule that the characteristic
of the emphatic sounds is the manner and not the place of articula-
tion’, and he explains this by saying that “the articulation of all
emphatic sounds is accompanied by a ‘pressure’, produced by strong
contraction of the throat-muscles or of the muscles attached to the
hyoid bone”. He says, further, “In der Pressung liegt die Verwandt-
schait der emphatischen Laute mit den Laryngalen h (¢) und (g).”

An important observation made by Dr. von Tiling is that these
sounds vary according to position in a word (e.g. medial g has a sound
rendered by ¥, “gleich * mit Pressung”’); so that she has, very wisely,
“die Laute des Somali immer nur als Bestandteile eines Wortganzen,
und, soweit es méglich war, auch im fortlaufenden Satz untersucht.”
In fact, this is the only sound method to follow. It is Interesting to
note that her quite unsophisticated Jabarti informant stated that, in
pronouncing q, he “ pressed the back of his throat together”, but
uttered £ “in his mouth”, and drew a similar distinction between
dandd. This pronunciation is illustrated by two Tadiographs and a
number of kymograph tracings, which are specially commended to
the attention of phoneticians.

The present work does not deal with grammar (except incidentally
in notes on the texts), though previous studies on this subject have
already appeared in Professor Meinhof's quarterly? But the Introduc-
with = eiprcanpu tel ian dereeepbeg ‘8 Somali are in every case identical

* Zeitachrift fir Kolonial- (later Eingeborenen.) Sprachen, ix, 132; x, 208 5 xii, 17;
xy, 50, 130.

CAUSERIES CONGOLAISES 191

tion contains an extremely suggestive passage. After mentioning the
two problems formerly discussed—the three different forms of the
Somali article, and the seemingly anomalous concord of the adjective—
she says :—

“ Ich bin immer mehr zu der Ansicht gekommen, dass die genannten
und andre Fragen, die noch offen stehen—wie z. B. der sinngemiisse
Gebrauch der Tempora im Somali—im Grunde wohl auf ein und
dieselbe Tendenz zuruckzufiihren sind, die die ganze Sprache beherrscht,
nimlich auf die dem Somali eigentiimliche Einstellung des Redenden
zum Erlebten, das er sprachlich wiedergibt ; und zwar gliedert sich
diese Einstellung in der Hauptsache nach zwei immer wiederkehrenden
Gesichtspunkten, die sich bezeichnen lassen als Gegenwarts-und Nicht-
gegenwartssphiire, resp. Serendes und Gewesenes, oder tatsiichlich
Wahrgenommenes und nur Gesetztes—noch andauerndes oder gelistes
Besitzverhiltnis—wenn man will, kann man auch die Ausdriicke
Gegenwart und Vergangenheit dafiir anwenden, doch geben sie nicht
das Wesentliche der inneren Zweigliederung des Somali an, und es
ergeben sich bei ihrer Anwendung hiiufig Widerspriiche.”’

Tt is to be hoped that Dr. von Tiling will be enabled to continue
her studies so far as to solve these and kindred problems, and perhaps,
at last, to present us with a Somali grammar which shall be really
satisfactory.

A. W.

Cavsertes Concotaises. Par E. Torpay. Brussels: Vromant and
Co., Imprimeurs-Editeurs, 1925,

Mr. Torday has, at the request of the Belgian Government, produced
& popular account—greatly needed, if report can be trusted—of the
Congo basin and its peoples. Those acquainted with this writer's
more serious work—which will be a mine of wealth to anthropologists
during many years to come—need not too hastily conclude that the
Causeries are not for them, for this little book of less than 250 pages
contains more solid information, conveyed in easy, picturesque French,
than many a more pretentious work. Lecturers in Sociology or
Anthropology might do worse than recommend its perusal to a class
with no previous knowledge of specially African subjects. We have
sixteen chapters dealing, under such headings as “Vétements et
Parures ’, “ L’Habitation "’, ““ Agriculture, Chasse et Péche”, “ La
Religion "’, “ La Famille”, etc., etc., with the material culture, social
life, and religious ideas of the people. The different tribes inhabiting

Py > bed ell

132 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

this vast region are briefly characterized in the opening chapter,
“ Le Congo et les Congolais,”” where we have, inter alia, some extremely
suggestive remarks on the much-disputed question of the Pygmies.
Mr. Torday is inclined to think that these people are of the same stock
as their taller neighbours, their so-called racial peculiarities being
merely the result of environment. Their physique varies as does that
of the tribes dwelling near them, those north of the equator being short-
legged and stocky, like the “ Forest Negroes "’ of the Aruwimi, while
those to the south are “ sveltes et fluets ", like the adjacent Baholo
and other peoples.

Students of Comparative Religion will particularly note the
recognition in Chapter VI of ancestor-worship and fetishism as two
distinct cults, the latter being a comparative innovation in the Central
and Western Congo regions. It will be remembered that the late
R. E. Dennett held more or less the same view. It may be mentioned
in this connexion that the “ crowned chief *’—the head of the clan,
who is ex officio the high-pricst of the ancient worship—oceupies the
position of Sir J. G. Frazer's “ Divine King”, and is never allowed to
die a natural death. This chief is not necessarily—indeed in many
cases has been superseded by—the political head of the tribe. To quote
all the passages one is tempted to extract would far outrun our space-
limits, and selection is difficult. It only remains to add that the
author's apology for the “frivolous” character of his work is quite
unnecessary.

A. W,

Jakt-ocH FANGSTMETODER BLAND AVRIKANSK4 Four. (Hunting
Methods among African Peoples.) Del, I. Av Gernarp Linprto.
Stockholm: Victor Petterson, 1925.

Dr. Lindblom, whose ethnographical work has been noticed on a
previous occasion, has here embraced in a comprehensive survey the
results of first-hand field-work in Africa, as well as of an exhaustive
study of the available African literature and the splendid collections
in the Stockholm Ethnographic Museum. A brief “ Retrospect ” at
the end, written in English, is intended to afford readers unacquainted
with Swedish a bird's-eye view—necessarily a very sketchy one—of
the vast amount of matter contained in the preceding 124 pages,

The method of arrangement is not the Same throughout: jn
general, the facts are grouped according to the kind of animal hunted
thus we have chapters on the hunting of the ostrich, the crocodile,

LA CULTURE MODERNE 193

and the elephant, and one devoted to the giraffe, rhinoceros, and
buffalo. But another chapter deals with the hunting of various
creatures by means of disguises (e.g., the Bushman method of stalking
the ostrich) and yet another with the use of boomerangs and missile
clubs in hunting. The variety of traps and snares used by various
African tribes will be found surprising by anyone who has devoted
no previous attention to the subject ; the round foot-trap of Uganda
and the Sudan (pp. 76,101) is specially ingenious. Altogether a
valuable monograph. A. W.

La Cutture Moperne; Crvimisations Nécro-Arricaines. Par
Maurice DeLarosse. pp. 142,5} x 4. Paris: Librairie Stock,
1925.

This little manual, for whose scientific accuracy the name of
M. Delafosse is a sufficient guarantee, forms an excellent introduction
to the study of African anthropology. Under the seven headings of
“Religion et Magie”, “La Famille", “ Institutions Sociales”,
“ Organisation Politique”, “ Régime des Biens”, “ Vie Matérielle ”,
and “Culture Intellectuelle et Artistique"”, we have a clear and
comprehensive survey of the whole continent—at any rate, of that
portion south of the Sahara to which the name Africa most intimately
belongs. The broad outlines here given are invaluable as a guide to
the student, who can gradually fill in from other sources the details
proper to the particular region in which he is interested. Differences
of local detail cannot, of course, be allowed for in a bird's-eye view of
this kind, and it is well to remember that, on the whole, the present
work 1s orienté for Western—i.e. non-Bantu Africa—more especially
the Ivory Coast and the Niger Basin. The cleavage between Bantu
and non-Bantu is not, except from a linguistic point of view, very
clearly defined (indeed, it may be doubted, whether, apart from
language, it has any real existence) ; yet there are certain differences
which at once suggest themselves to anyone familiar with the East
and South. For instance, the notion of the Earth as a divinity (p. 97),
which, according to M. Delafosse, underlies the African theory of
property in land, does not seem to be definitely formulated among
the Eastern Bantu, who, however, hold more or less the same view as to
ownership of the soil. They appear to recognize, and propitiate, earth
spirits, which are probably—in some cases, we may say, certainly—
the ghosts of former occupants; but the conception of an Earth-
goddess is foreign to them, though possibly not to the Congo tribes
studied by the late R. E. Dennett.

VOL. IV, PART I.

194 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

Another part of the work which may be held to apply more
particularly to West Africa is that dealing with the régime des castes
(p. 72). Specialized occupations, sometimes hereditary, may be
found elsewhere—but, except in the case of the smiths (the guilds of
sorcerers, diviners, or herbalists—distinct but sometimes overlapping—
are not quite on the same footing) nothing in the nature of a caste
seems to have been recorded from Southern or Eastern Africa—
though M. Delafosse says :—

“La. plupart des populations négro-Africains divisent la société
en deux catégories : au sommet de l'échelle se placent tous ceux qui
nappartiennent pas aux castes dites professionnelles; au bas de
échelle sont relegués les artistes et les artisans, répartis eux-mémes
en castes nombreuses, étanches et hierarchisées.

“Ce n'est pas le travail en lui-méme qui avilit; la nature du
travail effectué intervient pour une large part. Le travail de la
terre est le plus noble de tous, sans doute parce qu il implique une
alliance directé avec la divinité du sol.”

Such a degree of specialization seems to imply a much longer
settlement of the country than can be postulated for most Eastern
Bantu tribes. It is also to be noticed that, in the area surveyed in
this book, agriculture does not seem to he regarded as specially the
women's province, as is so frequently the case in primitive cultures,
and markedly among the Bantu.

Altogether, the value of this little work ig quite out of proportion
to its size, and it may confidently recommended to students as
the initial step for a course of reading in African ethnography.

A. WERNER
SCULPTURE IN Stam. By Atrrep Satmony. Pp. Xvili + 52, 121 x 9,
70 plates, 1 map. London: Emest Benn, Ltd., 1925,

The author of this work, who is Assistant Director in the Museum
for Far Eastern Art in Cologne, has set himself the difficult task of
disentangling not only the chronological development of plastic
art in the geographical area he has selected but also its topographical
classification and the various foreign and local influences that have
contributed to its evolution. In this he has spared no pains: and
as he gives his evidence in the shape of a well-selected series of
admirably executed plates it may fairly be said that he puts his cards
on the table and submits his judgments on these matters to a public

test. His delicate appreciation of nice points of difference in form

SCULPTURE IN SIAM 195.

and treatment, of necessity required for such a task and traimed
thereto by a conscientious and detailed comparative study of the
materials, is evident on every page of his descriptive and critical
account. So far as a layman in these matters can follow him, his
judgments appear to be well founded, and it is safe to say that he
has truly laid down the general lines of the evolution of sculpture
in Siam. Further discovery may add to, and perhaps in matters
of detail modify, this result without upsetting its main principles.

It is to be noted that the title of the book is not Siamese Seulpture
but Sculpture in Siam. That region was never an ethnic unity ; and
foreign influences, originally Indian in their source, from Cambodia,
Malaya, Burma and elsewhere, have created a number of erose-
currents in the local art. It is only gradually, and relatively late,
that a typically Siamese sculpture emerges; and then only to end,
all too soon, in a stereotyped formalism that makes one regret the
more primitive variety. This is not a question merely of beauty :
that conception is very relative. It has been said by a critic that these
sculptures of Siam are not beautiful; but this may mean no more
than that the particular critic could not bring himself to admire them.
He may have forgotten that the models were Indo-Chinese, not
Greeks, and that the conventions of treatment were necessarily
alien to his European experience. These are limitations, if one may
so atyle them, for which the artists cannot fairly be blamed. It
is more to the point to frame an estimate of what they contrived to
do within their limitations. Looking at the plates of this book one
cannot but feel that many, especially of the earlier works, show
power and a fine sense of form. The Indian inspiration, working in
a new field, produced, as it did in Java and elsewhere, a fresh school
differing somewhat from those of its original homeland. But gradually
the impulse died away and a localized conventional routine took its
place. That is a rough summary of the course of artistic development
in several of what we may call the ancient colonies of India.

Like some others, the author is a trifle hard on the Gandhara
School, But, after all, if that school had not existed the art of the
Gupta period would not have been what it was; and it was Gupta
art that gave the Indian colonies in Indo-China and Indonesia their
cxemplars. These are but links in a chain; or perhaps one should
compare them to reaches in a long river, that was being fed now and
then by some fresh tributary and ultimately spread out into a number
of distant branches, fertilizing a delta of its own creation.

™, is} a
be dee 8

OF a

uf . + oh - | no
ee kt Ae eee

-_— 9c? =
> = -

ae |
4 >

v
‘

a * ca 2 a)
ee ae de eo Ln

7 ~-
a

Ly a Pom

: 7.

196 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

A few details in the text of the book invite criticism. “ Upper
India” (p. 1) is a curious term for Indo China, as is also “ Lower
India ” for India proper. Makkara (p.7) should be Makara; Ardjoen
(p. 8), Ardjoena (i.e. Arjuna). The bearded personages discussed
on the same page and figured on Plate 4 B are surely ascetics of the
Indian type; but it does not follow that the beardless ones are
aborigines. The Bangka inscription of 686 (p. 10), though containing
many Sanskrit words, is not in Sanskrit, but in an Indonesian language
closely cognate with Malay. It is surely too much to say that the
art of the early period (say, about the eighth century) was originated
by the Malay peoples (p. 11). It was Indian, and probably the early
craftsmen in Java and Sumatra were Indians. Just how much it
owed to its environment has yet to be assessed; and the same
applies to Indian art elsewhere, Further, between Phrapatom and
the furthest-known outposts of the Sumatran Sailendras there is
4 geographical gap, bridged only by certain resemblances in the
sphere of art. Are these cause and effect, or are they both effects
of a common cause, their Indian origin? Sawankolok (p. 13) is not
Sangha-land but Svarga-land. Here, and in Sukhothai, although
Camboja was the politically suzerain power, geographical considerations
render it not unlikely that Indian influences may have penetrated at
a fairly early date from the Talaing coastland of Lower Burma. There
is no reason to suppose (ibid.) that the Mon-Khmers were of Aryan
kin. Certainly their colour is no evidence that way, for the Khmer
is darker than the Thai. For Plate II (p. 14) read Plate 11, The
etymology of Lophburi as ““ New Town ” (p. 19) is more than doubtful.
Its Pali and Sanskrit name is Lavapuri; and a Mon inscription of
about the eighth century has been found there. Racial kinship
between Thai and Cham cannot be invoked to account for resemblances
in artistic styles (p. 24), for the Chams are more closely related to
Khmers and Malays than to the Thai. For Plate 51 B (p. 30) read
Plate 52B. For Abaya-mudra read Abhaya-mudra, For Dvarvati
(p. 35) read Dvaravati, The number of the earthly forerunners of
the historic Buddha (p. 38) was not confined, even by the Hinayana
school, to six,

These are details which do not affect the substantial value of the
work under review. But they deserve mention, because when
occurring in a scholarly work like this they are liahle to lead students
into error.

Cc. 0. BLacpen,

ape

THE VOLGA POMPEI 197

Tue Voutea Pompe: By F. Battop. pp. 132. 1923. @. Bassog,
Upwrormckne Lonnen Tocya Wagatesvcroo. Mocksa, 19235.

Tt is very pleasant to read this account of the explorations and
archeological research carried out by Professor Ballod, together with
his friends and disciples, on the right bank of the Volga in 1919,
1920, and 1921.

The party had explored certain sites between Sarator and Tzaritsin
at the time when everyone in Ruasia, including the members of the
expedition, was undergoing incredible hardships. Professor Ballod is
interested in the early ages, beginning from the paleolithic period,
and for the study of this he had ample opportunity in the district
mentioned above. But he gives more attention to the Middle Ages—
particularly to the architecture and applied arts of the Zolotaya Orda.

He dismisses the traditional opinion that the Tartar rulers of
Russia were nothing but savage nomads. He maintains that the
material secured during the excavations of the “ Volga Pompei ”
proves that the Tartars of the second half of the thirteenth and of
the fourteenth centuries achieved a very high level of material
civilization.

The text is accompanied by 32 plates, some of them in colour.

M. Kasantn.

A Paowocrara Course In THe Cuinese Nationa. Lanoavaae.
By Yuen Rew Cuao, Ph.D, Commercial Press, Shanghai,
This book, with the accompanying gramophone records, will be

of great value to foreign students of the Chinese spoken language.
It is particularly interesting for three reasons. To begin with, it is
the first effort that has been made to present a course in Colloquial
Mandarin on systematic and scientific lines from the point of view
of Modern Phonetics as well as that of grammar and syntax. It is
interesting also because the author is a Chinese, who is not only a
thorough master of his mother tongue, but also of modern linguistics
in all its bearings. The work throughout reveals a high grade of
scholarship and a wide knowledge of modern European languages.
And the third reason is that accompanying the lessons is a set of
. gramophone records which, for the student working with or without
a Chinese teacher, add immeasurably to the usefulness of the work.
They are remarkably clear, especially in the tones, and are the more

198 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

valuable to the foreign student in that they are produced by a Chinese
whose colloquial in pronunciation, as well as in idiom, is of a very
high standard. ;

There are twenty-four lessons, each with a corresponding
gramophone record, It is significant that the first six of the twenty-four
are devoted to pronunciation, and of these six, two are occupied
solely with tones. Significant, that is, both of the Importance attached
to tones by a Chinese philologist, and of his estimate of the difficulty
which foreigners have hitherto found in acquiring the tones in a way
satisfactory to the Chinese ear.

In the plan of the book, as a whole, each lesson begins with a few
pages of theoretical explanation of the subject of the lesson, whether
pronunciation or syntax. This is followed by the text, set out, with the
transliteration and translation, on two pages. The transliteration
is in the International Phonetic Alphabet, the tone of each word being
indicated by a stroke preceding the word. After each character in
the text the symbols of the Chinese National Phonetic Script are
given. The first effect of this arrangement upon the English reader
is somewhat confusing. To a Chinese reader there is probably no
confusion, because in the National Readers used in the schools and
in other literature the script has become common, But to the foreign
beginner it is otherwise. It is a question whether it would not have
been better to give the National Phonetic Script separately from the
characters,

The title is somewhat misleading. It speaks of a course in the
“ National Language”, whereas the lessons are in pure Pekingese,
and there is a difference, as the author points out, between the two.
If would have been better to avoid the discrepancy. The most
important point in which Pekingese and Kuo Yii (National Language)
differ is in what may be called the split sounds. Older foreign students
are familiar with the difference between Wade's system and Williams’,
according to which Wade's ch and As before front vowels are divided
in Williams’ into & and ts, and 4 and s respectively. The Kuo Yii has
been adopted by the Peking Government with the object of unifying
the Colloquial Mandarin of China, and it is very much to be commended
that they adopt the split sounds, for the important reason, among
others, that the number of sounds or syllables in the Chinese language
is in any case all too small, and the division into two or more classes
makes for clearness—very desirable in the case of a phonetic script,
It seems, however, that there are two parties in China, one favouring

> ———— i” ~ | Ti —

4 PHONOGRAPH COURSE IN THE CHINESE NATIOXAL LANGUAGE 199

the adoption of pure Pekingese as the national language, asserting
that the present Kuo Yi system is much more difficult to carry
through as a unified system. This assertion may prove to be true,
but if so, it 1s none the less to be regretted for the reason stated above.
The author speaks of the Kuo Yii as the artificial Mandarin of
the older sinologists. This, if it refers to Mandarin as presented, say,
in the former Williams’ Dictionary, is not quite accurate. It
represented rather what used to be called Southern Mandarim or
Nankingese, a form of Mandarin which, in its essential feature, namely,
the split sounds, covered a large area, extending as far north as
Shantung.

The Nations! Phonetic Script symbols inserted by the
side of the Chinese characters are according to the Kuo Yii, and
therefore represent the split sounds, and not the Peking single
initial before front vowels: while in the International Phonetic
transcription the author has given the Pure Peking representation.
This descrepancy may lead to some slight confusion to the student.
It is, however, a distinct gain that in his International Phonetic
transcription the author has distinguished between the initials ej, e¢
and ¢3, t/, the two former of which occur before front vowels only and
the two latter before back vowels.

Perhaps the most anes fact to the foreign student of Chinese
is the author's adoption of >, d , 4 (unvoiced) instead of Wade's p, t, k.
There has been much discussion from earliest days among foreign
scholars with regard to the representation of these sounds, the older
sinologists insisting, with good reason, that the Mandarin Colloquial
has no b, d, g, but an unaspirated p, t, f, corresponding to aspirated
p, t, &, Our author, in agreement with Dr. Calvin Mateer, one of the
greatest experts in Colloquial Mandarin, says that the Chinese sounds
“ are somewhere between the two. You can get the sounds correctly
either by pronouncing p, ¢, & with no aspirations, or 6, d, g, without
voice", The author in adopting the symbols }, d, 7, as more easily
to be distinguished from the aspirated stops p, t, &, has, we think,
acted wisely, We are disposed to eriticise his transcriptoin (wa) of
such finals as are found in Wade's po, mo, lo, etc. We should be
more inclined to give it as oa, as the more usual pronunciation in

The lessons on syntax ate very comprehensive, and of special
interest to the foreign student, as covering the ground usually covered

:
:
a
a

200 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

theory in each lesson is wel] done, and of great value, But the author
rightly counts on the student obtaining more or less unconsciously
an instinct for correct grammar from the wealth of sentences provided
in the lessons themselves. We heartily commend this book to all
students of Colloquial Mandarin as one of the best that have yet
appeared on the subject.

J. Percy Bruce,

THe Maruxawi or JaLALu'ppin Rimi. Edited from the oldest
manuscripts available, with critical notes, translation, and
commentary by Reynonip A. Nicworson, Litt_D., LL.D., F.B.A.
Vol. I, containing the text of the first and second books, “E. J. W.
Gibb Memorial” Series, New Series TV,

In preparing a new edition of the text of the first two books
of Riimi’s Masnavi Dr. Nicholson has used almost exclusively five
MSS., of which two are in the B.M., two in Munich, and one in his
own possession. He distinguishes them as follows —

A (B.M.), 1318-19 ap.
B (Munich), 1344 4.p.
L (Nicholson), 1439 4.p.
C (B.M.), ¢. 1320 (2) a.p.
D (Munich), 1307 «.p.

He has, however, in addition collated these MSS, with Anqgiravi's
printed edition, which contains a Turkish prose translation and a
Turkish commentary, and with the Biliq printed edition, which
includes a translation in Turkish verse,

For Book I he has relj principally on C, and for Book IT on D.

These may be considered really old MSS., but of course earlier
copies must have existed of various periods dating from the time of
Rami, and it is quite possible that Rimi may himself have made
4 recension of his great work. These two considerations are very
important, and must always be kept in view when a new edition ia
contemplated.

Dr. Nicholson's reputation as a Persian scholar is ample guarantee
for the accuracy of his transcription of the readings offered by the

THE MATHNAWI OF JALALU'DDIN RUMI 201

MSS. used, and we can sympathise with him in the immense labour
involved in the work of collation. At the same time we can scarcely
see that the reasons he gives for the necessity of a new edition are
absolutely convincing. Angiravi's edition, which contains a prose
translation into Turkish, and a Turkish commentary on nearly every
distich, is a grand work, and in spite of its including a number of
spurious verses may be considered a really eritical edition, prepared
with all the acumen, good sense, and exactitude of Turkish savants.
It gives variants, quotes illustrative passages from the Qur'iin and
the Traditions, as well as from Persian and Arabic verse, and frequently
cites the views of other authorities, both Persian and Arabic. The
errors are to a considerable extent simply typographical, and are

It is so good, indeed, that translations might be made from it
alone to meet satisfactorily the requirements both of the advanced
student and also of the general reader. There are also many other
editions, some of which, though not so good as the above, are, pace
Dr. Nicholson, very good, and may serve as valuable adjuncts.

From these considerations Dr. Nicholson's remark that “an
annotated translation ... would be of little use by itself,” ie.,
substantially, without a new text, seems uncalled for.

We do not for a moment dispute the necessity for a new text
if those already existing are really unsatisfactory, but in our opinion,
at least, they are not all so, and the difficulty of obtaining them is
not a sufficient reason.

After comparing Dr, Nicholson’s new text with that of Anqiravi,
we find that a great number of the emendations, made on the authority
principally of the older MSS., are of so slight a character as to be
but little needed by the advanced student, and it is to him alone that
the text of so abstruse a work would appeal.

In preparing a new edition the main difficulty of course is to
establish the authority of MSS. Dr. Nicholson offers arguments
why certain MSS. are to be preferred; but then there is nearly
always the certainty that older MSS. have been lost, which might,
if extant, invalidate such arguments. The historical method,
in general, is almost exclusively the only trustworthy one. The
personal element is most often to be distrusted, since an author in
many cases probably did not write what an editor of sound judgment
may think he should have written, and what he might have written
if he had made a recension of his work. A good illustration of this

. .
‘ y \
— ® ‘ s M s ~~ ®
= a) eee ee eee eee

902 . REVIEWS OF BOOKS

is Gray's Elegy, in which the later script is vastly superior to the
earlier.

Dr. Nicholson says, “‘ There is ample evidence that at an early
period the copyists began to alter the text of the poem for reasons
which I will set forth in detail presently.” We do not observe,
however, that he does set forth any reasons of importance for the
altering of distichs except that of rhyme ; thus, e.g., MS, B (ap. 1344)
reads :—

= s— z # — ,

in place of the reading of MS. C (a.p. ¢. 1520 2)

alah ely SIS iS Mtdlploteasy cad
which contains the faulty thyme (we should say rather non-rhyme)
1) ~* and |. Dr. Nicholson implies that | 2_-* may be taken as
58 and thus by “ nim-fatha ” supply a (faulty) rhyme to _ys, but
we do not think any but an Indian would read so. Then, too, if
~ nim-fatha ” be admitted as a (faulty) rhyme to “ fatha ” why should
not two “ nim-fathas ” be admitted in a distich as rhymes to each
other, and any two words ending in a double consonant and a common
termination be taken as rhyme ? Thus, e.g., | ¢U. should rhyme with
| Fige It is true indeed that some Persian rhymes are of a most
peculiar character; cf.,e.¢., some of those in the 3! popes. but I do not
think they go so far as this.

As regards faulty rhymes, a difference in the short vowel of the
rhyming syllable is so common, not only in Raimi but also in most
other Persian poets, that we cannot take it that a different reading
giving a perfect rhyme is necessarily a correction, and hence a false
reading.

Dr. Nicholson says that a reading with a faulty rhyme could
not be based upon a correct one. This is true, so far as it goes, but
who can account for the vagaries of copyists, or know the contents
of older MSS. no longer extant ?

With reference to this difference of the short vowel in the thyming
syllables, we are strongly of opinion that no copyist would considerably

alter the lines simply because, e.g., a was (as it often is) made to

thyme with §. He would scarcely be likely to notice so common

THE MATHNAWI OF JALALU' DDIN RUMI 203

a fault in rhyme, and his alterations would be based rather upon his
own particular fancies.

Dr. Nicholson does not seem consistent with himself in this matter
when he rejects Anqiravis distich with the faulty rhyme aS and

4a in favour of the following, which offers a perfect rhyme
(Book ii, line 2752);
aS Me 9 45 cle |) ple aS fle gle 3 lade

Altogether Dr. Nicholson speaks of ordinary poetic licenses as
if peculiar to Rimi. He also implies that Rimi's style is unpolished
and rugged, a judgment with which we think few Persian scholars
would agree. To contrast his versification too with that of Hafiz, in
whose department of verse, the lyric, perfection of form 1s most
carefully studied, is scarcely justifiable,

Before leaving the subject of rhyme we should observe that to
give a “ majhil” sound as a rhyme to a ~ maraf” one would be
considered, if not exactly inadmissible in a classic poet, an ultra-
poetic license to be generally avoided, and would suggest that it 18
doubtful whether, in some cases at least, lines be genuine which
contain “5” asa rhyme to “a”. In all cases the “ ma‘rif” sound
is given even by Indians if the rhyme require it.

In support of his assertion Dr. Nicholson quotes six cases, of which,
at least, four are very doubtful. Thus lines 2589, 9590 are probably
catalogue work. Inline 2935, if it be not even a very doubtful reading,
the rhyming word is just as probably the Arabic “ zir” used im &
Persian sense, and not the Persian © zor”. In 3657 594 18 more
probably than not the Arabic “ ziir” used in a Persian sense. Apart
from this, too, “ zr” is given as an alternative to “ zor”, the Persian
word, and this pronunciation 15 eupported by the Old Persian and
the Younger Avestic “ sirah”, f=" <TY = (<=) | Behistan Ins.,
Col. IV.]

The “ma‘raf” alternative is found also in a number of other

words.

To extend the argument, * dal” preceded by a vowel in a Persian
word would not be considered a perfect rhyme to “dal” in an Arabic
word, and although this rule 1s “ more honoured in the breach than
in the observance” it 18 not altogether ignored, as, €.2-5 in the
Masnavi, Book vi, where 2» printed 3~ rhymes with 342. Thus in
De. Nicholson’s text of Book i the line 3958, which reads,

204 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

2H 09> al, St £953 col 6s Ns ol. ony

is possibly the variant, and the line quoted as such in his footnote,
namely,

SNAP od 2 ou S J ol gece bake
the genuine line. In any case it is somewhat surprising that
Dr. Nicholson has decided to the contrary in face of the fact that B
(1344 a.p.) and the Biiliq text omit the first distich, whilst retaining
the second, and that C (c. 1320?) cancels the first distich and gives
the second on the margin.

Another argument against the genuineness of the first distich is
that it contains a syntactical error, namely 3 + for Sei.

Dr. Nicholson’s statement that ““&” is found in MSS. A, C to serve
48 a rhyme to |_ “4.” js remarkable. This could be only in the
case of 4!ll, and even then the spelling “a” is almost invariably
changed to “8”. Eup, é, “rikab,” may by “imala” become
“rikéb ”, and would then rhyme with “ shéb “, @&@., but the spelling
WS, would be very rarely kept, though it is occe sionally seen.
Dr. Nicholson, we observe, invariably keeps it, so that we see, €.f.,
—|* as a rhyme to — ! (Book ii, line 2783),

The readings of C, the MS. on which Dr. Nicholson lays most
Stress for Book i for reasons which he gives, are sometimes questionable,
What, eg., is the authority for ABS instead of Sit The
present writer does not remember to have seen it even in the
~ Shah-nama”, though he has read a considerable portion of that
voluminous work, He cannot speak as to the “ Lughat-e Furs pe
as he has not a copy of it

As regards the settlement of the orthography by the insertion of the
short vowels, the distinguishing of 4) from and the marking
of cals! both short and long—all this in our opinion might act
not asa help but simply as a disturbing influence for other advanced
scholars, to whose personal judgment it should, we think, have been
left. The student may also be misled. To give an example from
Dr. Nicholson's text, Book i, line 346, «\S<cst? should’ of

course be lS csliz if 62s be an irregular plural of |i,

THE MATHNAWI OF JALALU'DDIN RUMI 205

which it is said to be. If, however, as might, we think, be conjectured,
the term should read as AS pilin the affixing of the vowel
point “ fatha ” might be useful, but not that of the “ zamma ”.

On the whole, however, since Dr, Nicholson has adopted mainly
the historical method in his arduous task, his text will generally,
we estimate, meet with the approval of Persian scholars. Where the
personal element enters there will be always room for discrepancy
of opinion, but on this score we have not observed much to which
exception might be taken.

Dr. Nicholson hopes to finish the whole text and translation of
the six books within seven years, postponing a commentary till a
later date. Some, perhaps, may question the possibility of a translation

of such a work without an accompanying commentary.
C. E. WiLson.

aa a BS es | =) ou Pa ares ey

#, i e 2 © apy fi ¥y . ‘ta @
LT i = » » « F
i = OT aoe ee
<4. - "2 ‘ = ate L p me
” - ,*! waa: oo J ; , ,
a
&

— ia << ee a) en
paths. SS en bi
a ~~ see f Pn — mae , -- -

phe « Lh Go et:
i 4 y a ts _ | = a ” - ,
PA. ae

—

a ee ay Es = é ane
ne le ® J ee, os. ae,

NOTES AND QUERIES

By the courtesy of the Editors of the Catholic Herald of India
we are able to give further publicity to the following note by our
learner collaborator, the Rev. Father H. Hosten, Sul.

FILIPPO SASSETTI OF FLORENCE
Diep, GOA, 1588.

A lady writes from Florence, ith July, 1924 :—* In order
to take my college degree I have to write a thesis on Filippo Sassetti,
Fiorentino, son of Giambattista and of Margherita dei Gondi, who d ied
at Goa in 1588, after having lived there eight years. He was a spice
merchant and traded between Goa and Cochin ; he was buried in the
Church of the Company of Mercy (aides sacra Societatis Misericordiae),
and his epitaph, which was placed there, reads: ‘ Philippo Sassetio,
patritio florentino,’ etc., ete.

“Tn Florence we have the last will and testament of the above-
named Sassetti, It is written in Portuguese and says among other
things :—

(a) I bequeath 400 rarafini to the Establishment of Mercy in
order that a service and nine ordinary Masses be said each year.
(There is a note on the will to the effect that the Mercy did not accept

the bequest.)
““(b) I bequeath all my brass and copper mathematical
instruments, an astronomical radius, a planisphere of gilt brass,

a quadrant of brass, 4 quadrant of wood with wheels, a brass
globe with 48 emblems, and all my Latin and Greek books to the
Society of Jesus.

““(c) The two large framed globes and appliances to Father
Guaspare Stiven, Jesuit.

“The information I want is :—

““(a) Why did the Society of Mercy not accept the bequest,
and, if that Society still exists, 1 should like to know the name and
address of the Superior.

“(b) If the astronomical instruments are still in the possession
of the Society of Jesus, and, if not, what has become of them !

“Tf it were possible to have the titles of the Latin and Greek
books, it would be of the greatest interest for my thesis.

““(c) If Father Guaspare Stiven was a savant, and if he wrote
any book on geography or science !

af
| ok

rs Ve 7 . ' a o, é
Se ae ee

208 NOTES AND QUERIES

“ (@) If there is a library or archives in Goa with records con-
cerning the life of Sassetti in India ?

“T am aware that research may be necessary, and, if you can
give me some idea of the cost, I will forward the money for the research
and copies of any documents of interest, the essential being :-—

“1, An exact copy of the record of the death of Filippo Sassetti
(for us, Italians, that would be most interesting).

“2. Some postcards or small photographs showing the Church
of Mercy, the memorial stone, and any other existing monuments
of the sixteenth century. Can you also give me the name and the
address of some person who lives in Cochin, to ask if there is any
document about Sassetti there . . . ? i

“Tam, ete.,
“ Giuseppina Maranca,
“ Via Cavour, T8—Firenze (Italy),

The Very Rev, Fr. J. D. Alberti, 8.J., Calicut, to whom the letter
was addressed, adds, on referring this matter to me on 6th
January, 1925 :-—

“On receiving this letter, I applied for information to the
Secretary of the Patriarch of Goa, who was kind enough to supply
me with some photos (of Albuquerque, the ruins of the Church of
Mercy, etc.), some news about the Confraternity of Mercy, as it
exists at present, its coat of arms, ete. I communicated all these
things to the writer of the letter, but should like to furnish more
details. May I trouble you, Rev. Father, for any kind of information
you may have at hand in answer to the questions put by the said
Signorina ? You may either write to her directly or send your reply
to me ; she is ready to defray any expense we might incur.

“IT have been interested in Sassetti for many years. The
Goethals Indian Library, St. Xavier's College, Calcutta, has a copy
of his letters: Lettere di Filippo Sassetti sopra ¢ suoi viaggi nelle
Indie Oriental dal 1578 ad 1588, Reggio, dalla Stamperia Torreggiani
eC., 1844, 7

" Bassetti was one of the first Europeans to speak of Sanskrit
and of its similarity with European languages, He wrote in 1586:
‘Their sciences are all written in a language which they call
Samscrutta,’ which means “ well-finished ” (bene articolata): there
is no remembrance when it was spoken, though (as I have said) they

* The Sanscrit vowel ri is pronounced ru in the Telugu country. Krishna
becomes Arushaa, Old books by French travellers have Arustna,

=.5° "24

NOTES AND QUERIES 209

have very ancient remembrances. They acquire it as we do the
Greek and Latin tongues, and they spend much more time on it, 80
that they master it in six or seven years. The present-day language
has many things in common with it: it has many of our words, and
chiefly among the numbers (it has] 6, 7, 8 and 9 Dio [God], serpe
[serpent], and many others.’ Cf. Yule-Burnell, Hobson-Jobson, 8.V-,
Sanskrit, under the year 1586, quoting de Gubernatis, Storia, Livorno,
1875, p. 221-

“] find that Sassetti’s stay in India and chiefly at Goa was much
shorter than Signorina G. Maranca had led me to understand, His
letters of 1578 up to 12th March, 1583, are of Lisbon and Seville ;
in December, 1583, he is at Coccino (Cochin), whence all his letters
of 1584 up to llth January. 1688, are dated, with the exception of
a letter written at sea between Goa and Cochin, 23rd December.
1585, and of one from (oa, 9th November, 1585, which he despatched
however from Cochin on 22nd January, 1586, His letter of 20th
January, 1584, preserves the interesting name of ‘ Santacroce di
Coccino,’ which, according to F. de Souza, §.J., Oriente Conguistado,
was forgotten a century later.

“T have looked in vain through Sassetti's letters for references
to Catholic Missionaries. Spices and trade, customs and manners,
are the topics of his letters. Sometimes he indulges in learned
disquisitions, ¢.g-, on cinnamon.

“The name of Sassetti and of Gasper Estevao is likely to turn
up in accounts of contemporary traveller, The travels published
by the Hakluyt Society. London, books provided with good indexes,
should be searched in the first instance, @.g., Van Linschoten, Pietro
della Valle, etc.

“Gaspar Estevao went to India in 1574. He was one of forty-
two whom Father Alexander Valignano, the Visitor, took to the
Rast, jJeron. P. A. da Camara Manoel's Mossoes dos Jeswitas nos
seculos XVI ¢ XVII, Lisboa, Imprensa Nacional, 1894, p. 141, calls
him Padre, which would show that he was a priest on leaving

“A. Franco, 8.J., Synopsis Annalium Soc. Jesu in Lusitania
ah anno 1540 wsque ad annum 1725, Augustae—Vindelicorum et
Graccii, MDCCXXVI, mentions in his catalogue of Missionaries
to the East ‘ Gaspare Esteves, Valent,’ without the title of ‘ Pater’,
as one of thirty-nine who left in 1574 with Fr. Alex. Valignano.
On p. 101 he says they left in five ships. “Not on 18th February,

Vor. 1¥. PART I. 14

210 NOTES AND QUERIES

as Sacchinus has it, but on 19th Marehy they got on board’; but only
on 21st March did they get out of the Tagus.

“Fr. Manoel Xavier, §.J., Compendio universal de todos os
Viso-reys .. . Nova Goa, Imprensa Nacional, 1917, p. 30, marks
as leaving Lisbon on 2Ist March, 1574: ‘1. Captain-in-Chief
Ambrosio de Aguiar, in the Chagas, and Father Alexandre Babrano
[read Valignano] of the Company; 2. Dom Diogo Rolim, in the
Sta. Fee; the President returned in her to the Kingdom; 3. Pedro
Alvares Correa in the Sia. Catharina: 4, Diogo Vaz Rodovalho,
in the Annunciada: 5. Manoel Pinto in the Sta. Barbara. She
took to the Kingdom Rebate, the Idalcao's Ambassador,’

“ Father L, Besse. 8.J., in his A ppendiz ad Catal. Miss. Madurensis,
S.J, exeunte Februario 1918, p. 5, mentions in 1604, Father Gaspar
Estephanus, as Rector, Preacher and Confessor of the Collegium
Coulanense (Quilon) and the Travancore Coast. On p. 20, he sums
up what he had discovered about him up to 1918; ‘ Estephanus
(Gaspar), Valentianus: came as a scholastic, 1574; Professor of
Theology and Rector at Damaum; in 1604 at Coulam’ [Quilon].
This is all I can find about him in Father Besse’s very useful
Appendices to the Catalogues of the Madura Mission.

“Father de Sousa, S.J., Oriente Conquistado, Pte. 2, Conq., 1,
D. 1, § 63, says that Father Valignano left Lisbon on 21st March,
1574, with 42 Missionaries distributed in five ships. Among them
was Gaspar Estevao, ‘Valenciano, who for many years was a lecturer
in Theology at Goa, and was Rector of Damao.”

“I do not find Gaspar Estevao in Canon Viz’ lists of Vicars of the
Goa Churches. (Heraldo, Goa, 28th September, 1916-18th July,
1917.)

“ Father (. Sommervogel, 8.J., Bibl. de la C. de J., III, col. 461,
mentions Father Gaspar Estevam: ‘ of the Province of Goa, sixteenth
century ({).” He quotes of him as MS. - Relacao do martyrio
deu Tay-Cosama Emperador de Japao a seis religiosos de 8. Francisco,
tres Irmaos da Companhia, e desasete Japonezes, 1597 (2). Kept at
the Professed House of Goa. (Machado, IIT, 519.) de Backer, I,
1756." This MS. is possibly now in the British Museum, Addl. MSs.
Nos. 9853-55, 9859-60.

“I have no idea of what may have happened to Sassetti’s
mathematical instruments and books. At the suppression of the
Society of Jesus in the Portuguese dominions, everything was
confiscated by Pombal. Much may now lie in the Torre do Tombo,

NOTES AND QUERIES 211

Lisbon, and not a few things may still be in the Government Archives
or in the National Library of Goa.

“W. Marsden bought up a number of MSs. and parts of the
Archives of the Provincial of Goa, and gave them to the British
Museum and King’s College, London.’ The King’s College collection
is now in the School of Oriental Studies. In St. Paul's Cathedral
Library, Calcutta, there are a number of fine folio volumes, writings
of the Fathers of the Church, which I suspect to have come from the
Jesuit houses in Goa.

“Some 40 volumes of the Goa State Archives are in the British
Museum. Cf. a note in my edition of A. Monserrate’s Mongol.
Legat. Commentarius, in Mem. As. Soc. Bengal, IIT, No. 9, introduction,
p. 517, n. 2.

“The Jesuit archives and library at Cochin were confiscated
by the Dutch when they took the town about 1663. For a time
the Dutch soldiers used the books and papers of the library to light
their pipes with. I do not know what was saved and where it 1s.
The same for the town archives, though we may suppose that much
assed into the hands of the English, when Cochin became theirs.

“T understand that the National Archives of Goa are extremely
rich in MS. documents, but that there 1s no inventory or indexes
to the volumes.

“My friends on the Goa side may know whether articles on
Filippo Sassetti have appeared in their learned reviews, or where
a copy of his epitaph may exist, also where studies on the Casa da
Misericordia can be found.

“The word zarafin will be found explained in Yule-Burnell’s
Hobson-J obson.

“ The Goethals Indian Library,

“ St. Xavier's College, Calcutta.
“omh January, 1925."

MARSDEN M55.

Among the Marsden MSS., ‘n a bundle labelled “ South and
East African Languages”, I find a short vocabulary of a language
called “ Mi-a-u”, which is said (in a note on the back of the slip)
to be “taken from an extensive vocabulary compiled by Mrs. Anne
Ewbank Staveley, from the mouths of African children that had

1 cf. J.A.8.B., 1910, pp. 437-61; 1911, p. 119; Bulletin of the School of Oriental
Studies, London, Vol. If, Pt. 3, pp- 513-38: Vol. II, Pt. 1, pp. 129-150.

Pa
‘

212 NOTES AND QUERIES

been taken from the coast by an Arab ship and afterwards carried
to Bombay”. The vocabulary was transmitted by her from Madras
in May, 1817, to the African Society (Qy. Association ?) in London,
who handed it to Sir Jos. Banks. “Mi-a-o” is certainly Yao—
though not all of the words can be identified as such. This is not
surprising under the circumstances, as the journey was long and the
cargo no doubt a mixed one. “The natives were embarked in boats
at a place named Cuich-i-rua [Kilwa, in the Yao pronounciation
Chilwa; the prefix Ku- ‘to’ or ‘at’ being taken as part of the
word] and came down to Cu-lun-gu-ia [ = Ku Lunguja; i.e., to Unguia
or Zanzibar; the initial /, dropped in Swahili, shows the Yao
pronunciation], and there sold by the Negroes [Swahili slave-traders]
to the Moors [Arabs]—were then embarked in larger vessels, touched
Masamba and finally arrived at Muskat.”

“ Masamba” is possibly Mombasa.

Is anything further known about this Mrs. Staveley (her name
does not occur in the D.N.B.), and is it possible to ascertain what has
become of her complete collection? Marsden seems to have selected
from it only the forty-five words contained in his skeleton vocabulary.

A. WERNER.

THE STHIRATATTVA INSCRIPTION

An account of this inseription by Dr. Barnett appeared on pp. 670 ff.
of Volume IIT, Part IV, of the Bulletin. Part of this inscription
is in a local dialect, which Dr. Barnett described as “ apparently
something between Marwari and old Gujarati”, I think that there
can be no doubt about the dialect being one of the many forms of
Eastern Marwiiri, of which Méwari is that best known. Eastern
Marwari is a border language between Standard Marwari and Jaipuri
and in Many cases uses indifferently forms current in one language or
the other. Thus the genitive may end in (Marwari) ro or in (Jaipuri)
ko, and the present of the verb substantive may be (Marwari) Ad or
(Jaipuri) chi, I am. The use varies from place to place . . . even
from village to village. In some places both forms are used in-
differently.

A’ reference to the Map of Rajasthani in volume IX, part ii, of
the Linguistic Survey of India, will show that the local dialect of
Khajuri where the inscription was found—about 46 miles west of
Indargarh—is now known as Khairari. A brief account, with a
short specimen, of this dialect will be found on pp. 85 ff. of the
above-mentioned volume of the L.8.1. (see also pp. 70 and 78).

NOTES AND QUERIES 213

Khairari is a form of Fastern Marwari, so that the peculiarities
found in the inscription are only what are to be expected. The
specimen in the L.S.L. consists merely of six lines, and yet it has
both Ad and chai, The use of ré for the genitive is nowadays not so
common in Eastern Marwari as that of ko, but it does occur
sporadically. The Inscription shows that its use was more general
in the early part of the sixteenth century.

G. A. GRIERSON.

MUSICAL ACCENT AND WHISPER

The paragraph about whispered speech in tone languages occurring
in the article by O. Gjerdmann under the title of “ Critical Remarks
on Intonation Research ” (Bulletin, Vol. III, Part IV, p. 495 seq.) 1s
sufficiently interesting to require examination.

For convenience the portion of the paragraph which calls for
special consideration is here given.

“T think it would be very useful for the solving of the mysteries
of the musical accent if those who devote themselves to the
investigation of these accents would lay to heart the fact that a
whispered language has as many distinct musical accents as the
same language when voiced. A Chinaman, whom I once asked
‘f the Chinese have any difficulties in understanding one another
when they are whispering, looked at me with a smile full of pity,
and answered, ‘No’. Certainly he had never thought that a man
could be stupid enough to ask such a question.”

If, as here stated, the essential features of a eo-called “ tone
language” are not obscured when that language 1s whispered, the
difficulties of those of us, whose business it is to investigate such
languages, are multiplied beyond measure. Fortunately for phonetic
investigators the prima facie evidence is strongly against such a view.

But, instead of discussing the physical nature of whisper we
determined at once to put the question of recognition of significant
tones in whisper to the test of observation and experiment. We
were undeterred by expressions like “stupid” and “ mystery ee
which only serve to obscure the issue, and we resolved to treat the
question as we would treat any other natural phenomenon, Attempts
to wrap linguistic questions ‘nobseurantism are greatly to be deplored.
The days of casting horoscopes should be over.

The method of procedure adopted by us is sufficiently obvious
to be considered by some as “ stupid’, but one is so accustomed
in one’s own country to the superior person ~ witha smile full of pity”,

i ti”

214 NOTES AND QUERIES

that one does not attach too great a critical value to the condescending
pity of Mr. Gjerdmann’s Chinaman.

In the experiment, the language chosen was Panjabi, which
has three significant tones. The words chosen were toea, kori, tfa:r,
ti, na, sat, ka:r, kera. Each of these words when said in isolation
can be uttered in three tones, which for convenience were called
(1) low-level, (2) high-falling, (5) mid-falling.

When “fi”, for example, is said on tone (1) it means “ daughter”,
on tone (2) it means “thirty”, on tone (3) it means “ woman”.

The following table gives the meaning of the words when uttered
on tones (1), (2), (3) respectively :

_ fea: carry, grope, pit.

kori: mare, leper, score,

tar: to fall, to rise, hang-nail.

ti: daughter, thirty, woman.

na: to bathe, a denial, not,

sal: ———-, an oath, to sleep.

ka:r: to fashion, to be boiled, to imprison.
kera: a circle, a proper name, to scatter,

A preliminary experiment was made by B.D.J. (a native of the
Panjab) on 8.J., and vice versa, The words were first uttered as in
normal speech. There was no doubt about the results. Whatever
the tone employed, the meaning was given correctly and without
hesitation in every case. In other words there was perfect. correlation
between the tone and meaning.

When the words, however, were whispered, the meanings given
were wrong in most cases and uncertain in others.

Further trials were then decided upon: the “ Versuchsperson "
in this case being Mr. 8. Varma (another native of the Panjab).

With Mr. Varma, as with ourselves, when the utterance was
normal the meaning was invariably given correctly, In whisper,
the results were as follows :—

Pere toea | right out of 3 times
krill » » §& ,,
tjarO 4, 3

Ls
= ee re |e
a Die a Mee
OA Oe a FS,
kar | eve ras
kera | uE n 1

NOTES AND QUERIES 715

This shows that out of 21 trials only 8 were correctly given, which
sufficiently shows that the attempt to establish a correlation between
utterance and meaning in whisper signally failed.

It is interesting and instructive to remark that out of the 21
answers given, 17 belonged to the level tone. In every case where
the monosyllables ti, tfa:r, and na were given, they were heard as level
tones. This is just as one would expect, for a change of pitch with
average energy of utterance 1s only obtained by changing the vowel.
In words of more than one syllable, the attempt at high pitch was
occasionally recognized because of the concomitant alteration in stress.

Continuing our short investigation into whisper, we discovered
that ka:mi (a voluptuary), where the [k] is unaspirated, and qa:mi
(going) were indistinguishable. On the contrary, kha:n (mine),
where the [k] is aspirated, and kam (ear) were readily distinguishable in
whisper.

In conclusion we would point out that in whisper (1) while a small
tise in pitch (from two to three semi-tones) can he obtained by
considerably increasing the energy of utterance in the same vowel,
under normal circumstances a change of pitch is only effected by
changing the vowel quality.

(2) Any attempt to alter the pitch while whispering the same
vowel is heard as a change in stress.

(3) Ordinary whisper 1s a glottal phenomenon produced with the
ligamentous glottis nearly closed and the cartilaginous glottis open.
Any vibrations observed in the vocal chords by the laringo-
stroboscope were too feeble to be reinforced by the supra glottal cavities
and they gave no tracing on the kymograph.

STEPHEN JONES.
Barwarst Das Jar.

Journal of the Gypsy Lore Society, vol. iv, part i, contains Welsh
Gypsy Folk Tale, No. 24, by Dr. John Sampson, with note by
Professor W. R. Halliday, and German Gypsy Songs by Engelbert
Wittich. The Editor is E. 0. Winstedt, 181 Iffiey Road, Oxford.

T. Graname Barley.

——- : 1 ;
° A - F :

‘Eas i hee Si - “ree s

sari? ai yy 4's NS a 1 = ‘ . e (

“ Dabs

“4 a

;

> i <_

as
a
Pa
ae

} Pa , Le . c s ¢ 7
Bn its monte © eat te We pea. ie Pt hi eae FS ah
« 1 2 * a - » j a — 7 : x 4 .
“ya a | : A> po * ae
Baa x eit gs24 - Mos 4 . eet i ‘r ce = ® yar wes co a —~ ‘
++ we, —— i
came eT Oath CT, =r - ve" Lt sich? MTT oe | '
, "N} diy bs he, ret Be Oe A> a9 eet
~ oe ea uaa SEEPS Ry and IE CB) Se Ie 5 a pd
Lag i Xe ore rr “J J a ks ul } i ic oS; bile a - e & 7 } -
4 tate ! - 7 ‘= ae 7 * a 7 my | * J <4,
Fe gly > L e] :
: or c = a + a ~ “ =
<a \ pee ah paie” ve) wey ef, cbr Doe ag) Ac La*_r, SAL vs Ee
. “Bape. fe ‘Mew ee “ita eet ghee Pee eh es war mY i
po > _ ta F = 4 te / “*
io a I 0 2% yor 5 -! ‘Sy Ue ‘ s+ = ah. ew q
- . ys wie. ay Ps ~
ee at 2 ahs rye. tts
..*) . "ta ° * ‘YJ a. - . «4 j 7 ‘ , ‘
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Shiney : ae Fee ms ACY ee eye) oa ig

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OBITUARY

Edward Granville Browne, M.A., M.B., F.B.A., F.R.C.P.
1862-1926.

A stock of Gloucestershire landowners producing soldiers and
business men, with divines and doctors of medicine in former genera-
tions, threw up in Edward Granville Browne 8 genius for Oriental
scholarship. Nothing in ancestry oT in environment goes any way
to explain it, but from the first the boy was not like other boys, and
took his own way. Hence most unhappy schooldays at Glenalmond
and at Eton, where not only boys but masters objected to his pursuing
“ bugs” rather than balls, At first destined for engineering, a profession
=n which his father, Sir Benjamin Browne, kad attained distinction,
he turned to medicine as a career not too uncongenial and yet of
practical value. But already he had found hir true path ; infected
with enthusiasm for the cause of the Turks at the time of their war
with Russia in 1877 he set himself to learn their language, and by
it was inevitably drawn on to Persian and Arabic. When he came
up to Pembroke College, Cambridge, in 1879, he found it possible
in the new atmosphere to work at his Eastern languages side by side
with his medicine, As a reward for his second class in the Natural
Science Tripos (1882) his father allowed him to take the old Indian
Languages Tripos in 1584, and he was of course in the first class and
in it alone.

Then followed a period of reading and learning medicine in London
relieved by every opportunity of reading and talking with Orientals,
particularly Persians, to whom Browne came to be more and more
attracted. As a result, though he qualified for the medical profession
in 1887 and was preparing to come into residence as house physician
at “ Barts.” early in 1888, suddenly the door opened upon quite
another path of life. On 30th May, 1887, he was elected Fellow of
his College and was thus enabled to spend that wonderful “ year of his
life among the Persians”. He came to them still young and soattractive
and yet steeped in the Qur'an, in their poetry and history, ready to
understand their talk and think their thoughts. We can see in his
first book how he penetrated the Persian mind and allowed his mind
to be penetrated by it, So that for the rest of his life his whole outlook
was that of an infelligent of the Near East rather than that of a

= t aa

218 OBITUARY

Westerner; or, at any rate, so it appeared to his Western friends.
Jn this year in Persia we may find the sources of the main streams of
his interest which flowed on through his life. He never seemed to
~ me really interested in language as language, certainly not in grammar
or comparative philology. Language was to him the means to
understand and to communicate : life, thought and literature were his
ends. Life he first described in his travel-book. A vague tendency
towards the occult had shown itself in the London period, it was the
London of the first appearance of Theosophy, for the first time English
society was feeling drawn to the mysticism of the East. So Browne
took an interest in the sects derived from the Assassins, and his earliest
papers dealt with those. In Persia the persecuted sect of the Babis
came to his notice, and his first real achievements were along this
line. Only a man with his attractiveness, his patience and his obvious
freedom from any ulterior purpose could have gained the confidence
of the Babis and been allowed by them to come into possession of
documents of vital importance for the history of their religion and
by comparison for the history of other religions in the obscure stages
iollowing the founder's life and death.

On his return from Persia he took the position of University
Lecturer in Persian, but pupils were not yet so many as fully to occupy
him. Sohe had time for hisnext main interest, the history of literature,
and produced papers dealing with various sources, especially the
Chahar Maqéla and other biographies of Persian poets, work preparatory
to the greatest of his books, the Literary History, which is eesentially
one though more than twenty years separated the fourth volume from
the first.

In the later nineties the arrangement by which aspirants for Consul-
ships in the Near East came to be sent for special training to Oxford
and Cambridge provided Browne with a succession of pupils whom he
could lead in the way of knowledge and sympathy. Though not
officially head of the school until 1902, when he succeeded Rieu as
Professor of Arahic, he was always its mainspring, teaching a great
deal himself, and managing both the men and the Oriental instructors.
These required careful handling, but afforded him constant practice
in talk, which kept his knowledge fresh and his mind in perpetual
rapport with those of Eastern man: in them again he inspired real
affection and made their necessary exile tolerable. During this period
Browne made many journeys to Paris for study and some further
afield to Tunis, Egypt, Cyprus, and to Constantinople. The death

EDWARD GRANVILLE BROWNE 219

of his friend, E. J. W. Gibb, brought two new activities : one was the
great task of seeing through the Press the last four volumes of a
History of Ottoman Poetry, only the first having appeared during the
author's lifetime. The other was the administration of the Gibb
Trust for publishing Oriental texts: in this the other trustees did their
share to help or hinder, but Browne was the main moving spirit,
and the splendid row of volumes are as much a memorial to him as
to Gibb himself.

The establishment of the Egyptian and Soudan Civil Services
brought another set of pupils, and more organization of teachers
and taught. Looking back on those years one cannot sufficiently
wonder at Browne's marvellous energy. His own production would
have been sufficient for a echolar-recluse, but at the same time he was
bringing out another man’s book, directing a great enterprise [for
publishing texts, and managing a living machine for instruction in
four languages. And all the while he was the most accessible of men,
and in his rooms people could find a welcome at every hour of the
day or more especially the night. And once there the difficulty was
to getaway again. It :s on record that one caller who came at 6.20 p.m.
did not depart till the College doors opened at 6.30 next morning.
We came to hear Browne talk, and talk he did on every conceivable
subject, and what his talk meant for us Pembroke undergraduates
only those who remember it can say: all sorts came Up to listen,
not only the “ highbrows © but the stupid people, and all enjoyed
it and were the better for it.

In the early years of the century, Browne's sympathy was engaged
by the political decadence of Persia and the threat to its independence
from its great neighbours, especially Russia, against which he had a
strong prejudice founded originally on disagreeable incidents of his
return from Persia in 1888. This appeared to him as one phase of a
general aggression by Europe upon the independent powers of Islam,
and particularly upon the position of those educated classes in Islamic
countries among whom he made his friends. His actual political
writings were mostly concerned with Persia, particularly his Persian
Revolution of 1905-1909 and his Press and Poetry of Modern Persia:
but he made no secret of his distrust of both British and French policy
as wellas Russian, and this gave him a leaning towards Germany which
had not the same temptations or opportunities. So he sympathized
with all oppressed nationalities and liked to trace kindred with the
heroes of °98 or declaim a few verses of a Welsh hymn. But if the

220) OBITUARY

oppressed peoples were Slavonic (except Poles), or Eastern Christians,
they somehow failed to touch him ; they savoured too much of Russia.

Another great interest was in MSS.; besides his full catalogue of
Persian MSS. in the University Library, he made a hand-list of its
Muhammadan MSS. and Supplementary Hand-list of the many MSS.
bought under his advice and a List of Muhammadan MSS. in the
other Cambridge libraries. His own collection of MSS. was the result
of life-long choice, slowly growing from year to year, and in recent
times, when means allowed, enriched by great accuisitions from the
Schefer collection, from Houtum-Schindler’s and ‘Abd’ul Majjid
Belshah’s. Containing hardly any books of ‘outward comeliness, by
which in books or things Browne did not allow himself to he drawn
aside, it was almost restricted to texts of the rarer authors, especially
those of importance for the history of life and literature. Browne
had almost finished a detailed catalogue of his MSS. and strictly
charged his executors to publish it. The books themselves will
probably find a home in the University Library.

In 1906 Browne married Alice, daughter of F. H. Blackburne-
Daniell, sometime Fellow of Trinity College, and a well-known authority
upon Stuart records. He left two sons, Patrick, now in his first year
at Pembroke, and Michael, still at Eton, After his marriage (as he
had always forewarned us) College ceased to be the centre of his life, -
and his rooms became merely classrooms in which was housed most
of the work of the University School of Oriental Languages. But at
Firwood, his house a mile or so out, he and his wife continued his
unbounded hospitality to all kinds of people, and it became a centre
to which everyone in need of help would turn at once.

To few could the war bring deeper distress than to Browne with
his liking for the Turks, and his strong feeling for the oneness of the
learned world. By the end of it his friends began to see him as strangely
old, and to wonder what was happening to him. But tired though he
felt, he kept on with his work, and finished his great Literary History.
He even struck into a new line, a revival of his interest in medicine,
in his Fitzpatrick Lectures, before the Royal College of Physicians,
upon “ Arabian Medicine”. In 1922 he received for his 60th birthday,
besides letters and addresses from all Europe and the Nearer East,
a volume of Oriental Studies by scholars of every nation.

A year last November a sudden heart attack brought his active
time to an end ; he rallied a little, and there was some hope that he
might begin his lectures once more, but in June last the sudden death

i = i ‘ =
Ft ifr - =" —— , . r

EDWARD GRANVILLE BROWNE 23]

of his wife, worn out with caring for him, was a blow from which there
was no possibility of recovery ; he steadied himself a little to put his
affairs in order, and then swiftly sank to die on the Sth of January.
He is buried by his wife at his home, Benwell, outside Newcastle.

In our College Library his works take up more than two feet of
shelf room ; there is no space here to enumerate all his books, to say
nothing of the numberless papers in JRAS.) But the man was more
than his books, and not merely among Orientalists, but among all
sorts of people, his life will remain a delightful memory, and an abiding
inspiration.

Eturs H. Mrxns.
1 A complete list of Professor Browne's works will be found at the end of his

Materials for the Study of the Babi Religion, Cambridge University Presa, 1918, and
in his Persian Literature in Modern Times (4.0. 1500-1924), Cambridge, 1924.—Eop. |

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DE VOULTON'S NoTICcIA
Translated with Introduction and Notes by LAURENCE LocKHART

HE full title of this little work, which occupies 19 pages in Svo,

is as follows :—

Verdadeira e exacta Noticia dos progress0® de Thamas Kouli
Khan Scach da Persia no Imperio do Gram Mogér, Escrita na lingua
Persiana em Delhy em 21 de Abril de 1739, e mandada a Roma por
Mons. Voulton.

Acrecentada com outras chegadas por varias partes, com hum Mapa
do Thesouro do Gram Mogér levado a Hispahan pelo mesmo Schach.

Dadas a luz na lingua Portugues.

Lisboa Occidental. Na oficina de Antonio Correa Lemos,
MDCCXXXX. Com as licengas necessarias e Privilegio Real.
INTRODUCTION
I, De Voulton

No particulars are available as to the date or place of de Voulton’s
birth or of his early history, but as will be seen below, it is known
that he was a Frenchman and that he, while a young man, served
as a private soldier in the Pondichery garrison until he deserted
in or about the year 1729.

The following extract from an entry dated the 7 th March, 1750,
in the diary of Ananda Ranga Pillai,’ who was courtier or chief diabash

1 See p. 375 of vol. vi of Professor Dodwell’s translation (from the Tamil) of The
Private Diary of Ananda Ranga Pijfai (Madras, 1918).

vou, IV. BART it. 1a

224 LAURENCE LOCKHART—

to Dupleix, gives or purports to give the motive for de Voulton’s
desertion, together with some particulars as to his subsequent
adventures :

*.. In M. Lenoir’s time, M. de Voulton, a soldier, won some
money at play, borrowed more under pretence of trade, lost it all at
play, then fled by the Madras road to Covelong with his wife the
daughter of Mijnheer de Vos. M. Lenoir sent some peons to catch
him and bring him back; but Miyan Sahib’s son, Badé Sahib, declared
that he was not there and thus brought him safely to Nellore. His
good fortune led him to Golconda and Aurangabad and thence to
Qamar-ud-Din Khan, the Pidshih’s wazir at Delhi, where he set up
as a physician. When Nadir Shih invaded the country, imprisoned
Muhammad Shah, plundered Delhi and slew about 230,000 people,
this man by good fortune secured plunder worth ten or twenty lakhs ;
moreover, he vigilantly guarded Qamar-ud-Din Khin’s house
and family, and prevented Nadir Shih’s people from attacking it,
thus proving himself a faithful servant.”

Cultru, in his work on Dupleix,’ also states that de Voulton (or
de Volton, as he calls him) was a deserter from Pondichery and that
he, after curing the Great Mogul of some illness, became his physician.

In July or August, 1739, de Voulton, according to Cultru, “ était
rentré en relation avec ceux de sa nation, trés probablement pour
sassurer sa price, et il mettait son influence au service du gouverneur.
I] offrit 4 Dupleix, par l'intermédiaire de Groiselle, chef 4 Patna, des
concessions de terre, le titre de cing azaris (commandant de ou manseb-
dar de 5,000 chevaux, titre honorifique des Mogols ...) et un
serpeau® (présent consistant en un costume de seigneur indigéne
ordinairement de grand valeur) . . . Dupleix raisonne en 1759 comme
la Compagnie raisonnera pius tard. De Volton disait qu'il faudrait
payer le firman et indiquait la somme. Dupleix alors s'écrie qu'il
était fou, sil croyait la Compagnie disposée A dépenser une grosse
somme pour un cing azaris, un simple titre qui ne ferait que la con-
stituer en dépenses pour l'avenir.”

Some two years later, Dupleix procured a royal pardon for de
Voulton, but the latter nevertheless remained on in the service of the
Great Mogul for a number of years, as is shown by the following
extract from a paper which Robert Orme, the author of A History of

' See p. 173 of Cultru'’s Dupleiz: sea Plans Politiques: sa Disgrace, Etude

d'Histoire Colomale ", (Paria, 1901.)
? For Saropa,

DE VOULTON'S NOTICIA pay

the British Nation im Indostan) wrote and enclosed in a letter to
Lord Holderness, dated the lith March, 1755 *:—

“Thirty years ago a Private Soldier named De Volton deserted
from Pondicherry and went to Agra in (sic) Delhi, where he has been
ever since in great Favour with the Grand Mogul: rising to be his
Principal Physician and of the Privy Council ; this Man was dispatched
about two years since in Quality of Embassadour to the French and
came along with Gazulide Can (Ghaziu’d-Din Khan) one of the Mogul’s
Generalissimos and above 100,000 Horse as far as Aurengobatt, where
somebody making shift to empoison Gagulidecan put @ stop to their
Proceedings ; the Embassadour however came on to the French Camp
at Hitherobatt (Hyderabad) and proceeded directly to Pondicherry,

‘What were the real Designs of this Man few can tell, for the
French aré so abstruse and secret ‘1 their Proceedings it is hard to
find out what they intend: all their Affairs at Camp being managed
by the General De Bussy, by a Learn’d Sagacious Jesuit and a European
Renegade called Abdallah now Rumi Can, who has been many years
in that country and served them at their first coming there as an
Interpreter.

“The Embassadour told me he had Orders to give the French
whatever country they should chuse and what wages they pleased
if they would abandon Sanabeljang (Salibat-Jang) the present Nabob,
and embrace the Interest of Gazulidecan, for which purpose he really
shewed me a Carte Blanche with the Mogul's broad Seal : though
farther I could learn nothing from Him : except that I heard him
privately tell a great many officers that if M. Dupleix would give him
leave, he would conduct the Army to Delhi and make all their Fortunes.
Why his Proposals were not accepted I know not, but I believe they
were afraid to trust Him, some imagining it was only a Bait to have
them all cut of (sic) and effectually at his Return from Pondicherry,
he was a Month or more imprisoned, though afterwards dismissed
about his Business.”

The above accounts, which agree in their main points, render it
possible to form an idea of de Voulton’s character and career. Though
an adventurer and not over-burdened with scruples, he nevertheless
had some sense of honour and duty, ‘f Ananda Ranga Pillai is to he
believed : moreover, he tried (though perhaps not altogether dlis-
interestedly) to assist his own countrymen by obtaining concessions
and privileges for them.

1 Published in London in 1805, and reprinted in Madras in 1Sé1,
? See p. 274 of the Orme MSS, at the India Office Library.

24 LAURENCE LOCKHART—

The extract from the Orme MSS. given above takes us down to
the year 1753, when de Voulton must have been nearly sixty years
of age or possibly rather more. It does not say whether he afterwards
succeeded in reinstating himself at Delhi or whether he availed himself
of his pardon to return to France or, at any rate, to his compatriots at
Pondichery ; we are therefore left in doubt as to de Voulton’s ultimate
fate, but it is possible that some further references to him may be
discovered that will disclose how he spent the concluding portion
of his adventurous career,

Il. The Verdadeira ¢ Exacta Noticia

In view of his position at the Mogul Court, de Voulton must have
had exceptional opportunities for gleaning information of everything
of importance that occurred ; his “* Verdadeira e Exacta Noticia ", which
is a contemporary record of the events immediately succeeding the
battle of Karnal, is therefore of considerable historical interest and
value.

The Portuguese text of the “ Noticia " is made up in the following
manner :

(a) A letter or a long extract therefrom which de Voulton wrote
to some person unnamed on the 21st April, 1739.

(b) Extracts from two letters dated the 6th and 13th May.

(d¢) Extracts from two further letters dated the 13th and 15th May.

(e) List of the booty captured by Nadir Shah.

(f) Two letters from St. Petersburg and one from Paris (written
over a year later than (a), (6) and (d), embodying information received
from the Russian Resident at Isfahan).

It is stated on the title page that the “ Noticia’ was written in
Persian on the 2lst April, 1739, the same date as that of the first letter
or extract, but extracts (b) and (d) were, as seen above, from subsequent
letters ; moreover, these extracts are in the third person while (a) is
in the first, and it is stated in the text that M. Groiselle forwarded in
July an extract from the letters of the 13th and 15th May to some
unknown destination.

Itis known that de Voulton was in touch with M. Groiselle a couple
of months or so later,! so it is possible that these last two letters, and
perhaps the previous ones too, were addressed to him: if this is 80,

1 See page 224,

DE VOULTON 8S NOTICIA 297

it is only reasonable to suppose that de Voulton wrote the letters
+n French and then made a Persian translation of the extracts
therefrom.

The Persian text is unfortunately lost, but it is probable—despite
what has been noted above—that ‘+ contained the extracts from the
later letters, as well as (a) and (c). It is very doubtful, however,
whether it contained the list of booty (which was sent to St. Petersburg
by the Russian Resident at Isfahan), and it could hardly have included
the much later St. Petersburg and Paris letters with which de Voulton
seems to have had no connexion. It is, perhaps, noteworthy that a
Spanish translation of the Portuguese text, which appears to be
very nearly contemporary, does not contain the list of booty or the
St. Petersburg and Paris letters. The list and these letters appe@t
to have been added by de Voulton's editor or translator in Europe.

It may well be asked why de Voulton wrote the “ Noticia ” in
Persian. A possible explanation is that the Nizamu'l-Mulk, who was
one of de Voulton’s patrons, may have commissioned him to draw
up a record of the negotiations with Nadir Shah and the events
connected therewith, in which he played such a prominent part. The
“ Noticia’”’ contains many references to the Nizamu'l-Mulk, and presents
him in a very (but not unduly) favourable light.

In view of what is said in the ~ Noticia ” regarding Muhammad
Shah, de Voulton could hardly have written it at his command, while
if he had done so at the request of Qamaru'd-Din Khan, he would
undoubtedly have given the latter more prominence, and would almost
certainly have mentioned the fact (if it be a fact) that he had guarded
the Khan’s house and family at Delhi during the massacre. In any
case, it is perhaps curious that de Voulton makes no mention in the
“ Noticia ” of his having so protected Qamaru'd-Din Khin’s house and
family.

There are numerous mistakes in the Portuguese text, but these
for the most part are attributable to the ignorance and carelessness
of de Voulton’s translator or translators and to printer's errors. The
principal difficulty in translating the work into English has been the
identification and correct transliteration of many of the personal
and place-names mentioned ; In some cal these names have suffered
such mutilation as to render their identification impossible. It seems
scarcely conceivable that anyone capable of translating the work from
Persian into Portuguese could commit such errors as.to give Campo
de Nichoque for “Chandni Chok™ ot be so ignorant and careless as

228 LAUEENCE LOCKHART—

to refer to the Nizamu'l-Mulk variously as Mirza Malmoulouk and
Nirtamelnioulouk,

It is a well-known fact that names frequently get mutilated or
distorted when a writer, who is himself unacquainted with any Oriental
_ language, translates or draws material from a work in some other
- European language on Oriental subjects... It therefore seems quite
possible that the “* Noticia ’ may, in the first instance, have been
translated from Persian into Italian or Latin (it will be recalled that
it was sent to Rome by de Voulton), and thence into Portuguese and
Spanish.

My friend, Monsignore Mercatti, has been kind enough to make
inquiries on my behalf in the Vatican Library and Archives, but
has been unable to trace either the Persian original or any Italian
or Latin translation.

Copies of the Portuguese text and also of the Spanish translation
are preserved in the British Museum Library and in the Biblioteca
Nacional at Madrid, while Sir Arnold Wilson possesses a copy of the
Spanish version, to which some reference must now be made, This
Spanish edition, which is undated, appears to be a translation from the
Portuguese, since all the mistakes in the latter are reproduced and in
some cases magnified. As already noted, it does not contain the list
of treasures or the “ other accounts ” referred to on the title page of
the Portuguese translation, and on page 11 there is a textual difference
(to which attention is drawn in the second footnote on p. 229);
this difference may perhaps be accounted for by supposing that the
Spanish translator also worked from the (hypothetical) Italian or
Latin text.

The only reference to Voulton’s “ Noticia ” that I have been able
to discover is in an almost contemporary and very rare Spanish history
of Nadir Shih by a writer named Le Margne. It is entitled “ Vida
de Thamis Kouli-Kan”, and was published in Madrid in 1741,
Le Margne twice mentions de Voulton by name, and draws somewhat
largely upon his “ Noticia” when describing Nadir Shih’s Indian
campaign and the incidents arising therefrom. Le Margne does not,
however, give us any information in regard to de Voulton himself.

' Creasy, in his well-known History of the (Htoman Turka, besides being indebted
for much of his material to von Hammer, adopted the latter's German system of
transliteration without reflecting on the different value of certain letters in English,
Thus, to quote but one example, we find Creasy referring to Sultan Bayazid as
“ Bajazet.”’

DE VOULTON'’S NOTICIA aq

The “ Noticia ” begins with a description of the chaos reigning
in the Indian army after the battle of Karnal, the famine from which
the unfortunate troops were suffering, and the state of absolute
consternation and despair into which Muhammad Shah and most of
his advisers were thrown. A striking contrast is drawn between the
weak and vacillating Muhammad Shah and his stern and resolute
opponent, Nadir Shah, and also between the able Nizimu’l-Mulk
and the rest of the Mogul’s ministers and advisers, the bulk of whom
were worthless and pusillanimous to the last degree.

The negotiations between the Nizamu’l-Mulk and Nadir Shah
are described at some length, as are also the Indian rising at Delhi
and the terrible massacre that followed it. Perhaps the most
interesting part of the ~ Noticia ” is the account of how the Nizamu'l-
Mulk, when he went to the Mosque of Rawshanu'd-Dawla to intercede
for the populace with Nadir Shah, found the latter calmly eating
sweetmeats as he watched the massacre. Though there 1s no mention
in other contemporary records of this incident,’ this does nob
necessarily mean that it is not true.

As will be seen from the footnotes, there has been much difficulty
in reconciling some of de Voulton’s dates with those given by other
authorities. Carelessness on the part of his translators and printers
may account for some, at any rate, of the discrepanctes.

In conclusion, I must express My sincere thanks to Sir William
Foster, Mr. C. A. Storey, and Sir Arnold Wilson for their many
valuable suggestions. It was the late Mr. 8. C. Hill, who, by drawing
attention to the reference in the Orme MSS. to de Voulton, enabled
the problem of the latter's identity to be solved.

TRANSLATION OF THE “ VERDADEIRA FE Exacta Noticta ”
(The “ True and Exact Account”)

In my letter of the ard March last, I had the honour to inform you
how Tahmisp Quli Khan now Shah Nadir, King of Persia, (whom
we here call Nadir Shah), after gaining the battle against Muhammad
Shah, Emperor of the Moguls, held peace conferences with the latter.

1 Le Margne refers to tt, but he was-merely quoting from de Voulton.

@ Given in the text as Thamas Kauli Khan, The Portuguese spelling will not Toes
given in this translation unless it happens to be correct (ma ia rarely the case) of unless
identification is doubtful or impossible, In the latter car’, the Purtaguese form will
be given in italicr, followed (whenever possible) by what ts surmised to be the proper
spelling of the name.

250) LAURENCE LOCKHART—

In my second letter, 1 informed you of the Persian King’s entry
into Delhi, but as it is possible that these letters may have got lost
through there having been nearly 500 patomares! or couriers slain
by the enemy at that time, you will permit me to repeat that this battle
was fought near Karnal, in the course of which 10,000 men perished,
among them Khan Dawran,* one of the Viziers, his brother,? and the
Oméiras (or general officers) who were with that portion of the army ;
Saidal Ram * was wounded and taken prisoner, and died eight days
ago, it being suspected that he had poisoned himself.

After this defeat, the Mogul army occupied an area five or six
leagues in extent ; it consisted of 400,000 horsemen, 800,000 infantry,
30,000 camels, 2,000 armed elephants and 1,000 pieces of artillery.

Nadir Shah's army contained no more than 30,000 fighting men,®
although it had numbered 60,000 persons, composed of Turks,
Persians, Arabs, Armenians and Georgians, there being also 40
Russians and three Englishmen.

On the 16th and 17th of the month of February, 1739, this small
army seized the passes and ways into our camp, in such manner that
it was impossible to bring in provisions and forage, and some 4,000
men of those who tried to go and look for these beyond the barricades
lost their lives,

The famine, which lasted till the 28th day, was so severe that

' Palomar is the Hindi word ohh, MtManing & Messenger or courier,

* Khwaja ‘Azim Samsimu'd-Dawla Khin Dawrin was Amiru’l-Umari or
Commander-in-Chicf,

7 Muraffar Khiin, See page 278 of PLC, Belfour's translation of the Tarikh-i-
Abwil-i-Shaikh Hazin (London, 1831),

* Possibly a misprint for Sa‘idat Khan, the Sibshdir of Oudh (who is often
referred to in works of this period as Sadat Kam or Kan),

* These figures are greatly exaggerated. According to the journal of Mirza Zaman,
who wns secretary to Sar Baland Khin, the total numbers of Muhammad Shah's
forces did not exceed 200,00), Even in the TérikA-i-Nadiri of Mirza Mahdi Khan
(who might be expected to put the figures somewhat on the high side in order thereby
to make Nadir Shah's triumph appear the greater) the total is only 300,000, Professor
Sarkar, on page 33 of his Nadir Shah in India (Patna University, 1925), says,“ Anan-
dram, who was a secretary to the Wazir (Qamaru'd-Din Khan) and accompanied the
army to Panipat, pute the number as 50,000 horsemen besides the personal contingents
of the three nobles (Qamaru'd-Din Khin, Khin Dawrin, and the Nizimu'l-Mulk),
We know that the Nizim had brought with himself only 3.000 men, So the total
Tndian fighting force at Karnal could not have exceeded 75,000 men.” If thie number
if approximately correct, the other catimates must have included the large numbera
of camp followers that accompanied the army.

® This is an under-estimate, Nidir Shab | betwee ixty th
fighting men with him, re ee sé rig cesar

pE VOULTON'S NOTICIA 231

50,000 men and almost all the domestic animals died of hunger ;
in fact, the measure of wheat and rice which used to cost the tenth
part of a rupee was sold at ten rupees or 1(H) sows. All the provisions
having been consumed, the troops were compelled to eat the remainder
of the baggage animals ; to crown these disasters, it happened that of
the 200,000 or 400,000 men who left the camp on being put to flight
more than 50,000 were killed by the enemy, and the same fate attended
nearly all the rest at the hands of the peasants called Zattas (? Jats)
and Balichis, at distances from 20 to 30 leagues from the army.

On the 18th the Emperor, whose quarters were at the end of the
camp, summoned the Nizamu'l-Mulk or Asaf Jah,? one of the principal
nobles of the Court, in order to consult him, but he, before going,
gathered together Qamaru'd-Din Khan, Bengueche,’ and Azmiolalkam
(? ‘Azimu’llah Khan) and other Viziers ; he asked them whether they
were brave enough to leave their trenches with their brigades on the
following morning and attack the enemy, offering to put himself at
their head. He said that Muhammad Shah was 50 distant from them
that he would not even hear the sound of the musketry. As regards
this proposal, it was decided that it was necessary in the first, place
to receive the order from the Emperor, for which reason Asaf Jah
went to him, and, having obtained his approval of the sortie, returned
to his quarters to give the orders. The Emperor, however, having taken
the advice of his flatterers, changed his mind during the night, and these
timid people all decided to abandon the army.

There being nobody on the following day (the 19th) ? of the same
way of thinking as the Nizimu'l-Mulk, who took into account the

1 Chin Qulich Khan, the Niximo'l-Mulk. Hoe was Governor of the Decean at the
time of Nadir Shah's invasion, Because of his great experience and ability, he was
summoned to Court to advise Mubammad Shah during the crisis; he obeyed with
great reluctance on account of his age, and also because he knew that he had many
rivals ancl enemica ot Delhi, For obeying the Mogul's command, he was rewarded
with the title of Asaf-Jah or“ he who has the Pomp of Asaf, In ao footnote on
page 64 of his History of Nadir Shak (London, 1742), Fraser remarks: ~ Asof Jah
is a title commonly given to Vicirs, Ut signifies im Place and Rank as Asof, who, they
Bay, Was Solomon's Vizir. At the same time that they honour their Visirs with this
title, they flatter their own vanity, by com paring themselves to Soloman,

® Possibly Muhammad Khan Bangash, the Nawab of Farrukhaibad. See Fraser,
op, cil,, p. 153.

3 Malcolm, on page 27 of the second volume of his History of Persia, also gives the
date as the 19th February, but says that this was'* Thursday, ithe 17th of Zilkadeh oa
The correct equivalent of this is the 15th February, Old Style (Thursday. th
February, New Style); this corresponds with what is said by Hanway and other
authorities, namely, that this visit was paid on the second day after the battle of
Karnal,

lay

333 LAURENCE LOCKHART—

despair of his Emperor and the fact that the rest of this great army
was going to perish either from hunger or the enemy's steel, the
Minister set out from the camp with 10,000 men, after having received
the Emperor's order, and went in search of the King of Persia, whom
he reached at three in the afternoon. After the usual compliments,
he explained to him the object of his mission. Nadir Shah received
him graciously, welcomed him much, and, seating him by his side,
put to him the following questions :—

“After the four years? that have elapsed since I sent my
Ambassadors to your Emperor in order to ask him to pay the sums
which he owes to Persia, why has he detained them without sending
any answer, and why has he put me to the trouble of coming so far
to ask him this question, obliging me to go to the expense of this army ?”

Asaf Jah answered him as the Emperor had said: “ When he
was in the Deccan and returning to Delhi, he intended to satisfy you,
but the Empire was not then able to carry out what you asked ; also,
the desire which we had of seeing you was partly the reason for our
omission, so that we might have the honour of kissing your feet, at
no matter what price”.

Nadir Shah smiled at hearing this speech, and showed the Nizimu'l-
Mulk the memorandum containing his claims, the first item in which
was the value of a royal throne which had cost nine crores of rupees
(each crore is worth five million pafacas) which the great Shah ‘Abbas,
King of Persia, had sent to Delhi*: “This sum,” the King said to
him, “is owing to me; is there any dispute as to this?”

“No, Sire,” Asaf Jah replied, “ it is just to satisfy it.”

“ Muhammad Shah’s grandfather, the uncle of Gehanguire (sic) ?
had need of 10,000 Persian soldiers, who were sent to him: these
expenses were undertaken on condition that they would be repaid
when the Empire could do so"; this was not done, Is this complaint
justified ?”

+” Months" in Hanway, See vol, ii, p. 479,

* This is incorrect; the throne is said to have been begun by Tamerlane and
finished by Shah Jahin,

® See note below.

* The textis corrupt here, but the wording in Hanway (vol. ii, pp. 470-80) is
almostidentical. Theforce of Persian troops mentioned may bethat which Shah Tahmisp
cent against Qandahir under the leadership of Humdyin in 145, If this is AO,
Voulton (and Hanway too) is guilty of a very serious anachronism, for Muhammad
Shah's grandfather was Quibu’d-Din Bahadur Shah, the great-grandson of Jahiingir,
who, in turn, was the grandson of Humayiin, Alternative! Yuthe reference may be to

a force of Persian troopa which was lent to Akbar, one of Awrangrib’s sons, and
brother of Bahadur Shah, to enable him to invade India on his father's death and

DE VOULTON 5S NOTICIA as

“Yes, Sire,” replied Asaf Jah, “it is right to give satisfaction
for it.”

“You made a treaty with us for the granting of mutual aid when-
ever one of us should have need of the other,” said Nadir Shah,
“ notwithstanding this, because of your not having assisted us,
Persia has been ruined with various wars. You have asked us for the
same assistance which you had been given beforehand ; what have
you done for us in return ? Who will pay the money which I have spent
in preventing the Turks from seizing, thanks to the disturbances,
the provinees of our Empire ? Who will pay the interest on the money
that I have borrowed, and still owe 7”

Allow me, Sire,” said Agaf Jah, “to write to my master, and
forgive what has passed. While his answer is coming, I will leave
my head in your hands ; do what you think fit with me, I lay myself
under your orders.”

“ Since you speak so well,” replied Nadir Shah, “ I will pardon the
lives of your Emperor and his troops, whom I had intended to put
to the sword; for this reason, I order you to go and inform him
that we are each here in the midst of our two armies, that each one
(of us) shall advance from his side, and that there we will make peace,
according to my way of thinking.”

Asaf Jah went in search of the Emperor, whom he told of all that
had happened, and on the following day, the two kings, having reached
the appointed spot, embraced each other, and Muhammad Shah
presented the Empire to Nadir. To this Nadir replied, “I salute
your throne and Empire, and, although I am master of it, I give it to
you, if you will only eatisfy my claims.” .

Matters being in this state, they agreed to talk no more that day
of affairs which Asaf Jah would settle, After six hours’ conversation
both retired, and it remained agreed that Nadir Shih would entertain
the Emperor on the third day, and on the one after there would be
a feast in the tent of Muhammad Shah.

On the 22nd of the same month of February, the Emperor went
to claim the aucceasion for himself, Akbar was defeated and forced to retire by Bahidar
Shah, and it is difficult to see how the grandson of the latter could be held to be in
any way responsible for the payment of compensation in respect of the assistance
given to Akbar, Akbar was the uncle of Jahandar Shah and of his brother Jahiinshih,
the father of Muhammaid shah, and * Gehanguire * (+ Jeanguire — in Hanway) may
have been used in error for one oF ather of these princes, In no case cam Jahingir
be right; as already stated, Humayin was not the uncle, but the grandfather of

Johingir, There was no member of the Mogul family entitled Jahingir in the time
of Bahidur Shih or later,

234 LAURENCE LOCKHART—

over, as he had promised, to the King of Persia's camp, where he was
given a sumptuous feast, of which the cost amounted to three lakhs
of rupees (each lakh is one hundred thousand rupees, and each rupee
is worth half a pataca"). The most famous dancing gitls of Persia
entertained the Emperor, who remained there till eight in the evening ;
he then immediately sent Nadir Shih a present of an elephant laden
with different kinds of jewels and precious stones and two others beari ng
three lakhs of rupees.

On the 23rd Asaf Jah went to see the King of Persia, bringing with
him twenty carts filled with gold rupees, and one hundred camels
bearing three crores of rupees which was the sum which the Mogul
Emperor had brought with him to the army.

Nadir Shah raised his claims to 40 crores, that is, 200 million patacas,
asking as much by way of impost as he did for the expenses which
he had incurred during 14 years, including the cost of his army up
tall its return to Persia,

Asaf Jah, after having made the strongest appeals to Nadir Shah,
arranged a treaty which provided that, in addition to the money which
he had brought with him, his Emperor undertook, in four years, to
give him (Nadir Shah) the equivalent of five crores in jewellery and
niné crores more for the royal throne sent to Delhi to (sic) the great
Shah “Abbas.? Asaf Jah then returned very satisfied at having arranged
that the Persian Army should retire two days after ratification of
the treaty, and that, in the meanwhile, they would give free passage
into the Mogul camp for the necessary provisions and forage, because
all were dying of hunger. Latterly, no one had dared to leave the
trenches, and it sufficed for one of the enemy cavalry to show himself
to put thousands of the Moguls to flight, although the latter discharged
a quantity of cannon shots at them. The uniform of the cavalry
appeared so extraordinary to the Mogul forces that they could not
look upon them without experiencing mortal terror, They wore
a four-cornered hat, eighteen inches in height, a sheepskin or goatskin
wrapped round them, a cloth garment in the style of the Heydugque,
a vest like that worn by women leaving the breast bare, short breeches,
leather boots, a sword, a flint lock and an axe.

When Asaf Jah reached the Emperor's presence, he handed him
the treaty drawn up, but he (the Emperor) disapproved of it, saying

' Pieoe of eight,

* See footnote on page 222,
* Hungarian frontier militia or guards,

DE VOULTON'’S NOTICIA 235

that he had not the money to undertake to pay such a large sum, and
that he would prefer to abandon the country and withdraw to Bengal
rather than to agree to such hard conditions. Asaf Jah pointed out to
him that he could not help signing the treaty and that he ought to
give thanks to God for having preserved his life and the Empire,
and further, that he should not make the sum any smaller as means
would be found to collect double the amount for the treasury by
imposing the former tax on the Gentfios.

The Emperor postponed the decision of the affair till the following
day, but his council, which dominated him, forced him to retract
and not ratify the settlement, and to declare to Asaf Jah that he would
never give his consent to the conditions which he had arranged.

“But, Sire,” said Asaf Jah, “ you have entrusted me with the
carrying out of this matter, you have pledged your word to Nadir
Shah, and I have given him mine to return to-day to his camp with
the ratification of the treaty ; then, Sire, do you not wish for peace
now 7 If not, you may well prepare for war.”

The irresolute Emperor made no reply to this speech, but summoned
Qamaru’d-Din Khan and the other Viziers or Ministers, in order to
ask their opinion. Some eaid that it was necessary to fight ; others
that it was not possible, the soldiers being without spirit and dying
of hunger ; a5 4 result, no decision whatever was taken.

Confused and sad, Asaf Jah did not wish to break his word, as
much for his honour 4s for his own life and those of so many people ;
this consideration impelled him to adopt the course of going in search
of Nadir Shah, to whom he offered his head, saying; “1 have given
you my word, but it has not been possible to execute the treaty ;
you may therefore do with me what you please.” .

The King of Perisa said to him: “I have kept my word to you;
you do not keep yours. I am going to make you die of hunger and
I will then behead your Emperor and your ge erals.”’ He immediately
has Asaf Jah arrested, ordering that he was to be given nothing to
eat or to drink that day. The messengers, who are there called
Patomares2 went to and from the Emperor's camp without settling
anything. Nadir Shah, however, had our camp 50 invested that: all
were dying of starvation, and on this oceasion the King of Persia sent
word to Muhammad Shah that he would have all his people, himself
and all his generation slain ; upon which, he gave orders to his army

t ‘The Hindus,
1 See note on page 240,

fob LAURENCE LOCKHART—

to attack that of the Moguls on the following day, destroying everything
with fire and sword, not sparing even the Empress.

During the night Muhammad Shah repented of not having approved
the treaty, but it was already late. Seeing himself in such straits,
he had poison brought for himself and all his family to take; this,
however, his Viziers prevented with their pleadings. When Asaf Jah
learnt Nadir Shah’s decision and the orders which he had given to
his army, he entreated him to delay their execution until the following
day. This was granted to him, on condition that the Emperor would
go that same day in person to give himself up as a prisoner, and that
it would rest in his (i.e. Nadir Shih’s) power either to put him to death
or to pardon him, since he had broken his word.

Asaf Jah informed Muhammad Shah of Nadir Shah's intentions,
and the former decided at three in the afternoon to surrender himself
at the discretion of his enemy. When Muhammad Shah arrived,
Nadir Shah made him his prisoner, sending immediately 10,000 men
to seize our artillery and take all the Viziers prisoners.

Nadir Shah's troops had many provisions and at the same time
selzed those destined for our soldiers, which they then sold to us at
so high a price that our men, who had not much money, died in misery.

Nadir Shah had some OmAras beheaded; Todatarem, his
prisoner, who belonged to their (ic. the Indian or Hindu) nation,
advised him to make himself master of the Empire, either by killing
the Emperor or having him imprisoned within four walls: to this
the Shah replied that if the Emperor had broken his word, he did not
wish to follow his example, that he had promised him not to harm his
person, but said that he would take his treasures.

After disarming us and taking his precautions, and having ordered
his army to join with ours, Nadir Shah made us march with his troops
to Delhi, the capital of the Empire, where we arrived on the Tth March,
1739."

His troops immediately took possession of the fortress, in which
they gave a lodging to the Emperor, together with his ordinary guard.
Afterwards, a detachment seized the approaches to the city, so that
no one can now enter or leave without his consent. Owing to this,
it is necessary to buy provisions and forage from the enemy at such

1 This is the correct Old Style date for the arrival of the combined Indian ard
Persian forces at the gardens of Shalimar (or Sha‘Iahmih) outside Delhi. Muhammad
Shih and his followers went on to Delhi that evening, but Nidir Shih did not enter
the city until two days later, on the Oth Dhi'l-Hijja (0th /20th March),

DE VYOULTON § NOTICTA 257

high prices that wheat and rice are sold at more than twenty times
the ordinary rate and the money which they thus obtain 1s sent to
the Royal Treasury of Nadir Shah. The latter has published a decree
that any soldier of his army who has seized more than 100 rupees will
by put to death by having his stomach ripped open. So much of
Muhammad Shah's possessions have been seized, even his own jewels
and the silver of the Royal Palace, the walls of the hall of which were
ornamented with beaten silver and gold embossed work ; all this
has been moulded into bars with a hole in the middle to which to attach
a cord, in order to load two on to each camel, Already a month has
been taken up solely with the work of coining money, on which he
has had engraved the following inseription: ~ Shah Nadir born to
be King of all the World, King of Kings: "' a thousand carpenters
are continually working at the construction of boxes in which to put
the gold, of which there are already 12,000 full of rupees.

On Easter Saturday,* four young Omhras of medium rank,® having
—hecome intoxicated at eight in the evening, spread the rumour that
the Emperor had killed Nadir Shah with a blow.’ These vicious young
men were accompanied by twenty Persian horsemen who acted as

1 ‘This appears to refer to certain coins struck at Ahmadabad which bear on one
side the Persian inscription :-—

“ Nadir, King of Kings and Lord of the (fortunate) conjunction (of the stars), is
Sultan over the Sultans of the World.” The obverse has the following wording in
Arabic :—

yoy ablael oS Le alll als

“ May Allah perpetuate his reign. Struck at Ahmadibad in 1152,”

2 Asis well known, the rising took place on the day following Nadir Shah « entry
into Dethi, that is, on the 10th Dhi'l Hijjs or Saturday, the Loth/2lst March.

$ ‘The Portuguese text reads: . . quatro mogos Oinhras de nobresa ordinaria...""

« Here the Spanish text is, for once, slightly fuller than the Portuguese, While
the Intter enya: “ ... de que o Emperador tinha morto a Maderch’ de home
punhalada,” the Spanish version reads : “de que el Emperador havia matado
h Nadercha de un golpe de Cafary,” (N.B,—Catary is the Hindustani word botdrah

(05), * « short sword ” or" dagger".

Professor Sarkar (op. cil,, p. 62) says that, according to the * Tazkira " of Anan-
dram (who was in Delhi at the time of the rising), mischief-makers spread the rumour
" that Nadir Shah had been treacherously shot dead at the instigation of Mubammad
Shah by «» Qalmaq woman-guard of the palace when he was returning from his visit
to the Emperor,”

I98 LAURENCE LOCKHART—

supervising guards; having made their servants and people join with
them, they killed these men. This news being spread through the
city, the populace rose and attacked the Persians, of whom they slew
more than 5,000, each one taking refuge in his barracks. Thereupon
the Persians shut themselves up in the fortress and turned the
artillery on the city, on which they fired until midnight.

In the morning, on Easter Sunday,? Nadir Shah was filled with fury,
and ordered his troops to enter the city with fire and sword and
sack it, which was done. He went out in person and sat in the Mosque
of Rawshanu'd-Dawla in the Chandni Chok," where are the shops
of the bankers and merchants of Delhi. From there, this Barbarian
amused himself by ordering the pillaging and sacking of all that
belonged to the people in that unhappy quarter, which he afterwards
had burnt.

A large part of this beautiful city suffered the same fate, not so
much at the hands of the enemy as at those of a body of vagabonds
who took advantage of the misfortune of their countrymen.

The Nizamu’l-Mulk, one of the most respectable nobles, escaped
from their clutches and went in search of the King of Persia, whom
he came upon eating sweetmeats, of which the King offered him
some on a plate. Excusing himself from taking any, the Nizamu'l-
Mulk said to him: “I have not come to eat, but to let thee take my
life with thine own hand, since thou art causing so many unfortunate
persons to lose theirs without acquainting thyself of the origin of the
trouble. Dost thou not fear lest God should cause this Mosque to
fall upon thy head and avenge so many innocent people who are the
victims of the miserable persons who furnished a motive for this
disturbance ?” *

After peacefully listening to what he said, Nadir Shah commanded

| Hanway (vol. ii, p. 496) ascribes the cause of the rising to Nidir’s general,
Tahmisp Khan, having fixed the price of corn in such # way as to anger the populace
and so provoke a disturbance,

? See second note on precending page.

2? There is a curious mistake here in the Portuguese text which reada: “.. . nm
Mezquita de Rochemdalla, no Campo de Nichoque.” The Spanish translation faithfully
reproduces this error,

‘ Malcolm (vol ii, p. 33) says that it was Muhammad Shah himself who went to
the mosque to intercede with Nadir,“ exclaiming * Spare my people!" Nidir replied
‘ "The Emperor of India must never ask in vain’. According to Fraser (op, cif,, 185),
Nadir Shah returned from the mosque to the castle after giving ordera for the massacre
to begin, and “ about two-o'clock Mohammed Shah and Nizam al Muluck waited
on him, who having made great Intercession for the City, the soldiers were ordered
to desist...”

can

DE VOULTON 8 NOTICIA 959

Asaf Jah to eat what he had given him, and at the same time gave
orders for the massacre to cease. Speaking to Asaf Jah, he ordered
him to ascertain who was the author of the disturbance so that he
might be punished, and said that no severe measures would be taken
in future without consulting him beforehand.

This massacre did not cease until nightfall, when a brigade went
through the city, proclaiming the orders and causing those who
continued to pillage to be slain.

These misfortunes were followed by illnesses caused by the quantity
of dead bodies, as much of men as of animals, of which the corruption
had infected the air. A large number of wounded, whose sad cries were
vainly imploring help, have perished without receiving any assistance,
as much by pain as by hunger. Many of these unhappy Moguls have,
with the fear of approaching death, carried their despair so far that they
have put an end to themselves with poison.

Nadir Shah, insatiable of riches and without the slightest knowledge
of true greatness, although he 1 vain enough to look upon himself
as a second Alexander, causes those who are suspected of having
hidden gold to be tortured, and with torments worthy of a barbarian
has compelled them to hand over to him their last resources, leaving
them with almost nothing for their subsistence.

It is thus impossible to enumerate the riches that have been
collected by these unjust means.

The square of the fortress and that of Asaf Jah are full of gold,
silver, precious stones and other belongings. To-day, these treasures
have risen in value to 300 crores (which are equivalent to fifteen hundred
million patacas) without counting the carpets, furniture and cloth
of gold and silver which are without number.

It is eight days since Asaf Jah discovered the authors of the
disturbance, and, although he is of their family, he has had them
strangled.

Nadir Shah, as a skilled politician, has married his second son
to a princess, the niece of Muhammad Shah, to whom he has given forty
lakhs of rupees, and a lakh to the Emperor for his maintenance.

It is rumoured that Nadir Shah will leave on the 27th April, with
a limited force, after re-establishing Muhammad Shah on the throne,
that a treaty will be concluded by which the country of Qandahar,
as far as the river Catel (?), will be joined to Persia ; that in the event
of wars, the two Empires will mutually assist each other, and that
Asaf Jah will be Prime Minister.

1 Nasru‘liah Mirza,
VOL. IV, PART I. 18

240) LAURENCE LOCKHART—

We are informed that 200,000 Kalmuks have reached a point
five leagues from Seflis (? Tiflis) against the Persians and that their
ambassadors have to come here, being already at Horor (?).

In his letters dated the 6th and 13th May, Mr. Voulton says that the
prisons are full of people from whom they want to obtain money,
that all ransom themselves, the Christians not being more privileged
than the Moguls, many of the former having been killed, their two
churches burnt, and the Portuguese Jesuit Fathers having been
obliged to hide themselves.

He says that all the edicts have been issued in the name of Nadir
Shah as sovereign, and that he has had made with his die * {) coms
of one rupee each ; that he will soon leave for Persia, with the intention
of making war on the Grand Signor,* taking Babylonia (Baghdad),
seizing Mecca and of then returning here in order to conquer China.

Finally, he says that the city of Delhi is entirely ruined, that there
are neither Banians? nor merchants, because some are dead and

others have fled.

Copy of the Edict and Declaration of the Mogul Emperor, corresponding
to Mr. Voulton’s letter of the 21st April

Muhammad Shah begins with the compliments which he pays
“to Nadir Shah, addressing him as King of Kings, Sovereign of the
‘Age, Asylum of the Muhammadans, and the second Alexander, and then
says -—

“You have sent me an Ambassador to deal with certain affairs.
I did what I had to do so as to secure promptitude, and you would
not have been obliged to send Muhammad Khan Turkoman * to me
but for the omission of my ministers and men of affairs, who always
delayed replying to your letters and sending off of your Ambassador,
preferring to entangle us and to sow discord between our States rather
than to do what I ordered them. This has compelled you to come here
to seek me; we have fought, you have obtained the Vinkocy, and
fortune has protected you up to the point of making you master of
my countries. You have entered Delhi and you have made yourself

1 See footnote on p, xxviii of Lane-Poole’s The Moghul Emperors of Hindustan
aad thar Coins,

? The Sultan of Turkey,

2 Sotlers.

« Given in the text a8 Wamerlan Tourbam,

DE VOULTON'S NOTICIA 241

lord of it ; you have secured my person ; you have seized my treasures,
precious stones and jewels, and have forced me to hand over to you
the statement of all my revenues. However, supposing that you
promise to restore my throne and Empire to me, I give you, make you,
and declare you sovereign and lord of the lands on the eastern side
(7 on the western side of the Indus), of the country of Nandabek,
of the Indian Ocean (sc), and the river Santgaza, of the Horor, of
Kabul, of the mountains of Batan and Jar, of the fortress of Yerel-
coudabat and of all that appertains to Tatta and Lesta, reserving for
myself all Hindustan.” *

In the letters from the same person dated the 13th and 15th May,
from which an extract was sent by Mr. Groyselle from Chandernagore
on the 13th July, it is said that Nadir Shah left Delhi on the 13th May,°
1739, with a salvo of artillery and musket fire from the city, in order to
return to Persia, that Muhammad Shah accompanied him as far as
Ehelamar2 with Asaf Jah, who 1s entrusted with the government of
the Empire, and who has to contribute to the Emperor only five crores
of rupees each year for the upkeep of his Court; that Muhammad
Shah did not wish to accept the Empire on these conditions, and that
he offered his son in his place, but was obliged to sign. It is also said
that the Nizamu’l-Mulk, Asaf Jah, has dismissed the former servants
of the Emperor and has to provide others for him to-morrow, but he
(that is, Mr. de Voulton) will continue in the same employ as one of
the surgeons of Muhammad chah and Asaf Jah, that there will
doubtless be much change in the government and that after all has
been settled, the Emperor wil! go to Agra to spend the winter there,
where, it is believed, he will remain with all his Court £o that Delhi
will never recover its (former) position.

List of the booty which Tahmasp Quli Khin, otherwise known as
Shah Nadir, King of Persia, captured during the expedition which
he made to the territories of the Great Mogul :

1 ‘The names given here in italica are very corrupt, and much of the document
translation of the full text of this document ia given by Fraser, op. cil. pp. 223-0.
Malcolm says, “ It is an extraordinary paper and was no doubt dictated by the
conqueror.”

2 Nadir Shah left Delhi on the Bth-16th May. ‘The date of de Voulton’s letter (of
the 13th) may have been inserted in error.

2 Evidently a misprint for Shalimar.

ae KY

242 LAURENCE LOCKHART—
Value in
crores (of
Items. rupees).
I. The elephants
II. The camels
III. The artillery ag
IV. The tents ' the value of 3
V. The munitions of war santana $ crores.
in various battles .
VI. The gold rupees and silver taken from the
Imperial Treasury : - 16
VII. Pearls and precious stones of all nds : : 8
VIII. The Imperial bed of state all adorned with jewels 7
IX. The Imperial throne, all ornamented with
diamonds valuedat 0
X. Table plate and other articles, some of inch
are adorned with precious stones valued at 11
XI. Current money of the Treasury and jewellery
taken from the concubines and their
children 3
XII. The (proceeds of the) besiaig of the City of
Delhi cident to . : 10
XIII. Sum raised by a special tax levied on the
inhabitants . 10
XIV. Sums contributed by the one aid ane
servants of the Omhras, Nabobs and Rajahs
or feudatory Princes amounts to ‘ 10
XV. The value (of the belongings ?) of the Great
Mogul which Qamaru'd-Din Khin was
r made to pay * : 16 -
102

1 [ have been unable to identify this word, but the context shows that an ongnil

is some eort of servant or attendant, It might possibly be a corruption of wakil (AS.
© The text is obscure here, and it is doubtful what particular payment ia referred
to, Hanway (vol. ii, p. 495) saya: “ Kummir 0'Din Khan, the visier, . . .
endeavoured to clude the payment of the large contribution demanded of him ; Nadir
therefore caused him to be exposed openly to the sun, which is reckoned a punishment
contumelious a# well as painful, and in that country dangerona to the health, At
length he extracted from him a whole crore of rupees, besides a great value in precious
stones and elephants,” This * contribution would, however, presumably be one
of those referred to under item No, XIV. [tema Nos, I to XI would seem to include

all the possessions of the Great Mogul that were seized by Nadir,

DE VYOULTON'S NOTICIA 243

XVI. The value of the belongings of Cavordam (7),
Muzaffar Khan, ‘Ah Hamid Khan,
Sadaskhan (? Sa‘adat Khan), and other
ministers whom the Great Mogul ordered
to be slain for having been in communica-
tion with Tahmasp Quli Khan added to the
sums referred to above, makes 4 total of

= 111 crores."

In India the money is reckoned by lakhs, crores, padans and
nils; each lakh is worth 100,000 rupees; each million lakhs makes
one crore; 100,000 crores make one padan and 100,000 padans make
one nil Others say that one crore is worth 10,000,000 rupees, each
rupee is worth 500 reis or 50 French sous, in which currency the
whole of this sum amounts to 2,000,775 millions of fieres, and in
Portuguese currency to 1,000,387 mullion cruzadas. The whole of
these immense riches was taken almost entirely from the City of
Delhi, which would be difficult to believe were It not that all who are
of the Empire of the Great Mogul go there with products of the country
and with manufactures. This brings in every year large sums of gold
and silver from Asia and from Europe which are not sent again to
other parts.

In addition to this booty, Tahmasp Quli Khin levied on the
Great Mogul a tribute of 3 crores, that is, of 75,000,000 French fivres,
and made his Court pay 5 crores of rupees, which are equivalent to
110 (sic) million [veres.

The Russian Resident at Isfahiin sent this list to his Court.

Letter from St. Petersburg of the 5th September *

By a courier, who reached the Court of St. Petersburg from
Darband on the 5th September, news was received that Shih Nadir

1 This total ia much exaggerated, Fraser says: ‘““ Nadir Shah carried away to
the value of 70 Crores in Jewels and other Effects ; and bis Officers and Soldiers 10
Crores!” Hanway adopts this estimate which, he says, ‘is the highest caloulation
that the nature of the thing will warrant ; this is equal to eighty-seven millions five
hundred thousand pounds of our mot y." Hanway prefaces these remarks, however
by saying “ the different relations we have had of this extraordinary rapine, are for
the most part upon the marvellous ; and several writers have suffered their imagina-
tions to travel much faster than their judgment.”

t These figures (except in regard to the fafh) are incorrect, There are 100 lakhs
in a crore, or more properly, karot (9 5, 100 crores in a padan (I), and 100

padane in a nif (3), Thus a nif is 0 billion.
2 The year is not given, but it must obviously be 1740.

44 LAURENCE LOCKHART—

left Isfahan at the beginning of June last with the object of beginning
his campaign with the siege of Babylonia (Baghdad).’| The Turks
had, however, received news of his intention, and had laid waste the
whole country for many league around, trampling upon and cutting
all the forage, and in other parts setting fire to all the hay, depopulating
the districts, and taking away the Persian troops’ means of subsistence.
Seeing that the troops were suffering from a great lack of provisions
and at the same time from the effects of the excessive heat of that
climate, he (ic. Nadir Shah), in order not to lose his men, retired to
Isfahan again, and placed his army in rest quarters. The same letters,
which were written by the Resident whom the Russian Court keeps at
Isfahan, say that the Shah himself will order the distribution of a
large number of gold and silver medals, which he had taken from the
Treasury of the Great Mogul; among these are some which weigh
six gold sequins. These medals will be distributed by the generals
and officers of his army and by the provincial governors of that
kingdom, and he (Nadir Shih) will cause the same to be done by the
foreign ministers (at his Court), requesting them to be good enough
to deliver them in his name to their sovereigns.

Another letter from St. Petersburg, dated the 9th September

From the same Court of St. Petersburg it is stated in letters of
the 9th September that a Persian Ambassador * is already very near
to the city of Astrakhan, and that he has a suite of 2,000 persons,
consisting of servants and guards. As he has to obtain provisions for
them at the cost of the Empress of Russia, to whom Tahmisp Quli
Khan sent such a solemn embassy, he was asked how much he would
require each day for the maintenance of his suite. He replied:
70 poods? of rice, which are weights of 40 (Russian) pounds; large
quantities of sugar and all other kinds of provisions in the same
proportion. This Minister brings with him a present of enormous
value for the Empress. He has been much delayed en roule by the

1 Tt is dificult to account for this statement, as Nidir was at Herat in June, 1740,
According to Mirza Mahdi Khin, Nadir did not go to Isfahin either in 1740 or 1741,
Le Margne states, but [ do not know on what authority, that Nadir, when starting
from Isfahin (sic) on his march towards Bukhari, purposely spread the rumour that
he waa going to attack the Turks, in order to put the Uzbega off their guard,

® Hussain Khin by name. The mission, which waa dispatched on the 23rd October,
1730, was originally under Sardar Khin Kirklu, but he died before it reached Astra-
khan and was succeeded by Husain Khin,

* Given in text as pondos, which ie evidently a misprint for" powdos", the Kussian
TV ils.

DE VOULTON § NOTICIA 24h

bad state of the roads and by the difficulties caused by always having
such a numerous following.

It is stated from Smyrna that Tahmisp Quli Khan, in order to
render his Empire happier, 1s determined to make the trade of his
subjects flourish, and that he has written to the consuls or factors
(feytores) whom the European nations have in his parts, particularly
to those of the French, to be good enough to communicate this resolu-
tion to their sovereigns, so that their subjects may come with goods
(fazendas) which can be used there (i.e. in Persia), in order to export
what is in excess in his country. It is also said that he will grant
them (the foreign subjects) various privileges and rights, and that he
will place on the sea a large fleet in order to make his flag known and
to assist the trade of his subjects and the vessels of the nations with
which they have dealings.

Letter from Paris dated the 20th October

There are letters from Rome of the Sth October which state that
on the first day of this same month Monsignore Mori,’ Secretary
of the Congregation of Propaganda of the Faith, presented to His
Holiness a letter written im the Persian language by the elder son
of T. K. K. (Nadir Shah), whereby this Prince ratifies and confirms
all the advantages and privileges eranted by his father to the Christians
of Erivan, and adds that all the religious (orders) which have missions
in Isfahin may live in complete freedom, teaching the Catholic religion,
and administering freely the sacraments to all that profess it.

t His correct name is Filippe Monte; he was Secretary of Propaganda from
1735 to 1743,

THE SWAHILI SAGA OF LIONGO FUMO
By Professor A. WERNER

| ta the great mass of material already collected for the study of
African folk-lore—to which fresh additions are daily being made—
we do not find any considerable number of what may be called heroic
legends, Yet some there are, as in the traditions of Kintu and other
early kings of Uganda, in the tale of Mbega, current in Usambara, and
probably many others, as yet unrecorded.

Not least in interest among these is the story of Liongo, called by
the late Bishop Steere “ the nearest approach to a bit of real history
I was able to meet with”. Steere was informed that “a sister of
Liongo came to Zanzibar and her descendants are still living there.
Sheikh Mohammed bin Ali told me that in his young days he had
seen Liongo's spear and some other relics then preserved by his
family ; there seem, however, to be none such now [1869] remaining.
No one has any clear notion how long ago it is since Liongo died, but
his memory is warmly cherished, and it 1s wonderful how the mere
mention of his name rouses the interest of almost any true Swahil”.

Some further light on the person of Liongo—whom there seems
every reason to think a historical character—was obtained during @
visit to Lamu in 1912. Some years before this the late F. W. Wiirtz,
a missionary in the Tana Valley, had inquired into the subject and come
to a similar conclusion. The story of Liongo is a living tradition to
this day (unless it has been obliterated by the war ‘) both among the
coast Swahili and the Pokomo, whose forefathers had felt his heavy
hand too often to forget it.

One man at Witu told me that Liongo carried on war against the
Portuguese, which, if correct, would date him as flourishing during the
sixteenth or seventeenth century. But the general consensus of opinion
appeared to place him much earlier, his town of Shaka having been
taken and destroyed some time after Liongo’s death by Sultan Omar
of Pate, variously said to have reigned a.H. T40-95 and a.H. TO6—45.
Other information seems to fit in best with this earlier period.

His story, as generally told—most people give it pretty much as It
stands in Steere’s collection—clearly contains some mythical elements ;
and one point in particular 1s emphasized by Sir James Frazer in his
study of the Balder myth—the fact of the hero's invulnerability

248 ALICE WERNER—

except to one particular weapon. This belief, occurring in the folk-lore
of all countries (witness the silver bullet which killed Dundee at
Kilhecrankie), 1s common enough in Africa at the present day.

Chibisa, in Nyasaland, could only be killed by “a sand bullet”, and
Chikumbu, a well-known character in the same country about thirty
years ago, had charms against every possible means of death, save
“a splinter of bamboo”.

The historical Liongo belonged to a line of Persian chiefs—
“ Ajema asili yake Liongo—Taharami,” said Sharif Abdallah at Witu—
who held the little principality of Shaka, near the mouth of the Tana.
They are more especially associated with the Ozi, the small river
whose estuary (out of all proportion to the stream itself) now forms the
outlet for the much larger Tana. On this estuary are the small modern
towns of Kau and Kipini—the latter on the long sand-spit which divides
it from the open sea. Some distance away in an easterly or north-
easterly direction are some ruins, said to be those of the town of

I cannot do better than reproduce here a document supplied to me
by the kindness of the late Mr. C. 8. Reddie, then Provincial
Commissioner of Lamu. It only reached me in an English translation—
the work, I conjecture, of his native clerk—which is so quaint that I
make no apology for reproducing it verbatim ef literatim—though
I should naturally have preferred to see the Swahili original. (This
was written by Mshahame bin Kombo, who, I believe, at one time
occupied some position in the Government service.)

“ History of Liongo Fumo, who was not a ruler, but his brother,
Shah Mringwari was the ruler, Their origin is Persian, they were
brought by Haroun Alraschid to increase the power of Africa (? !).
This was after Abdulmalik bin Marwan.’ Liongo was one of the
descendant[s] of the senior member [branch ?] of those who were
brought to Africa. They were equal to King. When one of them was
chosen as a ruler, they used to call him a Shah according to the
custom of the Persian Kings. The year of the power of Liongo and his
brother Shah Mringwari is not recorded, but it was before the reign
of the fifth Sultan of Pate, called Sultan Omar, Liongo was very brave
and strong man, and he was older than his brother Shah Mringwari,
but he Liongo did not rule. After the death of their father Fumo

1 According toa MS, Aiatory of Lan written by Faraji bin Hammad il-Bakari,
the first colonists of Lamu were sent out by Abdul Malik.

THE SWAHILI SAGA OF LIoxGo FUMO 249

Mringwari, the second son, Mringwari, was chosen as ruler by the
people, because they were fond of him: hence Liongo lost his chance
of being a ruler, and also because his mother was 4 concubine. When his
brother, Shah Mringwari, came into power #® a ruler, Liongo wanted
to assassinate him ' ; when Mringwari heard about: this, he called
conference of the people of the town and arrested Liongo, first having
been given wine to drink, After his arrest, he was locked up in @ room,
and his legs was chained, and he was under the impression that he
will be killed. Liongo sent a message com in songs to his mother,
requesting her to make a bread and put a file inside it and send it to
him, accordingly his mother complied with his request. and the bread
containing a file was sent to him, but he thought, if he tries to cut the
leg-iron by the file, people will hear the noise and therefore he sent 4
request to his brother, the King, saying that he is perfectly aware
that he, the King, will kill him but before taking this steps (sic), he
asked his brother the King to give an order to play * gungu (an ancient
play) for three days, and on expiration of three days he could kill him.
Mringwari the King complied with the request of his brother Liongo
and the play was carried on for three days. The qungu was considered
in those days a great play, and was often joined by the elders and
royalties, and poetic language was used. On the first day of the play
Liongo, during the notse of the people and drums outside, began to
cut the leg-iron untill third day he cut it completely and on the fourth
day he broke down the doors and escaped inland, and the people tried
their best to recapture him, but they failed, and since that time Liongo
resided at Kiziwiliani? and on every Thursday used to [go to 1
Gani‘ opposite to Kau to wash his clothes. When the people thought

1 Thia throws some light on points which seem obscure in Steere’s version; it
supplica a reason for the attempts on Liongo's life, and explains the presence of his
mother and (apparently) other attached friends at his death,

2 Te, “dance.” The verb Lucheta (Ewleza) means both “ dance " and “ play ir
Two“ Gungu Dance Songs” are printed in Steere's Swahili Tales (pp- 472-81) and
some account of the guagw given ‘1 the Introduction, p. xii. The song in which his
message wis conveyed has been preserved by tradition, and will be given later,

2 Muhamadi Kijoma tells me that Kiziwiliani is “ between Shaka and
Kiyunga ”, and its harbour is Tenewi.

4 Usually called Gana—on or near the site of the present Chara, at the head of
the Tana delta, There wos a large Inke here, which disappeared during one of the
many changes in the course of the river. A fragmentary ballad, recited by Mxee bin
Risharo, scema to commemorate these expeditions, The Pokomo tradition speaks
of his going once from Shaka to Cana and returning the same day—an exploit related
to illustrate his gigantic size and strength—ni munia meyeya ma aie na nur mun,
say the Wapokomo.

2A) ALICE WERNER—

that they could not recapture him, they made a shauri with his son,!
as Liongo would not trust to any one else except his own son who one
day met * his father sleeping and with a nail poked his Father's belly
and he died then the son of Liongo carried the body to Shah Mringwari
who burried (sic) him.

“ After this the Sultan Omar of Pate came and ruined their country
and the places called Wangwana wa Mashah and Pa Mwana, the latter
place was named after the name of the ruler, who was a woman, and
she was very clever. When the people of Pate entered into the town
she set fire to the gunpowder which was inside her house. The place
Pa Mwana is situated between Tenewi and Ziwa Yufu] in the mainland.

“ Written by Msham bin Kombo, 13th December, 1912.”

This somewhat bald account entirely omits the mythical element
above alluded to, and also an incident which seems to be a favourite,
as it 1s also commemorated in Pokomo folk-lore, Steere’s version places
it after his escape from prison. His enemies “ sent crafty men and told
them, * Go and make him your friend, so as to kill him!’ ” The friendly
overtures consisted in proposing a kikoa, explained by Krapf as
“4 banquet among friends given according to agreement by turns”,
and usually held at the end of the dry season just before the rains—
probably because this is a time of scarcity and people find it
advantageous to pool their provisions. He objected on the ground
of insufficient means, whereupon they suggested that the banquet
should consist of makoma—the fruit of the dum-palm, a common,
though not very satisfactory resource in time of famine. Each of the
guests in his turn climbed a palm—no very great feat ?—and threw
down the fruit for the rest; the plan being to shoot Liongo in the
tree when it came to his turn to climb. But he defeated them by
bringing his share of makema down with skilfully aimed arrows.

The legend further adds that, when Liongo had got his death-wound

+ His sister's son, in Steere’s version: a closer relation according to Bantu ideas,
even where the matriarchal system of kinship has been disused, A trace of this system
survives in the fact that Swahili has a distinct word (mjomba) for the maternal uncle,
while the father’s brothers are simply “ elder" or“ younger father ” (hater milbwbner,
baba midogo) according to seniority.

* A common mistranslation of kuta, which really means“ find ",) come upon“;
the reciprocal form, kutang, is the equivalent of “ meet ",

2 The Pokomo tradition, as recorded by Wirtz, also gives mukoma, but I cannot
help wondering if this is not a mistake for muhofa—the borassus palm—the fruit
of which, eaten to-day by women and children (but despised by mon, unless in time af
famine), was formerly made into an intoxicating drink by the Wapokomo, This tree

would indeed require a daring climber to pluck its fruit and « mighty bowman to
shoot it down,

=
- rS =:
‘ = a -
THE SWAHILI SAGA OF LIONGO FUMO oF] ;

(stabbed in the navel with the “ copper needle”, which was the only

weapon with power to harm him), he took his bow and arrows and ine
went out of the city gate, and, his strength failing, sank down on one ~
knee, still holding his bow, and so died, facing towards the well at , -$
which the townspeople drew their water. Seeing him there, and not bis
knowing that he was dead, none dared to go near the well, till, at last, i
tormented with thirst, they induced his mother to ~ go and speak Ue
to your son, that he may go away And she went and ... took hold 3 <

of him to soothe him with songs (kumtumhuiza kwa nyimbo), and he hi
fell down. And his mother wept ; she knew her son was dead.”
His grave, said Steere's informant, who was probably vague about
the topography of the story, “1s to be seen at Ozi to this day.”
Ozi, of course, is not a town, but the river at the mouth of which
Kipini is situated. Being at Kipini in August, 1912, I inquired about
Liongo Fumo’s grave and was informed that it was “on Tost’s
chamba”. ‘“ Bwana Tost,” it appeared, was a German, who, several
years before (as nearly as I can gather in the later nineties), had owned
an estate a short distance from the town. It proved so far from a
paying speculation that he became bankrupt and had to return to
Europe with his family. His house was still standing—a curious, rather
pathetic structure, like a dream of the German romantic period
(* Hast du das Schloss gesehen ... *) carried out in stone and plaster
with floriated arches and walls colour-washed in blue and yellow
by Indian masons.
Having hired a donkey at Kipini, with the owner and one or two
volunteers to guide me, I made my way to the shamba, which was
then occupied by a British concern engaged in the planting of rubber 3
and cotton, We found two native labourers at work, who willingly laid
down their hoes in order to point out the site of Liongo’s grave. There
was nothing to mark it, unless a slight rise in the ground—roughly
thirty paces in length from east to west—could be described as a sort
of barrow. The labourers said that a former proprietor had removed
an inscribed stone, seven hundred years old. (This was confirmed,
quite independently, some months later, by Sharif Abdallah, at Witu,
who said that Bwana Tost had shown him the stone, and he, Abdallah,
had read the inscription.) The then District Commissioner of Kipini,
Mr. G. N. Crisford, said he knew nothing of this, though he had once
stopped Mr. Tost from making excavations on the spot. The soil had
certainly been disturbed on one side of the mound—which was not
cultivated, but had evidently been covered with scrub, the

253 ALICE WERNER—

stumps of small trees still remaining—but whether this was due to
the excavations in question, it is impossible to say. I have never been
able to ascertain whether the stone at last found its way to some
museum in Europe.

Some distance from this was a depression in the ground, overgrown
with bushes, which the labourers—who were evidently well acquainted
with the legend—declared was the well from which the Shaka people
used to draw their water. They also pointed out the spot, in a line
between the grave and the well, where Liongo knelt, bow in hand, when
the death pains came upon him.

It does not seem likely that this was information manufactured on
the spot, for the benefit of tourists: the inquiries of * Bwana Wiirtz”’
over twenty years before (and possibly of stray Europeanssince) could
hardly have resulted in turning “ Tost’s shamba” into a show place.
And I'am, on the whole, inclined to think there may be something
in the story of the inscribed stone, though there is probably’ now
no hope of its recovery.

A short walk from the plantation brought me to some ruins, almost
hidden in the bush—a mosque and some houses, one of which is said
to have been Liongo’s own, This is the place known as Kwa Wangwana
wa Mashah. The two men who had so far acted as guides declined to
come any farther, saying that the ruins were haunted by ghosts
(wazuka). A little Giryama boy, who had come with me from Kipini,
told me he had heard that once upon a time there were many great
buildings here and many cattle and goats, but “ Mwenyiezi Muungu
destroyed the town” because of the wicked pride and extravagance
of the people who took to washing their babies in milk—in short,
a similar legend to that referréd to in Krapf's Dictionary; av. Ungama,
where it is stated that what is now Formosa Bay was believed to have
been a flourishing country, swallowed up by the sea for the sins of its
inhabitants. Later on, at Witu, I heard of a queen, Mwana Mtama,
in whose time mullet (mfama) was so abundant that she would not have
it beaten out on mats (as is the usual custom), but on the bare ground,
to show how much she could afford to waste. She may be the same as
the queen mentioned in the Lamu document, which gives a different
account of her end and does not represent it as a Divine judgment.

The people on the spot insisted that these ruins were not Shaka,

* Locally known os “ Bwana Mwalimu” and much beloved by the Pokomo,

whose women composed, on receiving the news of his death, a little dirge, still known
and sung in 1913,

THE SWAHILI SAGA OF LIONGO FUMO 53

but that the real Shaka was some miles away to the north-eastward,
whither accordingly we proceeded, and after crossing alternate stretches
of bush and cultivated ground found a roofless mosque and a number of
houses all built of the local coral rock and presenting, on a superficial
view, no remarkable features. There was no time—even had I been
otherwise competent—to make a detailed examination ; and I am not
aware than any has been attempted since.

On a second visit to Kipini, I inquired for a woman named Chacha
hinti Wakaimu, who had been mentioned to me as knowing the
songs about Liongo. She was found without difficulty, and with a
companion sang a version (very corrupt, according to Mzee bin
Bisharo, of whom more presently) of the ballad printed on p. 440 of
the Swahili Tales. They seem to have mixed it up with a fragment
of another song about Liongo’s march to Gana, which I afterwards
heard, in a probably mutilated and scarcely intelligible form, at Witu.

Here it is, as sung by the two women. The name of the maid-
servant, not given by Steere, is preserved in their version and also in
the local variants :—

Liongwe (sic) Fumo, endapo Gana
Twaa nami, Liongwe Fumo. . -
Kijakazi Saada, nakutuma
Huyatumika maneno yang

Nenda kwa mama, kameambie
Afanye mkate luruburosa,

Na ndani ya mkate ative tupa,
Ninolee pingu zangu zilo maguuni.

‘Liongo Fumo, when he went to Gana,

Take with me, Liongo Fumo. .

Handmaid Saada, I send thee,

(Thou hast not yet obeyed my words) *

Go to my mother and tell her

To make me a loaf of bran,

And inside the loaf let her put a file

That I may cut through my fetters which are on my feet.” *,

1 Or possibly the sense should be distributed thus :—

“ Thou hast not yet served (me); (now these are) my words: ".

Buruinrosa, in the sixth line, was said by Mice and Muhamadi Kijuma to be a mere
nonsense-word ; but the Sultan of Witu (the Inte Omar bin Hamid), who was present,
recognized it asan old word for wishwd,” bran’, the husks of maize after pounding—
in Zanzibar Swahili also chachu, the word used in Steere, though Madan's Dictionary
gives its meaning os “ yeast or “ leaven a

—
=

paye | ALICE WERNER—

A rough metrical rendering (omitting the irrelevant opening lines)
might run as follows :—

“ Handmaid Saada, hence I send thee !
List my words, and speed may they lend thee !
Go to my mother, bid her bake
With chaff and bran a mighty cake—
Chaff and bran, the guards to beguile,
And in the cake let her hide a file,
That the fetters I from my feet may break.”

The second woman added three lines which are sufficiently obscure
and need not be given here, as they were rejected both by Muhamadi
Kijuma and Mzee bin Bisharo, who thought that the singer had
probably made them up on the spot,

This Mzee bin Bisharo (’l Ausii) was a blind man, met subsequently
at Witu, where I spent a few daysin December, 1912. He belonged to
the Bajun tribe (* Wagunya"™ or “ Watikuu ”’) who live on the coast
between the Lamu Archipelago and the Juba River, and his recitations
were to some extent coloured by his peculiar dialect, which substitutes,
e.g. the sound usually written ch for “ cerebral” and th (0), dh (8) for s
and < respectively. Besides his version of the above ballad, to be
given presently, he recited, from a prodigiously stored memory, a
number of stanzas ascribed to Liongo, which I wrote down from his
dictation. Some of these I afterwards recognized as very much
corrupted reminiscences of the Mashairi ya Liongo printed by Steere—
others, I feel sure, have never been in print before.

Two poems generally attributed to the hero and circulating in
MS. at Lamu, are those beginning :—

Pipani pas, pembe ya jamsi, kwacha mtutusi, ao Mwana Ninga
and

Alika kama harusi, wwakusanye unasi, kwa kula alofarisi, hawa

copies of which have been obtained by more than one European.
Mzee recited the Liongo ballad as follows -—
Kijakazt Saada, nakuchuma [-tuma], hujatumika,
Kamwambile mama ni mpinga hayalimka
Hafanyi [afanye ?) mkate, pale kachi [kati] fupa kaweka,
Kakeleza pingu, Mandakozi (?) yakaniuka,
Katata dari na makuta kijametuka
Kangia muint kadiririka
Cha mwana nyoka, waume haua,

THE SWAHILI SAGA OF LIONGO FUMO 255

The dialect, as will be seen, is not consistent throughout, e-g-
ehuma and -tumika in the first line, and the variation between <ja-
and -ya- in the three cases where the “not yet” tense Is used. The
first three lines correspond (with unimportant variations) to Steere’s
version, the rest vary considerably and are possibly corrupt. I translate
as literally as possible :—

“ Handmaid Saada, I send thee, thou art not yet sent! (or © hast
not yet served '); tell my mother (saying), he is a simpleton, he has not
yet learnt sense. Let her make a loaf and there in the middle of it
place a file. And [2 (will) loosen the fetters and rise up like a young
eagle (7) and climb the roof and the walls before it is light and enter
the town and slip through (*) like a young snake, and slay men.”

Besides Mzee, I had an important source of information in Sharif
Abdullah bin Muhammad bin Ahmad bin Abdul Aziz bin Darwesh
bin Ridani, a Pate man by birth, but the grandson of an Immigrant
from Basra. He it was who read the inscription on the stone found by
“ Bwana Tost’, “ fourteen years ago *__je,in orabout 1898, He gave
the name of Liongo's brother as Daudi bin Mlingali (or Mringari) and
said that “Shaka remained till destroyed by Bwana Tamu of Pate“.
As Bwana Tamu, otherwise Muhammad bin Abubakar il-Nabhan,
“ reigned successfully as a friend of the Portuguese,” and died in 1570,
this does not help to clear up the chronological question. He main-
tained, in opposition to the Kipini people, that the ruins I had first
seen were the real Shaka—and that those shown me as Shaka were
really called Mwana-mtama, after the queen already mentioned. Both
towns were destroyed by Bwana Tamu, and the inhabitants fled to the
hush and hid there so successfully that for seven years no one knew
where they were (watu hawana habari miaka sabaa). After that time
they built the present town of Kau on the Ozi. But this is scarcely
pertinent to the story of Liongo.

1 Steere has wwafwmiba, for which his Zanzibar informant gives the equivalent

® ‘The subsequent verbs (which, in Steere, are more logically, in the first person
singular of the subjunctive) are here in the narrative tense without a pronoun, which
may either be rendered as above, or, by an abrupt change, hardly warranted even by
poctical licence, be taken as the third person, and as relating Liongos subeeyuent
exploits, But, as already stated, the lines are very likely corrupt, Mandakozi possibly
represents minced kozi, “ child of an eagle,” an epithet applied to Liongo by himself
in his Mashairi (Steere, p. 458). For taniuka I have the glosa kinemfo—but can
tanke nothing satisfactory of either, Diririka is not in the dictionaries —perhaps,
indeed probably, it should be tiririke, “ glide ".

A critical edition of the Mashairi, for which three MSS. have been collated, was

recently published by Professor Meinhof, in the Zeitschrift fur Eingeborenensprachen, «

xv, 4 (December, 1925).
VOL. IV. PAT It. 7

‘ 4
7 a
— —' | od ih.

DEUX RESIDENTS MONGOLS EN CHINE ET EN ASIE
CENTRALE, DE TCHINKKEIZ KHAGHAN A KHOUBILAI

Par E. Brocewetr

| re grand homme d'état des commencements de la dynastie mongole
fut un personnage énigmatique auquel les Chinois donnent le
nom de J} #t 4 44 Yaloutchhou Thsai!; les chroniques du Céleste
Empire racontent qu'il était de la race des Tatars Khitan, et qu'il
appartenait 4 la famille impériale des Liao, laquelle avait été dépossédée
par les Tatars Kin, les Altan Khagan, auxquels Tchinkkiz fit une guerre
sans merci pour s'emparer de leurs possessions du Nord de la Chine.

Ce fut en l'année 1215 que Yaloutchhou Thsai entra au service du
Conquérant ; ses talents administratifs, sa haute valeur morale, com-
plétement inconnus au sein des tribus mongoles, étonnérent les
barbares : ils lui attirérent la faveur et la confiance de Témoutchin,
dont il sut déjouer les projets inhumains. Ce fut ce Mandchou, élevé
dans l’admiration des rites du Céleste Empire, quiempécha Tchinkkiz
Khaghan de donner suite au dessein monstrueux qui lui traversa
l'esprit de faire massacrer toute la population chinoise pour n’avoir
point la peine de la gouverner et de pourvoir & ses besoins ; ce fut
lui qui fit comprendre au Conquérant qu'un vaste domaine nesegouverne
pas comme un clan tonghouze, et qui osa lui conseiller de conformer
sa conduite aux préceptes de Confucius, lequel avait écrit: “* Certes, 11
faut bien se dire que le monde, si l'on peut s‘en emparer sur le dos d'un
cheval, il est impossible de le gouverner en restant sur sa selle.”’ *

Yaloutchhou Thsai devint le conseiller intime et le favori de
l'Empereur jaune, qui le nomma son exécuteur testamentaire ; Ogotai,
dont il avait favorisé l'élection, lui témoigna la méme faveur que son
pére, et il lui laissa toute liberté de gouverner ses états 4 sa guise ;
il lui confia |'administration financiére de tout le pays qui avait formé
la monarchie des Kin (1230), et sa gestion fut 4 ce point heureuse que,
l'année suivante (1231), il lui remettait le grand sceau, en lui conférant
l'administration générale de ses domaines impériaux. Le tout-
puissant ministre inspira au nouveau souverain toutes les mesures
politiques et administratives qui permirent 4 la dynastie mongole

1 En prononciation yulgaire et moderne Yé-lia-tchhou Thaal.

"HR ARF RRC HEPAT Fb ie

one E. BLOCHET

de vivre et de subsister,! et, si l'on en croit l'autorité des historiens de
la terre de Han, il mourut en 1243, immédiatement aprés Ogotai, tout
au début de la singuliére régence de Tourakina Khatoun, comme
si cette princesse avait redouté que la fidélité que le Khitan gardait
A la mémoire de ses maitres ne put devenir un obstacle invincible aux
desseins qu elle nourrizeait.

Les chroniques persanes rapportent que lorsque Tchinkkiz Khaghan
eut conquis et dévasté la Transoxiane, dont les deux capitales étaient
Boukhara et Samarkand, il confia le gouvernement de ces vastes
contrées, avec la mission de relever leurs ruimes, au trés grand ministre
Yalwatch, et A son fils, Mas‘oud Beg*; ce fut en cette qualité que
Yalwatch se vit melé & Vinsurrection de Mahmoud Tarabi et aux
aventures étranges qui la signalérent.*

Les Mongols, au commencement du régne d’Ogotai, traitérent le
Khitai, la Chine du Nord, l'empire des Altan Khaghan, le royaume
des Kin, avec la méme férocité ; quand le pays fut entiérement dévaste,
saccagé & fond, Ogotai sen retourna, gai et content, 4 Karakoroum,
sa capitale, tandis qu'il envoyait ses armées contre la Chine du Sud,
pour la mettre dans le méme état que ses provinces septentrionales ; ce
fut alors qu'il laissa ‘Aziz Yalwatch dans les contrées du Nord en la
qualité de vice-roi."

Rashid ad-Din, dans sa Tarikh-i moubarak- Ghazani,® raconte
qu'Ogotal nomma le sahib Mahmoud Yalwatch résident mongol
dans toutes les provinces du Khitai, c’est-i-dire qu'il Imi conféra le
gouvernement de tout le Nord de la Chine, en méme temps qu'il confiait
ladministration de tout le pays qui comprenait Besh-Baligh et
Kara-Khotcho, qui formait l'ancien royaume des Ouighours, Khotan,
Kashghar, Almaligh, Kayaligh, Samarkand et Boukhara, jusqu’aux
rives du Djathoun, de l'Oxus, ¢’est-i-dlire tout le royaume de Tchaghatai,*

1 Yaloutchhou Thsai, en 1220, persuada a Ogotal d'instituer le tehin mongol,
aveo son étiquette, a limitation des rites du Céleste Empire ; ce fut lui qui, conformé-
ment 4 Ia mentalité chinoise, et contre toutes les idées dea Mongols, restreignit forte-
ment le pouvoir des militaires, en méme temps qu'il établissait l'assiette d'un budget ;
ce fut lui qui, en 1230, obtint de son souverain que l'on divisdt les contrées qui avaient
été arrachées & la domination des Altan Khaghan en dix provinces, organisées
suivant les dogmes administratifs du Céleste Empire, et d'apres les idées dea Chinois,

2 * Ala ad-Din’ Ata Malik al-Djouwaini, Djihangousha, dition de Mirza Mohammad
fbn * Abd al-Wahhab al-KRazwini, tome I, pages 75 ot 84.

2 Thid., pages 56 et {).

* Thid., page 14.

* Edition dea Gibb Trustees, tome |], pages 35 et 86,

* L'apanage constitué par Tchinkkiz Khaghan en faveur de la lignée de Tehaghatal
s‘étendait de Kara-Khotcho, sur la fronti¢re du Céleste Empire,aux rives de l'Oxus,
sur les marches do plus grand Iran; mais, dans l'esprit de Tchinkkiz, qui fut celui

DEUX RESIDENTS MONGOLS EN CHINE 259

i Mas‘oud Beg, fils de Yalwatch, les contrees qui s’étendent deputs le
Khorasan jusqu’aux frontiéres de empire grec et au Diar Bakr,
c'est-h-dire toute la Perse, & l'émir Keurgueut.

Tourakina Khatoun, aprés la mort d’Ogotai, au cours de l'interrégne
qui commencga 4 sonner le glas de l'empire mongol, s empressa de
révoquer Ya watch de ses hautes fonctions, et elle confia la vice-
royauté de la Chine 4 un Musulman, nommé ‘Abd al-Rahman * ;
Mas‘oud Beg fut enveloppé dans la disgrace qui frappait son pére, mais
Kouyouk, dés son avenement, s'empressa de les rétablir dans leurs
dignités. Ce prince et, aprés hu, Mangou Khaghan, conservérent toute
leur confiance & ces hommes qui furent les véritables administrateurs
de tout l’Orient, jusqu’au jour of la monarchie, avee l’élection du
khaghan Khoubilai, avec l'indépendance des gouverneurs de I'Iran,
avec Vinsubordination et T'esprit démoniaque des princes du
Tchaghatai, commenca A se disloquer, et 4 courir & sa ruine.*

d'Ogotal, de Kouyouk, de Mangou, de Khoubilal, cette souveraineté, comme celle de
Voulous de Russie, était purement nominale et honorifique, la réalité du pouvoir
temporel devant étre exercte par Un résident qui relevait directement du khaghan
mongol. Ces dispositions tinrent ct durérent jusqu'h Mangou ; il est vraisemblable
que Mas‘oud Beg fut ledernier résident & la cour de l'Quloug Ef, qu'apres ha. com eryn.
In lutte déloyale et sans merci quo les souverains du Tchaghatal menérent contre les
empereurs de Khanbaligh, et contre leurs yaseaux, les princes de I'Tran; elle se
poursuivit, implacable et criminelle, et, aprés des vicissitudes sans nombre, elle se ter-
mina par l'asservissement de la Perse au descendant d'un maire du palais du roi du
Tchaghatat,si tant est que Témour-le- Boiteux ait jamais puse prévaloir d'unesemblable
origine, et par l'indépendance de In Chine, qui se sépara d'un monde qui sen allait i
Ia dérive, pour s'en retourner & ses destinées traditionnelles et séculaires. Le bon
plaisir du successour de Tchinkkiz donnait ainsi & Mahmoud Yalwatch ot 4 Mas‘ oud
Beg un pouvoir absolu, une autorité sans appel, eur la Chine et eur toute l'Asie Centrale,
le khaghan se réservant l'administration de la “ yourte originelle", le pay des
Mongols. Les contrées iraniennes, & l'Occident du Djathoun, dans ce systéme, furent
gouvernées par des génfraux d'armée, jusqu'au jour of le prince Houlagon, par ordre
de son frére Mangou,#s en vint prendre Ia sourernineté de la Perse,avec le dessrin de
poursuivre, conformément aux yolontés de Tchinkkiz, les conquétes des Mongols dans
\'Oecident, dans l'empire byzantin, et dans les contrées soumises au aceptre des sultans
Mamlouks. Ces fonctions de résident dans les pays conquis par le Thal-Tsou des
Yuan donnaient & ceux qui en étaient investia une autorité absolue; le résident,

comme le namiestnik que l'empereur de Russie enyoynit en mission spéciale, comme
plénipotentiaire, en Sibérie, ou au Caucase, ne relevait que de la couronne ; il n‘avait
aucun compte & rendre aux bureaux de Karakoroum et & leurs scribes.

1“ Tl y avait, dana ce temps la, dit Djouwaini, dans le Djihangousha, page 170, une
femme, nommér Fatima Khatoun, qui se meélnit des affaires du gouvernement ; elle
envoys Abd al-Rahman dans le Khital, i la place de Yalwatch.”

t Kouyouk fut & peine monté sur le trone qu'il fit mettre & mort le favori de Fatima,
‘Abd al-Rahman, et rendit In Résidence 4 Yalwatch: il est vraisemblable, quoique
histoire n'en dise rien, que Mas‘oud Beg avait été révoqué par Tourakina, car Rashid
ad-Din dit dana son histoire, page 245, que Kouyouk “ donna le gouvernement du
Khital au sahib Yalwatch; lo Turkestan, c'eat-A-dire Asie Centrale et la Trans-

260) E. BLOCHET

Tl est impossible de séparer le sahib, trés grand sahib, salub étant
le titre des administrateurs civils, Mahmoud, ou ‘Aziz Yalwatch,
auquel la confiance des khaghans donna le gouvernement des contrées
orientales de la monarchie mongole, la toute-puissance dans le Céleste
Empire, du Yaloutchhou Thsal, auquel le prince qui succéda A Témout-
chin remit le soin de |'administration de ses immenses domaines.

Le Yuan-shi, la chronique impériale chinowe, prétend bien que
Yaloutchhou Thsai mourut immédiatement aprés le fils de Tchinkkiz,
en 1243, tandis que Ihistoire persane affirme que ce personnage
était dument en vie au cours de année 1251, huit ans plus tard,
et qu il nese regardait point comme assez iigé pour se retirer des affaires
publiques et prendre sa retraite.

Ces deux assertions sont antinomiques, irréductibles, inconciliables ;
il est inutile de chercher 4 résoudre un probléme dont l'énoncé contient
une inexactitude; je nhésite point 4 admettre la version d’ ‘Ala
ad-Din ‘Ata Malik al-Djouwaini, quia été adoptée par Rashid ad-Din,
contre les prétentions du Fuan-shi; la rédaction de la chronique
chinoise a été menée avec une rapidité invraisemblable, qui en fait
la plus médiocre des vingt-quatre histoires dynastiques, tandis que
Djouwaini vécut les événements qu'il raconte, tandis qu'il fut le
contemporain de Yalwatch et de Mas‘oud Beg, a tel point qu'il est
impossible que, dans ses voyages en Asie Centrale, l'auteur du
Dyhangousha wait pas été renseigné d'une maniére absolument
certaine sur l'identité véritable des deux hommes d'état auxquels la
confiance impériale avait remis la souveraineté de toute l'Asie
orientale,"
oxiane, joagu i [Oxus, & l'émir Mas‘oud Beg; le Khorasan, I'“Trak, |'Azarbaidjan,
4 l'émir Arghoun Agha", Ces dispositions, i une personne pris, lo résident de Perse,
rétahliasait dans son intégrité le wtatat dea débuts d'Ogotal; elles rendaient i. Yalwatoh
et & Mas‘oud leurs dignités, dans la forme méme ot elles leur avaient &é conférées
par le succeasour du Conquérant du Monde; ‘Ala ad-Din ‘Ata Malik, dans le Djihan-
gousha, man. supp. persan 205, folio 143 verso, dit formellement que Mangou, “ confin
tous les pays, du commencement du cinquitme climat, dea rives de [Oxus, jusqu'an
point le plos extréme de ce climat, au trés grand sahib (aghib-i mon'azcam) Yalwatch ;
la Transoxiane, lo Turkestan, Otrar, le pays dea Ouighours, Khotan, Kashehar,
Djand, Khwarizm, Farghano, & Mas‘oud Beg," ce que Rashid ad-Din répéte (éd. dea
Gibb Trustees, page 300), en disant qu'au début de son régne, Mangou confia le
gouvernement do toutes les contrécs orientales au sahib Mahmoud Yalwatch: le
Turkestan, la Transoxiane, le pays des Ouighours, le Farghana, le Khwariam, is
Mas‘ oud Beg.

* Tl est inadmissible qae Djouwaini ait fait vivre Yalwatch & une époque & laquelle
il était mort,ou qu'il ee soit trompé sur les liens et le degréde parenté qui unissnient
Yalwatch et Mas'oud Bog; le Djihongousha n'est pas une couvre livresque, exécutée
& coups de fiches et de dépouillemente, dans lesquels peuvent se glisser de singulibres
erreurs, dont tout un lot peut se perrire, sans laisser la moindretrace; il n'est pasun ouvrage

DEUX RESIDENTS MONGOLS EN CHINE 261

Par trois fois, ‘Ala ad-Din accompagna l’émir Arghoun dans les
voyages pénibles que le résident dut faire 4 Karakoroum, soit pour
traiter des affaires de son gouvernement, soit pour se diseulper des
‘nfamies lancées contre lui par ses calomniateurs ; c'est ainsi qu'il
se rendit en Asie Centrale au cours des années 1246-1247, sous le régne
de Kouyouk ; en 1249-1250, aprés la mort de ce prince, durant la
régence d’Oughoulghaimish Khatoun; en 1251-1252, quand lémir
partit pour assister A l’élection du nouvel empereur et A l'intronisation
de Mangou Khaghan, alors qu'il arriva tres en retard, aprés avoir
perdu beaucoup de temps sur la route, quand tout le monde fut rentré
chez soi, ce qui n’arrangea pas ses affaires.

Ce fut au cours de son second voyage, en 1249-1250, qu’ ‘Ala ad-Din
passa avec son maitre par la capitale du prince du Tchaghatai, Yisoi-
Mangou, auquel Arghoun le présenta ; il est impossible que Mas‘oud
Beg, résident mongol 4 la cour de l'Oulough Ef, n‘ait pas assisté, pour
rendre compte au Trone de ses péripéties, 4 la visite que le résident de
Perse faisait & son souverain; que si l'on veut admettre qu'un tel
usage ne fut pas suivi & cette date du moyen Age, on sera bien foreé de
reconnaitre que les convenances les plus élémentaires voulaient qu
Arghoun allit rendre une visite officielle, de courtoisie pour le moins,
& son collégue et confrére, et qu’ilse fit accompagner jusqu’d la porte
par son secrétaire. Dans les deux cas, ‘Ala ad-Din ne pouvait se
tromper sur l'identité du résident mongol a la cour du royaume de
Tchaghatai, ni sur ses tenants et aboutissants, ni sur le rang de son
pére, et, s'il a éerit que Yalwatch, 4 cette date, dirigeait la politique
du Céleste Empire, c’est que le Yuan-shi se trompe en affirmant que

comme la chronique de Rashid, qui fut rédigée sur des documents morts, en Perse, &
Tauris, a des centaines de lieues de |' Asie Centrale ; c'est un livre dans lequel Djouwaini
n'a fait queconsigner ct mettre par écrit cequ ‘il vit ct entendit,en Perse, en AsieCentrale,
dans l'entourage d'Anghoun Agha, en quelque sorte les mémoirea d'un témoin oculaire
de |'épopée mongole, Qui pouvait étre mieux renseigné sur les cadres administratils
et lea questions politiques que le secrétaire intime et favori du vice-roi de I'Iran *
Et l'on ne saurait alléguer que Djouwaini sen Inissa conter; Aboghn n’aurait
vortainement pas confié & un ninis une charge qui faisait de celui qui en était investi,
en quelque sorte, le successeur du khalife de Baghdad; sans compter que Rashid
ad-Din qui, dans la Tarikh-s moubaral-i Ghazani, professe la méme doctrine que le
Djikangousha, était officiellement renseijgne, de premiére main, sur le statut adminis-
tratif dea commencements de la monarchie, et que sea collaborateurs travaillaient
sur des listes et sur des documents qui venaient directement des archives de Kura-
koroum, dans lesquels jl ne pouvait point se glisser de telles erreurs ; c'est un fait
évident que l'on savait en Extréme-Onient, quand avaient commencé, et quand
a‘étaient terminées les fonctions de Yalwatch ; si histoire mongole ne dit pas d'une
facon formelle & quelle date Yalwatch quitta la Résidence, c'est que Khoubilai le releva
de sa charge quand il prit en main les rénes de l'empire.

262 E. BLOCHET

Yaloutchhou Thsai mourut immédiatement aprés Ogotai, fils de
Techinkkiz Khaghan.

C'est un fait évident que beaucoup des piéces administratives
du commencement de la monarchie, qu'un grand nombre des com-
mandements de Tchinkkiz, d’Ogotai, de Kouyouk, de Mangou,
se perdirent dana les sherits du Conquérant, ou dans les médiocres
bureaux de Karakoroum, avant que Khoubilai n’ait installé l'empire
4 la chinoise dans Yen-king, et encore ne devait on pas conserver la
minute de toutes les piéces que l’on faisait copier par les scribes de

Reuss kios, viaiblement, avait condamné Yaloutchhou Thsai a mort,
en méme temps qu'elle le révoquait; l'un n’allait guére sans l'autre
chez ces barbares ; le hasard voulut, en 1330, quand on éerivit le Yuan-
shi, que les yarlighs de Tourakina destituant Yalwatch et intronisant
‘Abd al-Rahman fussent conservés & Pé-king, alors que l'on ne trouva
aucune trace de ceux que Kouyouk et Mangou avaient signés dans
leurs campements de Mongolie, pour rétablir Yaloutchhou Thsai dans
ses dignités, prérogatives et préséances. Les rédacteurs de la chronique
impériale en inférérent que le personnage avait disparu de la scéne du
monde en cette année 1243, puisqu’on ne trouvalt aucune trace de
son existence, aucun acte 4 son nom, aux dates postérieures; des
historiens modernes, avec leurs méthodes, connaissant le tempérament
et les mowurs des Tonghouzes, en l'absence de tout autre renseignement,
n’eussent guére pu en déciderd’unefacon différente, et conclure en autres
termes."

Lidentité des deux personnages ne se révéle pas moins par
l'analyse de leurs noms que par la similitude de leur carriére politique ;
la restitution de la forme tonghouze originale qui se dissimule sous la
transcription Yaloutchhou Thsai s'opére sans difficulté dans les
deux mots Yaloutchou Tsai, qui, d’aprés les régles de la grammaire des
langues altaiques, signifient: “Tsai, le magicien,”* et non “le bon
magicien ”, qui serait Tsai Yaloutchou.

1 T) ne faut point perdre de vue que c'est seulement & dater de l'époque A laquelle
Khoubilai Khaghan s'installe & la Cour du Nord, en la qualité d'empereur chinois
et de Fils do Ciel,que le Ywan-ahi,|"histoire officielle, commence & parler de l'administra-
tion dea Mongols; Jes rédacteurs de la chronique impériale n'curent entre lea mains

qaun nombre infime dea pitecs qui remontaient au régne des préedécesseura de
Khoubiial.

? Teal signifie “* qui est convenable, agréable” ; ce mot ne se trouve plus dans
la langue mandchoue, of dehai ** second, en second lieu " est un vocable tout différent ;
il s'est conservé en mongol, dsai dans la prononciation moderne,“ aisance, commodité,
agrément,"" dot l'adjectif courant dsai-tou, dsai-tal,’ convenable, digne d'élogea ” ;
ce mot existe également dans les dialectes altaiques, avec im dissimilation fréquente

DEUX RESIDENTS MONGOLS EN CHINE 263

C'est par suite d'une circonstance aussi remarquable qu'elle est
exceptionnelle que le nom Tsai se trouve, en chinois, transerit, en
méme temps qu'il est traduit, par pf thsat, qui désigne un homme
yertueux, doué de qualités éminentes.

Mahmoud Yalwatch et ‘Aziz Yalwatch, Valwatch étant la forme
oulghoure du participe turk Yalwa-tchi = Yalou-tchou, constituent
deux traductions-transcriptions trés exactes et tres judicieuses de
Yaloutchou Tsai; le fait que, dans deux passages consécutifs, Djou-
waini nomme le premier ministre des Mongols, Mahmoud Yalwatch
et ‘Aziz Yalwatch, suffit A montrer que Mahmoud et ‘Aziz ne sont
point les noms de ce puissant personnage, mais bien la traduction de
celui sous lequel il était connu dans le Céleste Empire; il serait

t-a = #; il est en turk sai t= + reasource, faculté’, et la méme alternance phoné-

tique se retrouve dans le turk aaideren. ply Ln “ blane ", en face du mongol teaidam
* lait": Yaloutchou-Yaloutchi est, sans qu'il soit nécessaire d’y insister plus long-
temps, le doublet de la forme tonghouze-mongole yalra-fchi, avec 56% variantes et
sea aspects yilva-tchi, yalii-tchi, yilbi-teAs ™ envoyé céleste, prophite, devin, sorcier ‘'.
dont Je sens étymologique eat “ celui qui emploie les apparences pour faire agit les
hommes", Yalea-tehi est en effet un nom d'action dérivé, par lo suffixe participial
chinois -tchi, du mot yali, * yala, de * yalra, qui se retrouve dank yalra-tehi, yalsi-
ichi, et qui a lea deux sens de ~ flamme ”, traduisant Je sanskrit joila, ot dle
“fantéme”’, puis, par suite du passage du nom d'agent “celle qui trompe , au
nom de l'action, “ tromperie, supercherie,” dou yali-khal, yali-ghai “ magicien "e
yali-la-khow “ duper les gens". Si éloignses en apparence que aoient lea deux
significations de “ flamme” et de “ fantéme”, d'entité qui trompe les hommes,
elles n’en sont pas moins intimement lites sémantiquement : la flamme qui déchire
les yoiles de la nuit ne demeure-t-olle pas éternellement insaisiesable aux mains
_ qui la veulent saisir, et auxquelles elle se dérobe en les dévorant de brilares cructles
Du mongol yali, yala, la voyelle étant ambigué, comme dans tout le phonétiame tan-
ghoure et altalque, dérive yala-ghou, et, avec la chute de la gutturale intervocalique,
yala-ou, qui o passé dans lotchaghatal 434. ,avec son sens primitif de” flamme ", quiila
vite perdu pour prendre celui de “ drapeau”, par l'intermédiaire de “ fanion “.
La flamme s'éléve conique ot triangulaire sur le brasier ardent qu'ont allumé les
hommes, et c'est sous cette forme qu'elle est représentée dans les peintures qui enlu-
minent les livres persans, sous les espéees d'un triangle jsoctle aux bords déchiquetés ;
e’est un triangle d'étoffe qui flotte aux lances des chefa de section ct dea parlementaires,
et c'est par une extension abusive que ce mot o fini par désigner In pitce de soie qui
forme le sandjak, mot dont j'ai donné l'étymologie autre part ; c'est par un fait de
sémantique analogue que le mot ‘* flamme ", dana la marine militaire, désigne la longue
banderolle terminée en pointe aigué, interdite aux navires de commerce, qui flotte
aux mits des batiments dea armécs navales, tant que dure la clarté du jour. De
yala-(ghjow, s'est formé, par l'adjonction du suffixe-tcAi, yolaou-tehi, primitivement
“celui qui porte le fanion du parlementaire es be puis * messager, envoye "

loulghour répond & la forme yalaou-tchi par celle de yalaou-teh G- ak, avec la
réduction du suffixe -fehi & -fch, comme dans ln formation dea nombres ordinaux ;

204 E. BLOCHET

inadmissible que, sous le régne des descendants de Témoutchin,
le vice-roi de la Chine ait porté dans l'administration impériale les
deux noms simultanés de Mahmoud et de ‘Aziz, accompagnés du
titre de Yalwatch.

Quelles qu'atent été les préoccupations mentales des personnes
qui ont crée la forme Mahmoud Yalwatch, et son doublet ‘Aziz
Yalwatch, en traduisant le nom de cet homme d'état, et en transcrivant
lépithéte qui le qualifie, alors que la logique eut indiqué de faire tout le
contraire, il n’en est pas moins certain qu'elles se sont rendu exactement
compte que, d’aprés les normes de la grammaire tonghouze, Yaloutchou
Tsai signifiait Tsai le Yalwatchi, dans une forme syntactique inverse de
celle du persan, et qu’il faut intervertir les deux termes de la traduction-
transcription pour qu’ils signifient Mahmoud, ou ‘Aziz, le Yalwatchi.

Cette forme 4 l’allure islamique est loin d'impliquer, comme on
le pourrait croire au premier abord, que le personnage que Djouwaini
nomme Mahmoud Yalwatch et ‘Aziz Yalwatch était musulman:
"homme qui ne craignit pas de commenter au Thai-Tsou des Yuan

la forme tehaghatal yolaghou-tch yk recouvre un mot oulghour qui est identique
a yala-ghou-tchi, avec l'alternance des deux suffixes-tchi et -tch, De yola “ mirage "
dérivent lea mots tchaghatal yal-ghia Cpl crak, yal-ghown |", gal, AVvOC i = ow,
qui signifient “ flamme et mirage", comme le mongol yali, la forme yal-in, affaiblie de
yal.ghin, cpl. por la chute de Ia gutturale, ayant conservé uniquement le sens

primitif de “ flamme™; de yola dérivent encore yal-ghan lll. » qui ne signifie

plus que “ flamme", et yal-Loug ANH “celui qui est faux dana son essence,
qui passe sa vie & mentir”. De yela-ghou—yola-ou, par vuite d'un phénoméne
épenthétique sur lequel je me suis longuement expliqué, dérive *yola-ghou“ flamme ",
dou yol-akh ay » * are-en-ciel ", ce mot turk étant visiblement dérivé de la forme
mongole *yola-ghou, par la chute de la désinence, lequel mot yola-kh est devenu yola
¥ », par suite de la chute de la gutturale ; du mongol *yola-ghou, est dérivé un participe

actif ouighour “yola-ghou-tch, qui est devenu gela-u-ieh a3 Ye en tchaghatal,
avec le sons de“ celui qui porte + fanion da parlementaire, messager’; de la forme
*yola, e@ sont formés le turk-tchaghatal yol-donrowm “ éclair “. comme keu-lurwm
“ eatropié, malade”, dont la prononciation a évalué en yol-dereum tite, puis en

yil-dirim, qui est Yormanti ayAl ct yol-douz 5 tly" étoile" ; yala est devenu *yana
dans le dialecte qui a abouti & losmanli, d'oh yan-mak “ briler, yan-ghin et yan-
ghoun vi feu"; ces mote n'ont rien de commun avec yan-tchoul: “ porte-manteau de
cheval”, yan-djik, yon-dji “ courrier, palefrenier “, qui dérivent, comme le montre
suffisamment le doublet yom-djik de yan-djik, du mot turk-mongol yam “ cheval de
Ia poste, lequel transerit le chinois BE FS w-ma" cheval de poste", ou BE
yému “la poste i cheval". .

DEUX RESIDENTS MONGOLS EN CHINE 5

une sentence de Confucius, qui, en 1236, établit dans l‘empire des
colléges oi les dignitaires mongols durent envoyer leurs fils pour
étudier les livres canoniques, sous la direction de maitres qu'il avait
choisis, n'était certamement pas, et ne pouvait étre musulman ; la
famille tonghouze des Liao, comme celle des Kin, comme les Mongols
eux-mémes, avait adopté les usages et les rites de la Chine, quand elle
était arrivée & la souveraineté du Céleste Empire.’ Les Tonghouzes,

1 La forme yolou, dont dérivent yaloutchow et yalwaich, so retrouve dans le nom
d'autres personnages de la famille royale des Lino; les historiens chinois donnent au
fondateur de la puissance des Khitan Lio, ou commencement du x* siécle, le nom de
Yalou (ou Yalouk, (ft aujourd'hui fut dans certains dialectes, ryul = ryut en coréen,
ritz < rit en japonais, fret en annamite) —apoki, c'est-a-dire Yalou-aboki, dans lequel
abo-bi est une forme participiale tonghouze & sens imprecis, par l‘aftixe—ti, lequel se
trouve en mandchou sous les aspects kha, khé, EAi, ba, ke, bi, suivant le théme verbal
auquel il s‘applique: ara- “ éerire * gra-kha “ éorit'’, ou “ éerivant “ ; ahe- Ei,
pour amo-ki, avec m = 4, est une forme participiale d'un verbe amo- “ ctre heureux,”
amo-Lhou en mongol, doh amo-l, ame-r, amo-gholank” Bonheur " ; amo-ki signifie ** qui
jouit du bonheur "’, ou * qui procure le bonheur", d’oi pour Yalou-aboki le sens de
* celui quia la puissance dillusionner les hommes pour leur bonhour, ou pour le sien" ;
un général khitan, qui véout vers 975, est appelé par les chroniques Yalou-uka J ofr
4i EF (fK o la double prononciation, par Vaspirée, Aiu en coréen et en annamite
par la gutturale, Eiu en japonais, you en cantonais moderne, pour ow, i, l'esprit doux
dans cette forme étant I’affaiblissement du k, comme dans Ja transcription chinoise
Yu-thien du nom sanskrit de Khotan, Kustana, voir Rashid, Histoire des Mongols,
Appendice, page 68), dans lequel nom uke transerit une forme tonghouze vga, wha
“ parole", en mongol dgé, la transcription de gé mongol par ff étant constante ;
Yalou-uka signifie “celui dont la parole produit |‘illusion chez les hommes ""; d'autres
formes analogues se trouvent dans histoire des Thang: Yalou-yenhi Hh fit Lis i.
qui transcrit Yalou-khanggi, entendu par les Célestes Yalou-'enghi, avec le transfert
inattendu de l'aspirée de -khanggi ou deuxiéme élément -gi de co mot, tranaforme® ¢n
_ghi, cotto aspirée étant remplacte dans la premiére syllabe par un élément consonnan-
tique équivalent & l'esprit doux du gree, par la transformation de indite. aspirce en
gutturale, ce qui est un phénoméne insolite. Ce nom tonghouze est une formation
participiale en -thanggi, identique & celles on -bhangye, -kanggé de la langue mand-
choue; elle signifie, & proprement parler, * celui qui pratique l'illusion “, et elle est
identique, pour le procédé de dérivation qui lui est appliqué, i Yalou-tehou, Yalwa-tch ;
le personnage qui porta le nom de YValou-khanggi régna sur les Liao; en l'année | 115,
il fut battu par Akouta, qui fonda la dynastic des Kin; le reste de Ja nation des Lino
marcha vers I'Occident, passa dans la vallée de Ili, 04 ils fondérent le royaume des
Kara Khitan, dont Yalou-tashi Jjjj f& - 7, descendant i la huititme genération
du fondateur de In dynastic des Liao, fut le premier souverain ; son nom se Teatitue,
sans aucune difficulté, en Yalou-tash, qui est un dérivé de yalouw “ illusion", par le
suffixe -tash, lequel, en turk, signifie * compagnon "et, postpow h un nom, forme un
adjectif indiquant le possesseur de la qualité désignée par ce mot ; Yalou-tash signifie
done “ celui qui posséde In faculté de se servir de l'illusion ", dans un sens trés voisin
des deux noms Yalou-tchou et Yalou-khanggi; Yalou-tash régna de 1124 & 1136;
i} eut pour successeur son fils, Yaloultik Jf} $f HE Fil, qui exerga Mautorité de
1136 4 14, d’abord, de 1136 & 1142, sous In tutelle desa mére; le nom de ce souverain

266 E. BLOCHET

quils appartinssent au clan des Liao, & telui des Altan Khaghan,
4 la nation mongole, ne témoignaient aucune hostilité 4 I'Islamisme,
quils admettaient au méme titre que toutes les formes religieuses ;
un illustre poéte persan, Shams-i Tabbassi, a loué Tayangou dans
des vers splendides ; mais ces faits ne permettent pas un seul instant
de supposer que Yaloutchou Tsai se soit converti 4 la foi de Mahomet.
Les membres de la famille des Liao qui demeurérent dans le Céleste
Fmpire, aprés la ruine de leur nation, en 1115, restérent, confucianistes ;
ceux qui sen allérent fonder, dans la vallée de Illi, le royaume des
Kara-Khitan oscillarent entre les diverses formes religieuses qui
s¢ partageaient la conscience des Altaiques, turks et tonghouzes ! ;
est Yaloul-lik, adjectif formé par le suffixe turk -lit, qui n'est pas tonghouze, du mot
yoloui = yalou, qui se retrouve dans les formes mongoles yalil-ichi, yilbi-tchi (voir
plus haut); Yaloul-lik est** celui qui jouit de la faculté de faire illosion " ; il Bignifie
un aspect de la faculté dont Yalou-tchou est le nom d'agent. Un autre de cea Khitan
joua un rile important dans l'histoire des Mongols, au commencement de la souveraineté
de Tehinkkiz, comme le personnage qui fait l'objet de cette notice: le Yuan-ahi lo
nomme J]; 4 47 Ff Yalou-louka, c’est-h-dire Yaloa-louk, qui est une forme absolu-
ment equivalente & celle de Yaloul-lik. Yalou-louk souleva le Liao-toung contre les
Kin qui avaient dépomédé sa famille, et s‘empara de Liao-yang, dont il fit sa capitale ;
Tehinkkix Je fit roi du Liso-toung; Yalou-louk n'écouta pas lea conseils des anciens
sujets de sa famille, qui le poussaient a prendre le titre impérial, et & se proclamer
indépendant des Mongols; ce personnage, qui fut trés utile aux Mongols, & leurs
débute (1213-1214), savait qu'il ne faut pas jouer avec le feu. L'analysedeces noma ne
manque pas d'intérét ; elle montre que les formes turkes, comme Yalou-tash, Yalou-louk,
Yalwa-tch, Yalou-tchou, voisinaient dans la langue de ces Tonghoures avec dea formes
purement mandchoucs, comme Yalou-khanggi, Yalou-aboki, tandis qu'sujourd’hui,
et depuis de longs sitcles,la discrimination est absolue entre ces doux séries de formes,
les unes spéciales au turk, les autres au mandchou; c'est de méme qu'au moyen age,
le mongol connaissait le participe passif en -mish & cfté de sa forme -bhsan, -keen,
alors que cette derniére seule est usitée depuis le xiv* si¢cle dans la langue dea Mongols.
Ce nom de Yalou n'a certainement rien & voir avec celui qui se trouve tran-
ecrit dans:le Liao-shi sous la forme ap §4) ya-la, que Je vocabulaire annexe A cet
ouvrage historique considére comme la transcription d‘un mot mandchou yerow
“ requin”’; #i l'on en croynit les auteurs de cet ouvrage lexicographique, ce serait le
méme mot yarou qui se cacherait sous les espéces des transcriptions yen-low FE £3 et
rid 7x (chapitre 7, page 23 verso) ; yali, dans ce vocabulaire (chapitre 1, page 12 recto,
et chapitre 9, page 10 recto), est, de l'avie des philologues qui l'ont rédigé, un mot
mandehou, qui signifie “ viande™ ; enfin yu-low (chapitre 9, page 13 verso) serait un
phonéme mandchou yarou qui désigne les quadrupédes en général; ces assertions
philologiques, comme toutes celles que l'on trouve dana ce livre, t@moignent de l'imagi-
nation des linguistes chinoia de l'épojue khien-loung, qui eurent In singuliére idée
de refaire jes transcriptions des xij"—xiv« siécles, mais non de leur science.

' Au xii* siécle, les Kara-Khitan étaient Nestoriens: en 1140, Yaloullik professait
le Christianisme, et le pape Alexandre [IT écrit & son file Tchourlouk “ Indorum regi
sacerdotum sanctissime. Ces princes firent une guerre terrible aux Musulmana,
ce qui nest d'ailleurs pas une preuve de leur foi en la mission du Christ ; les Mongols
de la Perse, au xiii ot au xiv® sitele, professtrent le Bouddhiseme et lIslamisme,
ce qui ne les empécha point de se faire passer pour Chrétiens aux yeux du roi de France

DEUX RESIDENTS MONGOLS EN CHINE - 86T

il semble que le fils de Yaloutchou Tsai, avec son nom de Mas‘oud.
Beg, ait pratiqué la religion musulmane, 4 laquelle il se serait convert

et du roi d'Angleterre, pour capter leur alliance, et les précipiter dans une croieade
insenaie hk leur unique profit, contre lea sultans Mamlouks; le fait eat encore plus
visible apréa la conversion de Ghazan que du temps desea prédécesseurs bouddhistes,
leaquels avaient une certaine tendance, une cortaine bienveillance, pour le Christian-
ijsme, que Ghazan, comme tous les Musulmans, poursnivait d'une haine aveugle.
Quoiqu'il en soit, quiilsaient professt la foi du Christ, ou qu ils sen soient vantes pour
duper le Saint-Pére, les Kara-Khitan anéantirent le royaume turk-karlouk de Satok-
Boghra, #'emparérent de Kashghar, de Khotan, chassérent les Saldjoukides dea vallées
de |’ Amou-daria ot du Sir-daria, pousstrent presque juequ’ i Samarkand, et ilsinfligerent
une défaite sanglante & Sultan Sindjar, qui cherchait & arréter lea progres vers
'Cocident dea Turks, ses congénéres, C'est & propos des Khitan qu'est née la légende
du“ Presbyter Joannes” ; pour justifier ce titre étrange, Rabriick racante qué lea” pens
(de cette nation) ordonasient comme prétres tous leurs enfants miiles, alors qu’ils
étaient encore dans leurs berceaux, et que o'était TA la raison pour laquelle presque
tous les hommes y étaient prétres “ ; cette interprétation est une glose née dans esprit
d'un Occidental pour justifier le titre du souverain des Kérait, on plutét de la forme
sous laquelle il crut lentendre. Preabyter Joannes est une transcription-traduction
de Wang-khan, titre de ces princes mandchous, dans le sens de “le roi-souverain”,
dont on retrouve la traduction mentale, chez les Altaiques, dana lea royaumes mueul-
mana, sous les formes Sultanshoh, Malikehah (Malakshah étant une incom-
prehension), o68 barbares ne pouvant, comme l'empereur chinois, se contenter d'un
titre royal, et en exigeant un double, comme les Turks, qui se faisaient nommer Yinal-
téguin, Wang se pronongait Yan(g), ou plutdt, «a prononciation oscillait entre In

forme chincise Wang (Ang = Ong ots F 4!) et Yang, comme le montre suffisamment
le titre mongol AGL Tayang, qui est le nom d'un chef de la tribu des Naiman, pére

de Goutchlouk, et qui transcrit d'une mani¢tre trés exacte le chinois Kk ~— tai-wang
“roi supréme “, Comme on le yoit par de nombreux passages de an narration,
Riabrick o constamment ct ayetomatiquement confondu deux vocables exeentiellement
différents, than, forme r&duite de khaghan, qui désigne le chef dea clans altalques,
et Lam, le titre des sorciers-prétres du culte fétichiste des Turks et des Tonghouxes,
qui, avec la confusion des yutturales, et I'équivalence m—n, sonnait & pea de chose
prés comme khan, Ila entendu Yang-kam, au liew de Yang-khan, et il a fort réguliére-
ment traduit Yang-kam par Yan le pretre, Presbyter Joannes, alors que Bar Hébreus,
qui a également compris Yang-Wang comme |'équivatent de Johannes, s‘ext parfaite-
ment rendu compte que kAan dans le nom de Wang-khan est le mot qui signifie
+ souverain ’, d'ot ea traduction Malik Yohanna du nom de |'adversaire de Témoutchin.
Et Bar Hébreus n’était point le seul & professer cette opinion, puisque c'est cette
hime interprétation de “ prince Jean”, traduisant |e titre Wang-khan de tous les
aouvernins khitans, dont avait hérité ‘adversaire malheureux de Témoutchin,
qui, en 1145, se trouve appliquée & Yaloullik par Vévéque de Gaohbala ;
e'ext la mame erreur, la confusion du titre de khan, que portait Tchour-
louk, avec kam, qui a conduit le pape Alexandre ITI & le traiter de“ sacerdoa sanc-
tissimus , en se figurant vraisemblablement que la puissance et la dignité du chef
dea Khitan étaient comparables’ celles du Souverain Pontife. (On #étonne i juste
titre que le moyen fige wit tat de co personnage énigmatique le souverain de l'Inde et
de l'Ethiopie, et, d'une facon générale, que les hommes de cette époque alent confondu
la péninsule hindoue et le royaume d'Abyssinie; la raison en est simple: I'Indo

ot [Ethiopie étaient deux contrées aituées & I'Orient du monde, que l'on ne pouvait

268 DEUX RESIDENTS MONGOLS EN CHINE

pour suivre l'exemple des populations qui vivaient dans Ouest du
Tarim et dans la Transoxiane, lesquelles, sous le sceptre de souverains
bouddhistes, formaient |'élément essentiel et vital des sujets du
royaume de Tchaghatal.

gagner qu'en traversant la Méditerranée et la mer Rouge; les marins qui naviguaient
dans ces parages savaient que pour aller dans I'Inde ou en Ethiopie, il fallait suivre un
chemin qui conduisait sous les mémes cieux, aux mémea latitudes, of l'aspect des
constellations sur leaquelles ils se guidaient était identique; Jes mémes hommes
étaient allés dans I'Inde ou en Afrique par des routes qui se suporposajent sur
une grande partie de leur durée ; ils les confondirent, et leur concept reata vague ; |'Inde
comprit tout son hinterland, |'Asie Centrale et la Chine continentale: l'Ethiopie com -
prit l'Afrique jusqu'aux sources lointaines du Nil: c'est en ce sens que, dans le titre
d'un Manuscrit du roman de Barlaam et Joazaph (arabe 268), on lit que ce récit
merveilleux “a été apporté de l'intérieur de 1'Abyssinio, c'est-a-dire de Inde, au
couvent de Saint-Saba '', que Marco Polo traite l'Abyssinie d'Inde majeure, que, jusqu'a
Ia fin du xviii* siéele, océan Indien porta sur les cartes marine le nom d'océan
Ethiopique, Je ne crois pas inutile d's jouter, au sujet des titres des souverains
turks, formes de deux mots signifiant “ roi", que dans Yinal-téguin, yinal est le
mot turk, et Mgwin son équivalent chinois, tai-Loan “ officier supéricur "’, que lew
Japonais ont emprunté sous Is forme faikoun, les Annamites, sous celle de faiion
“mécanicien d'une chaloupe, patron"; cette sinomanie poussa les Altaiques a
emprunter aux Célestes, partun pur snobisme, des mots dont ils n‘avaient aucun
besoin réel, comme feagri* ciel", qui est le chinois thien-li“ la Loi céleste "alors
qu'ils possédaient le terme oghan.

THE JUNGLE TRIBES OF THE MALAY PENINSULA
By Pater P. ScHEBESTA
(Translated by C. O. BLaGpeEn)

HE jungle tribes (or, as the Malays style them, Orang Utan) of
the Malay Peninsula are not altogether an unknown quantity
from the point of view of anthropology and linguistics. A number of
scholars and travellers have devoted themselves to the study of them,
the most important being Hrolf Vaughan Stevens, R. Martin,
W. W. Skeat, the leader of the Cambridge expedition, Annandale, and
Robinson. All this was some thirty years ago, and though their
researches ascertained a number of facts, fresh problems have since
arisen. We knew practically nothing of the tribes dwelling in the
real interior of the country, for none of these explorers had succeeded
in penetrating there.

The importance of a fresh exploration of the inland tribes of the
Peninsula, and especially the Negritos, was repeatedly stressed,
particularly as the Negritos were expected soon to become extinct.
Pater W. Schmidt, who in his work on the Pygmies had raised an
appeal in support of this line of research, eventually took an active
part in the matter of organizing an expedition himself, as his previous
appeal had led to no response. With the assistance of several
sympathizers in London, facilities were arranged and after the present
Pope, Pius XI, had generously financed the undertaking, it became
possible to carry out this plan.

Towards the end of 1923 Messrs. C. O. Blagden and W. W. Skeat
gave me an insight into the problems affecting research among the
tribes of the interior and some instruction in the Malay language,
for which, now that the undertaking has succeeded, I must express
my hearty thanks. In the same spirit of grateful remembrance
I must mention the French Catholic Mission, which offered me its
hospitality whenever I returned to the coast from my tours in the
primeval forests, likewise Mr. J. R. Evans, then stationed at the
Museum in Kuala Lumpur, whose good advice on many matters
was freely put at my disposal, and above all Captain J. Berkeley,
at that time District Officer at Gnk, Upper Perak, the true friend
and protector of the Sémang, who first brought me into actual contact
with them.

My researches extended to the states of Kedah, Perak, Kelantan,

270 PATER FP. SCHEBESTA—

Pahang, and the Negri Sembilan. I made a brief stay in the region
of the Sémang of Trang and Patalung in Siam, and spent a month in
Sumatra among the Kubu. I devoted twenty months to my task
of exploration. With the exception of the Jakud’n tribes in Johore
and Eastern Pahang, a8 well as the tribes of Trengganu, I visited all
the principal tribes of the Peninsula, My attention was particularly
directed to those of the interior, and of course I spent most of my
time in studying the Sémang, who have hitherto been somewhat
of a problem.

The jungle tribes, whom I designate by the general name of Orang
Utan, belong to three different races or stocks. In their nomenclature
I follow that of Skeat and Blagden, as it is the most widely known
and has been generally adopted by scholars. The Orang Utan them-
selves do not use these names and to some extent repudiate them.
We must distinguish between—

1. Ulotrichi (woolly-haired) or 5émang.

9. Kymotrichi (wavy-haired) or Sakai.

¢ Lissotrichi (lank-haired) or Jakud’n (alias Jakun).
The origin and meaning of the name Sémang are obscure. In any
case the people never style themselves Sémang. I only heard them
mention the name on a few occasions, and then it was used to denote
either some wild, legendary beings or else Malays. Really tt is a
term of abuse. Only once did an old Negrito in talking to me speak
cof himself as a Sémang and that was to draw a distinction between
himself and the wild, nomad Negritos. He was in fact no longer a
nomad, but had a permanent dwelling-place and was Malayized ;
therefore he was a “ Sémang”.

The most probable derivation seems to me to be from the word
sima‘ (with a final glottal stop). This word belongs to the Sabub’n
language and means “man, native’ as opposed to gob, “ Malay,
foreigner”. In Malay pronunciation the final a‘ has a nasal sound
so that it approaches “ Sémang”’. Moreover the Sémai also call their
Témiar neighbours “ Sémi‘” (with a nasal 4°),

As already mentioned, the Sémang have no name for their race
as such; they use the various current tribal names. The race, in
fact, is divided into tribes, which are not, however, held together
by any external form of organization, but are conscious of being
units by reason of identity of speech, traditions, and tribal area.
The Sémang are divided into the following tribes (the word for “ man”
being prefixed by me to the tribal name) :—

THE JUNGLE TRIBES OF THE MALAY PENINSULA 271

(1) The Moni‘ Tonga‘ or Mos, in the Patalung-Trang region of
Siam.

(2) The Méni‘ Kénsiu, in North-Eastern Kedah and the adjoining
part of Patani.

(3) The Méni‘ Kénta‘, in Southern Kedah and the region of the
Kroh in Perak.

(4) The Mén‘ra‘ Jahai, on both banks of the Perak River from
Grik up to its headwaters and those of the Pergau, and down the
latter to the Bala River, a tributary of the Pergau.

(5) The Mén‘ra‘ Ménri‘, on the Kelantan and Lebir Rivers in
Kelantan, and also in the region of the Serau in Northern Pahang.

(6, 7, 8) The Batek: Nogn, Kléb, and Témo*’. The first at the
headwaters of the Cheka-Krau, the Kléb in the Raub district, and
the Témd‘ in Ulu Bera, in Pahang.

As appears from this classification, there are three groups among
the Sémang, each with a different name for “man”, viz. the méni’,
the mén‘ra‘, and the batek. The third group, however, may
be neglected, as it is too small and also seems to be closely alhed
to the mén‘ra‘ group. We must also distinguish between the mént’
group and the mén‘ra‘ group on linguistic grounds. This distinction,
however, has nothing to do with the formerly common distinction
between Sémang and Pangan. This last is merely based on Malay
usage, whereas the other is founded on real differences, particularly
differences of speech.

The word Pangan is often used even now by Malays of the Eastern
half of the Peninsula. It is really a term of abuse, meaning some-
thing like “wild, omnivorous, and uncircumcized person”. The
Malays of those parts apply it to all Orang Utan, not only to the
Sémang. There is really no reason for retaining it as a name for
the Sémang of the Eastern half of the Peninsula, and it should be
dropped altogether. From the linguistic point of view we must
divide the Sémang into two groups, the Méni* group in the North-
West and the Mén‘ra‘ group in the Centre and South-East. These
groups are again divisible into several dialects which coincide with the
above-mentioned tribal names.

Finally, there is a separate tribe of Sémang to be mentioned,
namely the Sabub’n or Land‘. These live on both sides of the Perek
River, from Grik downwards to Lenggong, and extend along the left
tributaries of the Perak River about halfway up those tributaries.
On the Piah River they have already been recorded by other explorers,

VOL. I¥. Pat fl. 18

Pak. PATER P. SCHEBESTA—

for example by De Morgan. From the point of view of their physique
and culture they are without a doubt to be classed as Sémang, but
in their speech they deviate from all the other Sémang, for they
speak a Northern Sakai dialect.

The wavy-haired tribes are termed Sakai. This name is also
used in the Peninsula as a general designation for all the Orang Utan
tribes. Its origin is unknown, but it is also found outside the
Peninsula."

The Sakai are divided into two stocks: the Sémai and the
Ple-Témiar.

The Ple-Témiar on their extreme Northern frontier run with the
Sémang. It is no wonder, therefore, that some of them appear to
be very mixed; and they in their turn have also influenced the
Sémang. One of the elements in their composition seems to be
Sémai, a tribe bordering the Ple-Témiar on the South.

The Ple-Témiar are a double tribe. In Perak they are called
Ple, while on the other side of the mountain-range they are called
Témiar. I was able recently to ascertain from the reports of Vaughan
Stevens preserved at Berlin that these are not identical with the race
which he styles Témiar. His Témiar are the Sémai of the region of
Tapah and Slim, whom R. Martin calls Sénoi, The Témiar of the
Nenggiri River are, however, identical with Clifford's Témbe*; for the
Sémai on the Serau River call themselves Témbe‘ to this day.

The southern boundary of the Ple-Témiar runs north of the
Rivers Bertam (Bértak) and Telom (Telob'n), takes a northward
bend to the Nenggiri River up to its tributary the Jindera (Chenero),
and then follows this stream as far as the Noring.

The Sémai occupy the regions of the Batang Padang, Slim, Bertam,
Telom, Serau, and the lesser Jelai. In physique they are certainly
the purer representatives of the Sakai race. In language and culture
they are clearly distinguished from the Ple-Témiar, but anthropo-
logically there are indubitably connexions between them. The
Ple-Témiar belong to the Northern Sakai group, the Sémai form the
Central Sakai group. The lank-haired or Jakud’n (Jakun) tribes
border immediately upon the Sémai and are already to be met with
to the south of the Tembeling River (to the east of the Pahang River)
and on the Krau River (to the west of the Pahang River).

The name Jakud'n also seems to have unpleasant implications

1 In Malay the word also has the general meaning of “ foll :
dependenta ",—C, 0. B. ing ollowers, retainers,

THE JUNGLE TRIBES OF THE MALAY PENINSULA 273

and is not popular amongst the tribes themselves. It is supposed
to mean much the same as Orang Rayat (i.e. subject peoples).

The Jakud’n are divided into many tribes, among which I may
name the Krau Jakud'n on the Krau, Mai, and Tekal Rivers, the
Sémilai on the Triang, Bera, and Serting, the Niap in the Raub distnet
and on the middle Triang, the Kénaboi in Jelebu, the Témuadn on
the Muar, Palong, and Keratong Rivers. The 5isi and Béelanas Mantra
are the tribes that have advanced furthest towards the west. The
Mantra in Labu and Malacca reckon themselves to belong to the
Niap. The Jakud'n of Johore did not come under my own
observation.

The Sisi, Kénaboi, Sémilai, and Kran speak languages of their
own, while the Témuadn and the Njap speak an archaic form of
Malay. The Krau and Sémilai dialects contain many Sémang or
Sakai elements. The Krau dialect in particular is very strongly
impregnated with Sémang. There can be no doubt at all that the
Jakud'n of that region have absorbed the Batek amongst whom
they had intruded. |

In physique, culture, and partly also in speech the Jakud'n are
plainly Malay. They are identical with the Kubu of Sumatra, whom
I examined and studied with an eye to their connexion with the
Jakud'n. I call them Proto-Malays.

As I am only concerned here to give a broad outline of the results
of my investigations, these brief indications must suffice.

The numbers of the Orang Utan now existing in the Malay
Peninsula can only be given approximately. Attempts have been

made to enumerate the inland tribes, but as some of these groups

were scarcely represented in actually administered territory, we cannot
speak of anything like an accurate enumeration. My own figures
are based on estimates made by myself. As, however, I repeatedly
traversed the principal districts and endeavoured even in the trackless
interior of Perak, Kelantan, and Pahang to gather information as
to the numbers of the population in the neighbourhood, I believe I am
in a position to give at any rate a fairly close estimate. I did not visit
the extreme east and south of the Jakud'n region, and therefore
cannot express any confident opinion as to the total numbers of the
Jakud'n.

I am best informed as to the Sémang, having seen fifty different
Sémang camps and made the personal acquaintance of their inmates,
some only in passing, but most of them for a longer period. I estimate

24 PATER P. SCHEBESTA—

the total numbers of the Sémang at 2,000 persons, distributed as
follows :—
Tonga’. : : 100
Kénsiu : : 200
Kénta’ , : : 130
(Kénta* Bogn . : Hy
Jahat : : . BDO
Ménri‘ - ; ‘ 4(M)
Nogn, Kléb, and Témo* 100
Sabub'n . : : 250)

These figures are certainly not under-estimates.

The Sakai are much more numerous, although their area 1s less
than that of the Sémang.

The Sémai probably do not exceed 2,000. On the other hand,
for the Ple-Témiar in the Centre of the Peninsula an estimate of
8,000 would not be too high, When one looks down from a mountain
top and sees the jungle clearings made for their plantations, one is
tempted to put the figure much higher. But not every clearing
represents a settlement. We must not overlook the fact that each
group of Sakai makes several clearings in the course of a few
years.

The Jakud'’n that I am acquainted with fall into—

(1) Krau Jakud’n, say 1,000, and

(2) Sémilai, say 2,000,
of whom the majority are to be found in the Tasek region. However,
I believe that the Jakud’n total exceeds 10,000.

The question, whether any diminution can be observed in the
numbers of the wild tribes, must be answered differently for their
several groups.

The numbers of the Ple-Témiar and Jakud’n, and probably also
the Sémai, are stationary.

Amongst the Sémang a diminution of the population is obviously
taking place. One constantly hears them say that they were formerly
more numerous and that epidemics have made havoc amongst them.
The number of children in the family is normal; many families with
three, four, or more surviving children are to be found ; and, allowing
for the fact that infant mortality is high, one may fairly say that the
family is in a sound state.

I must refrain from a detailed description of the physical
characteristics of the three races, because the materials I have brought

THE JUNGLE TRIBES OF THE MALAY PENINSULA 275

back (viz. some 200 measurements and portions of three skeletons)
have not yet been worked out. The Sémang are rightly reckoned
among the pygmy races. Although their height slightly exceeds
150 centimetres, the majority of the adults do not reach this standard.
A few taller individuals considerably raise the average.

A striking Sémang characteristic is the length of the trunk of the
body and the length of the arms. Some individuals resemble African
pygmies in their facial expression. The nose is always broad and
often has a deeply depressed root. The eyes are round and widely
opened, and the iris generally has a reddish coloration. A steep
forehead is the normal thing; I have seldom seen them with receding
forcheads, The face is round. Prognathism, when present, 18
moderate.

The skin colour is darker than that of any of the other races of the
Peninsula, but never becomes coal black as it does among the Sudan
Negroes. As a rule it is a dark brown.

Two types of hair can be distinguished among the Sémang. Some
have it curling in a mop and woolly, others have it irregularly curled
in spirals. The former type reminds one of Africans, the latter
of Papuans.

Mutilation of the body does not occur, except for the piercing
of the ear-lobes of women and the filing of the teeth among some of

the tribes, such as the Kénta‘ and Kénsiu, I am inclined to think.

that both practices have been borrowed from other races. Among
some groups of the Ménri‘ I observed body painting, but this habit has
been borrowed from the Ple.

The Sakai are generally reckoned among the pygmoid races. In
my opinion they have no pygmy characteristics whatever, so that
the expression pygmoid is unjustifiable, unless indeed we like to apply
it to the border groups of the Ple-Témiar and to certain of the Jakud'n
groups. ‘The pure Sakai are slight in build, and therefore look slender
without being really tall. Nevertheless they considerably exceed
the Sémang in stature. ,

The cheekbones are very prominent, the chin is decidedly pointed.
I have observed in many individuals a tendency to the Mongoloid
fold, the upper eyelid descending sharply at the inner corner.

The beard is often well developed, particularly on the chin, whereas
among the Sémang it is almost entirely absent. The head-hair of
the Sakai is wavy. Their skin colour is fair, even fairer than the
Malay.

me |

276 PATER F. SCHEBESTA—

When I first saw the Ple near the Piah River (who were Sakai of
the purer type) I was involuntarily reminded of Polynesian types.

The Sakai all perforate the septum of the nose, and the women
also pierce their ear-lobes. The Témiar also practise tattooing, but
not universally ; body-painting, on the other hand, is quite the rule.

The Jakud’n and Kubu tribes agree in physique with the Malays,
except that they look slighter. Mixture with Sémang blood is
evidenced in certain parts of the Jakud'n region by a darker coloration
of the skin and by wavy hair. The latter characteristic also often
indicates a Sakai admixture.

From the cultural point of view these races alzo fall into three
distinct groups, which can be properly said to represent three stages
of development, though it must not be assumed that any one of them
is based upon another.

The Sémang inhabit the trackless interior; they occupy the
hill country, but are never found on the mountains. They generally
keep to the neighbourhood of small, clear streams, and wander at a
certain distance around Malay villages (in some parts also, e.g. in
Pahang, around Sakai settlements). They live in a kind of symbiosis
with such villages and settlements, for in my opinion they are unable
to subsist solely on the roots they find in the jungle.

They are definitely nomadic, this habit of theirs being based

. on their inability to engage in any form of agriculture. The Sémang

have never reached the stone age. There is no evidence that would
justify us in maintaining that they ever knew the use of stone
implements. Iron was introduced among them at a relatively very
late period. Being without stone or iron implements, they were
never in a position to make clearings in the forest; and that is the
fundamental reason for their nomadic mode of life.

The Sémang never emerged from the bamboo age. All their
implements were, and still are, of bamboo ; even the bows, which are
nowadays made of wood, seem to have been formerly made of bamboo,

One consequence of their desultory wandering life is that the
Sémang only set up temporary windscreens, although it would
certainly have been in their power to make more comfortable huts.
Closely connected therewith is the fact that they can keep no sort
of cattle, even if they had ever reached the pastoral stage. Their
only domestic animal is the dog, and even that seems to have been
derived from the Sakai. Their nomadic habits also explain their
family system, They cannot remain together in large groups, because

foe Dae
THE JUNGLE TRIBES OF THE MALAY PENINSULA 211

the jungle does not afford sufficient sustenance for such larger
agglomerations ; so they have to split up, and consequently wander
about in small parties consisting of a few families, mostly such as are
closely related to one another.

As regards their religion, | must mention their decided belief
in a supreme being, called Ta Peéd'n or Karei, who in certain circum-
stances must be propitiated by an offering of blood. The peccant
Sémang cuts his shin and throws the blood, mixed with water, towards
the sky. They do not, however, pray to the deity.

The Sémang believe in a kind of spirits called Cénoi (Chénoi),
small, shining beings, who are servants of the deity and friends of
man. But these are in no way connected with the Malay haniu
(spirits and ghosts, ete.).

The Hala‘ or priestly medicine-man is the intermediary between
the deity and man and is also a physician.

Belief in a future life is universal.

Polygamy is allowed, and occasionally occurs, but monogamy 1s
the normal practice. Marriages are often dissolved while the parties
are still young, but as soon as there are any children the parents
keep together.

The Sakai culture differs in many respects from the Sémang.
The Sakai prefer the high ground in the mountain ranges, and owing
to their plantations of roots, Italian millet, and rice, they are
independent of the Malays. As domestic animals they keep dogs
and fowls.

They hunt the smaller animals, as do also the Sémang, but unlike
the Sémang the Sakai are skilful trappers. The Sakai weapon is the
blowpipe (or blowgun).

The Sakai, and particularly the Ple-Témiar, have communal
houses and display the beginnings of social organization. Polygamy
and even a special kind of polyandry occur and are allowed among
the Ple-Témiar.

The deity of the Ple-Témiar is a female named Ya Pudéu, Granny
Pudéu. The belief in Karei, the god of thunder, exists, but only
in a decayed form. The belief in a future life is definite, and among
the Ple-Témiar includes a belief in resurrection and requital for deeds
done, which is unknown among the Sémang. Magic also plays a
considerable part, whereas among the Sémang it 18 almost absent.

A few words must be devoted to the Jakud’n. I regard them as
Proto-Malays. They are identical with the Kubu of Sumatra. The

ih Nish +

278 THE JUNGLE TRIBES OF THE MALAY PENINSULA

Jakud’n prefer to make their settlements by the side of rivers.
Plantations of roots and rice are quite general. The domestic
animals are dogs and fowls. The goat is not universally found.

The Jakud’n huts are built on posts, and when occupied by several
families they are divided by partition walls into several compartments.
The Kubu weapon is the spear. In a good many places the blowpipe
is unknown.

It is important to note that there is a definite social organization,
with headmen bearing the titles of Batin, Méntri, and Jukra.

Monogamy is the usual practice, but polygamy is allowed and
occasionally ocenrs.

The prevailing religious belief is in nature, spirits, and magic.

From the linguistic point of view, the classification worked out
by Pater Schmidt and C. 0. Blagden remains tn essentials unchanged :—

1. The Sémang fall into a Méni‘ group and a Mén‘ra‘ group.

2. The Sakai are divisible into

(a2) Northern Sakai, including the Sabub'n Sémang and the
Ple-Témiar, and
(6) Central Sakai, i.e. the Sé#mai.

3. The sections styled by Blagden Southern and Eastern Sakai
will, in my opinion, turn out to be Jakud’n dialects which approximate,
through admixture, either to the Sémang Mén‘ra‘ group or to one
or both of the Sakai groups (Northern and Central).

Besides these, there are Jakud'n groups which speak archaic |
Malay, just like the Kubu of Sumatra.

As, however, I have not yet had enough leisure to work out and
compare my linguistic materials, this is not intended to be a definitive
decision as to the linguistic classification.

NOTES ON SOME SANSKRIT MANUSCRIPTS ON ALAMKARA
IN THE MADRAS GOVERNMENT ORIENTAL MSS. LIBRARY

By Susi Kumar De, M.A., D.Lit.

pa the Third Session of the Oriental Conference held in
! Madras (December, 1924) I had the opportunity of examining
cursorily some newly acquired manuseripts on Sanskrit Alamkara-
fastra in the Government Oriental Manuseripts Library. I propose
in this paper to note briefly certain pieces of information which I have
been able to gather from them, as it was too late to incorporate them
in the second volume of my Sanskrit Poetics (to which I refer below
as SP.). Most of these MSS. were originally found on the Malabar
Coast, and the copies in the Library are transcripts in Devanagarl
character.

1. Udbhatélamkara-vivrti by some unknown author, in the form
of brief notes on the verses and illustrations of Udbhata’s work.
After Pratiharendurija’s elaborate commentary, its value as an
exegetical work is diminished ; but it is interesting as throwing some
light on a doubtful point. In the text of Udbhata as printed by the
Nirnaya Sagar Press (Bombay, 1915), the illustrative verses ate
incorporated in the vrtti of Pratiharenduraja. Colonel Jacob's edition
of the text in JRAS., 1897, pp. 830f. however, prints both the
karika-verses and the illustrative stanzas as constituting the text
of Udbhata’s work, The question, therefore, arises whether the
illustrative verses are Udbhata’s or not. In the present commentary
the illustrative verses are given and commented upon along with the
karikds ; and they are the same as those incorporated in the vyltt
of Pratiharenduraja by the Nirnaya Sagar editors, although no
indication is given here of the possibility of their being taken from
that source. This fact would raise the presumption (which should be
confirmed by other available commentaries on Udbhata) that Colonel
Jacob's procedure is correct, and that the illustrative verses are most
probably Udbhata’s. This is also apparently indicated by Pratiharen-
duraja himself, when he says (p. 15) that Udbhata drew his illustra-
tions in the particular case from a part of his own poem entitled

280 5. KUMAR DE—

Kumara-sambhava. One would suspect from this that all the illustra-
tions in anustubh-metre ! are drawn from the same source.

2. Dasa-riipa-vyikhyai by Bhatta Nrsimha (Oppert, 2615, SP.,
1, p. 135). The title is misleading, for, as it says, it is really a laghu-fika
on Dhanika’s vyd@khyd on Dasa-riipake :

dasartipasya ya nyakhya Dhanikena samahita |

tasya Bhatta-Nrsimhena laghu-tika vidhiyate {|
This verse (No. 2) at the beginning of the MS. is interesting as
mentioning Dhanika as the author of the commentary on Daéa-raipaka,
and would support the contention of those who refuse to identify
Dhanika with Dhanafijaya (see SP., i, pp. 132-4). The author of this
commentary does not appear to be old, and therefore his testimony
must be taken with due caution; but the tradition thus recorded by
him 1s not without some value.

4. Camatkara-candriké hy Viéveévara Kavicandra (SP., i, p. 243,
fn. 1). This is really a work on Alamkara, divided into eight chapters
dealing respectively with: (1) varna-pada, (ii) vakya, (iii-iv) artha, guna,
and doga, (v) rasa, (vi) éabddlambara, (vii) arthdlamkara, (viii) general
topics (incomplete). It thus follows the arrangement of the India
Office MS. of the same work (Eggeling, Catalogue, vii, pp. 1507-8)-
Tt is composed after the panegyrical manner of Vidyinatha's Prata-
parudriya, and all the illustrative verses celebrate Sarvajiia Singa-
bhiipala, whose Rasdrnava is freely quoted. In the fifth Vilisa, mention
is made of the author’s preceptor, Kadiévara Migra, whose work Rasa-
mimamsd is quoted (tatha cokiam asmaddcaryaih Kasisvara-misrai
Rasa-mimamsdayam).

4. Salitya-cidamani Kavya-prakasa-vyakhya by Lauhitya Bhatta
Gopala (see SP.,1, p.186). No fresh information can be gathered about
the author and his supposed identity with Bhatta Gopala, author of the
commentary Rasika-raiijani on Rasa-maijari. The work, though
brief, is one of the best-informed commentaries on the much com-
mented text, and the author shows himself conversant with the
literature on the subject. In one passage (on ch. v, p. 214, in the

* There are some verses in dri which are quoted from Rudrata by Pratihirendu-
rija by way of illustration; these could not have been given by Udbhata, For
instance, the illustrative verse bajjala-Aima-banaka", at p. 43, is quoted from Rudrats,
vii, 36, while the verse immediately preceding (cited with a fad ultam, p. 42) is not o
birihi-verse ol Udbhata's as printed, but quoted in the commentary from Kudrata,
vil, $6. Rudrata is also quoted by Pratthirendurija without being actually named
at pp. 11 (= K., viii, 40), 31 (= R., viii, 89), 34 (= R., viii, M4), 49 (=R., xii, 4). There

are quotations by Pratihirendurdja from other sources also, ec. from Megho-dita
at p. 18, |

SANSKRIT MANUSCRIPTS ON ALAMKARA 281

Library copy) he refers unmistakably to the views of the Vakrokti-
jivita-kira regarding the three margas: kavi-rucindm bhinna-
svabhavand(m ane)kavidha-pakzanam madhye vaidarbhyadi-vyatirekena
sukumara-citra-madhyama -laksana-marga-traya- yogitaya tri-marga
sarasvafi. He refers to a work of his own called Parimala, He quotes
a verse from Anandavardhana’s lost Visama-bana-hila, which verse,
however, is quoted by Ananda himself in his rrtti on the Dhvanydloka
at p. 241.

5. Sahitya-dijaka, commentary on Kavya-prakaéa, by Bhaskara
Migra. It is a brief commentary in the form of notes on difficult
words and passages, and does not seem to possess any great value,
having been utilized by numerous later commentators on Mammata,
The work cites (on ch. x) Alamkara-sarvasva and one Hari (on élega,
loc. cit.). There is no other definite clue to its date, and no information
regarding its author (see SP., i, p. 174).

6. Kavya-lakgana-samgraha by Geinivasa. This appears to be
the same work as Kavya-samgraha mentioned in SP., i, p. 319. It
cites the following, among other works and authors on Poetics :
Kavya-prakasa, Daéa-riipaka, Bhoja, Sahitya-cidimani (some verses
refer to and celebrate Vema-bhiipala, apparently Peda-komati
Vema-bhipala, alias Vira-narayana, to whom the Sahitya-cidamant
is dedicated, these being apparently citations from the latter work),
Vidyanatha and his Prataparudriya, Rasdérnava, and Srigara-tilaka.
It must be a very late work, inasmuch as it quotes the verse paksa-
dvaya-krasima-posa” from Appayya’s Vptti-vartiika (actually naming the
work), p. 2, ed. Kavyamala 36, 1910; eo. the work must be placed
later than the beginning of the seventeenth century.

7. Srngdra-prakaéa by Bhoja, in thirty-six chapters. An account
of the work is already given in SP., i, pp. 147-8, and also in the Report
of the Peripatetic Party of the Madras Library, 1916-17, 1918-19,
where a list is given of the important works and authors, many of which
are now lost or forgotten, quoted in this encyclopedic work. A cursory
examination reveals the following names: Antara-rama-carita (a
“ philosophical” poem), Chalita-rama, Tapasa-vatsa-raja-carita,
Vikranta-éidraka, Siadraka-katha (of Paitcagikha), Janaki-harana (of
Kumdaradasa), Dhirta-vita (of Lavaradatta),° Mayiira-marjalika, Kultint-
mata (of Damodaragupta),? Anangavati, Matsya-hasita, Lildvati

1 See SP.,i, p. S14.
2 Publ. in Daksina-bhdrali Serice,
2 Pobl, in Karyo-mala,

283 &. EUMAR DE—

Indumati, Citra-lekha, V dsavadatta-campi, Hayagriva-vadha (of Mentha)»
Abdhi-mathana (of Caturmukha), Bhima-kulyd, Rati-vilasa, Brnddvana-
kivya, Yadu-ramsa, Dilipa-vamdsa, Marica-vadha (Prakrit havya),
Krsna-carita, Usa-harana, Hara-vijaya (of Sarvasena), Ravana-vijaya,
Kuvalaydsva-carita, Ravandbhyudaya (probably the same as Ravana-
vadha or Setu-bandha), Kicaka-vadha (of Nitivarman), Laksmi-seayam-
vara Subhadra-harana, Rasakdika (an aika), Malatika (prahasana),
Prayogdbhyudaya (prakarana), Yayati-carita, Partha-vijaya (drama by
Trilocana), Devi-condragupta (drama), Abhistrikd-vaiicitaka (drama,
of Vidsikhadeva), Aytya-ravana, Svapna-vdsavadatta (drama, now
attributed to Bhasa), Ramébiywdlaya (of Yasovarman), Raghavdinanda,
Mukuta-taditaka (of Bana), Kappandbhyudaya (of Sivasvimin),®
Kadambari-séra (of Abhinanda), Hariécandra-carita, Madalaso-
pakhyana, Darumati (kivya), Trailokya-sundari (of Rudrata),
Brhat-kathi (in Sanskrit), Kunda-mala,? Salini-samvada, Satakarni-
harana, Sakha-visakhopakhyaina, Madhavi, Avimdraka (drama) and
Deisamdhdina-kavya (of Dandin), Govinda, Bareu, and Candragekhara
are cited as poets. Two stanzas are quoted from the Caura-paicasika,
now attributed to Bilhana, who was Bhoja’s contemporary. Apart
from its value, as a large, if somewhat uncritical, compilation on rasa
(especially érigdra), this work is important as constituting an anthology,
which quotes thousands of verses from the whole range of Sanskrit
literature known to its author, and which preserves for us the names
of many otherwise unrecorded works and authors. As such, it deserves
publication, although its unwieldy dimensions would necessitate
large expenditure on printing alone. Some enterprising scholars in

sdras have undertaken the editing of some of its chapters on 4ragara.
8. Bhava-prakisa by Saradatanaya, of which a description is
given in SP., 1, pp. 241-2, is a much shorter work, in easy stanzas,
on the same lines as Bhoja’s elaborate treatise, which it partially
summarizes. Besides regular ndtakas hke Ramdananda, Sitépaharana,
Krtya-ravana, Turangadatta, Sugriva-kelana, Gangad-bhagiratha, and
Gauri-grha, it quotes Devi-parinaya (9 acts), Marica-vaiicita (8 acts),
Stambhita-rambhaka (7 acts), Nala-vikrama (8 acts), and Madalekha
(8 acts). Of prakasana, mention is made of Saubhadrika, Sdgara-
kaumudi, and Kali-keh, of dima, Tripura-ddha, Vrttoddharana, and

! See Seshagiri Sastri's Report, i, p. 5,
® See Seshagiri Sastri'’s Report, ii, pp. 40-56,
? Publ, in Daksina-bhdrali Serica,

SANSKRIT MANUSCRIPTS ON ALAMEARA 283

Tarakeddharayna. Tt quotes an unknown Sarada-candrika of Bana,
and the Seapma-vasavadatta of the so-called Bhasa."

9, Rasdrnava by Prakafavarsa. It is in five paricchedas, the
first four of which deal with guna and dosa, and the last with rasa, This
work also shows the influence of the above work of Bhoja. It is a
comparatively recent composition, and Prakasavarsa cannot be
identical with the Prakidavarsa known to us as the preceptor of
Vallabhadeva, the famous echoliast on the standard classical havyas
(see SP., i, p. 97).

10. Rasa-kalpadruma by Jagannitha, son of Ananda Misra.
The author belongs to the Vaisnava Eampradaya. Besides standard
texts on Poetics like the Ka@vya-prakasa and Sahitya-darpana, the
author quotes very extensively from erotic rasa-writers, from Spigara-
tilaka downwards. He gives long passages in erfenso from standard
works on erotics like Rati-rahasya, Paiica-siyaka, Anaiga-ranga, and
Smara-dipika. It is a huge work, chiefly in the nature of an elaborate
compilation on the rasas, after the manner of Bhoja’s Srigira-
prakaéa; but the author digresses largely into erotics and kindred
topics, dealing incidentally with dramaturgy and some fine arts. It
quotes Jayadeva and Venkatadesika (a.p. 1268-1569; the verse
nikgesam ambaratalam yadi patrika sydt from Padukd-sahasra, ed.
N.S.P., iii, 2); but it also cites some very late authors, and cannot
therefore be earlier than the seventeenth century.

Usivensiry oF Dacca.
10th February, 1925.

1 Mr. C, Rama Pisharoti, whose article on Seapna-visaradatia and Bhiva-prabisa
is published in ASOS., intends publishing an edition of this work under the editorship
of the present writer,

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JANAKIHARANA XVI
By Lioset D. Barnett

f Nits School of Oriental Studies has recently acquired a manuscript

containing the complete text of the Jdnakiharayja—twenty
cantos in all—and from it I publish the following sarga. As only
cantos 1-15 have hitherto been edited, the contribution here presented
should be of some interest, although the lack of other MSs, makes it
impossible to produce a definitive critical text.

The MS. is written on palm-leaves, about 14 in. long and 1) in.
wide, in old Malayalam character ; it may be of the sixteenth century,
and possibly is even older. The colophon bears no date, but gives the
name of Garttavana Safkara as the owner, A certain number of
mistakes and omissions are to be found in the M&S., some of them
perhaps due to the scribe and others certainly due to a faulty archetype.
Some of the scribe's errors suggest that the original coped by him,
or, at least, a parent or ancestor of it, was in Sinhalese script. The
spelling is of the kind common in southern MSS.: / and / are often
confused, final m is assimilated to following initial consonants of the
palatal and dental series, consonants are usually doubled after r, and
final s is assimilated to an initial sibilant and 1s often omitted before
initial sibilant and consonant (cf. Whitney,? §173a}; in my text I
have retained all these peculiarities, however inconsistent, with the
exception of the last. The division of the verses is marke by a dot:
1 have substituted for this the double danda, and inserted in the
middle of each verse a single danda.

The metres of canto xvi are puspitdgra (1-78), manddkranta
(79-81, 83), and éardilavikridita (82). The themes are a description
of sunset, the nocturnal revels of the Raksasas, and the dawn of the
day of battle.

Atha divasavidheyam indragatror nniravasitam pratiharato viditva |

anumatim adhigamya tasya bhanur gyirim aparintamahirnnavastham
iye |j [1.]

arunadrdhakarivakrstarad4mivrayam iva kandharabhngnacarughonah |

divasakarahaya girindrabhitter jjaghanapatadrathanemayo
‘vateruh |} [2.]

j ‘> 7 4y

o- ee ba i . a 7 in

286 LIONEL D. BARNETT—

sarabhasanipatadghanindhakarabhramarakulair anulipyaminamifirttih|

apasaranavidhau samihaménah payasi bhayid iva majjati sma
bhannh || [3.]

arunitam atha sandhyaya muhiirttam tadanu tamobhir upitta-
koSarandhram |

kumudam aligano dadaréa dirad arunasitetaravarijabhigamkt || [4.]

sarasijamanivedikisu bhinnapracurataramgakanivakirnnapate |

upavanasarasiruhan dininte hatam iva éitarayena saficukoca || [5.]

drutam apasarataiti bhanur astam sarasiruhesu dalarggalah patanti |

bhramarakulam iti bruvann ivilih kvanitakalam vicacdra
dirgghikayam || [6.]

sati divasapariksayasya yoge nipatitasadvayasas tamobhibhiitah |

vinamitacalamastaka babhiivus samupagati jaraseva vrksa-
gulmah || (7.

vigalitavati tigmabhasi sandhyaparigatalohitatarakan nabhas tat |

tridaSaSara4atavranivakirnnam hrdayam anuvrajati sma
ravanasya || [8. |

divasakarabhayad ivavalino jaladhijalantaritas tusirarasmih |

ravir atha calito na veti boddhun nabhasi karin iva cirayimba-
bhiiva || [9.]

prathamagamitam andhakaribhavam punar atipimgalatirakam
vidhaya |

bhuvanam atha kalatmana samasyams trinayanariipam alambhayat
pradogah || [10.]

divasavigamalambitasya bhanor avanatir unnatir indumandalasya |

avikalavapusas saminakalan nabhasi tulam adhirfidhayor
ivastam || [11.]

ghrmibhir adhipuram puras suvelaksitidharamastakajarjjaraih
patadbhih |

pramadam adhamano nitambininam abhinavanirjjharasamkaya vi-
tanvan |) [12.]

dyutibhir avajito nigicarinim aham atulasya na kevalam mukhasya |

ayam api harino jitah kataékgair iti jagatim iva daréayan
mrgimkab |j [13.]

manasi manasijain manasvininim aviralam unnamayan nijena

dvipadasanarucih padam kalanim udayagirer udiyaya dikpra-
dipab jj [14.]

3: MS. -nipalai-. 4: MS. -sifelardri-, 10: andhabiri- conta; i
andhakdri (io, andhaka-ari), 12; MS. patathhih, contains a pun on

JANAKIHARANA XVI 287

acirasamuditaya haragaurair himadisirair anugrhnate karaughaih | iB

udakalavaparamparabhir argghyam Sasimanitoranam indave
tatiina || [15.]

udayam arupima oparityajantam pravisrjatt sma éaSamkam
acchabimbam |

casakam amalam indradiimukhena sphatikamayam madhuniva
piyaméane || [16.]

fatham iva dayitan digah pradogam muhur adhigamya rugeva
bhinnavarnnah |

sthitam upari payodharasya sandhyavilasitakumkumamandanam
mamarjjuh |j [17.] |

ksipati digi payodharan niginte rahayati kin timirottariyam asa |

iti racitaviparyyayasya sfiksi sphutam iva kaumudam Atatana
hasam || [15.]

parabhrtarucitamasam him4méor udayagirer uditasya mandalena |

. . tenihitan nu samhrtan nu || (19. ]

iha harinakalamkakantilesais saha patita mrgalakganasya kantih |

alibhir avanatair nnv athaiva vapikumudavanair iti éamkitai
janesui || [20.]

gaganasarasi candraripyakumbhe nikara ivatighanas tamah-
praharah {| (21.

surakarina ivahatah karena pravitatasantamasimburadir indoh

anupahatagatir ddigantavelivalayavanini vilamghayan —pra-
tasthe || [22.]

priyavirahasamigamaéérayapim mukhakamalani nisa nitambininam

uditavati éaéimkacandrabimbadyutibhir ivodupatav alaficakara || (23. ]

pathikayuvatidrstayo ‘nujagmus sarasijaragamaniériyam rucaiva |

gasini samudite ‘aéimkakintam kiranavrtam kriyayipi dar-
dayantyah |! [24.1

apihitasalilena nispradegam kumudavanena kumudvati vireje |

ghananipatitabhrmgacitrabhasi © mygaripucarmmakrtavakunthane-
va || [25.]

nifi payasi padani kurvvatisu grahanikarapratimasu mallikaksah |

itaram api jaliidgayan nikijan samupasasira kumudvatiti hrstah || [26.]

16: MS. madhiniya, 18: MS. Adsin; the emendation is rather uncertain,
19: the lacuns of 16 syllables is marked in the MS, by a blank space, an inch long,
20: MS. neyodha* rapikwmuda-, 21: the gap of two pides is not marked in
the MS,, and it is not clear whether they belong to the beginning or to the end
of the verse, 23: MS, -bimbandyutibhir, 24: MS. brasaeratam friyiydps
daréayantyah, 25: MBS, -bunfhaneca,

VOL. TV. PAET 1, 19

oR8 LIONEL D. BARNETT—

iti tuhinarucau vikirpnadhimni pracuratamobhidurasvaraémijale |

manast makaraketanasya yiinam vilasitam atmani vikriya
vivavruh || [27.]

svayam api viracayya patrabhaktim vadanahimadyutilaksanam
kaya cit |

cirayati hrdayeévare ramanya nayanajalena phalacyutanirase || [28.]

na bhavati dayitasya sannikarge phalarahito virahe kim asya ragail |

iti manasi nidhaya yivakena vyaracayad anyatari na danta-
vasab |) [29.] |

itaraynvatipadaghitacihnam sarasasamarppitayivakam padam yat |

urasi na dayitasya tad viveda sphutamanikundalaragaruddham
anya || [30.]

priyavacanavidhayini na bharttud ealadalakacyutacirnnalesam
aksnoh |

madanasamucitampasamgidrster vvyapanayati sma mukhanilena
ka cit || [31.]

surapatiripavah priya nirasya sravanasaroruhanirvvrte ‘pi dipe |

ratigsu dadréur eva kaficiratnadyutiparibhinnatamisram rn.
miilam || [32.]

vivasanavihitopagihananam ghanajaghanastanakumbhakumkumesu

api parigalitesu kamininan na vigaliténi tanidardérayani || (33.)

caranatalasaroruhena yat tvam prahrtavati dirasi priyatikope |

ea kila paramanigrahah praside hrdi racite tava kidréo nu
libhah || [34.]

adharaputam idam madarttaramarabhasasamarppitadantakhanditan
te |

ayi Satha parisantaye rujaya nayanajalena nisificati prasaktam || [35.]

karakizalayagopitam mukham svam kim tha vidhaya vadasy alam
mamiagre |

tirayati daéanaksatam priyayi vayam uta gauravabhajanam kim
evam || [36.]

iti vacasi ruga pariskhalantyah pranayisu riksasayosito vipaksaih

parimalitavisar)jitesu riksan nayanajalagrathitam vaco vitenuh | (37.]

api tava dayite samipabhaji Svasitarayaglapitadharasya kantih |

carananipatite nipatitas te na ca karunaparipanthikah kataksah || [38.]

stanatatanihitah karo ‘vadhiitah parigadite samadhiéritai ca
maunam |

vihasitam apl sintvane SaTORAIM = pranayijane yuvater ayam hi
dandah || [39.]

29: MS. anyolarinna, 30: MS. -pala-, -yhreakopadam, 34: MS. yalicd,
prahytavati, |

| ——, = = = : s
= - a a 7- a e | a Y 7 wa “=
- v4 3
Ye \ ae

JANAKIHARANA XVI 289

-sakhi jahihi rugam hinasti paéedt tava taralam hrdayam purdnu-
tapah |

iti nipupasakhibhir nirise manasi nidicarayosito "bhimanah; || [40.]

yadi cirayati diti vallabho me bhréam ajani tvayi kim rugo ‘vakadah |

nijam atirabhasam yato vidagya ksatibhir imam samayiyujas tvam
ostham || (41.]

madhukusumavilepanddibhavagrahanavidarsitasauhrdayyavrttya |

ayam api ca sakhi svayam pratasthe priyaparibhogasukhasya
samvibhagah {| [42.]

daganapadam atisphutam vibhati sphurati tanu Sramavarisiktam

Asyam |

avitatham abhidhatsva kimini tvim kutilagatir nnanu drstavan
bhujamgah || [43.]

adharamanim asau vyakhandayat te spréati danair upacumbito na
dogam |

amahad api krtam prapadya karttur dvigunataram vidadhati yas sa
sidhuh || [44.]
avitatham idam ftmanirvvidesi sakhi bhavasiti vacah pura yad

uktam |
abhidayitam anusthitan tvaya hi... .. . yatnato vidheyam |! [45.]

iti racitarusas sahisagarvvam sramajalabinducitam mukham
dadhatyah |

gravanakatu nidiicarasya vadhvas calitadhrter upaditi wag
jajrmbhe |j [46.]

dvasitahatarucir vvaridharosthah karatalasamkramitas ca
patralekhah |

nijagadatur upagate cirena pranayini rakgasayositah pracintam || [47.]

viphalaparikara vidhiya diitis tadanu sametya ca prsthato nilinail) |

yuvatinigaditam sarosagarvvam parihysitair upasusruve tadi-
gaily || [48.]

ksatir iyam adharasya yat surasu srutasahakirarasihita tad astu |

ataralahrdayasya gandabimbe tava kataro “dya nakhakgatasya
hetuh || [49.]

yuvatinayanacumbitegu paksmapraviracité paturaiijanasya rasih |

tava capala niripitatisikema bakulaphalirunarocir uttarogthe || (50. |

43: MS. tri, 45: after Ai the MS. marka the lacuna by a short blank space,
and then reads «ra yatnato vidheyam ; but, as the metre shows, sre is either a mistake

or is out of ita proper place, 50; MS. payma-; the fom, gender of ri should be

noted (B, R. say: “ das f, ohne Beleg ")

ye.

4 -} apie rhe “

- “aa
a | ig: be

teal J
ia?
i-

ia”

290 LIONEL D. BARNETT—

yuvatimukhagatena locanena sphutam api me na Srpogi jalpitani |

mukhamadhura bhujamga yena satyam kutilagate nayanaSravo ‘pi
jatab | [51]

iti manasijacaiicalam yuvanam rajanicarapramada niriipayanti |

animisanayana sahasagarvvam pranayarusi caturam vaco
babhage |) [52.]

svatanuvitaranena tam vilobhya dvipam iva vanyam ihopanetu-
kama |

sakhi gajagapikeva cestitisi sphurati hi sajjana . . sidhukrtye |! [53.]

akarunam adhigamya tam madartthe vidasanam evam asahyam
asthitayah |

krtam idam adharasya kevalan te mama hrdayasya sakhi vyatha tu
tivra || [54.]

iti sakhihasita krtavyalikam arunitalocanavaktracandrabimba |

suraripuvanitipadiéya ditim akrta girah parusa rusia paritah || (55.]

sarasijamanikuntalopayuktam madhuvapur amgajamanthara
yuvatyab |

katham iva parinissrtas tadiyo rasa iti mugdhataya vidam-
kamanah || [56.]

viracitapatucarurammyabhavam pramadarasam ratimilam ddarena |

madhu nihitasarojam amganis svair mmukhacagakair ddayitin
nipayayante || [57.]

madhu vinamitasatakumbhakumbhasrutam akhilinanasaktahema-
éuktih |

sapadt dagamukhah piban vijigye salilanidhin daégadiinadih piban-
tam || [58.]

cagakamadhuni bimbitam priyaya nayanam aveksya sarojagamkayélih

adhimadhu nipapata gandhalobhid visayasukhapravane katham
vivekah || [59.]

mukulayati sitetaram sarojam éadini samagrakalAspade tadiyah: |

asitakuvalayadyutim kuramgapratinidhir atra tatina sidhupatre || [60.]

abhinavaravibimbavahinibhir ddyutibhir abhinnatayé manoharabhih |

sarasijamanisuktigu pranastam yuvatijanair mmadhu gauravena

——— jajiie || (61.] | |

hrdayavadanalocanegsu tasim madhu madagandhavapuéériyan
ninaya |

sramasalilakanacchalena gubhram bahir abhavac charapa ‘a~
bimbat |) [62.] i ae conraptoonennts

51: MS. jatpitini, 53: the Jacuna of | eye rs Sees
ir eb nan nt maa te

Paysyante. 60: MS, dithu-, 61: MS, -pahinibhidyu-, pranasfam 62 : MS, rapudriyan,

JANARIHARANA XVI 291

dagabhir abhimukhais sugandhi hrdyam madhu vadanair upanitam
amganinam |

bahovadanaphalan nipiya lebhe suraripur etad aho durapam
anyaih || [63.] ' |

priyagunaéatajarjjaraiva pirvvam madhusu ciram paripitavatsu
lajja

na ad padam vidhatum madanamadasthitisamkate
vigehe || [64.] .

karakisalayadhiinanam mukhintabkalamanitan nayanirddhamilitani |

aviratakalasitkrtam vadhfinim pranayisu manmathadipanany
abhiivan || [65.]

apagatavinayam yad astalajjam yad asamayam yad anigtam
astadhairyyam |

yad adayam asamadhi rigavrddham ratigu hi tat tad abhiid guno na
dogah || [66.]

upari viharane vilasininim kucakalasodgalitan nidighavari |

manasijam abhisificati sma yiinam prthulabhujaéntarapitha-
sannivistam || [67.]

vadanam idam urojakumkumirddram sutanu vilokayatad iti svam
amkam |

sarabhasam adhiropité tadostham kva nu tad iti bruvatt cucumba
hrsta || (68. ] 3

taruni tava bhavami vallabho’ham bhavapatir ity udite giro dhunana |

nahi nahi valayam svakiyam eka dayitakare nyadhitéruruksur
amkam |! [69.]

svayam atha pavanena saudhaprsthe hrtarajasi pratiharacoditena |

kiranam anuvahaty aditabhisah ksanam upagamya payodharair
nnisikte || [70.]

surayuvatikadambakasya gitair anugatatumburuvallakininadaih |

sapadi parivrtas samanmathena tridagaripuh pramadijanena
reme |; (71.j

tatavitataghanidyavidyajatair nnijakarasantativaditais sa ekah |

trividhalayaparigrahena vaktrair yyuvatim ahargayad astabhié ca
gayan |j (72.]

pratiyuvativisaktabahupanktir ddasavadanagatatanmukharavindah |

64: the passive meaning of peripilaraieu is noteworthy, 66: MS. abhi,
67: MS. -baladdgalitan, sinnivistam, 68: MS. adhiropibi. 69: MS. rallabhtham,
72: MS. ahottiyad; I feel some doubt as to the conjectural emendation aharscyad,
but cannot find a better one ; in Sinhalese script the confusion of rsa and (i would be
rather easy,

292 LIONEL Db. BARNETT—

samam atha paritah priya nisannah pariramayan na dadau ruso
‘vakagam || [75.] |

itarayuvatidastadantavasa vadanatatisthitasitkrtas samabhih |

navasu manasijanmana dirassu ksatadhrtibhir ddayitah krudha-
bhijaghne || [74.]
akande | .

bhavati madhu nipiya bhajanigragrasanaratir nna hi kaécana
pramattah || [75.]

pibati katham iviparé yuvatya daganapadaih parimudritan
tavostham |

iti yuvatijanena rikeasendras sphutaracitabhrukutipatakam fice || (76.]

atha katakanivasadrptanagah pravitatadhatuvibhigitas sumeruh |

dyutim abhrta puratrayasya bhettus dirasi muhus sthitaditarasmi-
bimbah || [77-]

tribhuvanabhayarogadinavantan dvipam iva nirbhayam etya dinavan
tam |

navagagadharakotidhamadantan dadhatam agus suramigadha
madantam || (78. |

meroé 4rmgan tuhinanikarasparsaditas Sasitah

prthvibhago "py arunakiranair vvyastamastas tamastah |

dhinvan paiktim vahati kumudapremalinam alinam

asyan vicinilayam anilas sirasantam rasantam || [79.]

labdhva muficaty udadhir udakabrasacelam sa velim

yata nidravigamaviruti4s civirama virimih |

panducchiyim upayati diéam anane tan na netan

tiricakram vigatacaranollisam astam samastam || [80.]

rkeagrenyam pihitaparighollamghanayam ghanayaim

caumitrau cigatavati riputrasahetau sahetan |

ko rame ca ghnati varabhatas tatsahas te sahaste

kin tatsainye praharati ripucchidy adese 'dya Sege || (81. ]

raksolokavinaganesu rahitacchedam sito damsito

drptah paniyugena dustaratarasvarhetina hetina |

yuddhayopagatah karoti manasim kampam sa nah pamsanas

seyam manada tavad agrutapurdkrogavita éayita || [82.]

mukham me kim adharam adya vikhandayasy

76: MS. narosfham, riksasendra, 77: MS. mahusthita-. 70: MS. -kiranaih
ryasta-. Sl: MS. cigatarata, 82: if the above division of words is correct, damsito
ia from wv dames = dpi ( Dibittope tha, x, 197); a similar dedi word is paswana, from
¥ pame(Dh., x, 74: past ndéone), which, as Prof, Rapson has Pointed out to me,
Occurs in Suksdsamuccaya (see Bendall’s index,-p. 383) and in the Kharogthi tablets
of Sir M, A, Stein's collection.

JANAKIHARANA XVI

- naktan nakradhivasam kusumaégarasatatrasitanam sitanaim

a kridayam amgananam ghanakucakalaéaih kataran tan tarantam |
. utthapyaivan tatas te satataratasukhavyasakimam sakiman

: tisnim fsan sagzamkhad! vanipataharavajyanigante nisante || [83.]
}, iti janakiharane sodadas saregah \

2 e 7

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_— * ~~

Ad AMIEA-MOKSA-PRABANDHA OF NARAYANA BHATT A
By Panorr V. VenkaTanAma SarmA Sistni, VinyAnniyaya

ee Campii-prabandha Ajdmila-méksa is a little literary work
*- belonging to Travancore. In publishing it Iam relying on a
Malayalam manuscript written on cadjan leaves, which I obtained from
Mr. Tazhaman Satkarar Tantri of Chenganur in the Travancore State.
A piece of poetry interspersed with prose is called a Campi-prabandha,
or Prabandha,! in the Kérala country. There is evidence of many of
such Prabandhas having been extant in Travancore. Written on
the basis of Purinic stories, these Prabandhas tend to propagate
religious faith among the people. A Hindu sub-caste named
Cakyar® used to present, with commendable histrionic skill, the
most interesting episodes of the famous epics and Puranas through
these Prabandhas. Even at the present time, when national art has
become almost extinct in India, the Cakyars, who make it their
hereditary profession, represent these Prabandhas in the Hindu
temples during the annual festivals, when people congregate in their
thousands. But, as the encouragement which they had been receiving
in the past has been steadily on the wane, they have become mere
figureheads, ignorant of Sanskrit and devoid of expository skill.

Besides being preachers of Prabandhas, the Cakyars were hereditary
actors of the Sanskrit dramas, which they used to exhibit in accordance
with the rules of dramatic art expounded by Bharata. Their acting
has been popularly named hiidiydttam. The dramas or parts of
dramas which were ordinarily acted by them were Naginanda,
Mantrinka (from the Pratijiid-yaugandhariyana), Séphalikintka
and Svapnanka (from the Svapna-vasavadatta), Dhanafijaya, Sam-
varana, Kalyina-siugandhika, Bhagavadajjuka, and Parna-éalanka,
Sirpanakhinka, and A4ékavanikanka in Cidimani-nataka. Neither
Prabandha-preaching nor kidiyattam were performed by the Cakyars
anywhere else than in the Temple Mandapa. The important part of
their acting consisted of gestures of hands and movements of the
body, which might appear crude and nonsensical to the eyes of the

1 The Dravidinns used to give the name Probandha to purely poetical works
also, e.g., the Dravidian Veda of the Sri Vaisnavas named Néldyira-prabandham,

? By name Liffaccakbayan in Tamil, The existence of these Cikyara in carly
times is evidenced in the third part (Vaijikkagdam) of the famous Tamil work

Cilappadigaram, which mentions these Kiittaccakkayas as acting the hotficcedam
episode in the Purapic story of Tripura-dahana

296 FEF. Vv. V. 3. SASTRI—

civilized artist accustomed to the fashionable movements of the
modern stages. It is noteworthy to state here, however, that I have
had to fillup a certain lost portion of this manuscript from the memory
of a Cakyar.

The statements made about the life of Narayana Bhatta, the author
of the present manuscript, by K. Visudévan Mittatu in the sixth
volume of Kérala-grantha-mala. and by V. Nagam Aiya in the Travan-
core State Manual* and also by T. Ganapati Sastri in the preface
to the 18th volume? of the Trivandrum Sanskrit Series, all agree
as to the time during which he flourished, but differ in many other
respects.

Narayana Bhatta was a native of South Malabar, at present
a British Indian District in South India, and a Nambiidiri Brahman,
and well versed in the different branches of Sanskrit Literature, such
as grammar, astrology, medicine, the Védas, etc. He was a versatile
author. Many works are ascribed to him in various departments
of knowledge, including Prakriyi-sarvasva (not printed), a treatise
on Sanskrit grammar praised even by Bhattdji Diksita, Mana-
méyidaya, on Mimamsa (published in the Trivandrum Sanskrit
Series), Silpi-ratna, on architecture, Dhatu-kiavya, another important
work on grammar, Narayaniya (published in the Trivandrum Sanskrit
Series), a devotional poem to Krsna, and several famous prabandhas
such as Rajasiya, Svaha-sudhikara (published in the Kavya-mala
series), Subhadra-harana, Nrga-moksa, etc. Narayana was an author
in Malayalam also. Kiittappadakam, Kodiya-viraham and Candri-
kitsavam are considered to be his works.

The date of his birth is determined by the words Ayur-dragya-
sdukhyam occurring at the end of his Nariyaniya, which are believed
to indicate the date on which the book was finished. Calculating
from this, that kali-dina falls on Sunday, the 23rd Vrécika of 763
Malabar era, i.e. apparently in a.p, 1590.

AJAMILAMOKSAPRABANDHA OF NARAYANABHATTA,

Narayanéti caturaksaram éva pumsam

kaivalyam fkalayatéti vidhiiya papan ‘

samkétitam nijasuté "py avasé yad uktva

lsbhé param gatim Ajamilabhimidévah) ||

' Edition of Mangajidayar Company, Trichfr, Cochin,
* Part Ul, Language and Literature,

* Niriyaniyam by Niriyana Bhatta,
‘ (Pipam '—L. D. B,]

(1)

AJAMILA-MOKSA-PRABANDHA OF NARAYANA BHATTA 297

Amanusatapobalé haripadimbujé bhaktiman
yamédiparidilanad iha nitantaSantintarah |
Ajamila iti érutas sakalavédaéistrirthavid
dvijatimakutimanis samudabhid abhitépamal || (2)
Védésu prathitan vidhaya vidhivad dharman grhasthasramt
nitva kaficana kalam aiicitasukham Suérigamané guriin |
Skasmin divas svatatavacasé karméditan’ adarad
Anétum sa gamitkudin vanam udidhitsiham adhaiukata || (3)
Gadyam, Tatra khalu vicitrataratarulatanikaranirantaré madhura-
madhukarajhamkaramukharitadigantaré vandbhyantaré svalpam
api nimittam uddigya kramarahitam analpat jalpata vinisrastam
vastram api nistrapam aganayata iracitabahutaraghOsam akaranam
éva hasati prasvaram udgayatantarantara priyahrdayavarjanaya
mantharataram ivalapaté lilayam adhikaldléna lolayamanamgena
k?npi halapibéna drdhataram dlimgamanam pari sithilakuntalabharam
madavighirnitalécanim |= madakalitaginabandhuram vivasikrta-
yuvajanahrdantaram préyajanasapitisamupajatasudhamadhuryam *
madhumadadyvigunikrtamadanavégasamudaicitagharmakanakuiicita-
romaficakaficukitasakalavayavam mudrinuragasamudramagnam
abhadraspadabhitam kim ani éidram samadraksit |
Sadacarisaktal satatam api dharmaikaniratah
prakrtya nirdégah pracurataradhairy6 ‘pi tarasa |
sa tam drstvaivirat smarasaraparipakavisamam
avasthim apédé kam iha bhuvi kamo na laghayét || (4)
Cittam tasyam prasaktam vadayitum akhilair ésa yatnair agaktal
smrtva tim é@va bhiiyah samajani viratali svasya dharmad
dvijanma |
pitryair anyayalabdhair api dhananivahais togayitva nivasam
cakré tasyah: sakidé viharanarasikal) santatam manmathindhal ||
(5)
Sidhvim bharyam svatatam pravayasam anupétavalambam
athambam
tyaktva tatpritihet6r anucitam api ciuridikam karma krtva |
labdhair arthair ajasram pranayavivadadhis tatkutumbam
pra plsnan
nirlajjO ‘sv anaisid bahusamayam aho stripiici matighni || (6)
t [Karmécitin 1—L. D. B.]

2 (This use of préya for “toddy™ (ci. Winslow's Tamil Dict.) is not
recorded in B.R.—L. D. EB.)

308 Pr. Vv. V. &. SASTRI—

Tasyam asann atha daéa suta bhiisurasyfsya daivad
antyas tésim agamad abhidhim hanta Narayanéti |
pirvidrstair iha kim u tadiyair Mukundasya yad va
nimnim @vam kathayitum idam duskrtér niskrtttvam || (7)

Sa tadanu dagamitvam pripya Narayanikhyé

ratim akuruta tasmin bilaké kélildlé |

aviratam api pasyann asya lilavisésam

ayam ahaha jaditmi mOhasindhum jagahé || (8)

Gadyam, Tata’ cAntyakalé sampripté 20 ‘pi dussahimarsdtibht-
canityantaraktodvrttimbarisasadrkséksan(ditvarisuéuksanisphulim-
gapisamgitapurobhagan atiparugitatamrérdhvaprasaritanisitatara-
sirdruhasakalitajimitajilin candatarabhujadandamanditamahatta-
madandédbhramananipunatinisthurittahisitopasphutamdréyamanar-
flavikatadamstrikaralin antarintari samudiryamanitmakrtaduskr-
tavratan asitavarnan atibhayamkarin antakakimkarin antiké
samalokya nirbharabhayiavesavivasibhitasayal pura kificid
Acyutasmrtivisanabalat kridalolupam balakam uddisya nijagalirpi-
tapisivakarsananiruddhasvasam vicchinniksaram § Narayanéty
abhanit |

Ittham vyarthikrt4yul) sa tu mrtisamayé nétum atmanam arad
ayatan vikgya lokatritayabhayakaran prétarajasya ditan |
pirvasya vasanaya balata iha krtiinékapapé ‘pi bhiiyah

siecdir Nariyanéti svasutam atibhayad ajuhavakulAtmaé || (9)

Gadyam. Tavad @va namakirtanam @vamvidhim avasthim
gatasya tasya mukhatal samupikarnya parikalpitapalaniyadhayd
mahitasugamabharanaramaniyavildkanal) karakalitagamkhacakragadi-
pamkéruha mahimérava iva samullasitacimikarad yutipitambaral
satkavyasandarbha iva mahitagunilamkaraparibhasura varayOsa jana
iva manoharamgariga ravikariughd iva ddsivasinadréyamina ma
bhaigir iti ma bhiisir iti jaladaghdsagabhiraya gira karunataramgi-
tair apdmgapatair api tam ativa harsayantal) paramapurusaparsadas
tvaritataram abhipéetul; ||

Tavad éva catural) purd bhuvi caturbhujin urukrpimrta-
syandimanjutaramandahasaéiéirikrtikhiladigantaran |
minakundalakiritahiravanamal yapitavasanéjjvalin
nilaniradavilébhaniyasusaman dadarga Hariparsadan || (10)

AJAMILA-MOKSA-PRABANDHA OF NARAYANA BHATTA 299

Vikarsatas tatas tams t@ sampasyijamilam galé |
vimuiicateti rurudhus tarasa Visnuparsadal || (11)

Atha ruddha Hariditair Yamabhrtyih kalitavismayas tarasi |
viralétarabahumanad évam avécan gabhiraya vaca || (12)

Ké va yiiyam na déval kim u punar upadévah kim anyé mahant6
vesikiraprakaral) kathayati bhavatam bhavyatam divyatam ca |
prindn étasya nanavidhaduritavaté yitanim nétukaman

asman kasmad idinim arudhata ca vibhér Dharmarajasya ditan ||

(13)
Vaivasvatasya bhrtyanim évam vacam nigamya té |
ittham iicur Harér dita mugdhasméramukhimbujah | (14)

Prechamah saidhu yusmin idam akhilavibhdr Dharmarajasya
diitan

kidrg dharmasvariipah kathayata visayah ko ‘pi dandasya loké |

sarve kin nv asya dandya jagati yad aparam kin nu dharmiaika-

nistham
yad va kim té nu samyag duritam ahar ahd yé vitanvanty
adharmam | (15)

Gadyam, Atha té yathiérutam pratyavadan ||

Amnayair vihité ‘yam atra bhuvané dharmé "nisiddhd *parail;

vedas té ‘pi jagattrayimayatanur dévas sa Narayana) |

tasmin dharmapathé carann avisayO dandasya punyaprabhd!

yo ‘nyasmin niratal puman sa tu budhair dandy6 ‘tra nirniyatam ||
(16)

Ayam ca pitarau tyaja svagrhinim ca sadhvim puna

ramasva kulatayut6 virama dharmatal: sviyatal) |

praposaya kutumbakam paradhanam musaninvaham *
vinindyam iti nikarot kim iha karma kamatural) || (17)

Punar am Haridita Yamyadiitan avocan

jananagatasahasrair duskrtdughé krté "pi |

yad tha sakrd anéna vyahrtam nama Visnor

viditam ahaha kin n6 niskrtis tatkrta val) || (18)

[* Should we read pusyaprabhor ?—L. D. B.]

(® This is an example of the use of the imperative in lieu of “M finite tense
triydsamabhihdr?, to denote a series of acts, to which Panini alludes, III, iv, 2—
L. DB] |

HM) AJAMILA-MOKSA-PRABANDHA OF NARAYANA BHATTA

Nrnam agham dahati nama Harér abuddhyapy

ikhyatam fimayam iviiusadham agnir édhal, |

amnayabhrtyam akhilam gamalam punati

seva Harés tu saha vasanaya lunati || : (19)

Ittham tadvacanam gabhiramadhuram dharmyam nidamy4kulis

t@ Vaivasvatakimkaris sarabhasam jagmul) svatatantikam |

ériNarayanaparsadégu ca gatésv AmbhOjanétramrta-

svintah s6’pi tapas carann iha puna cigat svariipam Haréh) || (20)
Iti Ajdmilamoksam samaptam ||

A PRAYER OF SANKARACHARYA
Contributed by 5. G. Kannere

“4 ANKARACHARYA, the great philosopher, the founder of Vedic _

Monism, the avowed and uncompromising opponent of Buddhism,
the commentator on Sutras of Badarayana, the Upanisads and the
Bhagavadgita, flourished at the end of the eighth century a.p. His
life has been written by his direct disciple Anandagiri, in Sanskrit
prose and also by Saéyanacharya, the great Sanskrit scholar, who also
held the proud position of minister to the state of Vijayanagar. This
latter work, which is composed in Sanskrit verse, is called Sankara-
digvijaya. In the present century biographies of Sankara have been
written both in English and in vernaculars by various Indian scholars.

Though Sankara died quite young—probably in his early thirties—
he was a most prolific writer, and has left behind him many notable
works in prose and verse. He advocated a form of monism based
upon the Upanisads. He systematized and commented upon all the
principal Upanigads. His most scholarly work is his commentary
on the Brahma-Sitras. Sankara was not a mere commentator—
Tikaikira—but a Bhisyakira, i.e. one who explains the text, draws
his conclusions and then adds his own remarks and his independent
judgment and views." The commentator, Tikakara, can only explain
the text, but is not free to criticize or add any remarks. Sankara
takes full advantage of his privilege as a Bhasyakira in the Bhisyas
on the Upanisads, on the Siitras of Badarayana and on the Gita.
His theory of Maya—illusion—is wonderfully well explained in these
three works, which are collectively called Prasthinatraya. Besides
this, he wrote a Bhasya on the Visnusahasranama (the 1,000 names of
Visnu). This is, in fact, a grammatical work, in which he explains
every name of the Lord by showing the derivation of it. He has
also a Bhasya on the Sanatsujatiya.

Besides his Bhisyas Sankara wrote hundreds of other works, in
the form of manuals and treatises on the Vedanta. His Vivekachi-
damani, Aparoksinubhiti, Vedantasara, ete.. may be quoted as
examples. Upadesasihasri in two parts is a beautiful independent
work on the Vedinta, the first part being in prose and the second
in Verse,

| gaTay quia aa Ue: qargaricha:
auatfa = qa are Hrafadt fag:

2 &. G. KANHERE—

He also wrote a number of short but charming hymns to the
Ganges, to the Jamna, to the Narmada, to different sacred places
he had visited, and to various gods and goddesses. Even these small
hymns are marked with vedantic significance. His style is very
simple and easy. It is his commentators on his works in Bhisya form
who have made him difficult to understand, We give below a hymn
of seven verses by Sankara. This hymn i8 in the form of a prayer

to Narayana. It is called Satpadi stotra.' Here is the original
and its translation.

Arvi Merre
afavqacag faq gaa aa: yaa faqaqagara
waza faatey ara phonies. .
feayitnacg afta afaziad
2 anaiez faz ae >

aafa HZTU4H ATS Wale 4 ATARI
atqgt fe acy: Ham aAsT 4 ATTH: 3
seqaaa aafaeqa equaaiias faanines
ze hi nvata 4 wafa fa wafarenc: ¥

) ATTA TAAL aATaaT Bel FqUTA
qatar afcarsit Waal HaaTUtAT cea 4
qiatet qaafet qerazaitfas i ba
yaaa yaataet Uta etauaa a F é
ATETaM Haas WH atari areal qrmt
Xia qeudt Agta azqatrs at aaq 9

TRANSLATION

1. Take away my want of humility, O Lord, enable me to control
my mind, lessen in me the intensity of my thirst for external objects.
Extend in me, O Lord, compassion for all beings. Save me from the
ocean of transmigration.

2. I salute the feet of the Lord, the feet which are the lotuses of
the heavenly Ganges, the exquisite aroma and delightful substance of
which is Existence, Knowledge and Bliss, and which take away all
the miseries of transmigration. |

3. Although all sense of distinction has vanished, still I am Thine,

O Lord, and not Thou mine; the wave always belongs to the ocean

and not the ocean to the wave.

' The six-word hymn. For an explanation of the title see verse 7

A PRAYER OF SANKARACHARYA 503

4. O Lord, who liftest up the mountain, who art the Brother of
Indra, the Enemy of demons, the sun and moon are Thy eyes ; will
not the round of birth and rebirth come to an end when I have
seen Thee.

5. I, who am afraid of the scorching heat of worldly existence,
am to be saved by the Lord, who has saved the earth im every age,
by becoming incarnate as a fish and in many other forms.

6. O Damodara, O treasure of virtues, © beautiful of face, O
Govinda, 0 Mandara, the churner of the ocean of worldly existence,
take away my fear.

7. Narayana, Compassionate (I) take refuge (at) Thy feet; may
these six words dwell always on the lotus of my lips.

The exactness of metre, the simplicity and charm of the language,
the alliteration, and the deep and profound meaning im this prayer
speak for themselves. The third verse expresses both knowledge
and realization of the Truth and also absolute surrender to the Lord.
Verses 4, 5, and 6 refer to some legends from the Puranas.

8. G. KANHERE.

VOL, IV. PART It. 20

WAMAN PANDIT—SCHOLAR AND MARATHI POET
(17th century)
By 8. G. KaNHERE
I

BI0GRAPHY

\ AMAN PANDIT was born in the second half of the seventeenth

century (the definite date is not obtainable) at the village of
Kumthe in the Satara district of the Bombay Presidency. According to
the latest research work of the Bharata Itihisa Samsodhak Mandali of
Poona, Wiman was a native of Bijipore. In his early days
he received some training in Sanskrit from his father, who was the
village-astrologer by profession, and who had considerable knowledge
of Sanskrit. When about 18 he went to Benares, the centre of Hindu
learning and also the most sacred place of the Hindus. He was
accompanied by his wife, an incident which shows that his parents
were dead at that time. He applied himself rigorously to the study
of Sanskrit for not less than twelve years, and having completed his
education, in all departments of knowledge, he returned to his native
place.

While on his way home he would argue with other Pandits on
deep philosophical problems, always proving his superiority.

Originally Waman belonged to the Dualistic sect of the Madhva
school, a very bigoted sect. He observed most meticulously all
the tenets and rigid rules of the Vaignavas, and to add to his sectarian
bigotry he became puffed up with pride over his learning.

One day while on a pilgrimage he put the rice for his meal over
a woodfire, and he sat in meditation on his Diety Visnu. According
to the Vaisnava sect every member of the sect must cook his own
food, even his wife is not allowed to touch it. While Waman Pandit
was deep in meditation, the rice boiled over into the fire and was
burnt, but the wife, who was looking on, could not touch it. She
laughed merrily at what was happening.

When he came out of meditation, Wiman Pandit was surprised
to see his wife laughing, and on asking her the reason, she gave him
the true one, that although she saw his food spoiling she was unable
to keep him out of the difficulty.

He became ashamed of his eccentricity, and also of his great
_ learning. His wife’s mirth had humbled him in his own eyes.

NG 5. G. KANHERE—

According to popular tradition he went to Tukiram and Ramdas.
the two great saints of Waman’s contemporaries. From Ramdas’
teaching, he learned the monistic or non-dualistic theory, and was so
convinced of its truth, that he became a devoted and enthusiastic
follower. Seeing Waman’s great poetical powers, and knowing him to
be a great Sanskrit scholar, Rimdis commanded his clever disciple
to turn his attention to composing Marathi poetry.

Waman has made it clear in Nigamasira and elsewhere that he
received instructions regarding the identity of the individual soul
with that of the Supreme Being direct from his cherished deity who
appeared in the form of a monk.

Having at his command all the great treasures of Sanskrit
literature such as all the different schools of philosophy, the Sinkhya,
the Yoga, the Nyfya (logic), grammar, rhetoric, etc., and being
stimulated by his honoured teacher Ramdas, Waman devoted all his
energies to carrying out his instructions.

Previous to turning to Marathi composition, Wiman had written
some poetry in Sanskrit which had attracted the attention of his
teacher, who was struck by the beauty and elegance of the thoughts
expressed.

Waman, putting aside his Sanskrit poetry, together with his pride,
now turned his whole attention to Marathi composition. In spite of
the strong prejudice of the Brahmans of the priestly caste, he had
determined to carry out the injunction of his guru, Ramdas. The
Brahmans did not want the common herd to know the deep and
profound ideas embodied in the Vedas and the Upanisads, They
considered that they should have the exclusive privilege of explaining
the doctrines and truths contained in Sanskrit literature only through
the medium of the Purans. Waman defied them and carried on his
work slowly but steadily. The object of his Marathi composition
was that the rich and inexhaustible treasures of knowledge embodied
in Sanskrit literature should be given broadcast to the general public,
and thus directing their thoughts to the spiritual ideals contained
in them, to awaken a keen devotion to the Lord, the Self of all. This
is the reason why we do not find his Marathi poetry mixed with
Sanskrit words,

He has brought out the most profound ideas of the Vedanta
philosophy in the simplest of Marathi verses. And herein lies his
greatness. He was not merely a translator, but an original thinker,
and has poured forth independent ideas into his compositions. His

P M.,

WAMAN PANDIT—SCHOLAR AND MARATHI POET JOT

similies, his metaphors, his rhymes, his propositions and arguments
are most fascinating and attractive and his versification 1s faultless
and charming. Sometimes it is hard to follow his reasoning and point
of argument, but that is not the fault of the poet ; it is due to the depth
of thought and also to the dullness of the reader. |

There are some sporadic instances of Waman’s having used what
is called the “ poet's licence” in his choice of words, but such cases
are very few indeed; as a Marathi poet his poetry is elegant, full of
sublime ideas and most instructive.

The most famous of all his works is the Marathi Commentary—
Yathartha-dipiki—on the Bhagawadgita. This is written in the
simplest om metre. He has attacked bitterly Jnaneswar on some
scholarly points, and in some places has criticized even Sankara,
In this commentary he betrays his own dualistic views. Yathartha-
dipika enjoys the greatest popularity. It amounts to about

“The next of his works in importance is “ Nigamasara”, a thesis
on philosophy, a most useful one to a practical student. The subject
is taken from the “ Taittiriya-Upanisad ”. It 1s also in om metre.

He has translated (but not written a commentary on) the Bhagawad-
gita, the three éatakas of Bhartrihari, the Gangilahan of the famous
Pandit Jagannath, Aparoksinubhiti of Sankarachirya, and
Chatuhéloki Bhagavata. These translations are composed exactly
in the same metre as the original. Here we see the poet's great powers,
his economy of words, the exactness of meaning, how he conforms
to the rules of the metres, and the ease with which he trans-
lates them.

The themes of his other works were the legends selected from the
Bhigavata, Ramayana, and Mahabharata. Some dialogues are
picked up from the Upanishads as well.

The best example of Waman’s poetry in gana-metre is Brahmastuti,
the Dwaraka Vijaya, the Kaliyamardana, etc., and the most independent.
subject, cast in picturesque metres, is the “ Karmatatva”’.

His style is pure and simple, his thoughts and ideas profound.
His Karmatatva, Namasudha, Gitarnavasudha, and some of the
miscellaneous works are fully worthy of him.

Waman's ovi metre has no charm in it, it reads just like prose,
divided into four half stanzas. Excluding Yathirtha-dipika he
has composed about 25,000 verses. |

There is a popular saying put into the Arya metre which says,

oO 5. 0. KANHERE—

“ Waman is the master of Sloka metre, Moropant of Arya metre,
Jnanesvar of ovi and Tukarim of Abhanga metre.”

Waman Pandit can claim a high place among the sages of his age.
But it was not assigned to him probably because he entered too much
into controversy with many a savant, and had not that modesty
and humility which should be natural to a learned scholar,

The death of Waman Pandit took place somewhere about the
year 1695. A shrine was erected to him at Bhigao, on the
banks of the River Krisna, in the Satara district. His followers
still pay homage to the metal representations of his feet.

IT
WaAman's Patosoray

Waman Pandit occupies the most prominent place among the
Marathi poets. Jninedvar, the poet of the thirteenth century,
has written the most brilliant commentary—the Bhavartha-dipika—
on the Bhagawadgité. As poetry it is excellent, but it is read only
by the devout. The works of Tukirim are clearly inspired ; and for
the same reason they excite emotion in the devout mind, while
Waman’s poetry appeals to the devout as much as it appeals to the
intellectual. His sound reasoning, profound logic, correct judgment,
and deep devotion to the Lord has provided a most beneficial nourish-
ment to readers of all classes. Commenting on the Bhagawadgita,
he has composed several ovis in explaining a single verse. For
example, the 12th chapter of the Gita, which contains only twenty
élokas, was commented upon in 1841 ovis, Besides the Yathartha-
dipika he has composed poems on subjects which can be put under
nearly as many as 150 headings. He advocated the cult of
Jndnottarabhakti (devotion preceded by the knowledge of the truth).
Jnanesvar, Tukiram, Eknath, and many others have the same point
of view. This cult is based upon the famous Bhigawat Purana.
Sankara ignores it, or at least treats it as of secondary importance.

Waman compares Bhakti (devotion) with the seed and the fruit,
and jnina (knowledge) with the tree. Bhakti, he argues, the seed,
when sown, grows into the tree (J nana) upon which the fruit is Bhakti.
Without knowledge the realization of the Highest is not the true
form of devotion as it is not disinterested. While /ndina, devoid
of true love, does not fructify.. When a man has acquired knowledge
of the truth he sees the truth in every being, and he sees the Lord
in every being. This is the fulflment of knowledge. Bhakti, previous

WAMAN PANDIT—SCHOLAR AND MARATHI POET SO

to knowledge, is a means to knowledge, and Bhakti following the
Jnana, is the natural result or the fulfilment of it. This is the point
which he urges with great stress in the whole of his commentary on
the Bhagawadgita, and in many other independent compositions.
To support this view he had to fight hard against Sankara and
many other commentators among Sankara’s followers. Sankara’s
view is that Jndna is the last stage after the acquirement of which
man has nothing whatever todo. He has finished all that he had to do.
Sanyfis (Renunciation) is the path advocated by Sankara. That
all activities, with the mind devoted to the Lord, form the true path
to final liberation is the Bhakti recommended by Ramanuja, Madhva,
etc., and by practically all the Marathi poets.

Ul
Waman's MEerTre

The peculiarity of Waman consists in the fact that he composed
most of his poetry in sloka metre. With the exception of a few
poets of littl importance, Waman was the first to introduce
gana metres in Marathi poetry. Not that he did not compose
ovi or dryd, but the éloka metre was at his fingers’ ends.
He was quite at home when composing dlokas. His rhymes are
most charming.

The only Sanskrit compositions of Waman! in existence are the
Siddhanta-vijaya and Anubhiiti-lesa; the former consists of 56,
and the latter of 325 verses. Both are cast in éloka metre. They
reveal his skill as a great Sanskrit scholar and show him to be the
master of a complete Sanskrit vocabulary.

Jnanesvara, the earliest poet whose writings have come down
to us, wrote all his poetry in the ovi metre. He belongs to the
thirteenth century. Some padas (lyric) are attributed to Jnanesvara.

Muktesvara has written the Mahabharata in the ovi metre.
His poetry 1s most brilliant and replete with poetical ideas.

Namdeo (fourteenth century) and Tukaram (seventeenth century).
Both these poets wrote their poetry in the Abhanga metre.

Moropanta (eighteenth century) 1s a great poet. None has excelled
Moropanta in composing drayé. Without losing the essence and the
thread of the original he has composed the whole Mahabharata in the
Arya metre. It is said that he has composed Rimiyana in the

1 A manuscript of Sritikalpalaté, a Sanskit composition of Wiman, was
recently found, but it is not yet published.

Arya metre in 108 variations. He has composed some élokas,
but they are not so graceful as Waman’s.

We give here some of the principal metres which are used very
frequently in Sanskrit poetry by many an author and in Marathi
by Waman and some others.

Anustup.—This is the commonest metre. This is employed
in the great Epic and many of the Purdas. Waman has employed
it in translating the Gita into Marathi. This version he calls
Samaésloki, There are many varieties of this metre, but
commonly it has eight syllables in a foot, the fifth being short.

Name of the Scheme of gana
Metre. Syllables. . (syllabic, foot).
Manavaka 8 (44) ee ee,
Vidyunmala 8 (44) —— ~~, — — —, — —,
Indravajra 11 (5-6) ey
Rethoddhats «= - 11 (3-8ord-7) — ~_,_ -- -,__
Salini 11 (4-7) = eee eee

Te —

Drutavilambita 12 (4-8ord4—t) ~ — at fn ae Ne ee

t i

ae. ——

Praharsini 13 (3-10) —_— ses er ee eh
Vasantatilaka ‘14 (8-6) ee eee

— ; .

Prithvi 17 (8-9) Berrie Ae Sat

WAMAN PANDIT—SCHOLAR AND MARATHI POET oll
Name of the Scheme of gana
Metre. Syllables. (syllaine, foot).
Mandakranta 17 (4-6-7) —— =r — Se
Sikharini 17 (6-11) —~——,- OTS
Harini 17 (6-4-7) — a?!
ae ay ee ee i
Shardilavikridita 19 (12-7) —-— SS Se SS
Sragdhara 21 (7-7-7) —<—S, Oe OO

IV
Tyrica, Exampies or Waman’s PorticaL SryLe

The prominent feature of Waman’s poetry lies in his Madhurya
(sonorousness) and prasida (perspicuity). There is no da (over-
elaboration of style) to be found in it, To discriminate between
these two qualities (Madhurya and prasida) is a difficult task, as the
former is the result of the latter. He is unsurpassed in depicting
natural scenes of any description. The figure of svabhdwokti (vivid
presentation) is the dominant character of his poetical works. The
whole work is bristling with this marvellous feature of rhetoric so that
it requires no special example to illustrate it. Waman was a great
scholar and must have been very fond of using a great many Sanskrit
words and expressions even in his ordinary conversation. But we
do not find this tendency affecting his poetry in the very least. He
has most scrupulously avoided the employment of unusual Sanskrit
words and long compounds of four, five, or six words linked together,
which Moropanta was very fond of. His style is simple, straightforward,
and lucid. The very selection of the legends for his composition
proves this fact. And in seme cases, the natural description of the
scenes (see Hari-lila, Venusudha, Dwaraki-vijaya) is most attractive
and graceful. It does not appear that the poet set to work, prompted
by the idea that he must write his verses in strict’ accord with the
rules of rhetoric and poetry. Of course, he did observe metrical rules
strictly, and did not indulge in the use of any ungrammatical
expressions. But he did not attempt to decorate his work with the

313 5. G. KANHERE—

charm of rhetoric. The principal object in view was nothing else
than showing the path of devotion to the unenlightened masses,
Being a fervid devotee of Krisna he has poured forth the praise of
Krisna, the identity or oneness of Saquna-nirguna (qualified and
qualityless). And in many places Bhakti and Santarasa (devotion
and holy calm) are the ringing notes. Some examples may be quoted
from his poetry :—
(Sardilavikridita- Metre)
a4 zea aelh fagit arcraiy waa,
seal sam ala waa, vaTfad aaa,
@ wat acit warfar act qatear Arca y
(Miscellaneous.)
(Let a devotee dedicate all his activities to the Lord. Let him
detest misdeeds, let him enjoy singing the praise of the Lord. Let
him be in the company of sages. let him always be conscious, let him
enjoy solitude, let him kill sinister feeling, and thus cross the ocean
of transmigration.)
(Sikharini Metre)
WATS SATA By we at yar fez,
SRT HATH Gam aft at stroa waz |
34 Gre weit fasta aa Fate aca.
wat qraraer festa acaerafe aay 5
(Miscellaneous.)
(A fault assumes the character of virtue when one is in company
with a righteous man, and a virtue is disguised as a fault when one is
in company of a rogue. As salt water becomes fresh when drawn
up by the clouds, and milk sucked by a snake ig thrown out by it
45 poison.)

Alliteration. (Drutavilambita Metre)

watt a afta afmagc |
(Sitd-svayamvara. )
(Seeta portrays the gait of an elephant to the earth, the mother
earth is happy (to see this),

WAMAN PANDIT—SCHOLAR AND MARATHI POET 313

The earth knows that the bride is her own daughter, Sita weds
Manikandhara (Rama with a necklace).
(Drutavilambita Metre)
qa wt qarafe aawt |
atfa Zima wm aft aract,
4 aga aff ara WH ST |
(Nrihari darpana.)

(He who has discarded all the desires of the heart is the happiest
man ; if thou grantest a boon (O Lord) give me the one that I shall
desire nothing.)

(Sikharini Metre)
44 rat atet a fra waar atofa ect,
eat Mt arora saafa worfaerest |
Bul at2 ataeratea fagatl gaya,
waTat @ Vat wis Ham at Wa AHA |
(Gajendra-mokesa.)

(I do not know Brahma, nor Shiva, nor the lord of Laxmi, who cools
all the heat (of passion) by lifting up the waves of His grace. He,
whom the all-destructive time is afraid of, and who is a terror to
Death itself. Be Thou graceful who art the Lord of the universe.)

TRANSLATIONS
(Anustup Metre)
Original Sanskrit.
aa AC Faa aaAAaT MATAAA |
aTaeum ara fe aeeTUS arama |
(Aparoksanubhiita.)
Marathi translation in the same metre.
ACATST BATAAN GTA MATA Be
UTaSy Bt ate aeetet BraaT aT |
(It is only water that manifests itself in the formofawave. So is
copper in the form of a pot. It is the Atman (soul) that is manifesting
itself in the whole universe.)
Original Sanskrit.
aecargetet facral wa 4 Ha |
aaa gfedimar, gat azurqatsse |
(Aparoksanubhit.)

314 WAMAN PANDIT—SCHOLAR AND MARATHI POET

Marathi translation in the same metre.
ger cia et gfe qt, fagy ar ae
aafe efe qrerdt, ara arara area |
(The distinction “ seer, seen, and sight’ disappears; only chit
(knowledge) is persistent. In that state sight (propelled by the
mind) should be fixed, there is no use in fixing it on the tip of the
nose.)
(Upendravajra Metre)
qu Hare, ates qaret, daitg ® fa aersaarat |
wate france ate att, facta Sada ge art i
(Bhartrihari.)
(The deer lives on grass, the fish on water, and the sage on content-
ment. However, the hunter, the fisherman, and the wicked man
are the enemies to these harmless beings.)
(Anustup Metre)
Original.
aaatT Saas Maya: ara:

(Bhagwadgita.)
Marathi translation.
aT Vat Hadariia & Brot w Ware |
S UTTST 4 Matt ATH oTa ura A
(That is my heavenly abode which is not illuminated by the sun,
moon, nor by fire, (and) by the attainment of which (there is) no
succession of birth and death.)

STRESS-ACCENT IN INDO-ARYAN
By Banarst Das Jat

{ the phonological development of a language the shortening

and loss of vowels are usually ascribed to the absence of stress-
accent on the syllables containing those vowels. When in their
study of Prakrit Phonology Drs. Pischel * and Jacobi * found numerous
instances of the loss and shortening of vowels, they explained them
in the light of stress-accent. The one supposed that the musical
accent of Vedic also acted hike stress, while the other assumed that
after the pitch-accent had died out, a stress-accent developed in
Sanskrit and Prakrit which was placed on the penultimate or ante-
penultimate syllable as in Latin.’ Now about the nature, history,
and even the very existence of stress-accent in PI or its subsequent
stages nothing certain is known, The Pratifakhyas and Siksas are
silent on this point. The reason of their silence may be that perhaps
the stress-accent originally fell on the same syllable as the pitch-
accent and was not strong enough to draw attention. The following
remarks of Dr. P. Giles and Professor D. Jones lend great support
to the probability of this surmise :—

“ Languages are divided into those with stress-accent and those
with pitch-accent, according as the stress- or the pitch-accent is the
more prominent. Every language, however, possesses to some extent
both forms of accent.” 5

“The subject of stress is very closely connected with that of
intonation. It is certain that much of the effect commonly ascribed
to stress is really a matter of intonation.” ®

Professor Bloch has questioned the existence of stress in ancient
and modern Indian.? But it will be seen that his views about stress
in the Indian languages largely coincide with those expressed in this
paper, if stress-accent is regarded as syllabic prominence which consists

' P. Giles, Manual of Comparative Philology, 1901, § 93. -T. G, Tucker
Introduction to the Natural History of Language, London, 1908, pp. 340-6.

* Grammatik der Prokriteprachen, passim,

2 ZOMG,, vol. xlvii, pp. 574 ff.

* For stress-accent in Latin and ita effects on the subsequent development of
the Innguage see W, M. Lindsay, Latin Language, Oxford, 1804, chap. iii, pp. 148-218,

* P, Giles, op. cit,, § 91,

* M. V. Trofimov and D. Jones, Pronunciation of Ruasian, 1923, § 763.

* La langue marothe, § 32 ff.

ol BANARSI DAS JAIX—

of three distinct forces—length, breath-force (or stress proper) and
pitch. In some languages one of these forces may be more conspicuous
than the others, e.g. in Enghsh breath-force is more marked. In others
length may be more conspicuous as in several of the Indian languages.
In others again pitch may be more marked as in Chinese."

The different views regarding stress-accent in Sanskrit and Prakrit
held by Drs. Pischel, Jacobi and Bloch have been discussed at length
by Professor R. L. Turner? He shows that the examples which the
German scholars have explained in the light of stress-accent can
better be explained in a different way, and may not at all be due to
stress. His inquiry, however, has brought to light another very
interesting fact, namely, that the Indo-Aryan languages can be
divided into two groups of which one (consisting of Hindi, Panjabi,
Gujarati and Rajasthani, and possibly Bengali and Singhalese) descend
from a Prakrit or Prakrits in which a penultimate stress had developed,
and the other group represented by Marathi comes from a Prakrit
in which the stress had taken the place of the Vedic pitch-accent.

Without postulating further on this point, it is certain that there
was in Sanskrit and Prakrit something with functions similar to those
of stress-accent, and that this had much to do with the phonology
of the Indo-Aryan languages. We may call this something the
“syllabic prominence” of a word as defined above. But for convenience
sake, and because the term “ stress” is so generally used, the word
stress-accent has been used here but without implying that it consists
of breath-force only.

As to the place of stress-accent in the word, languages differ from
one another. Even the same language may differ at its various stages.
Speaking generally the position of stress in a word at a particular
time depends on the syllabic scheme of the word. From time to
time there arise tendencies in languages to favour certain schemes
and to avoid others, which, if desired, can be expressed in terms of
quantitative changes depending on stress. The following illustration
will make the meaning of this statement clear. The ancestor Prakrit
of Hindi, Panjabi, Gujarati and Rajasthani had no objection to a
syllabic rhythm — X x as is shown by words like Aalidda, VARIAN,
etc., In which, however, the position of the stress is not definitely

ing 8 + uf Eek
Cf. All the Indo-Germanic languages have partly pitch (musical) and partly
ire (expiratory) eee but one or other of the two systems of acoentuation always
predominates in each language,” Joseph Wright, Comparati of L
Great Language, 1012, p. 1d, ‘ sib tc Braye Ss
7 JRAS., 1016, pp. 206-51,

STRESS-ACCENT IN INDO-ARYAN ole

known : see below. But there came a time prior to the compensatory
lengthening of short vowels in front of consonant-groups in Hindi,
Gujarati, and Rajasthani when all words of this rhythm were changed
to — — (—) with stress on the first syllable. Thus we have H. halad,
P. hahlad, G. halad; H.P. banaj, G. vanaj, etc. But soon this dislike
for — x x disappeared, and the modern languages freely allowed
words of — x x rhythm, e.g. P. ts. basdnd (vasanta), namitt (nimitta),
baliinth (vaikuntha), maldig (Pers. id.), kKamdnd (Pers. id.) ; satdmbar
(Eng. September), dasambar (ing, December), etc.

As already stated Professor Jacobi assumed that the stress-accent
occupied the penultimate position in Sanskrit and Prakrit. That
there was a penultimate accent in Prakrit prior to the initial accentua-
tion may be inferred from such foreign words as Jaina Skt. Akabbara-
(Pers. Akbar), suratrina- (Pers. sultan), turuska (Pers. turk), ete.

Another point which supports this view is the early loss of the
initial a-, w- in the Panjabi words bace (Skt. dpatya-), batnd but H.
uibtan (Skt. udvartana-), In Prakrit itself we find that the a-, especially
of the prepositions apa-, ava-, is often dropped when followed by a
naturally or positionally long ‘eyllable (Pischel, §§ 141-2), e.g. AMg.
lai beside alau (aldbu-), AMg. gara- beside agdra- (agdra-), AMg.
ranna- (dranya-), AM. rittha- (drista-\, etc,

A third point favouring the above view is the appearance of the
older scheme % X X as \ — (—) in H. P. G. after the accent-shift,
and not as * x — (—)in P. or * -- — (—) in H.G.as one would expect
if the syllable had been heavy at the time of accent-shift. Thus H. G
pilag, P. pahlag (paryanka-), H. binfi, G. winti (vijiaptika), H. ghamas
(gharmdmsu-); H.P, samajh, G. samaj (sambuddhi-), -dh > -jh on
account of samajhnd. In the present participles like H. gaj’sa,
P. gajj"da (Pkt. gajjamta-), ete., the analogy of other forms like
qajé, gaynd, gaye, qayy"na, etc., may have worked.

Sir George Grierson accepted Professor Jacobi's theory of penultimate
accent and applied it throughout his essay “On the Phonology of the
Indo-Aryan vernaculars”.1 He was, however, confronted with
serious exceptions, e.g. words of the type vanijya- (Pkt. vanijjari
— * x), feraged- (Pkt. *hracchao — x — —).?

' OMe, vol, xlix, pp. 393 ff,, vol.1, pp. 1 ff.

* These words do not actually occur in his essay, but there are others of this kind,
CH. haridrita, §§ 15, 17; iufumbam, § 23; araghatfa-, § 35; rijiaptiba, § 35;
udvarfanam, § S34; panyosta-, § B4, eto,

To explain these exceptions Sir George framed minor rules by
which a secondary accent often swallowed up the main stress, and
itself became such (Phon., §§ 11, 12, 13),

A detailed examination of these and other schemes shows that
some time prior to the compensatory lengthening of short vowels
in front of consonant-groups, an important change in the position of
stress-accent took place by which all words received stress on the initial
syllable except those containing long vowels in non-final syllables.
In their case the accent was thrown on the syllable having a long
vowel that was nearest to the final syllable.

Monosyllables may be left out of consideration, firstly because
very few of them have survived, and secondly because the accent has
kept the same place in them, there being no room for shift

Dissyllables, too, require little consideration because in their case
what is the first syllable is also the penultimate. In the case of
Modern Indian words ending in consonants, it will be more convenient
to regard the final consonant as forming an independent syllable
with the addition of a neutral vowel, as it frequently does in prosody
or even in slow speech.

— ~— wads! > P. 7é
keiti > P. kai, H. id,
kara > P. kdr, H. G. id.
— — kala > fF, kal, H. id... Gy, heal,
x — laya > P. ldjj, H. G. lj.
x ~—bandha .> P. binnh, H. G. hadh
— — vfla- > EP., H. bal, WP vail, G. val.

1 In Sanskrit words the accent-mark

denotes the Vedio accent, s
achemea refer to the Prakrit forms, accent, The syllable

STRESS-ACCENT IN INDO-ARYAN 319

Among trisyllables the schemes X% — X, and among tetrasyllables

the schemes % — — X and those involving a naturally long syllable
after a syllable heavy by position only do not call for any discussion,

as here also the accent fell on the same syllable both before and after

the accent-shilt.

— — — karali > FP. karé, H. G. td.
—~— x karana- > EP. Aéran.
— — — ghata- > P. ghar, H. id., G. ghada.

x — — kunda- > EP kinda, H. kida, WP. kiinnda.,
ghanta- > P. ghindi, H. G. ghiti.

— — — hila- > EP. kala, H. id. WP. kala, G. kali.

— — — palaid- > P. paldh, H. pals.

~ ——karpisa- > P. kapah, H. G. hapds.

— — — dsddha- > P. Adrh, H. asdrh, G. asddh.
gopald- > EP. H. qudl, WP. G. qual.

— — — — prasarati > H. pdsaré, G. id.

— * — — *parisvéda- > P, parsed, parsé; G. parsér[d].

— —~— — purdnd- > EP. H. puradna, WP. purdina, G.

purdnii.

x — ——carmakira- > P. comer, H. camdr, G. id.

cakravaka- > P. H. G. edkva, The expected form
through Ap. *cakkavdii, would be
*caked, but that being the regular
accentuation of causal verbs and
because an overwhelming majority
of words end in tnaccented long
vowels in P. H. G., the accent has
been shifted from the final to the
initial syllable.

x —~— — prakhyana- > EP, pakhdna.

— — — —Ildhakara- > P.H.G. luAdr.

siceinit > EP. seal, WP. = G. hale.
paletlage > G. pak.

The schemes which form an exception to the penultimate theory
but are explained by accent-shift are those where a syllable heavy
by position only falls in a non-initial position without being followed
by a naturally long syllable. The final syllable, of course, is not taken
into account, Such are the schemes % =x X% among trisyllables,
and X x ~ K, X — x K or R X X K among tetrasyllables.

VOL, IV. PART I. 21

o20

aniccha
dranya-
alakta-

alagna-

(Dé4.) hadarchii
karanka-
hutumba-
kulattha-
kgurapra-

(Dés.) Khadakia
larakga-
tirased-
dharitri
parasval

BANARSI DAS JAIN—

—x*x
—X~— x
> G. dnach.
> H. drna,
> EP., H. alta, G. alta.
> G. dlakh.
> H. dlag, G. dlagi. EP. alégg may have
been formed from lagq.
> P. H. G. kéirchi.
> P. kirdg (Dictionary).
=> EP. H. kérni, but G. karddi, kardndé,
> P. kiyam, H. kipma, kiimba. 8. urmu,
> P. H. kidehi.
> P.H. khirpa, G. kharpa.
> H. khirki, G. khdrkhi,
> WP. tdrakh, G. téras.
> P. H. tirchd, G. tirehi.
> P. dhdrat, H. G. dhdrti.
> P. H. pdrsé,

*parisyd (cf. avasyda) > G. paras “ dew".

* prathilla-

pralambaté

maniusyd-
(Pkt.) maharita-
banijya-
varaira
wirthta-
wiricyale

> P. H. pachia, G. pehlii,

> WP. pélamna,

> EP. béuht, H. WP. ddd.

> WP. miinas.

> G. méhts, H. maihei.

> EP. H. binaj, WP. G. win),
> H. brat, G. vdrat, 8. varta,
> 8. virid “ tired ’’,

> 8. vireanu “ to be tired "’.

vilagna- (Pkt. *vilamga-) > EP. H. bilda,

villamba-
vilambaté
tisamyaté
Surin
sulagna-
haridra

araghatta-

balivérda-

> H. bilam, WP. vilam.

> WP. vilamna,

> H. bisamad.

> P.H. G. stirdg.

> P.H. stilagna, G. sdlaqvil,

> EP hdhldi, H. hildi, G. hélad.

—~— ¥ —

> H. drhat; H. rdikt comes from Pkt,
> EP. bdhld.

BTRESS-ACCENT IN INDO-ARYAN ool

x x—
x xX——
wdvartana- > EP hdtnd, H. tbtan, WP viitna,
durbhiksa- > H. dtbhak,
paryanka- > P. pahldg, H. G. paldg.
paryasta- (Pkt. pallatia-) > P. H. G. palat-.
vipiaptika > H. binét, G. vinéi.
sambudhyati = P, H. sdmajhna, G. simayjvii.
§alyaka- (Pkt. *sallavika-) > P. sahldg.
LS
—_— i.
kautumba- > P. kormd, H. bipma,
dauhitra- > EP. H. déhta, WP. déhtra.
narangiva > EP nér(-d-)gi, H. naradigi may be due to
Persian ndranj.
manikya- > EP. H. minak, WP. ménak, G. mainak.

Besides the above words there 1s.a number of grammatical formations
which could not be explained satisfactorily without the application
of the theory of accent-shift. They are :-—

(i) Present Participles.

karant-, Pkt. karaiita- > P. kirda, Poth. hirnd, H. karia,
G, karte.
(u) Present Indicative, Srd plural.
karanti > P. karan. H. hiré, O. H. karahi cannot come
from karanti.
(mi) The s- future of G. Raj. and Lah.
karisyami, Pkt. karissimi > Lah. kdrad, Raj. kérsyi cf. pl.
karsyd (cf. cakravaka- > caked).
= Pkt. karissari > G. karié (pronounced [’karif],
chalectically Aras),
(iv) The -5- infinitive of EH., and the vii- infinitive of G. kartavyam,
Pkt. kariavearn > EH. kirab, G. kirvii.

There are a few exceptions, several of which are common to
Panjabi, Hindi, and Gujarati. They are probably late borrowings
introduced after the tendency for accent-shift had died out, and the
penultimate accent had come into existence once more,

— A

— x — &
karanda- > G. kardndé, karidé, beside H, P. kdrni.
pranayer- > H. panati.

o22 BANARSI DAS JAIN—

(Deés.) varanida- > P. bardada, H. bardnda.
*eorikkha- > P. sarikkhd, H. sarikha beside G. sdrkhii.

$f £40 5

nissanka- > P. nasdiig, H. nisdnk.

prasvid yate > P. pasigé, H. pastyé, G. ad.
prasvinna- > P. pasinnd, H. pasind, G. pasind.

angustha- > P. gittha, H. dgiitha, G. aiguthd (7).
aqnastha- > P. gittht, H. G. dgithi.

maripistha > P. G. H. majith,

*pracchantati > P. pachindé; H. G. pachdré with loss of

nasality. cf. H. G. ehit-.
Ekastha- > P. kitthd, H. ikdtthd beside ikthd.,
(Pkt.) ekkalla- > P. kalla, H. akéla beside ikla.
nigkarmea- P. nakdmmd, H. nikima, G. nakimii,
nis putra- > P. naputta, H. nipiitd. The last two
words may have been influenced by
kamm, kim, and putt, pit.

Some of the numerals, also, show irregularity of accentuation.
But this is not to be wondered at when we find so much irregularity
in their phonetic development. Such are

P. wnatti (29), H. undtiis, unfis or untis.

P. undnga (49), H. uneds, ineas.

P. akvangd (51), bawinja (52), tavdnja (53), curdnja (54), pacednja
(55), chapangd (56), satvdnja (57), athednja (58), kahdttar (71),
bahdttar (72), ete.

Recently the languages have lost the tendency of accent-shift
and have again developed penultimate accent, thereby giving rise
to schemes hke — x =, ete. Such words are chiefly (i) tatsamas,
(ii) loans from Persian and English, or (iti) words of unknown origin.

Examples

Panjabi. | Hindi. Gujarati.

|
j
1

(i) parsiddh, partikkh, _prasiddh nimitt, prasiddh | nimutl,

nermidt, hasectn, | marheind, nicdnt, | mahdant (tadbhawa
mahidnd, nacint, Seuctuctiar kalank, | mehta), nicing,
bakinth, pakhdind, | pranig, praptiic, samudra, kaldiik,
adambar, ete. “ete

STRESS-ACCENT IN INDO-ARYAN g20

Panjabi. ‘Hindi. Gujarati.

(i) pasind, kamdnd, pasind, kaménd, | pasind, —_pegdmbar ;
malanig, pagdmbar, maldig, paigdmbar, | Disémbar, ete.

tamaned ; Aqist, tamanea ; Agast,
Satémbar, Dasdmbar, Sitémbar, Disdmbar,
ele. etc.

(iii) ghasinn, ghamand, i
bharind, rabidd,

Consideration of stress necessitates a modification in the rule of
preservation of PI long vowels before consonant-groups in Panjabi.
It will be seen that WP follows the rule throughout, while EP shortens
them when they oceur in a non-final position. Thus :—

padanta- > H.Pkt. payarita- > H. pdét, pdydfi, EP-
paid.
> WP Pkt. *paydiita- > WP pudd.
ndénanda > HPkt. nanarida > H. ndnad, EP ndnad,

WP Pkt. *nanarnida WP nandn. .
lahabhanda- > HPkt. léhahavida- > H. Whada, EP. léhda,

G. Lodhi.
> WP Pkt. *léhah@inda- => WP luhanda.
mahdrgha- > HPkt. mahaggha- > P. H. mathga, G. méoghi

on the analogy of séghil.

> WP Pkt. *mahdggha- > Lah. mdingha may have

come from *mahdarigha-.

The following words are found under one form only, and when they

are used in a language where one would expect the other form, they
must be held as loans in it.

kausdmbt > H. hisam, saurastra- > G. sérath,
mahdrasira- > Pkt. marahatfha-

(Pisch, 354) >

H. nuirhatad (but

Fallon records

mardhtd, marhaifi).
gharmaiisu- > HH. ghdmas, nirikgsa > H.P.G. nirakh.
parikga > H. P. G. péirakh, aratrika > H. P. G. drii.
purvindia- > P. Puddh, pageirdha- > P. Pasddh,
annddya- > H.P.G. andj, saubhagya- > H. P. G. suhig.

mandaksa- > P. manakkhd.

ie, es *- Fs.

oe &

a <4

THE DEVELOPMENT OF ENGLISH 1t, d, IN NORTH
INDIAN LANGUAGES
By T. Graname Battey
Ves is often said that Portuguese dental ¢, d, remain dental in India
and that English alveolar ¢, ¢, become cerebral. It would follow
that words like kaplan and botal and haspata!, usually stated to be
from English, must be Portuguese. The question cannot be disposed
of so simply; there seem to have been cross influences at work, and
sometimes there are different forms of the same word. See 5. R.
Dalgado’s works passim for valuable suggestions.

The following lines have in view the area over which Urdii,
Panjabi, and Hindi (= UPH.) are spoken, though the facts
adduced have a wider application. As this is a matter of pronunciation
it is necessary to confine oneself to spoken words and ignore book
words except where others are not available. Printed forms are often
deliberately altered on @ priori grounds.

We may say without hesitation that a very large majority of
English (s and d's do become cerebral when introduced into Indian
words. The question is whether any become dental; if so, why ?
It should be remembered that mere haphazard explanations are of
little value. Explanations must follow some definite principle.
Thus the facile guess that the ending of P. dagdar, doctor, is taken by
analogy from the common Persian ending -dar is valueless unless
we show why “ inspector”, “ director’, “ master”, give us inspittar
daréktar, masiar, and why “ canister” yields kanastar,

1. Words which probably have a Portuguese origin, though
generally said to be English.

Portuguese. English.
baptismea baptismo baptism
butam (book form) botilo button
(With this contrast the commoner batan, Eng. button.)
P. ‘aspatal, | hospital hospital
kaptan capitio captain
kairtiis eartucho cartridge
mastaul mastro, masto mast

pistaul pistola pistol

bs el T. GRAHAME BHAILEY—

Portuguese. English.
salad salada salad
sikattar secretario secretary
tamaka tabaco tabacco
taulia toalha towel

botal (P. botelha, E. bottle) and patliin (P. pantalona, E. pantaloons)
may be Portuguese, but it is at least possible that the words were
used in N. India before they existed in Portugal.

2. Words which seem to be certainly English, but have a dental
t, d, corresponding to the English alveolars. When there isa Portuguese
word in any way resembling UPH. I have added it.

Landan London Port. Londres
U. Dalthauzt, P. D'aujji Dalhousie, the hill
station.
P. ardali, UH. ardali orderly
P, dagdar, dakddar doctor Port. doutor

daktar is the commonest spoken form in UH.
_ Bookforms: dakar in Lalli Ji; dakddr modern.
PU. drdz, fem. sing., pair of drawers, drawer in cupboard ;
plur. drazzd, drazé, pairs of drawers, drawers in cupboard.

hetli kettle Port. caldeira

kanastar canister

tos piece of toast

trel tray

santri sentry Port. sentinella

The following should probably be added, but they are not so

darjan dozen Port. duzia

hathicok (? hathi, artichoke aleachofra
elephant ; but why 7)

turap trump card trunfo

tirpin turpentine terebintina,

terebinthia

Bookforms : turmanfin, farmanta, turpentine, suggest Portuguese
termentina. Proper names are Istarling for Stirling in Galib, and
Gilkrist for Gilchrist in Lalli Ji's preface, See further below.

The names of the months look more English than Portuguese,
and we are perhaps right in including four of them among the words
which have changed alveolar ¢, d, to dental. It must not be forgotten
that 7 in UPH, represents a sound practically identical with English j,
but very different from Portuguese j.

ENGLISH {, d, IN NORTH INDIAN LANGUAGES 327
janvari January Janeiro
farvari February Fevereiro
marac March Marco
aprail April Abril

mai May Maio

yan June Junho
julai, jaulai July Julho
cupist August: Agosto
sitambar September Setembro
aktibar October Outubro
navambar November Novembro

Those which call for attention are agast, sifambar, aktdbar,
dasambar.

3. Words in which a Portuguese dental may have become cerebral:
some of these are much disputed and all are doubtful.

Port. balde, pail, bucket ; bali.

falto, deficient; PU. falta, superfluous; PH. phalti;
Laihndi, phalti, a Kuli who waits at cross roads for odd
jobs; Nep. phalti, phalti.

foguete, rocket > patakd, squib, ete. 1 Skr. pat +- ka.

tope, top of mast, etc. > fopi, cap, hat.

varanda, baleony > UPH.beranda ; HU. baranda (book form).
I take it that bardmada is a pseudo-Persian formation
manufactured in India and as unknown in Persia as
nom-de-plume and double-entendre are in France. This
is a greatly discussed word.

termentina, turpentine : bookform tarmanti.

The UPH. words paltan, regiment, and biskuf, biscuit, jakat,
jacket, are just as likely to be derived from English battalion, biscuit,
and jacket as from Portuguese batalhio, biscotto, and jaqueto.

4, [ have noted one or two points which go to show that 100 years
ago Indians seemed readier to equate Indian dentals with English
alveolars than they are now. It would be interesting if further proofs
were forthcoming. Asad Ullah Galib, about 1830 (see Urdi e
Mu‘alla, ed. of 1921, p. 111), writes Istarling for Stirling, and twice
sikartar for Secretary ; Muhammad Yahya Tanha, quoting this very
passage in Sair ul Musannifin, 1924, changes the words to Istarling
and sikertar; yet sikattar is in general use conversationally to this day.
Lalli Lal in 1803-9 writes gilkrist for Gilchrist, whereas the usual

~mn

28 T. GRAHAME BAILEY—

form to-day is gilkraist (so Tanha, op. cit.). In the same passage
Lalli himself freely uses cerebrals to represent English alveolars.
The tip of the tongue when pronouncing an alveolar is between
the dental and the cerebral position, almost midway. Taking the
hard palate as 1} inches from front to back we may put cerebral
', d half an inch from the back edge of the teeth ridge. The centre
or lower half of the front teeth (the dental position) is perhaps a
quarter to three-eighths of an inch from the front edge of the teeth
ridge. But the modern Indian hearing alveolar ¢ and d, considers
them cerebrals. This is not merely a literary device, it is the rule in
village talk, Thus we have:—
P. rathi < rabfi < raph =< rapol -+- + < report +7; a man who brings
in reports of occurrences,
P. batemi < betemi < be — tem + 7 = be — time +1. batemi means
lateness, ete,
Inshi Allah's very clever lines illustrate both tendencies :-—

ah ST AS pees Ka FT Cul or

wet oo end . ass ls = ar. spel
(He is so fleet footed that if his rider breakfasts in Calcutta he may
lunch in London.) I am presuming that tipan reached U. and P.
from England.

I have not touched upon English th in “think” or “ then ",. The
former is almost always th (sometimes ¢ when final), as us ke thrii —
us ke through, by means of him: samit sahah (sihib) = Mr. Smith.
Against this note thadd kalas for “ third class". The latter th > d:
fadar = “ father,” Roman Catholic priest: but pddri < Portuguese
“padre,” any clergyman,

5. ConcLusion.—It appears to be clear that some UPH. words,
derived directly from English without possibility of Portuguese
influence, have changed alveolar ¢, d, to dental t,d, Is any explanation
possible ?

(1) One explanation may be stated to be rejected. It is that the
presence of r near ¢ or d affects its pronunciation. Very many native
English speakers cerebralize t, d, tl, nu, when r immediately precedes,
and not a few make ¢, d, dental when r immediately follows, but
there is no reason to think that modern r has any such effect in North
India. We may satisfy ourselves about this if we listen to Indian
schoolboys reading English.

ENGLISH ¢, d, IN NORTH INDIAN LANGUAGES 429

(ii) Some words taken from English have been altered under
Portuguese influence, and vice versa.

(iii) When Portuguese must be excluded we are left to random,
guesses for individual words, unless we suppose that eighty or a
hundred years ago English alveolar ¢ and d were nearer to dental ¢
and d than they are now. If this were established it would be all the
harder to explain why Lalli used cerebral letters in the transcription
of Gilbert, Lord, Minto, Taylor, doctor (daktir), Lieutenant (liptan),
Hunter, and Lockett.

(iv) About any Portuguese ¢ and d, which may have becomecerebral,
I say nothing, partly because they are not the real subject of this note,
and partly because the very few words which suggest this phenomenon
are of dubious origin.

® -* Kt _— r > ? 7
&, a = =. ?T «a a: ra m ‘ _— = |
he Fb Yo le. M2" Saeae
i © _” P ra +f.
a_i
.
ma ta | -
R .
.
e
.
“ '
a
‘ ™
’ 7
2 Bt
- \
.
*
4
* ed “
a
J
on _
Lar = . nd
= “4 - a) en ‘a -
~ ® '
> al *
7 7
‘ z 7
= a ’ - »
e
“
si , Wess
é : r . 7
qf
s
i a mT ew 5 | =" ‘ -
d i a < .
7 ’
7v
; # - {: .
’ ‘ A
wes é
a 4 a
‘ - = Cad
a
«
a a 7 <3 Nes a
zeae.
1 a 1
o &
- = a
= L
é a)
- - «” .
r, 4 * >
&
‘ «
* 7 .
- a ae
a 7 . '
j : ial *
. >
a
* >. ‘ f -
a ee &
oan Fi " - “v}
>
= “t ra >
i » ©
- } ae > = =,
i ‘
_ *
°
> ‘
> > .
oe I
a ~~
'
=
* ry

i
2 7
a > ij “4 '
®
4 ]
Py =
*
2 i] .
-
er >
ss =
‘
< a °
’
: =
- —_ ’
J H . e a 9
2
- - ~~ - ‘ e
" ~
— al .~ —_——

BABU SYAM SUNDAR DAS'S BHASA VIGYAN
Contributed by G. E. Lersox
ARU SYAM SUNDAR DAS, President of the Nagari Pracarini
Sabha, has recently written a book entitled Bhasa Vigyédn
(Benares, Sahitya-Ratn-Mala, 1920, pp. 6 + v + 388 =- xx). In this
work he has collected a large amount of material for his students in
the Central Hindu University.

I here give a translation, abridged in places, of certain pages
relating to Khari Boli in his interesting account of Hindi.

“Pure Hindi is spoken in the Delhi and Merath districts and is a
literary language thronghout northern India. In Rihelkhand the
language takes the form of Kannauji; beyond Ambala it
becomes Panjabi, and in the south-east of Gurgad, Bra) Bhasa.
Here we would point out that the name Hindustani has been
given by the English, the true Indian name being Hindi. Urdii
(or Rekhta) and Dakkhini are the forms of Hindi in which Sanskrit
words are few, Arabic and Persian words numerous. In appro-
priating the language the Muhammadans of the north called it Urdi
or Rekhta, while the southern Muhammadans called it Dakkhini.
But Urdi and Dakkhini are merely varieties of pure Hindi. It is
sometimes asserted that the word Hindi itself is Persian, the termina-
tion 7 being the Persian ya-i-nisbafi. If this be so we may reasonably
say the same of the 7 in AvadAi, Bihari, and Marathi. But we must
dismiss this subject as irrelevant to our present purpose. It is sufficient
to say that Hindi is our language and is now becoming the national
language of all India.

* . . . .

“The middle period of Hindi lasted 500 years. We may divide this
period into two main parts, one from 1250 to 1450 and the other
from 1450 to 1750. In the first part the old dialects of Hindi gradually
take the forms of Braj, Avadhi, and Khari; in the second part they
are further developed; and finally we have a mingling of Braj and
Avadhi.

+ . + . .

“Some people say that Khari is modern and that Hindi was first
given this form about 1800 by Lalli Ji Lal in his prose work Premsdgar.
But there is prose extant earlier than Lalli Ji, and in verse we find
Khari as early as the beginning of the thirteenth century. In poetry

go2 G. E, LEESON—

Khari was used by Hindu as well as by Muhammadan poets. It is
true that, the country around Merath being the chief centre of Khari,
and Delhi beg the seat of Muhammadan power, Khari was at first
the medium of communication between Hindus and Muhammadans,
and that 1t was they who encouraged its use. It is true, also,
that after this the Muhammadans, spreading into other parts, took the
language with them and diffused it throughout the country. But
the language belonged to India and was regularly spoken by the people
of the districts round Merath. Since the Muhammadans had appro-
priated the language it came to be regarded as in a sense theirs; and
Hindi poets put it into the mouths of their Muhammadan characters.
Thus in the middle period Hindi appears in three forms, Braj, Avadhi,
and Khari, In the first period Prakrit words predominated, but in
the second and third periods Sanskrit words predominated ; that: is,
in the first period the language was embellished with Prakrit words,
whereas in the second period Sanskrit words began to be used for the
purpose. This does not mean that Prakrit forms ceased to exist in
Hindi. Certain Prakrit words continued to be used regularly, such as
bhudl, sdyar, gay, basah, nah, and loyan,

“During the following, that is the present, period, the use in
literature of Braj and Avadhi declined, and the use of Khari increased.
In fact Khari spread so widely that now it is the language of all Hindi
prose and of the greater part of Hindi poetry.

“The above remarks apply particularly to the literary language.
In conversation various local varieties of Avadhi, Braj, and Khari are
used ; but the general language of conversation is Khari.

. . * + .

“ Khari Boli has a very interesting history. It is spoken in Merath
and the surrounding districts, and was at one time almost confined
to that area. When the Muhammadans settled and established their
rule in this country they were faced with the problem of deciding
in what language they should communicate with the natives. Delhi
was the centre of their rule, and they chose Khari, the language of
the neighbouring district Merath. They began to use it in their
urdti (military bazaars), and took it with them wherever they went.
At first Khari readily assimilated the Arabic and Persian words that
_ gradually came into it, that is, gave them Hindi forms. But later
this was changed. The Muhammadans introduced many such words
in their original forms, and allowed the grammar also to be coloured

' Tt was spoken in Delhi also.—G. E. L.

BABU SYAM SUNDAR DAS'S BHASA VIGYAN ohooh

by Arabic and Persian grammar. There began to be two varieties
of the language ; one continued to be called Hindi and the other was
known as Urdi. The English, retaining the better-known words of
each, but keeping to Hindi grammar, produced a third variety,
“ Hindustani”. Thus we have three forms of Khari:

1. Pure Hindi. This is current among Hindus and is their

2. Urdi. This is current specially among Muhammadans and
is their literary language. It is also used by some Hindus outside
their homes.

3. Hindustani. This contains Hindi and Urdii words and is used
by everybody in ordinary conversation. It owes its existence to
political reasons and at present possesses very little literature.

* We shall consider these three forms separately. But first we would
remind the reader that the many theories regarding the origin of
Khari are misleading. Some people say that Hindi or Khari Boli
originated in Braj Bhasai, and that under Muhammadan influence
it was transformed by the introduction of all kinds of foreign words.
There is very little truth in this. Khari has been in use as long as
Braj and Avadhi. The difference is simply that Braj and Avadhi
have literature of long standing, while the literature of Khari began
comparatively recently. Formerly Khari was only a spoken language.
To the Muhammadans, who adopted it, belongs the glory of having
first made it literary, The first Khari poet was Amir Khusrau
(1255-1524).

. * * : .

“With a view to encouraging the use of Arabic and Persian words,
and to facilitating intercourse between Hindus and Muhammadans,
Khusrau compiled the Ahdliq-i-Bari, a dictionary in verse. It is
said that hundreds of thousands of copies of this dictionary were made
and distributed throughout the country on camels, Thus we see that
Khusrau not only was the first Khari poet but also did his utmost to
encourage an interchange of words between Hindi on the one hand
and Arabic and Persian on the other. In Khusrau’s poetry there are
numerous examples of the Khari Boli of the late thirteenth and
early fourteenth centuries,

* * * . *
~ “Tt 1s clear, then, that Khari was current at the end of the fifteenth
century, though it was little valued as a literary language. Late in the

oo4 Gc. E. LEESON—

seventeenth century Hindi prose came into being, and for this Khari
was used. But it does not follow that Khari was fashioned on an
Urdi model.
. * * * =

“Pandit Candrdhar Guleri is right in thinking that the develop-
ment and spread of Khari were made possible by Muhammadan
royal patronage, and that Khari owes its position to the Muhammadans:
but we cannot agree that it was created by inserting Sanskrit and
Hindi words in Urdi, Muhammad Quli, who began his reign in
1580, is regarded as the earliest Urdii poet. But we have Hindi
composition in Khari of the middle of the thirteenth century, that is,
of a date 300 years earlier than the first Urdi poet. It cannot therefore
be maintained that the Khari form of Hindi was built on an Urda
foundation. The language of Braj verse had influenced Urdi several
hundred years prior to Muhammad Quli's accession, and in Urdi
poetry the expressive words of Braj were used regularly and without
hesitation. Later Urdii poets rejected the words of this poetical
language, and gave Urdii an independent form by adorning Khari with
Arabic and Persian trappings. It is therefore correct to say that
Urdii is really a “ variety ” of Hindi, but quite incorrect to aay that
Hindi arose out of Urdi. Urdii poetry arose naturally and with the
support of the poetical language of the country. Afterwards, when
it was strong enough to stand alone, it dispensed with that support.

“ Concerning Hindi prose also there is a misapprehension. Lalli Ji
Lal is considered its originator. But in point of fact it was not he
who gave Hindi its modern form, Before him we have Saddsukh’s
translation of the Bhagavat.

* * * * Py

“After Badisukh comes the time of Lalla Ji Lal, Sadal Migr, and
Insha Allah Khan. The language of Sadal Miér's Nisiketopakhyan
is More vigorous and more beautiful than that of Lalla Ji’s Premsdgar.
In Premsagar the various forms are not used consistently. We
frequeritly find such forms as kari, karike : bulde kari bulge kor and
bulde karike. This is not the case with Sadal Migr. Insha Allah
Khan uses pure Tadbhav forms. His lan yuage is simple and beautiful ;
but in its arrangement of sentences it resembles Urdi, and for this
reason some people regard it as an example of old Urda rather than of
Hindi. To conclude: it is true that Hindi prose owed its spread and
subsequent prosperity to the Fort William authorities, especially
Dr. Gilchrist, but Lalli Ji was not its originator. In’ the same Way as

BABU SYAM SUNDAR DAS'S BHASA VIGYAN 3a

the spread of Khari was due to the Muhammadans the new era of
Hindi prose is due to the English.
* = « * *

“« About Hindustani it is sufficient to say that it owes its existence
to the English. The commonest words of both languages [Urdii and
Hindi] are being fitted into the framework of Hindi grammar. How
successful this will be it is difficult to say. Just as Avadhi and Braj,
dialects possessing remarkable literature, are now declining while
Khari, which at one time had no literature, is rising and taking their
place, so it may well be that in a century or two the chief language of
speech and literature will be Hindustani, a language not only containing
a mixture of Hindi and Urdii words, but also considerably influenced
by English. The history of Indian languages shows us clearly that
whenever a spoken language has become literary it has assumed another
form for purposes of conversation, and that when this colloqmal form
has in turn become literary yet another spoken language has emerged.
This process has gone on for thousands of years, and there seems to
be no reason why it should not go on in the future.”

FOL. IV. PART fi. a2

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REVIEWS OF BOOKS

Tue Reticion anp Partosopay or THe Vepa anp UPANISHADS.
By Artnur Berrtepate Kerru. Harvard Oriental Series,
vols. 31-2. Pp. 1-312; 313-683, Cambridge, Mass. : Harvard
University Press, 1925.

It may soon be said of Professor Keith as of a famous author in
times long gone by, that he has written much more than the average
man ever reads. Quite apart from numerous volumes on colonial and
dominion policy with which Sanskrit scholars in general are thoroughly
unfamiliar he has produced, in some twenty years’ time, an amazing
number of books and articles dealing with various parts of Hindu
lore. Though his works are all well-known to persons concerned with
Sanskrit scholarship, it may be well to remember that the Harvard
Oriental Series h=! already published two important books by him,
the translations of the Taittiriya and that of the Aitareya and Kaust-
taki Brahmanas. In a series of more or less extensive volumes he has
dealt with no less than four of the orthodox darsanas and with the
Buddhist philosophy ; before that he published important works on
Vedic subjects, and he has recently devoted his interest to the classical
literature and the drama. And we are now informed that he had already
ten years ago completed these two bulky volumes on Vedic religion,
ritual and philosophy, the publication of which was delayed for reasons
that equally apply to the work by Professor Edgerton mentioned
above. The long delay has apparently done the work no harm, for the
learned author has with great energy brought it quite up to date by
paying due attention to recent literature on these subjects.

The opinions of a scholar who has at his command such a wide
field of research will always demand close attention from his fellow-
students. This is still more the case as Professor Keith has always
been a man who sticks very strongly to his opinions while he has more
often a word of disapproval than of applause for those of other scholars ;
besides, he has always proved to be a man who is nowise averse
to polemics and who has often, with skill and vigour, fought
great battles over various debated problems in Sanskrit literature.
It has, unfortunately, not always been possible for the present writer

338 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

to share Professor Keith's opinions, and he must plead guilty to
doing it less than ever as far as the present work is concerned. But
difference of opinion does, happily, not preclude us from taking a
great—or perhaps even a greater—interest in works with the main
doctrines of which we have to disagree.

This portentous work is divided into five different parts of some-
what unequal length, dealing with the sources, the gods and demons
of the Veda, the Vedic ritual, the spirits of the dead, and the philosophy
of the Veda. These five parts, which cover altogether somewhat
more than 600 pages, are followed by no less than eight appendices,
the subjects of which are of a very different nature, ranging from a
discussion on the age of the Rigveda and the Avesta to the interrelation
of Pythagoras and Parmenides. It is quite clear that a reviewer, even
if enough space could be allotted him, cannot possibly deal with even
part of all these various subjects. We shall, therefore, allow ourselves
here to say some words mainly on the second part of the work and
only to offer a few scattered remarks on ita other greatly varying
contents.

No one could reasonably accuse Professor Kr “ft being a heretic
in matters connected with Vedic religion and mythtlogy, if the orthodox
view 1s still the one which was held already in the middle of the last
century—to speak only of European researches on the Veda. To him
the Rigveda still remains the one and universal document concerning
the religion of Vedic times, and its gods are all—or next to all—
personifications of the great powers of Nature. Attempts have been
made during late years, and especially by one scholar of very high
authority, to put a more human touch into Vedic religion and to
bring it into closer connexion with the later religious development of
India. But these heretical suggestions have left Professor Keith quite
untouched, and he even takes care not to quote the work where they
have been set forth or to mention its author. Still, a few passages in
his work clearly indicate that these heresies have met with his most
emphatic displeasure.

To Professor Keith the great gods Varuna and Mitra are still
deified powers of Nature, though nothing seems more certain than
that the solution of their enigma is not to be looked for that way.
That Mitra is the sun the Professor secs not the slightest reason for
doubting ; but he is more doubtful concerning Varuna, though he
finds positive evidence that he is not the moon. The all-encompassing
vault of the sky would, however, offer a possible solution, and even

VEDA AND UPANISHADS aa9

the old comparison with Otpavosis not wholly out of question, though
phonetics make difficulties here.

Professor Keith in one or two passages quotes the work of Professor
Johansson on the goddess Dhisana,’ but possibly he only knows it
from the extensive review by Oldenberg. Otherwise we should have
expected him to have offered us a criticism of the rather startling views
on Varuna presented in that work; though the present writer does
not see his way to share them, he should still like to point out that
the work contains a great deal of important material concerning Varuna
which has not formerly received due attention from scholars.

But nothing seems more certain than that Varuna is neither the
sky nor the moon; nor was Mitra originally the sun, though the
Rigveda may already have turned him into a sun-god. Far too little
stress is generally laid on the absolutely different aspect of these
gods compared with the other Vedic ones. While gods like Indra and
other ones seem to be the lords of a rustic, semi-nomadic, strong and half
barbarous generation, Varuna and Mitra seem to be in close touch
with a much higher civilization, seem to originate in a society where
law and order were to a higher degree prevailing, and where the riotous
and law-breaking crowd was closely watched and duly brought to
punishment. If Indra is the heroic and somewhat grotesque chief of
a flock of early knights-errant, Varuna is the king in a well-ordered
city-state where his spies keep a close eye on all evil-doers, and where
the criminal is brought to a speedy and fearful punishment. In a
society which had not yet quite settled down such a superhuman
enforcer of law and order might present a somewhat sinister aspect,
and this does perhaps account for the darker features in the character
of Varuna. But it seems to be a more or less unavoidable conclusion
that these gods were once introduced amongst the Indo-Iranians from
some other people. The nearest clue seems to be to try to ascertain
the land from which they came, and possibly the way by which
they arrived amongst the ancestors of the Aryans in Iran and India
alike.

After reading about Varuna and Mitra we are not astonished to
learn that the time-honoured arguments for making a sun-god out
of Piisan are still upheld by Professor Keith. And the author 1s to
be congratulated on his happy conviction that “there can really be
little doubt as to the nature” of Visnu who, to him, also represents
the sun. That this conviction is shared by many scholars we may

1 Uber die altindische Gdttin Dhisand, Upsala, 1919.

10 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

perhaps doubt. But, on the other hand, there is little doubt that
some more lucky attempts to solve the riddle of this mysterious god
have been made though they are not taken into account by Professor
Keith. Professor Johansson, in a publication which is, unfortunately,
only available in Swedish,’ laid stress on Visnu's nature of being a
purusa, and of appearing in the form of a bird alike: the story of the
bird, the Soma-fetching eagle, has been dealt with to some extent by
the present writer," and it seems a bit curious that Professor Keith

. should still, in face of the evidence ‘brought forward, uphold the

impossible suggestion that Indra is the Soma-fetching eagle. As for
the nature of Visnu a great advance has been achieved, a few years
ago, by Dr. Barnett, who declared him to have been originally “ the
Spint of Sacrifice’? a suggestion that surely cannot be far wrong,
though it 1s not even mentioned by Professor Keith. Certain questions
arising in connexion with the interpretation of the Purusasikta
(RV. X, 90), and which will possibly be dealt with soon, only tend to
confirm this happy and luminous suggestion.

It is also a firm conviction of Professor Keith’s that the Asvins
are In some way connected with the phenomena of Nature,and he has,
in one passage (p. 50), paid the present writer the compliment of
describing as ludicrous his belief in the theory of the Aitihasikas that
they were once a pair of princes rather conspicuous for different
achievements and virtues. To those scholars who still wish to uphold
the assertion that the Aévins are nature-gods it must seem singularly
unfortunate that no one has yet been able to point out any phenomenon
of nature that would form a basis for the rise of these mysterious
gods. The sun and moon, for apparent reasons, are not much in
favour here, but a certain precedence seems to be given to the morning
and evening stars; unfortunately, the Asvins always seem to be
appearing together, while, so far, the lumina of morn and early night
have been invariably separated. It is not suggested that the Aitiha-
sikas were always right, just as little as was Euhemeros, though the
later one seems to have been one of the most sensible of men: but
we should like to hear from Professor Keith the explanation of some
leading features of the Advins starting from the hypothesis that they
are deified powers of Nature. So far, he has not given us anything
of that sort nor does it seem hkely that he will ever be able to do it.

' Solfdgeln i Indien, Upsala, 1910,

* Die Suparnasage, Upsala, 1920-29 (cf. this Bulletin, ii, p. 307 aq.).
* Cp. Hindu Gods and Heroes (1922), Pp. 37 aq. |

VEDA AND UPANISHADS o41

That Indra was once a burly chieftain of some Indo-Iranian clan
has lately been suggested quite independently by Professor Konow
and Dr. Barnett, and the inference seems to be that he very likely was.
There is not much in the myths attached to him that could not easily
be explained in that way, though we quite admit, with Professor
Keith (p. 56), that the localization of his exploits attempted by
Konow does not carry conviction. But the strikingly individual
features of this boisterous, hard-drinking, and far from virtuous god,
must seem highly improbable if they are to be explained as belonging
to a god of thunder or sunshine. It is curious that Professor Keith
willingly admits that a number of Indra’s foes were quite probably
human, and is even prone to admit the historical existence of Kutsa,
while he refuses to believe in the one of Indra.

As for Trita, who is closely connected with Indra, the main facts
disclosing his real nature are plainly missing in Professor Keith's
paragraph. But as it is hoped that a comprehensive study of the
Trita myths will in no long time be appearing the results arrived at
there should not be forestalled here. That Ahi Budhnya would represent
lightning seems rather far-fetched in the presence of mythological
figures such as Sesa and the Nagas, whoseemto account fairly well for
his existence.

That Professor Keith should scarcely have much sympathy with
the theories of Dr. Arbman concerning Rudra’s original nature and
concerning the sources from which to gather information on this sombre
and awe-inspiring god was to be expected. But in face of his wholesale
condemnation of Arbman’s theories, it would have been expected
that he might himself have offered us something better than the
unsubstantial and wholly unsatisfactory explanations which lay stress
on the—apparently wholly artificial—connexion of Rudra with Agni
and otherwise try to account for the whole of his nature by the often
repeated word “ syncretism”. Personally, the present writer is quite
prepared to admit that Arbman’s theories are presented in a some-
what crude form and with a certain prolixity of expression which
at times makes it difficult to catch their inmost sense ; but there can
be no doubt whatsoever that, in the main, their author ts on the right
track. And it is beyond any doubt that the scholar who, like Professor
Keith, seeks to solve Rudra’s riddle solely with the help of the Rigveda
will be apt to land himself in insoluble contradictions and difficulties.
For the paths of the great god, whatever his names Rudra and Siva
may originally have meant, were wholly outside the society where the

343 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

Brahmin was the person of the highest consideration, and the chief
impression one gets from the scanty evidence of the Rigveda is that
Rudra was a powerful but scarcely fashionable god.

The Rbhus probably present a more easy problem than the gods
hitherto mentioned. It seems fairly obvious that the mysterious
qualities accorded to the smith in tales of yore will account for part
of their nature, And it may be apt to remember that, although com-
parative philology does give us few and scanty clues concerning the
existence of various tradesin Indo-European times, it certainly points
to the prominent position of the wainwright ; and there seems to
be an early and close connexion between the Rbhus and the rathakira.
Their enemy, Tvastar, apparently represents something of the same
sort, a creator of an old-fashioned set who hews the universe out of
wood or forges it together like the blacksmith on his anvil,

That the Gandharva is a heavenly being (p. 180) seems an astonish-
ing assertion in face of his constant association with things far from
celestial, But the dealings of these mysterious creatures cannot be
discussed in detail here. As for the Apsaras the meaning of her name
is searcely doubtful, but not in the sense in which Professor Keith is
inclined to explain it. There is little doubt that apsaras really means
“ bodyless, formless” in the sense of a being who can, at her own
pleasure, take on different forms which is, of course, one of the leading
features of these fair but tricky womenfolk. The Suggestion should
perhaps be added that the name is probably a very old one, though
its existence on Iranian soil has not, so far, been ascertained.

There would be many other points to be brought under discussion
which cannot, unfortunately, be done here. On the whole, the present
writer cannot, to his regret, find that any real progress has been
made in the field of research on Vedic religion by this new attempt
by Professor Keith. His statements are, of course, very much matter-
of-fact, but the materials were already there in the well-known works
of Oldenberg, Hillebrandt, and Macdonell—naot to mention other ones
—and need not necessarily have been repeated here. As for Professor
Keith's own suggestions, they are mostly the same as belonged to an
earlier school of Vedic mythologists and seem singularly lacking in
that power of imagination which seems 4 necessary attribute to the

" In face of Professor Keith's assertion (p. 150) that Siva represents an amalgamation
of Rodra with “ » vegetation deity, an Indian Dionysos * we might be allowed to
ask where that vegetation deity is to be found. As Indian sources are absolutely

silent about him, the inference perhaps is that the Dionysos of Megasthenes is alluded
to. If thot is the case, the evidence is totally insufficient,

VEDA AND UPANISHADS e415

historian of religions. No doubt, Professor Keith possesses an
uncommon power of dry and sober observation and statement, but
his genius, which is chiefly of a negative character, seems singularly
unfit for dealing with the fanciful outcomes of religious thought and
mythological ideas. |

We shall now proceed to make a few remarks and additions on
scattered passages in the work. Asa rule Professor Keith is extremely
well read all over the vast fields of research which his extensive
investigations cover ; but there may be one or two rather unimportant
additions which may as well be put forward here.

The contention, on p. 10, that no stone buildings like those of the
Sumerians have been discovered in the Indus valley is somewhat
invalid in face of the recent excavations at Mohenjo-Darjo and other
sites in the Sindh and Punjib. But Professor Keith may well defend
himself for neglecting to put in a reference to these excavations by
referring to the singular fact that so far very few reports have reached
us concerning the real importance of the new finds.

On pp. 20 and 547 the date of Panini is shortly discussed, and
. Professor Keith, in accordance with the orthodox, but singularly
unfounded view, places him in the fourth century B.c. It is willingly
admitted, and was duly pointed out in thearticle referred to on p.547,
that the reasons for postponing his date to some time just before 500 B.c.
are, so far, wholly hypothetical; but the evidence for the orthodox
view 1s just as slight or possibly a little slighter. Anyhow, the yavanant
argument should certainly not be brought to bear upon the question.
For if yavandni lipydim does really apply to the text of Panini himself,
which is by no means certain, the natural inference is that tt
simply means the “ Western” seript, i.c., the Aramaic used by the
Persian chancellery or an otherwise unknown Kharosthi of a very
early date.

On p. 147 Professor Keith has got something to say about the
eritya’'s, those rather mysterious people who performed the curious
sacrifice called the vratyastoma. The present writer once tried to
establish that the vrafyas were unorthodox followers of Rudra-Siva, a
point of view that was rather violently attacked by Professor Keith,!
who still refuses to see the real point of the question. The references
to literature on the erdtya problem are insufficient, as amongst others
an important article by Professor Winternitz* has been left out.

1 Cp. JRAS,, 1013, p. 155 9q.
2 Zeitechrift fir Buddhismus, vol. vi (1924-5), p. 48 sq.

= =

wd REVIEWS OF BOOKS

Nor is there any reference to the paper by Mahimahopadhyaya
Haraprasid Shastri,! in which, without knowing my previous opinion,
he arrives at exactly the same conclusion as myself, In the meantime
another very distinguished scholar has arrived at the same conclusion
too, though, unfortunately, he has not yet published his discussion
of the problem. In view of this consensus we shall rest satisfied the
vratyas had undoubtedly some close connexion with the cult of Rudra-
Siva, especially as Professor Keith offers us nothing towards a solution
of the question, his criticism being purely negative.

It seems curious that Professor Keith (pp. 491, 521) should feel
inclined to uphold the translation of neti neti by “ not so, not so”, as
it is pretty obvious that it simply means “ no, no”. The author
has himself given the very best parallel for this in quoting, on p. 600,
n. 2, the words of Scotus: “Deus .. . non immerita n¢hil
vocatur.” Nor does his criticism of Professor Stcherbatsky’s solution
of the central problems of Buddhism (p. 547, etc.) carry any conviction.
It would perhaps be hasty to conclude that Professor Stcherbatsky
has been able to tell us precisely what the Tathagata taught: but he
has undoubtedly grasped the knotty problem in a quite new way,
and the simple and elegant solution of the dharma question speaks
a lot for the correctness of his views,

A few supplementary notices on literature may well conclude this
already somewhat lengthy review. On p. 38 we miss a reference
to the late Professor von Schroeder's work on Herakles and Indra,?
as well as one to the paper of Professor Wackernagel on Kubera
and the Kabeiroi,* the identity of whom cannot, of course, be upheld
with any great success. On Visnu's three steps something has been
said in Ostasiat. Zeitschrift, vii, p. 5 sq., and the etymology of Sipivista
has been discussed to some length in Kuhn's Zeuschrift, vol. 46,
p- 32 sq.

That there existed some Teuton parallels to the Dioskouroi and the
Aévins has been contended by Professor Johansson, on chiefly
etymological reasons, On the problem of Miatarigvan something has
been said by the present writer in Kleine Beitrdge zur indo-iranischen
Mythologie (1911), p- 69 sq. The discussion of the etymology of the

* PASB., 1921, p. xxi sq.

* Denkachriften der Wiener Alnad. d. Wies., 68, 3 (1914),
* Kuha's Zeitschrift, vol. 41, p. 314 aq.

* Arkiv for Nordisk Filologi, vol. 35, p. 1 sq.

VEDA AND UPANISHADS

name Parjanya (p. 141) might well have included a reference to
articles by Professors Lidén' and Hirt.

On p. 302 we miss a reference to Professor Hillebrandt's paper
on suicide by fire,* and on p. 346 the important discussion of Johansson
on the afvamedha* might well have been taken into account. Nor
has Professor Keith (p. 423) referred to Winternitz’ very important
paper on suttee.5 That the two Patafijali’s are in reality one person
(p. 548) has recently been upheld, though probably with slight success,
by Professor Liebich.* Professor Edgerton, in an excellent article
in the AJPhA., has declared his adherence to the opinion of the present
writer that yoga really means “ practical effort waht

There are several other points which we should very much like
to discuss, but, for want of space, they must be left out here. Only one
detail must still be touched upon, and the present writer feels very
happy to confess that, mruch as he disagrees from the views of Professor
Keith in general, he is in complete agreement with him there. Professor
Keith is to be congratulated upon the very acute way in which he has
criticized the entirely impossible theories of Professor Hertel on the
meaning of brahman and on the date of Zoroaster, and we must be
thankful to him for having done so. Every criticism of such premature
and extravagant theories is welcome, as it is else to be feared that
they may be re-echoed by persons with insufficient competence of
judgment, and thus be converted into more or less a sort of doctrine,
and the thorough criticism of Professor Keith undoubtedly will go
a long way towards preventing that.

In summing up we have to confess that the work of Professor
Keith leaves room for grave doubt and disagreement on many points,
and that the central part of it—the Vedic religion and mythology—
does not seem to have contributed virtually towards the progress
of that branch of research. But quite apart from this, which may,
after all, be a matter of purely personal taste, this book will always
remain a standard work for reference on a great number of subjects.
We may disagree with the opinions of Professor Keith, but we can
only have one opinion of his marvellous energy, skill, and power of

1 Armenische Studien, p. 80 99.

* Jndogermaniache Forschungen, vol. i, p. 4/9 #4.

> Sitsungaberichte der Bayer. Akad. d. Wiss., 1917-8.

* Loc. cit., p. 108 sq.

+ VOJ., xxix, 172 aq. -

* Sitsungéherichte der Heidelberger Abad. d. Wiss., 1910: 4, p. 7 sq.

? Op. expressions like dfmanam yuri jita, ete.

O46 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

mastering a great number of various subjects. In spite of divergence
of opinions we may be allowed to wind up With an expression of sincere
admiration for his apparently unlimited faculty of gathering and
producing information on any amount of subjects.

JaRL CHARPENTIER.

VikraMa’s ADVENTURES or THE TurIRTy-tTwo TALES OF THE THRONE,
A collection of Stories about King Vikrama, as told by the thirty-
two Statuettes that supported his Throne. Edited in four different
Recensions of the Sanskrit Original (Vikrama-Charita or Sinhasana
Dvatrincaka) and translated into English with an Introduction,
by Frankuin Epcerton. Harvard Oriental Series, vols. 26-7,
evil + 266 pp. ; 369 pp. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University
Press, 1926.

It has long been known that Professor Edgerton was preparing
an elaborate edition of the Vikramacarita, and we now learn that his
manuscript materials were fully completed already at the beginning
of 1917. The publication of these important volumes has, however,
been long delayed owing to the War and its disastrous consequences,
but it seems that the Harvard Oriental Series has now resumed its
full activity, to the admiration and satisfaction alike of every Sanskrit
scholar. Professor Edgerton is to be warmly congratulated upon his
achievement, and so is also the editor of the series, Professor Lanman,
Whose life-long services to Sanskrit scholarship are too well known
all over the world to be in need of any further comment,

Professor Edgerton’s editorship of the texts of the Vikramacarita
seems to have been conducted on wholly sound methods, and although
quite a number of passages seem difficult or doubtful probably nothing
More could have been achieved with help of the materials available.
Consummate as seems to be his skill as an editor must also be his
patience ; for it may as well be admitted that we might rack a con-
siderable amount of literature before finding something quite as
senseless and insipid as are these, fortunately rather short, tales
connected with Vikrama and his famous throne. Not one of them
is even slightly exciting, and if something could perhaps be said for
a story like the one called “ The clever mountebank "! that is about
all. Of all the innumerable tales known from Indian sources, a very
considerable number are of the highest literary and folkloristic merit,

* It may be left Wholly out of the discussion whether “ mountebank " is just
the appropriate rendering of the Sanskrit Aindrajaliba,

THE THIRTY-TWO TALES OF THE THRONE 347

but the tales of the Vikramacarita, unfortunately, do not come under
that head.

No suggestions concerning doubtful passages in the text can be
offered in a short review, nor could the present writer, who is wholly
unacquainted with the manuscript materials, venture to offer any.
As for the translation it is certainly made with every care, and Pro-
fessor Edgerton has, no doubt, succeeded very well in making it
generally accessible even to the reader whose acquaintance with the
original language is only a very slight one. Of certain details in the
rendering of the Sanskrit we may perhaps feel in doubt; to quote
only two instances, it may well be questioned whether dharmasam-
grahakarinah (p. 147, 15 of the text) is quite appropriately rendered
by “laying up stores of righteousness", and it 1s perfectly obvious
that in the verse quoted from the Malatimadhava on p. 190 silapani
should not be translated by “ Club-bearer’’. The last instance is a
harmless one, we willingly admit it ; forevery Sanskrit scholar knows that
the ila is not the club of Siva, and to persons unacquainted with
Sanskrit it is of no consequence at all. And we shall pass silently
over some other small inadvertences which are not in the slightest
detrimental to the importance of the work as a whole.

The introduction very carefully deals with the general scope and
contents of the work, the manuscripts of the different recensions,
the authorship and date of the work and the intricate problem connected
with King Vikrama or Vikramaditya, that mysterious magni nominis
umbra who has hitherto baffled all the sagacious investigations of
Western and Hindu scholars alike.

Professor Edgerton somewhat strongly believes in the historical
existence of a certain Vikrama, king of Malwa, and in some way or
other connected with the foundation of an era beginning in 58 B.c.
It may as well be admitted at once that the pages of the Professor's
excellent work dealing with the Vikrama problem seem to the present
writer to be the least happy ones of the whole book. We willingly
admit that there is no reason whatsoever for historically denying the
existence of Vikramaditya, king of Ujjain in the first century B.c. ;
but, on the other hand, there is just as little reason for believing in it.
A historical background is to be found behind the tales of Gardabhilla,
the Sakas and Vikramaditya, of that we feel fully convinced, and
the name Gardabhilla might well inspire somewhat aerial suggestions.
But the problem still remains as unsolved as ever to what period these
events have to be ascribed, and Professor Edgerton has offered us no

o48 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

contribution towards a probable solution of the riddle, His criticiam
of Sir John Marshall's attempt to solve the problem of the Vikrama-
era is rather an unhappy one, and it seems scarcely intelligible that
support should be given to D. R. Bhandarkar’s (and Konow’s) rendering
of ayasa as ddyasya, which is, of course, wholly out of the question.
Until further discoveries tell us something better we shall feel fairly
satisfied that the Vikrama-era is in some way connected with the Saka
king Azes I.

On p. liti, Professor Edgerton deals with quotations, in the Vikra-
macarita, from other Sanskrit works. In this connexion it might as
well have been mentioned that verse 7 of the eighteenth story (SR.)
is, of course, the introductory stanza of the Vikramorvasi.

Criticism of certain details might perhaps be carried a little further.
But as for the general tenor and usefulness of the work, there can
only be one opinion, and certainly all Sanskrit scholars feel deeply
grateful to Professor Edgerton for his valuable and painstaking
achievement. To English and Continental readers alike it may be
unknown or doubtful whether spellings like “ thru’, “ flourisht ” , ete.,
render faithfully the American pronunciation or not; it is practically
certain that they do not render the average English one. But this
remains a matter of taste, and although we should be feeling happier
for not seeing such things they cannot deprive the work of anything
like that of its great and lasting value.

JanL CHARPENTIER.

ERGEBNISSE DER Ket. PrevssiscHen TURFANEXPEDITIONEN. Die
Buddhistische Spiitantike in Mittelasien von A, von Le Cog.
Fiinfter Teil: Neue Bildwerke, Berlin, 1926.

When the present writer had the pleasure to review, in this Bulletin
the third and fourth volumes of Professor von Le Coq’s magnum opus
he was under the impression that it was happily brought to its end.
This, anyhow, was the impression which could at that time he gathered
from the publisher’s advertisement. But, happily, it proved to be
otherwise, for the Professor has now endowed us with still another
ignificent volume ; and, according to the preface, the unpacking,
which is not yet completed, and exhibiting of the precious results
of the Turfan expeditions will enable Professor von Le Coq—and
materials towards the knowledge of the development of classical,

' Cf. Vol. II, pp. 814-20. .

PREUSSISCHE TURFANEXPEDITIONEN o49

Indian, and Iranian art on the soil of Turkestan. Whether, under
those circumstances, the “ Buddhistiche Spitantike ” is still to be
considered as a work brought to its definite end is not quite clear to
the present writer. Personally he hopes not.

In artistic accomplishment this volume well holds its rank with
the previous ones, and we must confess very seldom to have seen better
reproductions or even any equal to those given here; they seem to
represent the very pick of illustrative art. The text is, as in all the
volumes, not too extensive, but gives just what is needed for the
understanding of the pictures and, besides, brings several new
conclusions of the author which, even if we must at times with all
due respect differ from them, are always worthy of consideration.
Professor von Le Coq has the artistic taste for writing scientific works
which is not common to all his countrymen ; he satisfies his readers
by giving them the great lines and an appropriate amount of details
without cramming them with an immense number of petitesses which
may be very useful but sometimes rather blur the main outlines.

The present writer, who cannot profess to be an expert on any
of the topics dealt with by Professor von Le Coq, may only venture
upon a very few scattered remarks to which he himself attaches but
slight importance. In no way are they intended to detract from the
profound appreciation and respect he feels for the learned author's
most important work.

On p. 10 Professor von Le Coq has given us really valuable informa-
tion concerning a detail in the traditional description of a Buddha.
Many of the signs characterizing the great spiritual and temporal
lords of Ancient India are rather puzzling’; and one of the most
astonishing is certainly the web which connects the fingers of a Buddha,
something like the one on the feet of ducks, ete. Professor von Le Coq
seems to have shown that this singular trait originates from a technical
detail in the Gandhara sculptures. This 1s of great importance ; for,
if the Professor's suggestion be a correct one, it proves that the
traditional description of a Buddha must be younger than the rise of
the Gandhara school, as before its origin India is not supposed to have
had any images of the Master of the Law.*

1 Cf. eg. Varihamibira'’s Brhatsamhitd, ch. Ixviii sq.

3 Tt has recently been contended by some scholarsa—amongst others, I
think, by Dr. Coomaraswamy—that the image of the Buddho is of purely Indian,
not of Gandhara, origin. Unfortunately, historical evidence goea quite the
opposite way.

SHO REVIEWS OF BROOKS

On plate 10 we have a Jiataka picture where the Bodhisattva
is seen preparing to cut his throat or his jugular vein with a sword,
apparently in order to give his blood to a poor, emaciated child that
is seen reclining in the lap of its mother on the Bodhisattva’s left side.
The picture was known already from Professor Griinwedel’s Alt-
buddhistische Kultstitten, p. 69, but has not been identified. It is not
absolutely identical with the Ajanti picture called by M. Foucher
“le Bodhisattva 4 l'épée "1 but is of the same type. The story which
belongs to the picture at Ajanta has been found by Mlle Lalou in the
Dulva, iv,290b, and the Takyé Tripitaka, xvi, 3, 67a, col. 6.2 According
to these texts King Sibi, that paragon of self-sacrifice, gave for six
whole months his own blood to a poor man who could only be cured
hy a soup of human blood—thus anticipating in a rather crude way
the modern idea of transfusion.

The second picture of plate 10 has been identified by Professor
Griinwedel with the Sutasomajataka,® though, from Altbuddhistische
Kultstiitten, p. 70, it does not seem quite certain that this is the case.
The present writer may be allowed to give vent to a slight doubt
whether the identification is really the correct one.

As for the curious head-dress of the lad y on plate 25 we may perhaps
venture to refer to this Bulletin, Vol. III. p. 817, and to the literature
quoted there.

This exhausts the scanty store of detailed remarks to which it
has seemed worth while to give vent here. After that let us finish
this short review with an expression of the gratitude towards Professor
von Le Coq for his magnificent achievement, which we feel sure is
shared by every scholar interested in these topics. The author himself,
in the preface, speaks of the almost insuperable difficulties experienced
during the period of printing the previous volumes. To the difficulties
experienced at that time by almost every author in Germany there came
the personal one of a long and most serious illness, the foundation of
which was laid, if we are not much mistaken, by an unusual act
°f bravery during one of the Professor's now famous expeditions.
Difficulties there are to be surmounted, And it can only intensify
our admiration for the iron will and great skill of Professor von Le Coq
that he has really succeeded in surmounting them, thus setting in the

' Cf, Journal As, 1921; ‘Tome xvii, p. 216 ag,
* Cf. Journal Aw, 1925+: Tome covll, p. 336 ag,
* Jdtakamalt xxxi: the title there ig Sufssome,” net Sruta-Someajateke.

FURTHER DIALOGUES OF THE BUDDHA oo]

annals of scientific research another splendid illustration of the old
verse of the Hindu poet :
udyovinam purugasimham upaitt Laksmir
daivena deyam iti kijpurusd vadants |
daivam nihatya kuru paurugam dtmasaktya
yatne krte yadi na sidhyati ko "tra dosah ||
Jani CHARPENTIER.

Furtuer Drarocues or THE Buppra. Translated from the Pali
of the Majjhima Nikaya. By Lorp Cuatmens, G.C.B., sometime
Governor of Ceylon. Sacred Books of the Buddhists, vol. v.
In two volumes. Vol. i, pp. xxiv, 371. London: Oxford
University Press, 1926.

We have at length a book before us which is long overdue. This
is in no way « defaulting in the translator. It is he who has stepped
into the breach, accomplishing a task for which there had arisen
in neither Oxford nor Cambridge a Jowett. Had he not turned
leisure hours, unhasting, unresting, to better use than do most of us,
we should still be waiting. Our debt to him is very great. The
publication of the three volumes of the “ Dialogues "’, 1.e. of the first
(Digha) Nikiya, was spread out over twenty-one years ; the publica-
tion of the slightly more condensed second (Majjhima) Nikiya, will
have occupied two years! Let it not be concluded from that, that
the long and exacting labour has been rushed with unseemly haste.
I can testify from some experience, and I venture to say, that never
has it been my good fortune to read any Pali translation (I might
even go much farther) where I get the sense of a text not merely
“rendered” into a more or less equivalent English, but of a text
where the meaning has been so chewed and digested, that the English
expression of it emerges with the freshness, vigour, and vividness
of something actually experienced. The aid here rendered by Lord
Chalmers to all future Pali and Buddhist studies will live as an out-
standing work long after most of the many “ books about Buddhism ”
are dead and buried. A critic here and there may have seen presump-
tion in Rhys Davids’s choice of title: “the Dialogues,” but, after all,
these Further Dialogues are of the lineage of Jowett’s Plato. There,
as here, we have the sources, about which the little books talk, not
always very wisely, and by “ sources "’ I mean the surviving materials

FOL, IV. PART 11, 2

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which at present bring us nearer than any others to the fountain-head
of the Buddhist movement. In Plato’s dialogues we get the man
Sokrates as “ worthed” and worded by the man Plato. In these
Buddhist dialogues we get the man Gotama and other men, teachers
in his Order, worthed and worded in a longer and more indirect way,
namely, by a succession of Theras (senior clerics) in India, replaced
by a succession of Theras in Ceylon, fora long time by oral transmission
only, and then after a few centuries of such transmission, by written
transmission. If we can only get at Sokrates through Plato, if we -
can only get at Jesus through early Christian clerics, much harder
i8 it to win through to Gotama and his more intimate world, up and
back that very much longer stream of an ever, if slowly, changing
process in “ worthing " or values. But it is the best we now have.
For the sake of the general reader, in whose interests it chiefly is that
such translations are made, I should have been glad to have seen
this, the true historical point of view, em phasized in the translator's
introduction, a foreword into which much other wise information is
packed. The one little reminder he there gets to take such a view
lies in the caveat “ Gotama (or his followers for him)”. But how very
much, in dealing with scriptures, still held by millions, not to mention
new converts, to contain the very words of the founder and his first
helpers, lies in that little caveat! Who can wonder that the general
reader gets the right point of view so badly, when we see so many
scholars practically ignoring it in speaking of thisand that: “ Gotama
said’, “ Buddha thought” ?

The title “ Further Dialogues " is a happy evasion of the difficulty
in reproducing the clumsy and inapt, if handy, title “‘ Majjhima ”,
i.e. “ middling (long). It links up the present translation with its
predecessor, that of the Digha (long) Nikfya, as in its own way
does the Pali title. That each work was handed down, from the
time when the first nuclei of collected sayings were formed, by a
distinct “ regional ” group there can be no reasonable doubt. Buddha-
ghosa, in his account of the first council, tells of the four schools
(nissitaka), to each of whom was entrusted the memorizing of one
Nikiiya apiece. The allocation js very possibly inaccurate: the
Digha-Nikfya is assigned to the barely-won seniority of Ananda,
when it is fairly evident that it, and not, as the Commentary says,
the Majjhima, was already in the hands (cf. the term pariharatha !)1
of the school of the already deceased Sariputta, the premier thera, to

* Sumangala-Vilising (Digha Commentary) i, p, 14.

FURTHER DIALOGUES OF THE BUDDHA Bis)

whose compiling are ascribed the two last sections of the Digha.
Buddhaghosa was handling a late, possibly corrupt, Sinhalese recension »
of the Commentary. But the fact of the allocations may be accepted.
And the inevitable result would be, that the memorizers in both
regional groups would develop, not only different collections of sayings,
but also different shades and emphases in doctrine. Such a com-
parative study in the near future will be greatly facilitated by the
appearance of this sister translation.

There is so much I should like to add in more detailed apprecia-
tion and criticism, but on this occasion at least time fails me. The
remaining volume is near the date of issue, and may furnish another
opportunity. In the preceding number of the Bulletin under “ Man
the Willer”, I had something of this kind to say im the frequent
use, by the translator, of a word, which strictly does not exist in
Pali, or indeed in any old Indian literature, the word “ will"’.
In the index to the present work I have been careful to bring out
the various Pali substitutes rendered by “will”. I need not go
again into that here. Here let it only be added, that this work
recruits from the best traditions of English style a number of terms and
phrases not before pressed-in, quick, “ much-saying,’’ robust, lofty,
subtle, the noting of which is, often, for a sister-worker, a sheer delight.
If now and then there appears a preciosity, a preference for heavy
polysyllables, why ! the text itself is not free from vagaries of this
kind. And herein—may I rub this in once more {/—the reading of
the Majjhima in English straight through without interruption will
convey to the heedful reader its own historical caveat in an unmistak-
able way. As he advances through the second half—‘‘ See!” the book
will call to him out of the ages, “see how we have bit by bit come
to be! See how we reflect the slow spread of the Sasana, the drawing
in, among us of the Majjhimabhanakas, of divers minds of various,
slowly changing culture! Listen how we yearn to remind you,
that men are not all automata, least of all the teacher. Your written
books change in their diction, and so, change here and there also in
what they tell. How much more, bethink you, did not we, when
we were a walking human library, change both in diction and in
the what that we told! Dimly there yet shines down our pages
that first Brahman-inspired message to the multitude, surer to
insure man’s happiness hereafter, ay, here too, than the ritual
and the sacrifice: the message of the Middle Way (p. 12), the
message :—

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For him whose heart is cleansed each day is blest,
each day is hallowed ; pure of heart and mind,
he hallows each new day with vows renewed.

So hither, brahmin, come and bathe as [ -—

Love all that lives, speak truth, slay not nor steal,
no niggard be, but dwell in faith.” (p. 28.)

“We tell of more than this message; many other ideas are wrought
up with it in our pages, ideas of thinkers on Cause and on the nature
and names of things, who were drawn to our Messenger by his message
of the Way, ideas of musers who longed to commune with other worlds,
as one day men will again, and far more clearly, and, through all and
above all, the ideas of the world of the monk, the ‘ almsman ’, whose
outlook is not that of the layman, nor healthy for him. See that
you keep distinct these many strands! Our world was alive and is
dead. So read that you die not to Your own present new world !

C. A. F. Ruys Davips.

Tue Ernics or Bupputsm. By 8. Tacuipana, Professor of Pali and
Primitive Buddhism at the Komazawa-Daigaku, Tokyo. &vo,
pp. x1, 288. London: Oxford University Press, 1926.

This work, originally the author's thesis for his Phil.D. Oxon.,
is a useful contribution to such knowledge of the contents of the
Pali Pitakas as is yet accessible to our general reading public. The
Pitakas are a plant of the old world which took a very long time
in the making; they are bulky ; they are only as yet partially
translated, No one in Europe, probably no one in the world. is as yet
conversant with the whole of their contents in detail. Scholars err
here and there in their syntheses for lack of such conversance. The
general reader errs still more. What do these books actually say ?
What is it that down their long drawn-out process of formation they
have come to say ?

If he ask the latter question, the scholars so far will not give him
much effective guidance. And the present work does but bear out
this opinion. If he ask the former question, he will find here much
accurate information. He will find detailed treatment, in lucid
and almost always correct English, of the way in which these books
deal with matters of fundamental morality and with a superstructure
of special virtues. Very praiseworthy reference is here to the emphasis
laid on these, more or less, in other phases of Indian culture. And
the treatment is worded throughout in a temperate blend of sympathy

THE ETHICS OF BUDDHISM 355

and impartiality, lacking which no writer should presume to treat
of anything at all, least of all of such a subject as this.

If in what remains to be said, I find shortcomings to be pointed out,
they are probably such as the author will be himself the first to realize,
as the years bring growth. And first, one or two details. His
references tend to show a limited acquaintance with his subject-
matter. Were this not so, he would not have omitted to cite, where
the Pitakas—why, by the way, does he prefer to speak always of
“the Pitaka ”, for “* Pitakas ” ?—and Upanigads both commend the
transcending of both good and evil, the very notable parable of the Raft,
in the Majjhima. Nor would he have passed silently over the fervent
emphasis in the Sutta of the Saw, when treating of patience and non-
resistance. Nor does he seem to be conversant with any part of the
Abhidhamma, or he would have laid the great list of lobha-synonyms
(§ 1059) alongside his own list of one of these synonyms: abhijpha
(p. 73). And he would have at least touched on the points of ethical
controversy emerging throughout the Kathavatthu. To this extent
Mr. Tachibana was scarcely ready to enter upon such a work. But
then who is? Assuredly none of us. The best way, Rhys Davids
used to say, to learn a subject is to write a book about it. When
you have done you are ready to begin.

To come to deeper reaching considerations :—Mr. Tachibana,
in the preliminary canter of this college-born essay, is at least shaping
to become a historical writer on Buddhism. He has yet very much
herein to learn. He does distinguish that “later on’, as he words it,
the Upanisads are found putting forward “ modified © points of view.
But that these modifications may have been largely due to the
paramountey of the Buddhist, to say nothing of the Jain point of
view, does not come into his reckoning at all. He has apparently
hardly begun to grasp, that, in any treatment of these, or any scriptures
of a dead past, the one way wherein truth may be hoped for is to see
them as that which was once, within a certain period, a living growing
plant, with a following period of decadence and of death.

Hence, where he leaves his useful collections of texts, comparatively
treated, for wider considerations, we are left with the sense of being
brought no farther in any effective insight into the real history of
that strange mixture of wisdom and limitations in wisdom called
the Three Pitakas. The writer has yet to give us, as we hope he may
in the future give us, something that will take rank as a “ Moreword
in the history of Buddhist ethics or of Buddhism. At present he has
harnessed his thought too closely to the guidance of two or three

seit REVIEWS OF BOOKS

European writers on his subject to be able to cast aside his “ raft ”’—
as in the Sutta parable—and go forward with a freed mind. If I]
may venture to suggest what may help him to do this, I would urge
him to take up the psychological study of the Will. No writer
on ethics can afford to begin to think ethically till he has soaked his
mind in that. No matter that Gotama had not the word “ will”.
He found some quite good substitutes, and his message to his world
was essentially an appeal to man as a willer, to will to ensure his
happiness now and hereafter by a certain Way of conduct, and not
by compliance with an outgrown system of ritual. Herein lies “ the
hasis of the (original) Buddhist teaching”, not “the principle of
causality” (p. 76)—a grievous misstatement, to my thinking, For
if this were really so, we should have had it put forward in the first
sermons—most surely we should.

Secondly, let him no more quote texts from no matter what
context, with such words as “So says the Buddha". That is, if
he wishes to count as a historical writer. Such phrases only befit
the unthinking propagandist. For the serious historian they count
as scarcely more than the refrain of one of Balzac’s characters ;—
Comme disait ce potte.”” Let him see in the books of Vinaya and
Dhamma, which he cites, without weighing the contexts, so many
slowly grown accretions of half-forgotten, half-“ restored ” records
of the first teachings, teachings which were only finally closed as Canon,
if then, about 250 years after the first utterances, teachings which
were about that time recast in style, and in one uniform language
to aid propaganda, teachings which were not set down by those from
whom we now have them, till yet another two centuries had gone by.
This ts all well enough known, yet it is strange how oblivious writers
on the contents of the Pitakas appear to be about it. No one quite
new to Buddhism would dream things were so, were he to read most
treatises on “ early’ Buddhism.

Finally, I would urge our author, in dealing with “ Buddhist ethics "',
to bring into much stronger relief than he has done the fact that the
Pitakas were compiled solely by monks almost entirely for monks.
We are reading of the ethical ideals and standards suitable only for
the worldless, worldworn man. Lay ideals and standards are here
the exception, not the rule. It is significant that the first sermon,
with the exception of the fourfold stereotyped phrase for the Goal—
probably a monkish gloss—is not a gospel for the monk alone. It is
for Everyman. But elsewhere we are, a8 we read on and on, like one
who contemplates plants in a hothouse. There is much that is lofty

NIRVANA S57

and fine, lovely and pure. But there are cramping limitations. There
is an artificial pruning and forcing. The black bar of the Negative
is drawn through much which should be more worthily worded. We
are in a little world within the world. In the main, inthe long run, the
Ethics of the Pitakas cannot be the ethics of Humanity. Our Ethies
must be for Everyman.

C. A. F. Rays Davips.

Ninvaxa. Par Louis pe LA VALLEE Poussin. Etudes sur |’ Histoire
des Religions, No. 5. Paris, 1925.

In this his newest contribution M. de la Vallée Poussin makes
an attempt to prove that mirednais not Nirvana. Since the term has
passed into almost all our modern languages with the definite meaning
of an annihilation comparable to the extinction of fire when the fuel
is exhausted, we shall all have to drop the habit of this expression if
the author is right, ie., if nirvana really means supreme bliss without
any afterthought of annihilation, bonheur supréme en dehors de toute
idée d’'anéantissement. The Oxford English Dictionary, which con-
tains what, in my opinion, is the exact truth, will be obliged to drop
the word or to change its explanation. How diffieult that will be is
proved by the example of M. de la V. P. himself, for on p. 113 we see
him using the verb nirvdner, “to nirvanise,” in the sense of “to
destroy "’.

M. de la V. P. thinks it historically improbable that the genuine
Buddhism was a philosophic system which denied the existence of
a soul. It was much more a teaching of obscure magic and thau-
maturgy coupled with hypnotic practices and a simple faith in
the soul’s immortality, its blissful survival in a paradise. This
characteristic the author then seems willing to extend so as to
cover a period of about a thousand years, the whole period
of the Hinayina. If the Pali Canon, our oldest source, 18
full of philosophic speculation, so as to be sometimes unintelligible,
it should not be misunderstood as containing a real theory which
was seriously meant. It is a literature of spiritual exercises
in hypnotism. The philosophic speculations had no theoretical
meaning, but a practical one (une spéculation d'ordre pratique). They
were resorted to when hypnotic states were called up, In this condition,
says M. de. la V. P., p. 53, did the Buddhism of the Lesser Vehicle
remain from the Mahavagga up to Buddhaghosa, it was namely “a Yoga

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without almost any alloy”. What a Yoga without any alloy of
philosophy is, we are informed on p. 12, It is the practices of magicians
and thaumaturges which were aiming to produce hypnotic states of
consciousness. That the philosophy of the Canon was not seriously
meant, but served only to produce hypnotic siates, we are informed
on p. 128—pessimisme ef nihilisme appartiennent a une littérature
d exercises spirituels,

We have thus to imagine the Buddha a5 8 magician who did not
preach Nirvana, but was engaged in hypnotic exercises during which
he uttered some confused thoughts (idéologie flottante), but never believed
in them. He used them as a soporific stuff in order to induce his
audience into a state of hypnotic slumber,

Although these statements of the author are very explicit, his book
contains other appreciations which apparently are conflicting. He is
very severe on those scholars who have indulged in comparisons
between Eastern and Western philosophie ideas (p. xxi), but he himself
goes all the length of comparing the Buddhist negation of a soul with
the similar theories of H. Taine (p. 38, n.). He very often alludes to
the Pali Canon as containing a “ scholastic’ doctrine of pessimism
and nihilism. Since scholasticism means excessive subtlety and
artificiality in speculation, it is difficult to decide how this appreciation
is to harmonize with the statement that Buddhism is nothing but Yoga,
even unphilosophic Yoga, a Yoga consisting of magic, thaumaturgy
and hypnotic practices,

Some indirect support for his theory of unphilosophic Buddhism
the author tries to find in the so-called “ reserved ” questions. Buddha
is reported to have, on a special occasion, declined to make any state-
ment about such questions as whether the world was finite or infinite,
about what the nature of the absolute is, etc. He said that these
questions, as coming froma mala Jide questioner, were futile. Although
against this episode, containing nothing positive, there are hundreds
of others containing very explicit “ scholastic ” deliverances, the
occasional silence is represented as the true and genuine attitude
of the historical Buddha. He did not really care for philosophy. He
simply, in the reported instance, refused to administer some doses
of that efficient soporific remedy which he go liberally dispensed on
other occasions, So indifferent was he Indeed to philosophical

NIRVANA S5Q

These contradictions are in my opinion due to the original blunder
of an attempt to dethrone Nirvana from the place it occupies in full
right, on the basis of the works of our best scholars who were unanimous
in assigning to this term of Buddhist philosophy the meaning of life's
annihilation."

M. de la V. P. has accustomed us to find in all his works a rich
and interesting documentation from original and novel sources.
We accordingly find in his book a lot of important details about the
position of the later schools of the Hinayana, the Vaibhasikas and
the Sautrintikas. The first of them maintained that Nirvana was a
reality. The second denied this and contended that Nirvana was
simple cessation of the world process. M. de. la V. P. calls the latter
standpoint “‘ negation of Nirvana’. He apparently thinks that there
could be a Buddhism without Nirvana, or a Buddhism not knowing
itself whether it assumed some kind of Nirvana or not. -He exclaims,
p. 160, “we are not in the country of Descartes!’’ So illogical
were the Hindus that they could be guilty of such incongruity !
As to the Vaibhasikas who maintain that Nirvana was a
reality (vastu), he explains it as referring to that Nirvana which
meant felicity and the survival of a soul in paradise. Unfortunately
for M. de la V. P. the relative position of both these schools 1s
exactly the reverse of what he assumes it to be. The Vaibhasikas stick
to the old and genuine view that the world-process stops, or is
annihilated, in Nirvana, which thus represents an inanimate something
in which all energies are extinct. The Sautrantikas denied this kind of
inanimate reality. They are an intermediate school between Hinayana
and Mahiyana, and in their Buddhology they adopt the Mahayana
view, according to which Buddha is a god of a pantheistic character
(dharmakaya).2 We cannot in this short review develop all the details
of the question. We have done it in a paper read before the Academy
of Sciences of Leningrad, which will appear, with a supplement, in
the form of a pamphlet published by that Academy.

As for the genuine Buddhism of Buddha himself there seems to
be a very strong tendency to surmise that it must have been something

1M. E. Senart, Album Kern, p. 104, and Father J. Dahlmann, Niredna ( Berlin,
1896), assign to it the meaning of an extinction of all personal life in an
impersonal absolute, it then becomes “un simple équivalent de brahman ”.
This, in my opinion, is quite right with regard to the Mahiyinistio idea, but
not the Hinayanistic one. Cp. my Conception of Buddhist Nirectaa, Leningrad,
1926, p. 35 ff.

? Or * cosmotheistic * as Prof. M. Anesaki prefers to express it.

o60) REVIEWS OF BOOKS

utterly different from what is recorded in the Pali Canon, our best
source. Some scholars pick up out of the whole Canon, the Canon
containing a wealth of scholasticism, the single utterance from the
Mahavagga (vi. 31), ‘‘ Make good actions, do not make bad actions,”
and contend that this alone is the genuine Buddhism of Buddha himself.
All the remainder is of later origin and is “church-made”. Others.
like Professor B. Keith, think that Buddha was nothing of a philosopher,
since we cannot possibly admit “reason to prevail in a barbarous age"’,!
but he “believed "’ in nothing less than “the non-existence of a
substantial soul”’.? At last M. de la V. P. comes with the assertion
that Buddha, although resorting to magic and thaumaturgy, had just
the contrary belief, he believed in an existing soul, Is it not clear from
the comparison of these opinions that the method applied is utterly
unscientific and that the results represent much more what their
authors desire Buddhism to be than what it really was? In any case,
M. de la V. P. seems not to have paid sufficient attention to the
advice given him by M. A. Barth. When reviewing one of his previous
works this scholar said, “ Nous ne gagnerons pas grand’ chose A nous
demander ce qu'ont pu croire et pratiquer certains bouddhistes, ou
méme un grand nombre de bouddhistes ; la question est plutét quand
ces croyances et ces pratiques, ont-elles fait partie du bouddhisme.
et y ont-elles regu officiellement droit de cité , . . Or c'est 1A le peril
que M. de la Vallée Poussin ne me semble pas avoir toujours su éviter.’"3
Tu. STERBATSKY.

Parnassus Biceps. Being a treatment and discussion of the Piraean
Marble. By R. J. Wauker, M.A. xvi-+ 310 pp. Paris:
G. Ficker, 1926.

This represents an attempt to show that the Piraean Marble contains
an inscription setting forth names of authors and plays, which was
copied from an original written in Sanskrit, The order in which the
names appear is held to be the order of the Sanskrit alphabet. From
this the author proceeds to other considerations of contact between
Alexandrian and Indian culture. He takes up the question of
translations from Greek into Sanskrit, and the previously much-
disputed problem of Greek influence on the Sanskrit drama.

The author appears to have an extensive and close knowledge of
aspects of Classical Philology, and to combine with it some knowledge

* Buddhist Philosophy, p. 25, * Ibid., p, 30,
* Quarante ans d'‘indianisme, ii, p. 40

PARNASSUS BICEPS * 361

of Indian conditions. But though the general thesis is interesting, and
suited to the greater knowledge we are gaining of India’s relations
with the outside world, the working of it out is too fanciful, too
hypothetical, resting often on too slight basis, or on facts that admit
of quite other interpretation to allow of us taking it very seriously,
Nevertheless, it is extremely ingenious and may contain a germ of truth.

The author himself admits that the scholar with sufficient knowledge
of both cultures would be hard to find; and we do not presume to
criticize him here from the Greek standpoint. But a few criticisms of
his Indian material may indicate on what treacherous ground he is

For example, Skt. A is a voiced aspiration, not a guttural consonant
in the proper sense of the word. Anusvara does not simply denote
nasalization of the vowel, but had a definite consonantal value, hence,
e.g. Skt. varnsdh > H. bas (with lengthening of the vowel due to loss
of consonant) just as dantal > dit. Skt. e and o were not diphthongal
(whatever their original pre-Sanskrit value may have been), but simple
long vowels. The author (p. 103) compares the systems of writing the
accent in India and Alexandria ; the resemblance is striking, but not
necessarily so complete as at first appears. In Vedic the udatta syllable
(which we usually call the accented) seems rather to have been the
mean: the anudatta was pronounced on a lower tone, the svarita
(or, at least, the first part of it) on a higher tone: there is nothing
very peculiar therefore in the fact that it is the two syllables which
vary from the mean which are marked, while the mean syllable is left
unmarked, It is difficult to see how the so-called “ independent ”
svarita corresponds to the Greek circumflex: it certainly has no
connexion with it historically. Is it true that it is commonly held
that (p. 106) “in Greek two systems of tonic accentuation, the Indo-
European and a later, long fought for the mastery "? There is perhaps
some justification for the author's assumption that Greeks were
familiar with Sanskrit written from right to left; for Kharosthi
written in that direction was the alphabet of the north-west ; but we
most not forget that Brahmi was written from left to mght from an
earlier date. In any case the daring of the author's hypothesis can
perhaps be appreciated from his supposed paradigm taken from a
supposed Greek grammar written in Sanskrit (Kharosthi !) characters
(p. 108).

ajiM
hiaM iuiM nail

o62 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

In his amusing suggestion that @ucipos translates a Skt. havyah,
he should have noted that Aavyd- (gerundive to juhiti) is found only
as a neuter substantive ; Aavya- used as a proper name is generally
(though perhaps not necessarily) thought to be identical with havya-
or havyd- (gerundive to Avdyati). The author Imagines definitely
quantitative metre came to India from Greece. He neglects then the
fact that in the Rigveda itself, long before there can be any question
of Greek influence, we see signs of the freer metre (resting on a definite
number of syllables and a cisura, as seen, e.g., Inthe Avesta) becoming
a definitely quantitative metre.

I have criticized details ; but it is on just such details that the whole
theory is based. The theory is interesting ; but more solid proof must
be found before it can be accepted.

R. L. Turner.

INsckiptions or Aéoka. Corpus Inseriptionum Indicarum, vol. i,
new edition. By E. Huurzscn, Ph.D. exxxi ++ 258 pp. Oxford :
Clarendon Press, 1925. £5 fs.

For many years students of Indo-Aryan have been looking forward
to the publication of the new edition of the inscriptions of Agoka
undertaken by Professor Hultzsch : there is scarcely another scholar
who could have performed this task as well as he ; and the work before
us will be a monument to his scholarship. To the student of the
history of the Indo-Aryan languages, the inscriptions of Agoka are
all-important ; for they are the first contemporary documents in the
long series which separates the language of the Rigveda from those
spoken in India to-day. And the student of these inscriptions has long
been hindered by lack of instruments—teliable transcriptions and
photographs, translations, notes, indiees. All that which was scattered
in various books and journals and in half a dozen languages has now
been collected together, sifted, and arranged in this one volume. This
is a boon, for which all must feel deep gratitude, although the high
price of the volume will severely restrict individual possession. On this
point we regret some of Professor Hultzsch’s work. Since the
estampages of all the inscriptions have been given, what need was there
to transcribe them into both Nagari and Roman? This work of
supererogation (for either the Indian scholar who reads these
inscriptions can use Roman, or the European scholar Nagari) has made
the volume unnecessarily bulky, and, worse still, unnecessarily costly,
In the introduction, too, some thought might have saved much Space

INSCRIPTIONS OF ASOKA 363

and type-setting, without in any way interfering with clearness. This
is an important point in present conditions.

Professor Hultzsch is an epigraphist and a great scholar of Sanskrit.
In these respects his work here is splendid, If we have any criticism
to offer it is his treatment of the linguistic material. The phonology and
grammar of the inscriptions is dealt with piecemeal. There is
no attempt to make a theory to embrace the whole ; to show forth the
uniformity or divergencies of the parts ; to estimate, even, for example,
the effect of the Eastern dialects on the others. Even in the phonology
there is no unifying theory. It is unsatisfactory, for example, simply to
find stated in the Girnar Grammar that és became ch (i.e. ceh?) in
cikichd, but s (Le. 8?) in wsatena, Surely it should have been shown
that the phonetic conditions in these two words are quite different ;
in the first fs occurs in the middle of a word and the f is explosive, in
the second ¢ is the final of the first member of a compound (treated as
_ stated above in Sanskrit always as the final of a word), and therefore
implosive, Moreover, this phenomenon 1s regularly found in Middle
Indian and the modern languages. The same applies to the divergent
treatment of -dy- in aja (< ddya) and uydanesu (< udyana-).

Similarly attention might have been drawn to the difference of
condition between the groups 4y in pésyati (> pasati) and prativesya
(> pativesiya-). The latter in the Rigveda would be -veéiya- (and,
indeed, the difference is probably of Indo-European date).

In osudha (= augadha-) Professor Hultzsch says -dh- has been
cerebralized by the previous §, and a changed to wu through the influence
of the preceding o. An assumed earlier form for the etymologically
dark osadha- of *ogrdha- or *osrdha- would explain both phenomena.
In dealing with -y-, he says that mayiira- > matira- > mora-. This
would be a change much in advance of the period. It has been shown
that mayiira- is a loan-word in Sanskrit. Might it not be better to
assume, provisionally, at least, that maytra- and mora- represent loans
from different dialects or periods ¢

If » is developed out of u in vuta (< ukta-), why has it not also been
similarly developed in the other sixty-seven words beginning with
u- in the inscriptions which have vufa-? It is simpler to suppose that
ruta- has been formed analogically after the present stem and especially
the gerundive vatavo (Sindhi wayu can stand for either w«tta-
or vutta-).

A similar inaccuracy of thought seems to be responsible for the
explanation of fraidasa as from *frayadasa. What authority, or what

bed REVIEWS OF BOOKS

starting-point, has Professor Hultzsch for this form, which would,
if it had existed, have become “fredasa? Nor does his critic
Professor Charpentier (in JRAS,, 1926, p. 137) seem more happy in his
suggestion “that a form *trai-daga is a very old-fashioned and original
one and of much greater age than the Skt. trayodasa”’. For firstly
Prim. Ind. ai has become e ; secondly this form implies an IE. form of
the root with lengthened grade, *tréi- or *trai-, for which there seems
to be no authority. On the other hand, supposing Irdyodasa represents
earlier *trayazdasa, this agrees well with similar formations in other
languages (in which the numbers 11-19 are formed by composition of
the unit number in the nominative with the word for 10; thus
for 11 we have Av. afvandasa, Gk. évdexa, Lat. undecim, Goth.
ainlif; for 12, Skt. dwidaéa = Ay. dvadasa — Gk. dwiexa =
Lat. duodecim = Welsh dowdee : for 13, Pers. sfzdah = Lat. tradecim
(Brugmann, Grundriss, ii, 2, p. 24 f6.). Whether, as I believe, IE.
cad > Skt. éd (while ozd > éd), or whether, with the more general view
interior Aryan azd > Skt. ad (while final -a: = -0), TE. *treyezdekm
would become, Prim. Ind. *trayedasa, replaced in Sanskrit by trdyodasa
after trdyo, but surviving in Asoka traidasa and the various modern
words like Hindi térah, In Girnar, vi, 12, sukhadpaydmi (and similar
forms elsewhere) is explained as a subjunctive because it is co-ordinated
with an optative and an imperative. Is this necessary in view of what
we know of the subsequent development of the present indicative as a
future and conditional tense ?

It is difficult to see why (p. Lexi) the Girnir equivalent vracha
(< vrksa-) disproves Pischel’s derivation of Pkt. rukkha- from ruksa-
(though this is not necessarily the ruksd-of RY. vi, 3, 7).- The two forms
may have existed side by side, vrkgd- and ruksd-, as numerous IE.
words containing the sonants w and r in conjunction show doublets
with wy or ru, under conditions which Meillet specifies (Introduction,
p. 113). Similarly for “ wolf", IE. had *wikos and *luk*os, which
both appear in Indo-Aryan, the first as Skt. wrkah, the second as
Romani ruv.

The long @ of Kalst wydamea and litt (p. Lexi) may be, not a case of
lengthening a, but of preserving an original long @: of, Skt. udydmah,
the act of stretching out (SBr.), and *rani;- preserved in Sindhi rddi
f,, play. It is obviously wrong to say that palisd (p. Ixxii) has had its
final lengthened: parisdt>*parisa *palisa, with an ending which
coincided with the nominative form of no existing declension : it
thereupon had -a replaced by the known feminine ending -@; but it is

THE VERB IN THE RAMAYAN OF TULSI DAS S65

no more correct to say that -a was lengthened, than to say that in
diéaé the zero after did was lengthened.

These, it is true, are largely criticisms of detail, but they show that
from the side of comparative grammar the book cannot be taken as an
authoritative guide. This is regrettable, since the epigraphical and
strictly philological work is so good, and since this volume must for
long, as it deserves, remain the standard work on the Atoka
iInseriptions.

Bai,
Memos or THE ArcHmoLogicaL Survey oF Ceyion. Vol. II.

By A. M. Hocart. 37 pp. Colombo: Government Press, 1926.

This is another of the profusely illustrated volumes published by the
Archeological Survey of Ceylon. It contains a detailed description of
the three temples of Polonnaruva, the Thiparama, the Lankatilaka,
and Veherabindigala. In addition to the text, there are thirty-four
plans and eighty-four plates.

R. L. T.

Tue Vers i THE RAmAyan or Tutsi DAs. By Banvram
SAKSENA, M.A. 32 pp. Extract from the Allahabad University
Studies.

This is a useful study of the forms of the verb found in Tulsi Das,
with a discussion of their uses and history. The descriptive portion 1s
pethaps more useful to the student than the historical, which, however,
is a fairly clear and accurate résumé of our present knowledge. The
establishment of the impersonal use of the passive is interesting,
especially in relation with Dr, 8, K, Chatterji’s description of the Passive
in Bengali, with its few survivals in modern Hindi. On p. 251 the form
of the 2nd plur. imperat. dadata accredited to Sanskrit seems to be a
slip for daddta or dattd, There is no need to assume (p. 255) that in the
present participle the suffix -ant- followed by the termination -o must
have the same phonetic development as the termination -anti of the
rd plur.; for sounds in terminations may have a different phonetic
development from similar sounds in other unaccented syllables. The
loss of nasalization in unaccented -anf- 1s regular: the form ala is
analogical, It is difficult to see how hin dinka avoids an hiatus (p. 234).
Mr. Saksena rightly derives the form in -i from two sources (p. 254),
viz. the Pkt. gerund in -i@ and (when used with the verb sakab) the
infinitive in -iurit. Nor need the difficulty raised in the author's mind by

S66 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

Dr. 8. K. Chatterji worry him. The regular development in this dialect
group of final -i appears to be -i, not -u. Hence the masculine nouns
in -? from Skt. -ikah Pkt. -io, Ap. -tu. It is scarcely credible (p. 231)
that the -u of 2nd sing. imperat. goes back to Skt. -a in érnu, kuru, ete.
Its origin must be sought elsewhere, pethaps in Pkt. -asu. Nor can it
be right to follow Beames in ascribing the -r- of causative forms like
dekharava to a variant evolution of -p-. Whatever their explanation,
similar -r- forms are found in Sind and Romani. But on the whole this
is a useful and interesting study, and it is to be hoped that others will
follow.
R.L. T.

PamsAnl avr Howl xi BHASA-VIJINAN. By Duxicaxp, M.A. 303 pp.
Lahore: The Hindi Press, 1982 vi, Rs. 3.4.0,

This is an attempt to write a historical grammar of Pafijabi and
Hindi. Unfortunately the author seems to be ignorant of the first
principles of comparative linguistics, The book is therefore, except
for certain stray facta of description, practically worthless. I¢ is
encouraging to find Indians beginning to take interest in the history of
the modern languages; but it is discouraging to find them following
the example of too many Europeans who have attempted historical
and comparative studies of modern Indo-Aryan. Immense labour is
thrown away through neglect to apply themselves seriously to the
acquisition of the doctrines of Linguistic Science. In this case the writer
seems to have read a few books, but to have assimilated little. The
hst of books consulted does not, however, even contain the hame of
Bloch’s La langue marathe. Still, Mr. Dunicand’s work is sufficiently
superior to the avetage writing in India on such a subject to make us
hope he may now apply himself to the serious study of linguistics. He
may afterwards write a book well worth reading.

| R. L. T.
“Vor” EN INDO-ARYEN, By Jungs Brocu. Extract from
Festschrift fiir Wackernagel. pp. 143-49.
Le Nom pv Riz. By Jutes Biocu. Extract from Etudes Asiatiques
publiées & l'occasion du 25° anniversaire de l’Ecole Francaise

d"Extréme-Orient. pp. 87-47.

These two articles are most interesting studies in the ies & of
the Indo-Aryan languages. It is to be hoped that the author will
publish further studies of the same kind. The dialectology of India is

REPORT ON A LINGUISTIC MISSION TO AFGHANISTAN aOT

complicated to a degree. Many of the sound-change isoglosses have
been obscured by mutual extensive borrowing. But both this and
Dr. Tedesco’s exhaustive study of the words for giving and taking
show that there is much information to be gained from the examination
of vocabulary. In the first Professor Bloch discusses in his always
illuminating fashion the word for seeing. I should like to add to his
lists the Romani word, which is dikA-. This is another indication that
Romani originally belonged not to the north-west, but to what 1s now
the central group, of which Hindi may be taken as representative.
It would have been interesting if this short article could have included
some discussion of the difference of meaning of the various words
occurring side by side in a single language. Thus Nepali has two words,
dekhnu and hernu: the former is momentary in action, and means
“to see, to catch sight of", The second is continuous and means
“to look, to look at”.

The second article is an equally interesting study of the word for
rice, The question posed is: from where did the Greek dpvfa come
From Dravidian (e.g. Tamil ariéi), or from Sanskrit vrihih, or from.
Iranian (Persian birinj, ete., from *vrijhi-, *vringhi-)? The Dravidian
is shown both on cultural and phonological grounds not to be the
source. The Sanskrit word is also put out of court because of its -A-.
But the interesting suggestion is made that it is really a Middle Indian
form of earlier *vrimnhi- = Ir. *vrinjhi- as Pa. siho < Skt. simhdh,
The author concludes that dpv{a must be borrowed from a North
Tranian dialect in which *vrinjii- would have regularly become
*urwinji- and makes the interesting comparison with the transcription
of initial vi- in Iranian and Indian names by Gk. v-.

R. L. T.

Report on a Lincuistic Mission To ArcHanistan. By Grore
Morcenstierne. Instituttet for sammenlignende Kultur-
forskning. Serie C 1-2. 96 pp. Oslo, 1926.

Afghanistan presents to the linguist problems of the most intense
interest ; for in or about its borders there are spoken some of the least
known of existing Indo-European languages, belonging both to the
Iranian and the Indian branches of the Aryan group. But these
languages are in process of disappearance before the more powerful
Pashto or Persian. It is therefore most fortunate that a scholar of
Dr. Morgenstierne’s calibre has had the good fortune and the enterprise
to examine these languages on the spot. The borderland between Indian

VOL. IV. PART I. 24

i.”

B Lids: REVIEWS OF BOOKS

and Iranian is a most fruitful ground for research, which hitherto has
been largely prevented by political conditions.

Dr. Morgenstierne made amazingly good use of his opportunities :
he studied three groups of languages: Iranian, Kafir, and Dard.
The general conclusions he comes to are interesting in the extreme.
In the Iranian group he has studied Persian as spoken in Afghanistan,
the dialect divisions of Pashto, Shughni, and Ormuri. But he has also
discovered speakers of the hitherto unknown Parachi (pardci), noted by
Babur. This, with Ormuri, forms, so Dr. Morgenstierne suggests, the
last remnants of a south-eastern group of Iranian languages. If these
were the earliest Iranian languages in Afghanistan, Pashto belonged
originally to the north, it and the Saka language of Khotan, with which
it has several isoglosses in common, belong to different branches of the
Scythian dialects.

Of the Dard group the author examined Khowar and Pashai.
These, with the other Dard languages, he demonstrates clearly to be
wholly Indian. They have no early Iranian sound changes: even the
loss of aspiration by the voiced aspirates is comparatively late, since,
e.g., Aryan ¢h becomes A, and Aryan -bh- becomes -h-; 8 remains,
*ra hecomes ir or dr, -#t- remains.

But the Kafir group is still more interesting. Here Dr. Morgenstierne
examined all the main dialects, for although not allowed to go to
Kafiristan, he managed to obtain subjects in Kabul. The Dard group
shared all the early Indian sound-changes as indicated above: but
Kafiri, though it shared some did not share all; and, in summing up,
the author connects it rather with the Indian than the Iranian branch
of Aryan. Most important for his argument is the fact that it did not
share two innovations which have occurred in all recognized Iranian
dialects (Dr. Morgenstierne might perhaps with advantage laid a
little more stress on the importance of common innovations as against
common conservations in estimating linguistic community). Over
against Iranian, which changed -s- to -A- at an early period, and lost
-3- When coming between two consonants, Kafiri, like Indian, preserves
both, The case of a is particularly instructive. IE. *dhughater- becomes
Av. duyda, but Skt. duhitd. Prasun liiéuk represents older *duzhita,
not *dugdid. Waigeli trdmié is parallel with Skt. témisra, not with
Av. tafra- (< *tamsra-), Similarly TE, °ra becomes Av. ar (=< °F),
but Skt. ir or dr: in this, too, Kafiri has not followed the Iranian
innovation. F

But one conservation (but not, be it noted, innovation) it shared

- 35 ee
= , , — ae Ld ‘ a
= 7 F > 1 A, : ‘ ’ 4 ¢
: | ers eid
a : ci _

REPORT ON A LINGUISTIC MISSION TO AFGHANISTAN

with Iranian. Aryan ¢h, jh, appear as z, 2. This, Dr. Morgenstierne
interprets as indicating that after forming a group with the other
specifically Indian dialects (while probably still on the northern side of
the Hindu Kush. but sufficiently isolated from the Iranian dialects
not to share their specific Iranian innovation), Kafiri lost touch with
them before the Indian change of #/ and jh to h, and being left behind
at the time of the Indian invasion of India, crossed the Hindu Kush
at a later period. This would certainly account for their geographical
position between the two specifically Indian dialects of Khowar and
Pasha.

Such in broad outline appears to be the main conclusion contained
in this preliminary report. At the same time almost every page raises
problems of great interest, or throws light on already debated
questions.

In Shughni (p. 14) drwy “* kidney ” ts derived from *vrtka-. Is Skt.
vrkkavi (AV.) a prakritism also from *vytka-, or a variant form *vrk-ha-?
The latter view is perhaps supported by the form occurring in TS.
erkyau, and agrees with other cases of unexplained variations of the
names for parts of the body. The IE. names for “spleen” do not
altogether agree ; nor do the Indo-Aryan: Skt. plihd (ef. Hindi plat)
but Nepali phiyo (< *spli-), It is therefore interesting to note that also
in Indo-Aryan the words for kidney do not seem to be all referable
to erkkai or vikyau: Bini uk is regular, but Sindhi fuku points to
earlier *brkka- (contrast wdhanu < vrddhd-). Similarly (p. 22) does the
Parachi ruc “flea” (instead of *rhuc <*frue-) display the same
irregularity of phonetic development as the IE. group of words for
flea with which it is connected? Again, within Indo-Aryan, while
Romani pusum, except for its suffix agrees with Skt. pligih, Hindi
piss and Sinii prize agree quite neither with the Sanskrit nor with
each other.

In Khowar Dr. Morgenstierne found traces of the augment (p. 71),
e.g. der“ it is” (< Ste) odoi “it was” (< dsayat). With this may be
compared similar vestiges in Kalasa (LSI. vin, 2, p- 75 ff.) : e.g.
kdreu “he does” : aro “he did” ; ci#teu “ he stands ": aci#tau ~ he
stood”; piu “ he drinks": apiau “ he drank”.

The author is wrong in stating (p. 71) that the retention of -t-
as -r- in Khowar has to some extent a parallel in Sind. In that language
-t- is altogether lost. We have 3rd sing. old present -¢ (-ati), participles
like gou (gatéh) and miiu (mptah), kony; (kdnkatah) condai (cdfurdasa)
dih (duhiti or dhitd) pom (pdtdmi), ma (matd), b&w (velasdh) 36

369

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370 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

(stedh) séi (sétuh) hat (hatih) to (titah) za (bhrdtd) Siam (Sditcyamns)
éal (Sitalah). Over against these the past participles in -lu -ilu (e.g.
blu: bhiitéh, jalu: jatah, mail: mathitih) are Middle Indian
formations with a suffix -la- of the same type as the -l- participles
of Gujarati, Marathi, and Bengali. With gal (cf. ghatah) may be com-
pared Hinsli ghaal, and with jul (cf. jivitam) Hindi jiland, This leaves
only siddlii (cf. Sitalah) beside sal, an opposition strikingly parallel
with that between Romani Sidro and phonetically correct: silelo ; while
Sal (Satém) and [él (if from shitam) must be considered loanwords,
even if the dialect from which they come cannot be identified,
European and Armenian Romani are the only certain modern dialects
where -t- regularly appears as -l-, But it appears not impossible that
Kalasa is a dialect which also had -l- for ‘t-. The specimens given in
LSI. are not conclusive, but on the whole -f- seems to appear there as
-l- or w (the latter perhaps a further development of a velar -l-), e.g.
tiel™ he beata"’, iu “ he comes ae

I do not agree with Dr. Morgenstierne (p. 92) that we can admit that
in Pashai the -¢ of the 2nd plur. represents a special treatment of Skt.
tha -ta, Kati dsér’ and Prasun eseno “ you are", Dr. Morgenstierne
derives from *as-a-thana. For the Pashai (and Sina) 2nd plur. form in
t, I should also go to the ending -thana -tana and just as in the
Ist plur. Pashai has -des or -ats or anz from -dmasi (with early loss of
“- 1h a termination), so ] suppose -athana > -athna > -atha. It is
parallel, then, to the preservation of -¢- in rast (*visati > *visti, before
the loss of intervocalic +-, p. 91),

On p. 63 it would be more correct. to say that in the group rt ¢ has
become ¢>r’, and not that it has fallen out. Kati kr'd — krtdi,
mr'd = myth seem quite parallel with kor'dé < jay thih.,

P. 79 seems to imply that Skt. bhiirja- > *bhrija- > Sina jis.
The intermediate step was rather bhritrja-, or bhiirja- > bhitrjja-
(cf. what the Siksas teach as to the pronunciation of stops after r) >
bhrijja-. This anticipation or metathesis of r extends over all the Kafiri
and Dard languages, and goes south into Sindhiand west nearly as far
as Simla, and in every case the consonant following the original r
appears in the modern language as the ordinary representative of a
Middle Indian double consonant.

Rati Sruits (p. 65) cannot therefore be derived from cdturdasa,
which would become *catrurdasa or *catruddasa, not *catrudasa, It
may be doubted, however, whether the -r, being the final of the first
member of a compound (which in Sanskrit had the pronunciation of a

THE DIALECT OF THE GYPSIES OF WALES 371

final of a word) would be sufficiently articulated to lead to anticipation
or metathesis, and elsewhere over this r- metathesis area we find forms
going back to *catuddasa only. Further, the r seems to be attracted
to the first consonant of the word, e.g. tamisra- > *tramissa- (Waigeli
trdémia), not “tanurissa-.

We shall await with great impatience the publication of detailed
memoirs by Dr. Morgenstierne on the material collected by him, of
which this is a preliminary report.

In the meantime we would remind scholars that these languages are
for the most part dying out, and that unless they can be recorded fully
within perhaps the present generation, future philologists may mourn
their loss as we mourn the loss of other Indo-European languages.
Can we not appeal to the Government of India, or of the Panjab, or to
the Panjab University, to take some step in this matter!
Dr. Morgenstierne believes that during a moderate stay in Peshawar
one could find speakers of most of these border Iranian and Indian
languages. Are there no Indian scholars to take up this work ‘

R. L. T.

Tue DiaLect or tHe Gypsies or Waxes. Being the Older Form of
British Romani preserved in the Speech of the Clan of Abram
Wood. By Dr. Joux Sampson. xxiii + 230+ 419 pp. Oxford :
Clarendon Press, 1926. £4 4s.

Readers of the Journal of the Gypsy Lore Society have already been
made aware of the extraordinary archaism of the dialect of Romani
spoken by a Gypsy clan in Wales, All students of Indo-Aryan must
have been astonished by the language of the tales which Dr. Sampson
has for so long been collecting and publishing. It is a real language with
which we have here to do, and not a mere jargon of Gypsy vocabulary
fitted into an English framework. It is, indeed, an Indian language
spoken among the mountains of Wales. In this book Dr. Sampson has
now written a complete grammar and vocabulary of the dialect. It 1s
the best and most complete description that we possess of any Romani
dialect, and students of Indo-Aryan cannot be too grateful for the
immense labour of research, sifting and arrangement which the author
has performed in thus making available for them the results of more
than thirty years of work since he first discovered Edward Wood, the
Welsh Gypsy harper at Bala, in 1894.

As a work of description, it is pre-eminent. Two hundred and thirty
pages are occupied with phonology, morphology, and syntax ; 419 with

oie REVIEWS OF BOOKS

vocabulary (full of quotations) and indexes. In only one respect could
one wish it bettered, the inclusion of a number of texts; but that
probably was forbidden by the consideration of cost, already very high ;
and, after all, a great number have, as I have stated, already been
published, with notes and translation, in the Journal of the Gypsy Lore
Society. Whatever I may say in criticism below must not be allowed
to detract from the merits of the work as a description.

That portion of the book which is most open to criticism is the
historical and comparative. Had Dr. Sampson confined himself to
history and comparison within the Romani group, or, at least, within
the European Romani, all would probably have been well; for here
his observations are of great value. But he goes further, and attempts
to show its connexion with Indo-Aryan generally, Sanskrit; and the
medieval and modern languages. Here one must regretfully admit that
Dr. Sampson is not sufficiently a student of Indo-Aryan, or perhaps
even of comparative philology, to have been able to offer new
information and trustworthy theories. He takes us back to the age of
Miklosich, whose writings on Romani, invaluable as they still are and
stimulating as they have been to subsequent scholars, are dated before
the theories of the Junggrammatiker had gained ground and had
revolutionized the science of comparative philology. Dr. Sampson
pays little regard to the laws of sound change. Yet the best reverence
to be paid to a teacher is not slavishly to follow his teachings, but to
build upon them and develop them further (even if necessary to their
overthrow), in the light of new facts and new ideas. Occasionally, it
is true, Dr. Sampson differs from Miklosich, but not always happily.
It may be true, in the author's words, that “a personal familiarity
with the tongue—when fortified by becoming respect for linguistic
principles—confers upon the open-air student a certain intuition which
safeguards him from errors that may befall the arm-chair philologist ”.
But the reservation is all-important, and Dr. Sampson has by no
means shown a becoming respect for linguistic principles, Nor is it true
that “the habit of brooding affectionately over words and sounds
seems to bring with it soon or late the gilt compelling them to reveal
their true lineage",

It may seem ungracious in considering a work of such outstanding
merit on its descriptive side to devote much space to criticizing in this
way its Comparative side, But it is important to prevent the growth
of a false tradition, and not to allow the undoubted mastery that the
author displays in one aspect to create a legend of infallibility in all

THE DIALECT OF THE GYPSIES OF WALES SIo

others. And without doubt Dr. Sampson, true scholar as this work
shows him to be, would be the last to wish that to happen.

I therefore say that that part of the work which deals with the
phonology, and morphology, and etymology of Romani as compared
with other Indo-Aryan languages is not trustworthy. Much isright: for
much is obvious ; but much is very wrong. Ina work of this magnitude,
permeated as it is by the comparative method (however falsely applied),
it would be obviously impossible to discuss all the wrong phonological
and etymological conclusions at which the author has arrived, I shall
therefore pick only a few out of many in order to substantiate my
statement.

Again and again Dr. Sampson compares a Romani word with a
Hindi word, which does not belong to the inherited (fadbhava)
vocabulary, but is a loanword borrowed from Sanskrit (fafsama).
Such comparison is not only of no value for comparison, but-may lead
to quite false conclusions. It is as though a student of Romance
linguistics were to compare, say, Italian padre with French paternel
(instead of with pére), and to draw a conclusion therefrom that Italian
d corresponds to French t, Thus he compares curd ~ poor "with
H. chudr (loan from Skt. kyudra-), lay- “ to paint ” with H. taksan,
tamla * dark’ with H. tamah, bate “ work” with H. ert, (uld “ fat”
with H. sthal, Sidra “cool” with H. Sital, dud “light” with H. joti,
mol “wine” with H. mad, del “ whistle” with H. svar, tala ~ then”
with H. tad, lilai “ summer” with H. nida@dh (mistake for nidagh *),
ail “ cold” with H. 4it, kislé “ slender " with H. Arsit, ete. ete.

Dr. Sampson appears to have no regard for the principle of the
constancy of sound-laws, without which in some form or other there can
be no science of comparative philology or of etymology. Thus, though
Skt. -t- becomes -l- in European Romani, he appears to derive but
“much” from Skt. bahutara-. The presence of # in traé-, to fear, instead
of -s, which he derives from Skt. trasa-ti (and compares with the Hindi
loanword tras!), oceasions no remark, although the normal repre-
sentation of Skt. -s- is by s. Nor does it seem to concern him that in this
case the Romani word should have ¢ not a (I have attempted else-
where to explain both the a and the 4). He accepts the derivation of the
past participial suffix -d6 (beside -l0) from Skt. -fa- (although -t-, as
we have seen, becomes regularly /), instead of connecting it with the
past-participles in -dhe of Gujarati and other languages, which are due
toan anological extension of a phonologically correct -dho resting upon
Pkt. -ddha- in a certain number of verbs. Although intervocalic -k-

ard REVIEWS OF BOOKS

regularly is lost in Romani, he derives Sukar (presumably on the
authority of a continental sukar beside suker) from Skt. subrta-.
Such examples, again, are innumerable.

The same fatal mistake invalidates the author's speculations in
the realm of word-formation and inflection. We have ilready seen
that the past participle in -da is derived without hesitation from
Skt. -ta-. Similarly he derives the comparative ending -dér from the
Skt. -tara- (which he rashly and wrongly states to he wanting in other
Indian vernaculars: jt is very common, e.g. in Panjabi in the form
~era). It is certain that -dér is not derived from Skt, -tara-. Jt may be
borrowed from an Iranian dialect. In Iranian the suffix -fara is kept.
regularly as a comparative, The regular Middle Persian development
of -t- was -§-- and although the suffix usually appears as -far- in Middle
Persian (due doubtless to the large number of cases where it was added
tO a consonant stem, and when in consequence the maintenance of
‘ was phonetically regular), there are isolated cases in Persian itself
where the suffix, when preceded by a vowel, has its expected form,
e.g. ear “ here”, while other Iranian dialects with which the Gry psies
were in contact may have kept the regular phonetic development
undisturbed by analogy, as, e.g., in Ossetish sanddrdir “ very black",
Sarigoli jiil-dir “ fewer".

In etymologies, even where they might accord with regular sound
changes, Dr, Sampson often appears to have gone Wrong: thus mol
“wine”, in Persian mul, is not derived from Skt. madi (which leaves
the -0- unexplained). He accepts the derivation of 4ip- “ to place” from
Skt. kgipdti, although Dr. Grahame Bailey's 5ina grammar shows
this to be impossible, Bind eivoiki or cuvoiki cannot represent Skt, ks-
but only Skt. e- or ch- (and in any case the regular representation in
Romani of Skt. ks is kh). Luba “ harlot” cannot be derived from
Skt. lobhini, but is perhaps formed from a loan from Slavonic where
the root ljub- is prolific in the sense of loving ete. Manyg « man ™
(with @, not ¢) is plainly derived from minusa not manuga-,

Many quotations from Sanskrit and other Indo-Aryan languages
require correction. Asmé is a dat. loc., not a nominative ; nafavut
(misprint for vatavat- ?) means “ windy” not “ tempest’, and is no
more a reduplication of pata- than halavat- is of hala. > Hindi for « big”
is bard, not badd, for “ seek” is dhidhna or dhityina not dhiindhna -
there is no Skt. makga “ fly’, only maks-. méked and miksikd :
Hindi has méya not mandi,

It is a pity that Dr. Sampson did not hold to his original intention

NEPALI SAHITYA: PRATHAM BHAG 3To

(as expressed in the preface) of dismissing the subject of historical
grammar. His reputation would have been the higher,

But putting this on one side, it remains a magnificent, nay, @
unique description of a Gypsy dialect, full of information, full of
interesting observations. Take, for example, the numerals. In all
languages they present problems of phonetic irregularity, borrowing
from other dialects or languages, inconsistencies, renewals. Hence it is
of great interest to read that the only Indian numerals regularly kept
are 1 to 5. After that they are borrowed from various sources, or
remodelled. Even the words for 10, 20, and 100, though still found,
have become vague in meaning, or are used only in set expressions.

The Clarendon Press preserves its reputation for such works :

the printing is beautiful; the price, alas, is high.
R. L. T.

Hixpr axp Urpu—tue Possremitres oF THEIR RAPPROCHEMENT.
By Baruram Saxsena, M.A. 20 pp. Extract from the Allahabad
University Magazine.

This study of a modern linguistic political problem is interesting
to the student of the Comparative Grammar of Indo-Aryan. It pleads
for the unification of Hindi and Urdu into one language, which actually
already exists, and is sometimes known under the name of Hindustani.
Practically speaking the two, used over the same area, difier only in
their alphabets, and in the sources of their loanwords, Hindi borrowing
from Sanskrit, Urdu from Persian and Arabic. In ordinary speech
their fusion is already largely accomplished. A very similar situation
exists in the Panjab with Panjabi as written by Muhammadans and
Panjabi as written by Hindus and others.

R. L. T.

Nepini Sanmrya: Praruam puAc. By Pairasmayt Prapuas. 44 pp-
8 annas.

NerAni SAurrya: Trriva puic. By Parasmayt and SeEsMAXI
Prapuan. 90 pp. R. 1.5.0.

Sw ASTHYA-SIKSA. SESMANI PrapHAx. 71 pp. R. 14.0.

These books, published by Macmillan and Co., are of the usual type
of Indian reading book, which would not deserve notice in this Bulletin,
except that, the published literature of Nepali being limited, it may be
useful for students to hear of any fresh books. They are well printed
and the spelling is fairly consistent.

R. L. T.

316 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

Bintan Peasant Lire. By G. A. Grirrson, K.C.ILE. Second edition.
Patna. 1926. Rs. 10.

This is the much-needed new edition of Sir George Grierson’s
invaluable work, first published in 1885 and long out of print. Bihar
Peasant Life is too well known to require further comment here, Let
us simply express the hope that it may yet find imitators in other parts
of India : as the foreward states, local customs are continually changing
under modern influences, and, unless the customs and vocabulary of
the people are recorded now, the knowledge of them may be altogether
lost beyond recall for future generations. We could wish that the
author himself had been able to superintend the production of this
edition; for though the thanks of the Government are given to the
two gentlemen who read the proof for the care they exercised, never-
theless 29 pages of corrigenda do not exhaust the number of misprints.

R. L, T.

INpDO-SUMERIAN SEALS DEcirHEren. By L. A. Wanpett, LL.D.,
U.B.,C.LE., xix + 146 pp- London; Luzac and Co., 1995.

We are hurt that in this volume the author has made no
acknowledgment of our valuable suggestion, contained in a review of
one of his previous fantasies, of the intimate connexion between
Tibet and top-hats. We shall therefore pass over in silence the no
less marvellous “ discoveries” of this volume,

R. L. TURNER.

Lincuistic SpecULATIONS oF tHe Hixpvs. By Dr. Prasnar
CHANDRA CHAKRavarri. In two parts. Calcutta University
Press, 1924-25,

This work is an interesting contribution to the history of Linguistics
and is an attempt to bring into a consistent whole the linguistic
theories of ancient Hindy philosophers and frammarians. The
author gives a fairly complete exposition of Hindy theories on the
origin of language and his treatment of the well-known controversy
on the eternity of sound shows considerable freshness and sound
judgment. Attention may also be drawn to the very interesting
record of speculations on the nature of the sentence (pp, 84 ff.) and
on the relation between the stem and the suffix (pp. 96 ff),

It is to be regretted, however, that the author's treatment of the
fundamental topics of linguistics, viz. its phonetic and psychological

LINGUISTIC SPECULATIONS OF THE HINDUS Sia

aspects, is so meagre that it is likely to give a poor impression of

ancient Indian philosophy of language. For instance, in his treatment
of the physiological basis of sound he quotes a passage on the aspects
of vik, bordering rather on the fanciful and the mystical, so well-
known in works on Yoga and allied subjects. Had he consulted
the Pratitikhyas and other works on phonetics proper, he might
have offered the reader more scientific material on the Hindu theory
of articulation. His assertion that this mystical explanation of
articulation is psychologically truer than European theories (p. 84)
is hardly convincing and is not supported by any argument.

As regards the relation between thought and language, his treatment
is disappointingly meagre. In one place he points out the antecedence
of ideas to words (p. 140); while in another (p. 79) he refers to the
impossibility of thinking without language, and he leaves the reader
in the dark as to the exact position of the psychology of language
in the Indian systems of linguistic philosophy.

The title of Part II, viz. “Semantics”, is not happily chosen,
and will be disappointing both to the comparative philologist and still
more to the philosopher. For the general acceptance of the term
“Semantics” is the change which meanings of words undergo in
course of time, and on this Indian linguistic philosophers have little
tosay. The author gives the well-worn principles of Semantic change,
viz. analogy, generalization, specialization, ete. (163-7), but an
exposition of these modern theories in a thesis on the linguistic specula-
tions of ancient Hindus, who never had this modern view-point, 1s
irrelevant.

The author gives an able exposition of distinctly verbal knowledge
as opposed to inferential knowledge (p. 153), but his treatment of
several other philosophical theories 1s either meagre or obscure.
Thus he sums up the great controversy on the doctrine of Universals
with the following obscure assertion (p. 89): “ The Naiyiiyakas have
brought about the reconciliation by holding that the individual
conditioned or qualified by genus represents the real significance
of words.” The author has here missed and unconsciously mis-
represented the Nyaya theory. For according to Nyfya the denotation
of words has three elements: (1) individual (ryaht:), (2) class or genus
(jati), and (3) the distinctive property of the genus (a@kyti). The great
contribution of the Nyaya theory was this third element, viz. akrti or
species, which several other theories had missed, as the author also
seems to have done. That this additional element akyti is held by

» Bi.

4 !

318 REVIEWS OF HOOKS

tven some modern authorities to be unnecessary, the reader may be
referred to Max Miiller, who in his Science of Thought (p. 578), where
he translates dkpti as species, points out that the name of species is
not wanted, and that genus and individual would do. But although
in the field of biological metaphysics the term “ species ’ may be
unnecessary, linguistic thinking can not proceed without reference
to specific attributes of the class of which the individual is a member.
however latent the consciousness of those attributes may abide in
human memory.

The author has, unfortunately, missed a very Important point in
the history of Sanskrit linguistics by erroneously translating (on
p. 99) the term vydpéra as action. Here was a problem which would
have roused the interest of modern philologists if the author had
handled it fully. The problem in question relates to the controversy
on the nature of the verb; whether the verb refers to the process
of action (as the Indian Grammarians believe it predominantly
does: “ hale pradhdnam bya parah,” —Brhad-vaiyakarava-bhiisana,
verse 2), or whether it refers to the end of action, as the Neiydyakas
maintain, Thus Kaundabhatta in his Brhad-vaiyakaraua-bhiigana
ip. 4) quoting Bhartrhari, distinctly points out that action is essentially
# process, and it is in this sense that the phrase “ he cooks” involves
all the stages of cooking, viz. lighting the fire, blowing it, ete. Action
is the synthetic unity of activities which constitute a process. Action
does not mean the immediate creation of the result, i.e. it does not
mean only that stage of activity which immediately. precedes the
result. Kaundabhatta Opposes the view that other stages in the
process of action are only secondary and that the primary content
of action is only the stage Immediately preceding the end. Against
this view Kaundabhatta gives an interesting argument: if all the
preliminary stages of activity do not really deserve the name of action,
then, when the cooking has begun, i.e. when fire has been lighted
ahd the kettle placed on the fire, we should not use the present tense,
~ he is cooking,” but should use the future tense, viz. “he will cook an
for the action proper, according to hypothesis, is still to come.*

1 ala eva pPrcalitylday phuthéroteddha bsantapanatea- gatnateddibshie Feud hen A
sarvanddhah sangacchate, uktan cq harind :-—" gunabhiiteir anryaraih samidhah
ramajanmandm, benalch hye Prakalpitabhedah briyeti eyer penal ieyerte reer jan net ind
tim rydpirinda: samaha ekatvabudd hyd sete kerler dt ri bea yi prakalpito "bhedo gasya
ta somihah srabAgivato funcbhifer avayarair yultad,

* Ibid, p. 3: “ wip yodanantarcw aryoradhdnena Phalotpddah 9 krigd, adhi-
ren gpra mabe | eb ay fajjanakeatayl Driydteam aupacdrikam—drabdthe' pi pike krigtwi
bhdritatnat, Palyyatiti prayogtpattes eq.

THE MUSIC OF INDIA i9

Here the Hindu grammarian, with a wonderful deductive
penetration, realized that if verbal action pointed only to the end,
the future tense should supersede the present in all the pre-end stages
of an action. He had before him no data offered by modern Com-
parative Philology from the Slavonic verb, in which the perfective
form is used to denote the future tense. These inductive data, if
accessible to him, must have strengthened his deductive reasoning.

SIDDHESWAR VARMA.

Tue Music or Inpia. By Arrva Becum Fyazee Ranamix. With
illustrations. p. 95. Luzac and Co, 1925.

The present volume is a welcome one. It touches incidentally on
many points to be mentioned hereafter concerning the history of
the art, but stresses the religious and philosophical side of it without
giving a connected history thereof. Further, those interested in the
practical side of Indian music cannot find much in this book. It
gives a short history, a bibliography, a long string of names of practical
experts, and so on, It shows the rudiments, the terminology and such
other auxiliaries of the art. In the foreword we are promised by the
author that this volume will be followed by another, which will contain
Indian melodies set to notation.. We think the next volume will be
more valuable from the practical point of view.

A fault to be found in this volume is that the Sanskrit terms
employed in it are not put correctly. For instance, we have “adhya”
for “‘adhyaya”, ‘“‘math’’ for “mata”, “arohi” for “avarohi™ and
so on. Some of the names of shrufies and murchhands are not spelt
in the correct way.

It will not be out of place to summarize the contents of the work
under review.

Chap. I deals with the works on Indian music from the Vedic
period, through the Sutra and epic periods down to Kalidas and after
him to the modern period.

Chap. II mentions the exponents of the art from Narada, Tumburu,
Bharata, Jayadeo, ete., through the days of Sultan ‘Aléu’ a-Din Raja
Man of Gwalior; Akbar and Jahangir down to Muhammad Shah, the
last king of Oudh. Incidentally some interesting information 1s
given of the penetration of foreign music from Persia, Greece and
Arabia.

Chap. III deals with the four schools of Indian music, now united
into one by the famous Tanasen.

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Chap. IV and V treat of the technique of Indian music.

Chap. VI deseribes fifty different kinds of musical instruments
in detail and then goes on to deal with the various Ragas or tunes.

Chap. VII in conclusion regales us with tales of how birds and
animals listened to “ the voice of the charmer” and were fascinated
by the music and song of celebrated exponents of the art.

Indian music has a most complicated theory. It would be a
stupendous task to build a proper system out of the mass of material
to be found scattered about in the ancient literature. In that vast
country, Inhabited by so many different races, with so many languages,
with a variety of manners and customs, with so many religious sects,
it would have been a wonder if there had been only one uniform
system in the whole land.

From pre-Buddhistic times, there has been constant communication
hetween India and other countries in Central Asia, Greece, ete.
_The nature of this communication would vary according to the
needs of the times, commercial and religions being the principal
factors among the many before the Mohamadan supremacy in India.
Ideas concerning astrology, astronomy, mathematics, medicine,
philosophy, ete., were freely exchanged. The Caliph Hariinu 'r-Rashid
of Bagdid was a patron of learning and art. He invited Indian
physicians and rewarded them munificently.!

The art of Indian music was carried to Greece and Arabia through
the medium of Persia. We find even to-day the signs of Indian
influence on Arabian music. (One day the reviewer was singing
Indian music in a friend’s house; an Englishman who had been
many years in Arabia was present. He at once remarked that his
music reminded him of Arabian music.) After the Mohamadan
invasion of India, the tide turned. Arabian and Persian styles came
into vogue and got mixed up with the original Hindu music. The
music of the Sufis, moreover, who sang ecstatic and devotional
songs, took the Indians by storm. The resemblance between Greek
and Indian music is obvious, if we examine critically the scales of
both systems. The present system of Hindustani music is a
conglomeration of Indian, Arabian and Persian music.

' Twenty-two centuries ago Alexander the Great kept Hindu physicians in his
camp for the treatment of diseases which Greek physicians could not heal, and eleven
centuries ago, Haroon ar Rashid of Bagdad retained two Hindu physicians known
in Arabie records as Manka and Saleh, as his own. physicians.’—Apcient History of
India, by Dutt., vol, iii, p. 395,

. oe -
* | =
* a as a. a 2:
THE MUSIC OF INDIA O81

The art of Indian music flourished chiefly in the reign of the
great Mogul Emperor Akbar. After him the art was decadent, but

the decadence was imperceptible. It lingered on during the reigns.

of Jahangir and Shah Jahin. The final torpor occurred in the reign
of Aurangzeb, Still, the art having been sound and vigorous once,
had a dormant life in it, and so it held on, and revived during the
reign of Muhammad Shah, the last of the Padishahs, in whose
reign the greatest singers of the Khyal style of music, Sadaranga and
Adiranga, flourished. Then the art of music declined, no more to
rise again for a couple of centuries or so.

During the supremacy of the British, the art has had no encourage-
ment from the Government. It is only in the native states, where the
tradition is kept up to a certain extent, and where the ancient art has
been patronized, that we find some artists of great repute, who have
kept the art just alive, but no more. Some of these artists, of both
vocal and instrumental music, who are in the service of the native
States, are expert singers and performers. The fault with them 1s that
these artists are, as a rule, absolutely illiterate. They are eccentric
as well. They can sing or perform music; but they know nothing
about the theoretical side of the art. If you ask them any question
they will simply answer, “ We don’t bother about what you ask ; we
only sing exactly as we have been taught.” And that is quite true.
Their art has a great tradition behind it. It has been handed down
with exactitude from generation to generation, from teacher to
the pupil. They cannot answer your “ whys’’ and “hows”. The
oral teaching may have, and has, many advantages, but it has the
great disadvantage mentioned above. These artists again, being of a
most conservative character, do not impart their knowledge to anyone
except their sons, if any. Or if it is imparted to any devoted pupil,
it is given half-heartedly and with reservation. It is only by flattery
and coaxing that the pupil can wring a traditional song from these
cranks. So the death of every reputed artist means a general loss
to the art.

Having no support of any kind or encouragement from the British
Government, a few artists, if there are any, have to maintain themselves
entirely on the generosity of a few rich people, Besides, the art has
become despised for the same reason ; it is not held in any respect at
any rate. But happily that period 1s now over, and some educated
people have applied their minds and literary powers to the expounding
and distentangling of the complicated theory and systematization

382 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

of the traditional songs. Some great cities such as Bombay and Poona
In Western India have music classes attached to the public schools.
They are trying to popularize the art. Original Sanskrit textbooks
on music are being published, some of them are being translated into
the vernacular. Attempts are being made to put classical melodies
into notation, although, strictly speaking, the task is one of
impossibility. Independent research works are being published,
though few. The Philharmonic Society of Western India has done a
good deal of work on these lines. It has published several hundreds
of Indian melodies set to European notation.

The system of Karnatic music is little affected by foreign influence.
And that music gives us an idea of what original Hindu music was. The
difference between Karnatic and Hindusténi music is chiefly in the
primary scales.

The art suffers mainly through the lack of Government support.
Tt will surely rise and prosper if the Government shows sincere and
active sympathy and encouragement. It has prospered in the past
only when it was patronized by the Government. The Muhammadan
rulers not only patronized it but actually were practical experts —
both in vocal and instrumental music.’ If the British Government
shows real appreciation and finds out some means of encouraging it,
the art will revive with marvellous rapidity, otherwise the’ day
of extinction is threatened and nigh at hand. The artist will find
himself quite a different personality, and raised in the social standard.
He will secure an honourable place in society, and not merely be the
contemptible creature he is considered, despised by all, honoured
by none. The support of the native princes is not enough, but the art
must be encouraged by the central Government, too.

In conclusion we may say that this volume gives some idea of
the significance of Indian music but we cannot say whether it will
interest the European reader in general.

8. G. KannHere.

1’ Yusaf Adilshah (a.p, 1490-1510), the first Sultan of Bijipur, His taste
and skill in music were superior to those of most of the masters of his time, whom
he encouraged by munificent rewards to attend his court, He himself performed
to admiration on two or three instruments and in his gay moments would sing

improvisatore compositions,”"—Quoted from Fesishta by Havell, History ef Aryan
Rule, pp. 389-D0,

MAHARASTRA SAKUNTALA

MawARAsTra SAkuntana. By Keseo Viniyak Gopsote, B.A.,
LL.B. Pages 20-14-38-112-7. Sree Ganeé Printing Works,
Poona city, 1925,

The Sakuntala of Kalidas is a drama which is enjoyed equally
by orthodox pandits, modern educated scholars, and even men who
have not the least knowledge of Sanskrit but are only content with
reading the beautiful story written in any language. Even European
scholars speak of it very highly. The famous German poet Goethe
speaks about it,

Would’st thou the young year’s blossoms and the fruits of its decline

And all by which the soul is charmed enraptured, feasted, fed,

Would’st thou the earth and heaven itself in one sole name combine ‘

I name thee, O Shakuntalé! And all at once is sacl.

Messrs. Dasagupta and Lawrance Binyon have written a concise
form of three acts for the European theatre. It 1s practically a free
rendering. To this rendering Sir Rabindranath Tagore has written
a kind of introduction.

The wonderful skill of the Indian Shakespeare is that he clothes most
profound and sublime ideas in the simplest of words. His poetry has
wonderful grace, sweetness and the poet's delicate taste. His writings
reveal the poet’s love of external nature. His knowledge of external
nature is accurate, Sakuntala is bristling with this kind of poetry.
Sir William Jones translated Sakuntala in 1789 and his work was
received most enthusiastically in Europe. Since then it has been
translated into almost every European, and into every Indian,
language. English, French, German, Russian, Italian, Hindi, Beng il,
Gujarithi, Marathi, Tamil, Telegu, Kanarese, etc. In Marathi, we
have Sakuntala translated by Rajawide, P. Godbole, Apteand Kirloskar.
The translation of Kirloskar is mainly for theatrical purposes and
therefore does not require much consideration. Apte’s translation
is all in prose. Rajawade’s and P. Godbole's translations are in
both prose and verse. Both of these translators rendered the original
prose into Marathi prose and the original verses into Marathi verse.
But they have not kept to the same metre as in the original, and
in some places they have translated the original single verses into one,
two or three verses. Also they have employed pure Marathi vrittas
or metres, like, abhanga, saki, dindi, etc. The author of the present
volume has translated the original prose into Marathi prose and in the
translation of the verse he has employed the same metre. It is called
samavritta, samasloka, translation. He bound himself down to this

VOL, 1¥. PART I. a5

so4 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

kind of hazardous translation and he has come out victorious. The
preface is written by the learned professor R. D. Ranade, who has done
full justice to the author's labours, We examined a few instances
quoted in the preface, and com pared them most, critically and carefully
and found that the present translation stands out by itself.

Marathi poetry does not lend itself to blank verse, and so the
author was also bound, even against his wish, to rhyme all verses,
even anustun metres,

The poetry of Kalidis is one of the gems of the Sanskrit language.
Its grace, ease, poetical ideas, conciseness, all these virtues are
obvious in Kalidis’ poetry ; and that is the reason why it is so difficult
to render it appropriately into any other language. It is a hazardous
and arduous task to translate any work into another language without
losing the delicate shades and subtlety of meaning. How much more
difficult is the task of translating the best work of Kalidas, in which
characters, so divergent as an emperor, an ascetic, the daughter of a
nymph, the buffoon, the disciples of the ascetic, Indra, his charioteer,
and nymphs, also scenes like palace, hermitage, hunting, bowers,
heaven, regions between heaven and earth, ete., are depicted so easily
and in homely language, much less keeping to the same metre. To
render a Sanskrit verse into Marathi, with a limited number of words.
and without the least loss of meaning or shade is not an easy task.
No wonder that the author has been working hard for four whole years.

The Marathi employed in the translation is extremely good.
Marathi has become a quite well-developed language. In exemplary
works like Kalidis' Sakuntala’s translation, there is no hitch for the
lack of an appropriate Marathi word for the original Sanskrit. If
we examine and watch the development and steady growth of Marathi
since the time of Jninegvara, we see that it has assumed very high
proportions, though it is not at its climax. The Marathi of the present
day has no lack of words to express any sentiment or emotion. It
may, however, be devoid of some words in the field of modern science.
But that difficulty will soon be got over. To show the stages of
development is outside the scope of this review. We were agreeably
surprised to read the fitting and accurate expressions like ufalane,
sailave, etc. In short, the translation throughout reproduces the
meaning and spirit of the original,

The Marathi verses are exact translations. The thymes employed
in the Anugfup metre are charming. In some places the composition
reminds the reader of Waman pandit. The style is graceful and happy.

INE METHODE DER ARISCHEN FORSCHUNG O85

This book will be most useful for those who are unable to under-
stand the original Sikuntala. It will give an exact meaning. The
other translations are not sufficient to give an accurate knowledge
of the original. This book will stand on a Ingh level among many
Marathi translations of Sanskrit works or of foreign languages. Also
this book has contributed much to Marathi literature which 1s growing
marvellously. |

The author has given his own views on siikuntala in 38 pages.
He has refuted all objections raised by Dr. Belwalkar, His drift
of argument, his judgment, and his searching criticizm deserve
consideration. He also disagrees with certain views held by the
famous poet Sir Rabindranath Tagore. He has surveyed the sequence
of seven acts, linked together as they are, in the course of his free ideas
about Saikuntala, Mr. Godbole is polite but firm in criticizing Sir
Rabindranath Tagore, Professor Roy, Dr. Belwalkar, and some
orthodox pandits, In his criticism he throws some light upon ancient
customs, the state of society, the freedom of woman in choosing her
husband, and some other subjects. He says that the standard of
morality that prevailed thousands of years ago is not to be judged
by that of our time. He believes in evolution and not in revolution.
There is no gap, he says, between instinct, reason and inspiration.
The first grows into the second, which again expands into the third.
Between heaven and earth there is not a gulf to be bridged, it is only
filled with ether. It is all one solid mass all over. Between vice and
virtue, between light and dark, there is no gap, the only difference
is that of degree.

In conclusion we congratulate Mr. Godbole on his success, and
hope that he will do more service to the Marathi language by translating
other works of Kalidas, Bhavabhiti, ete.

5S. G. KaANHERE.

Diz Mernope per Ariscuen Forscuunc. Von Jonannes Herre,
(Indo-Iranische Quellen und Forschungen, Beiheft zu Heft VI.)
pp. 80. Leipzig: H. Hessel, 1926. 8vo. |

The unfriendly greeting which has been accorded in some quarters
to the hitherto published Hefte of his [./.@.F. has stirred Dr. Hertel
to produce this lively booklet, in which he seeks to make clear the
objects and methods of his criticism, to show the fundamental
weaknesses which have hitherto hindered the study of Véda and Avesta

tet REVIEWS OF LOOKS

from arriving at definitive conclusions except “ auf formalistiechem
Gebiet ”, and finally to deal with the objections raised by Professors
Clemen, Keith, and Charpentier against the date proposed by him
for Zoroaster. As a test-case he takes RV. viii, ii, 12, and has no
difficulty in showing that the explanations of it offered by Sayana,
Grassmann, Ludwig, Griffith, Oldenburg, Bergaigne, Hillebrandt,
and Zimmer are inconsistent and unacceptable. His own view is
based upon the conclusion which he laid down in I.J.Q.F. vi, 67 {:
the Aryans regarded both Séma and milk as liquid forms of the
heavenly fire (brdhma, x°arsnah) and imagined that by drinking
them they absorbed them into their hearts, where these liquids became
pure celestial fire which inspired them with heroic power; thus the
Soma was regarded as a dévd within the warrior’s bady, battling against
his enemies, and the milk was conceived as essentially similar to it,
creating by its mixture with Séma a double brdhma and thus rendering
the drinker dvilirhas. Hence he renders the verse: “ [The Séma-
draughts} drunk into the hearts do battle : they who are possessed
by evil intoxication in [drinking of] sira glow [= sing] not, nor do they
who are naked! at the udder.” and explains this in detail from the
standpoint of his theory with much ingenuity.

He next deals with R.V. X, xxii, which in his opinion “ must have
been composed at a time when most of the tribes had already moved
into India and the Mazdayasnian religion had become the dominant
one In Eastern Iran”. In proof of this he discusses verses 1, 2, and 10,
which he renders :-—

I. “Where is Indra heard of ? Among what people now is
Mitra not heard of, who is zealously praised, whether in the dwelling
place of the Nsis or in secret 7°

=. “ Here Indra is heard of : among us now is he praised, he that
is armed with the thunderbolt, the brilliant one (?), who has won for
himself like Mitra a glory that is not half.”

10, “Stir up these men for the slaughter of foes in the place of
dead bodies [the battlefield], O valiant one who art armed with the
thunderbolt, if thou art hidden from the tribes * of the Kavis who have
the savas of stars.” |

_ Une is tempted to seo in the word nayadé a mncer of the well-armed and clothed
Aryan at the very airy costume which was probably worn then by the natives of
Inclin, as it is to-day, i

* With the uss of giha

! with gen. karindig we may compare «pida with gen.,
Thus, i, Lol,

“age
-
DIE METHODE DER ARISCHEN FORSCHUNG 387 a
This, Dr. Hertel contends, is the utterance of a tnbe that worshipped :
Indra and was opposed to tribes adoring Mitra as their chief god,
ie. to Mazdayasnians, whose attitude towards Indra is expressed 3
in Yt. V. x, 9 and xix, 43, where Indra is mentioned with loathing =
as a daéva, in company with other demons. This is certainly a valuable ae

suggestion, and has considerable probability. In Dr. Hertel's opinion
it is definitively proved by v. 10: he understands by the Kavis the
Avestie tribes of Eastern Iran, where, according to his view, havi =
prince, and he regards this identification as finally confirmed by the
epithet ndksatraéavas, “‘ having divine fire or inspiration [sdvas =
brikma, a*%aranah] from the stars,’ inasmuch as these East-lranian
tribes looked upon the constellations Tistrya and Satavaésa, and above
all upon Mifra, the starry heaven, as being peculiarly endowed with
this divine fire and dispensing it to the pious. This explanation Is
very attractive, and as regards édvas I believe Dr. Hertel 1s right.
As to the rest of the verse, however, I venture with much diffidence
to suggest an alternative interpretation, which may be wrong, and
if right does not invalidate his explanation of vv. 1-2. It seems to
me possible that githa yddi kavindm visam niksalrasavasim may
mean “if thou art hidden from the tribes of Kavi's race inspired by
the Star”. I suspect that “ Kavi's race”, Kavdyas, are the priests of
the family of Kavi, alias Usanas-Sukra, who was the first of the race of
Bhreu; in other words, they are the Bhargavas. Usanas-Sukra is
identified with the planet Sukra already in Mahabharata (I, Ixvi,
2605 {f.), and the connexion may be based upon a Vedic tradition."
Now the hymn VIII, ii is ascribed to either Médhatithi Kanva or
Privamédha Angirasa ; the Kanvas were a branch of the Angirasas,
the race of Brhaspati, so in either case the hymn ts an Aigirasa one.
I am therefore tempted to see in this passage an expression of the old
rivalry between the Angirasas and the Bhargavas, which is indicated
in the ancient legend that makes Brhaspati Angiras the Guru of the
Dévas and Uéanas the Guru of the Daityas, Danavas, and Asuras,
and hence the arch-enemy of Indra. According to Puranic tradition,
this hostility was hereditary: the three sons of Varitrin, son of
Usanas, were also priests of the Daityas and foes of Indra (see Pargiter, ©
AJ.H.T., p. 196). Virtually, then, our poet says: ~ We are orthodox,

1 ‘This curious myth scema to be based upon the idea prevailing in Eastern [ran
that certain stars were especial sources of the heavenly fire, which has already been
mentioned, and which was particularly associated with the Mi@ra-cult, The Bhirgavas
then would seem to belong originally to this cult-area,

oa8 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

you are heretics.” The Bhiirgavas would thus seem to have been
originally opposed to the Indra-cult and later to have accepted it,
probably under compulsion. This is possibly indicated in the Kianva
(and therefore Angirasa) hymn VIII, iii, where we read in verse 9
yend ydtibhyd Bhigavé dhiné hité yéna Préskayvam dvitha, “ wherewith
[thou gavest help] to the Yatis and Bhrgu when their possessions were
at stake [ef. I, exvi, 15, TV, sli, 6), wherewith thou didst aid Praskanva ”
(who, it may be observed, was also a Kanva), This seems to indicate
that once upon a time the Yatis (whoever they may have been) and
the Bhargavas were compelled to choose between losing their property
and confessing the supreme divinity of Indra, and accepted the latter
alternative, There is a vaguer allusion to the event in VIII, vi (a
Kanva hymn), 18, yd Indra yétayas tod Bhrgavé yé ca tustuvih. The
Indra-cult. was propagated at one time by a vigorous persecution
of the Yatis, to which legend bears frequent evidence (Taitt.-Sam, II,
iv, 9,2: VI,u, 7,5; Adé.-Br. VII, xxvii—XXXV, ii: T dudya-Br, VIL,
1,4; NII,iv, 17; XVIII,i,9; Kaus.-up. 11, i,ete.), and the passages of
R.V. quoted above strongly suggest that the Bhirgavas were com-
panions in misfortune with the Yatis.

His fourth chapter is devoted by Dr. Hertel to meeting (not
without some asperity) the objections which his critics have based
upon the supposed testimony of Xanthus as quoted by Diogenes
Laertius (Procem., 2) and the clay tablet of Assurbanipal which Hommel
believed to contain the name of Ahurd Mazdah. It must, I think,
he admitted that the context of the passage in which Xanthus is
quoted proves that the words cited as from his pen could not possibly
have been written before the fourth century .c. at the very earliest!
The tablet of Assurbanipal is likewise of small value as evidence,
It is a miscellaneous list of deities for invocation, and the line in
question, AN-as-sa-ra-AN-ma-za-ai, seems to contain the names
of two gods who are unconnected with one another ? (compare, e.g.,
col. xi, lines 25 and 30 of the same tablet). Moreover, the names
Assara and Mazaé can hardly be phonetically equated with Asuré (or
Ahuré) and Mazdas.

' That this passage of Xanthue is spurious is of course not a pew discovery ; the
fact was asserted by C, and T, Maller in Fragm. Hist, Gree, in 1841.

* | owe this statement to my learned colleague Mr, Sidney Smith, whose authority
in this branch of science is indisputable, It may be added that the name Mazdaba,
which has been quoted as evidence for the carly date of Zoroaster, does not necessarily
refer to Mazdih at all, and may possibly be Elamitin, Sve Hall, Ancient Hist, of the
Near East, p. 555, n. 2,

INE KUNST INDIENS 389

To follow Dr. Hertel through the further rounds of his fight 1s
forbidden to us by the exigencies of time and space, and we must
conclude. He has undoubtedly corrected some errors and presented
some interesting Vedic exegesis ; and now we venture to hope that he
and his adversaries will shake hands.

L. D. Barnett.

Dre Kunst Isxpimews. Von Dr. Eexst Diez. (Handbuch der
Kunstwissenschaft: Erginzungsband.) pp. 193, 15 plates.
Wildpark-Potsdam (Akademische Verlagsgesellschaft Athenaion),
[1926 7]. 4to.

This work, which after a short historical introduction surveys the
progress of the arts of building, plastic, and painting in India, with
an account of the arts in the Indian colonies of Ceylon, Java, Cambodia,
Annam, Burma, Siam, and Laos, possesses patent merits. It is hand-
somely got up; it is profusely illustrated by plates and smaller
pictures which for the most part are well chosen and admirably
executed ; and it is written by a scholar of great technical knowledge,
wide reading, and fine taste, whose wsthetic appreciations are always
interesting and often instructive. On some points, however, the
judgments of Dr. Diez would be more acceptable if they were supported
by a sounder knowledge of history. He views Indian art with intense
admiration and love, which is a valuable asset for the writer of a
Kunatgeschichte. But when he passes from art-criticiam to theorise
upon the origins and primitive symbolism of Indian art, he falls into
patent errors and glaring absurdities. Seduced by the fantastic
imaginations of Mr. Havell, he sets up an airy theory of “ chthonic-
telluric origin” aecording to which Visnu and Siva are both “ mytho-
logical derivates of that primitive dualism in which the religions of
youthful cultures are rooted”; the éikhara-temple, corresponding
to the pyramid, represents Visnu-Apollo and “solar fatherhood ”,
while the vimana-temple, corresponding to the omphalos, symbolises
Siva-Dionysus and “lunar motherhood”; and these two style-
complexes arose by polarization out of a “ Vedische Klassik”,
represented by the stipa, the abode of the One bisexual Brahma
(p. 183 ff.). Now with all respect to the learned author we beg leave
to say that all this is sheer myth—in German phrase, aus den Fingern
gesogen, The One Brahma (neuter) was never the object of an

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external cult lodged in a material dwelling; the Brahma.who was
worshipped in early epic times was purely masculine, and there is no
evidence that his cult, or the cult of any other great god, was practised
in stiipas in pre-Buddhist days. Siva and Visnu are gods of totally
different origms ; normal Hinduism did not “ polarize" them, but
regarded either one or the other as the Supreme; and it is sheer
perversity to see in the phallic Siva an embodiment of das Ewiy
Weibliche,

The idea that the sithara-temple was originally evolved as a symbol
of Visnu-Krsna and the vimdna-temple correspondingly represented
Siva has really no legs to stand upon. Dr. Diez admits that the
former type was used by both churches even in the Gupta period
(p. 50); and in regard to the vimdna we may point out that e.g. in
the ancient Pallava temples of Conjevaram there is no essential
difference of outward structure between the Kailisanitha, which
belongs to Siva, and the Vaikuntha-peruma], which belongs to Visnu.
‘As to later temples, no distinction exists. The simple facts are
these. The North evolved the classical type of sikhara-temple,
the South the classical vimana-temple. In the North the cult. of
Vignu found more wealthy patronage, in the South the cult of Siva
won more favour from the great in classical times; hence Visuu was
more often lodged in the dikhara, Siva in the vimana. But there is
no organic relation between the god and the outer form of his temple,
as may be proved by dozens of examples. This unlucky theory
tends to make the chapter on Hindu temples somewhat confused
and confusing.

There are a few other deficiencies. Dr. Diez omits to lay due
stress on that characteristic feature of Southern architecture, the
growth of the gépuram from the modest proportions of the early
Pallava school to the colossal bulk of later times. He hazards the
proposition that columns were not introduced into Indian architecture
until Asdka's age (p. 95), which is almost certainly a mistake. He
has hardly anything to say about the cave-paintings of Bagh, which
are equal, if not superior, to those of Ajanta. And lastly there are
many irregularities and misprints in rendering Indian words, and he
speaks of the Pandavas’ “ Schwester Draupadi” (p. 58). Yet in spite
of all this he has given us a really valuable book, which no student
of art can afford to overlook.

TOWN PLANNING IN ANCIENT INDIA a91

Town Puianxixe wn Ancrent Inpia. By Brxope Benart Durr,
M.A., BL. pp. xxxii, 379, 1 plate. Calcutta and Simla:
Thacker, Spink & Co., 1925. 8vo.

The leading idea of Mr. Dutt's book, as he tells us, has been to
deal with Indian principles of town-planning from the standpoint
of the Hindu conception of the subject; and in this design he has
achieved considerable snecess. His chapters discuss successively
the origin and growth of Indian cities, the survey of the city, its
boundaries and approaches, streets and their planning, site-planning
and distribution of population, improvement and expansion of towns,
the village and its types, buildings and bye-laws thereon, centres
and enclosed places, the individuality of towns, and the city as an
expression of civie life, with introduction and appendices. For
the study of these matters he has read widely and generally well,
especially in the available Sanskrit literature, the chief data of
which he presents with clearness and accuracy, so far as the
sources permit,

Mr. Dutt’s introduction shows some confused thinking on the
history of the art; and he has an occasional tendency to mix theory
with fact. Undoubtedly the ancient Hindus often had sound views
of town-planning, and often realized them more or less successfully
in practice. But they did not always act up to theory, being human
and of many sorts. And it is critically unsound to write, as Mr, Dutt
does on p. 297 £., of cities in mythical times such as Ayodhya,
Dvaraki, or Indraprastha as being laid out in the most approved
fashion because the Epics or Puranas say so. Equally uncritical
is the remark that a certain improvement is due to Sukriicarya (p. 255)
because it is not mentioned in sources assumed to be earlier; we know
very little cither about the dates of the works in question or about
the sources of Sukricdrya. Finally, it may be pointed out that
_ Mr. Dutt has omitted to utilize the inscriptions, which throw a good
deal of light on civic polity. However, these are minor matters in
a book which aims primarily at setting forth what the Hindus con-
ceived as the ideals of the art rather than what they actually achieved ;
and Mr. Dutt’s work deserves recognition as a useful and intelligent
performance.

L. D. Barnett.

392 REVIEWS OF HOOKS

TRaveL AND TRAVELLERS IN THE MippLEe Aces. Edited by A. P.
NEWTON. pp, x + 223. Kegan Paul, 1926. 12s. 6d.

This volume comprises a series of studies by different authorities
ranging from Professor Laistner's paper on the decay of geographical
knowledge in the fourth and fifth centuries to Professor Prestage’s
descriptions of the activities of Prince Henry and the early attempts
of the Portuguese to discover a sea-route to the East. Most of these
papers are of very real interest to the student of Eastern history,
since they illustrate with a wealth of learning the manner in which
the modern European knowledge of the East came gradually into
being. For instanee, Miss Power's chapter on the land routes to
Cathay provides a brilliant résumé of the work of Yule and Cordier
and the beginner could not desire a better introduction to that most
interesting subject. Sir Thomas Arnold's paper on the Arab travellers
supplies an admirable account of Ibn Batuta and his fellows, who
on all accounts deserve to be much better known to English readers
than they are. Baron Meyendorff discusses the problems of the
trade-routes of Eastern Europe. Two papers present points of
decidedly novel interest. One of these is Sir Denison Ross's paper
on Prester John. This shows clearly how mediaeval ideas regarding
that strange potentate wandered in search of him between Central
Asia and Ethiopia. It is suggested that the origin of the legend
and of the name may be traced to the latter source. A careful
examination of Portuguese historians, especially Almeida and Paez,
suggests that Italian merchants learnt that the King of Ethiopa was
called Zan hag, which they transliterated fianne and then Gianne—
John. This notable Suggestion will, we think, be found to contain
the final solution of a problem that has long baffled European scholars
from the time of Kircher, Mozheim, and d’Avezac, Once stated,
the solution seems irresistible, The particular point which Professor
Prestage makes, in his study of the Portuguese search for the sea-
route to India, supports Dr, Cortesaa’s suggestion that about the middle
of the fifteenth century the Portugu deliberately adopted a policy
of suppressing information about their discoveries, in order to render
foreign rivalry more difficult, This would explain why Barros could
find no complete copy of Zurara’s Chronicle of Guinea, surviving
manuscripts of which have clearly been tampered with, while the
work of Cerveira disappeared altogether,

H. —.

THE EAST INDIA COMPANY TRADING TO CHINA 393

Cunonictes OF THE East Inpia COMPANY TRADING TO Cura, 1635-
1834. By H. B. Morse. 4 Vols. pp. xxii + 313, vill -+ 451,
viii + 387, and viii + 427. Oxford: Clarendon Press. 70s.

These admirably produced volumes form a large additional
monument to the knowledge and industry of Dr. Morse, who has
already done so much to illuminate the modern history of China.
But in these he has contented himself with analyzing the records
of the East India Company, and has added little by way of comment.
The details of the trade are given usually in tabular form; and are
followed year by year with brief narratives of the outstanding events,
interspersed with quotations from the diaries and despatches of
the Company's servants in China.

These servants long maintained the character and organization
that had marked the whole body of them at the outset of the Company 6
career, They were supercargoes. They accompanied the vessels
on the outward and the homeward voyage, long after their fellows
had settled down to a permanent factory life in every other part of
the Company's limits, At Amoy and then at Canton they obtained
privilege of trade, but no privilege of residence. It was only gradually,
first by the establishment of a general council to manage the affairs
of all the Company's vessels, instead of separate sets to each ; then
by appointing the chief to remain, and so carry over the experience
of one year direct into the next ; and finally by the establishment
of a permanent Council or select committee, that conditions were
attained at all resembling those which the Company secured so early
and with such comparative ease at the ports of the Moghul Empire.
In this respect the China supercargoes differed much from their
fellow-servants in India. This difference was very significant. They
were trading in a larger, a wealthier, a more stable, and a much more
incomprehensible empire than that of the Moghuls. And they were
there on sufferance, because their trade profited the mandarins of
Canton. The theory at the capital was that they, and the other
European traders, were allowed to buy Chinese produce out of com-
passion for the inhabitants of less-favoured regions, Accordingly
they never attained at Canton that position of respect which they
attained at Surat. They were never allowed to buy the factory in
which they lived ; the afficials did everything in their power to make
the merchants who were allowed to trade with the foreigners the
sole channel of communication with them; they forbade anyone to
teach them Chinese; and they regarded with singular suspicion,

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such of them—and they were exceedingly few—who managed to
evade the obstacles in the path of learning the language. Dr. Morse
points out very justly at what a disadvantage the English stood
in this respect as compared with other nations. The Portuguese
and the French generally found some Roman Catholic MmIssionary
who could assist them ; and the Dutch could draw on the large Chinese
colony resident at Batavia: while the English, till late in the day,
had no means of intercourse save a chance missionary or the picturesque
but loose patois of Pidgin English.

The origins of Anglo-Chinese trade may be traced back to the
time when the Manchus were just completing their conquest of Southern
China. The early officials with whom. the supercargoes came into
contact seem to have been Manchus, and, as Dr. Morse points out,
were quite inexpert in sheering the trader's fleece, But these early
officials were succeeded by others, whose methods were less violent
in operation if equally interested in purpose. The Chinese merchants,
not the foreign traders, became the objects of taxation; and grew
into a corporation that monopolized the European trade. With them
—as one would expect—the relations of the supercargoes were generally
friendly and became friendlier, It is, however, remarkable to find
the supercargoes intervening on several occasions to save Hong
merchants from bankruptey,

One or two aspects of the Company's trade deserve special mention,
One of these is the bullion trade. When we first began to trade
to China the prevalent ratio of gold to silver was much higher than
it was in the West; and it was very profitable to import silver and
export gold, which was usually carried to Madras. Gradually, however,
under the constant influence of continuous trade the balance seems
to have turned the other way, and we even find exports of silver from
China, sometimes to Europe, sometimes to India. When these took
the form of sycee, the traffic became illegal and subject to the special
exactions that such traffic usually involves,

This feature was a marked characteristic of the opium trade,
in which, however, the Company rarely took part, though indirectly
interested through its opium sales at Calcutta. Profitable as it was,
it would have involved too heavy exactions on the Company's legal
trade in tea and silk to have been really advantageous, while the
supercargoes would have no longer been able to maintain their attitude
of impeccable correctness. the early history of this subject
Dr. Morse’s researches have thrown much new light.

THE MEMOIRS OF WILLIAM HICKEY

The case is the same with the finance of the trade. Dr. Morse's
figures show in a most interesting way that in the course of time
the Company was able materially to reduce its shipments of bullion
to China, and sometimes to do without them altogether. This was
brought about in part by the existence of an active private trade from
India to Manilla and China, in part by the strong demand for private
remittances to England from India. The first placed large sums
of silver at the disposal of private merchants at Canton; and the
second impelled them to pay these sums into the Company's cash at
Canton in return for bills on London, drawn usually at 365 days’
sight. When American merchants, too, became active in the China
trade, importing English cloth and exporting tea, they found it
convenient to take payment for the balance of their imports in Company
hills on London.

On various special incidents Dr, Morse’s documents contain
much that is new. For instance, we find several new documents
on the embassies to China, from that of Lieut.-Colonel Cathcart,
who died before reaching China, down to that of Lord Amherst which
was so complete a failure. These Dr. Morse regards, and rightly,
as steps in a struggle between the Company and the local officials at
Canton—a struggle in which the mandarins won. He illustrates also
with great fulness a number of incidents in which the question of
the liability of Europeans to the Chinese Courts was involved, His
extracts show how deeply the supercargoes mistrusted the Chinese
system of administering justice, and how great reason they had for
their mistrust. Indeed on both sides, economic and __ political,
these volumes are full of precious material which lay buried in the
records of the Canton factory, till Dr. Morse’s skill, knowledge, and
perseverance at last made them available, They will prove
indispensable to every student of Anglo-Chinese relations and of the
history of the East India Company. ae

Tue Memorrs or Wrewtam Hickey, Vou. IV (1790-1809). pp. xu +
512, Hurst & Blackett, 1926. 21s.

With this volume the memoirs of the entertaining Hickey come to
an end in the quiet seclusion of Little Hall Barn, at Beaconsfield,
whither the author retired on his final return from Bengal, and where
he actually composed these memoirs. Even in this the fourth volume
his lively fund of reminiscences runs with the same bubbling zest

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as in the earlier volumes. Emilia has given place to the plump
“ Jemdanee ", and “ Jemdanee” herself dies and is succeeded by no
one; and a drinking-party now leaves Hickey with a headache for
forty-eight hours afterwards, So he gives up the vices of youth.
and betakes himgelf—so far as such a volatile creature can do—to
economy and virtue. But it was no sour virtue or miserly economy
that replaced the frolics of earlier days, but rather the mellow modera-
tion of one who has seen a great deal of life and has found it vastly
entertaining. No one so well testifies to the truth of Smollett’s novels
as this Anglo-Indian hero. His early wildness, his love-affairs,
his casual adventures by land and sea, and his outlook on life after
it all, are strongly reminiscent of Mr, Peregrine Pickle, who must
have been copied from just such a one as William Hickey in his youth.

Great men figure in this last volume, but mainly in walking parts.
Arthur Wellesley moves on and off the stage; his brother, the great
marquis, having handed over the cares of office to his stlccessor, foes
dashing by in his coach and six, with outriders and bodyguard, while
Cornwallis, the new governor-general, drives his own phaeton, with
his secretary sitting beside him. But we get some very illuminating
pictures of lesser men. There is, for instance, Hugh Boyd's ménage
in Fort St. George, with the worst wines, food, and service in the
world, of all which the owner was most placidly and characteristically
unaware ; or Sir John Royds, judge of the Supreme Court, saved from
death by three or four bottles of claret a day. The number of suicides
that occurred at Calcutta during these years will certainly strike
the reader with surprise, until he recollects the habits of the age
and the desperate uncertainty of commerce. We find an acid deserip-
tion of Sir George Barlow, the narrow and unstatesmanlike stop-gap
who filled the Governor-General’s chair between Cornwallis and
Minto, and a full account of the gossip which the Vellore Mutiny
produced at Calcutta. But it is as a social historian that Hickey
excels. We like to sit at Sir Alured Clarke's table and note the
sarcasm with which he discourages his guests from helping themselves
to salt with their knives; and to share with General St. ’ eer his
pleasure in finding Lieutenant Forrest with a really good “ sagar ””
from Madras, Altogether the editor and the publishers of this work
have done good service in making accessible so curious and exact
a picture of the morals and manners of the second half of the eighteenth
century. As readers of the earlier volumes may have suspected,
the MS. has not been printed in extenso. At the end of the present:

RECORDS OF CLAN CAMPBELL 307

volume is a collection of errata and notes, in which is to be found
a list of the principal passages which have been excised with a brief
description of the nature of their contents. It does not appear that
much of interest has been omitted; and in coneluding we should
congratulate the editor on the completion of a task so very well worth

doing.
H. D.

Recorps or Chax CamppeL. ts THE MILITARY SERVICE OF THE
Howovrasee East Ixpra Company, 1600-1858. By Sir Duncan
Campnet, Bart. pp. Ixxxv + 311. Longmans, 1925. 12s. Gd.

These records have been compiled very carefully and accurately.

Sir Richard Temple contributes a pleasant introduction, although
he trips here and there in his facts. He seems, though he cannot
really intend, to make Clive present at Baksar and to confuse the
revolution of 1760 with the succession to the nawabship of Bengal
in 176; he misealls the commanding officer at the siege of Pondicherry
in 1793; and he repeats the hoary error that the French were the first
to train their sepoys in the European manner. But the records
themselves (so far as the present writer has been able to check them)
seem admirably exact, It has sometimes been thought that the
invasion of India by the Scotch began in the time of Dundas. But,
as the present volume demonstrates, the movement really began
a generation earlier. It may most naturally be dated from Boseawen's
expedition which sailed in 1747, because of his independent companies,
half were raised by Scots in Scotland, and the gaps in their strength
were in part made good by condemned rebels. Of the officers several
joined the Company’s service, and first introduced into it that strong
Scotch tone which later was so firmly established. Some of Sir Duncan
Campbell's clansmen were curious rascals—witness the major who
assembled a committee of officers under his command to inquire
into his own gambling transactions. Another curious episode, of a
very different nature, is the account of a lady who, though she did
not feel any attachment for a retired Colonel, was so melted by the
apparent misery caused by her refusal that she changed her mind
and accepted him. The third anecdote which struck the present writer
particularly relates to the death of Lieutenant Alexander Campbell,
who was shot down in a defile. A sepoy mfleman took post over his
body, and kept the enemy at a distance until the heutenant’s own men
rallied and‘ returned.

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In conclusion a few corrections and additions may be suggested.
The first Company’s Commission received by Charles Campbell of
Barbreck was that of Lieutenant of Artillery, dated 29th September,
1749, which lends colour to the statement (which Sir Duncan appears
to doubt) that he had served in the Royal Artillery. The account of
the two James Campbells (Nos. 115 and 119) seems doubtful. At all
events Lieutenant-Fireworker James Campbell claimed administration
of the estate of Neil Campbell, his father, before the Madras Mayor s
Court on Ist November, 1791; the Madras Burial Lists show a McNeil
Campbell to have been buried on 12th July, 1791. Lieutenant-
Fireworker John Campbell (No. 150), whom Sir Duncan could trace
no further, was appointed to the King’s service on 30th March, 1789.
Kenneth Campbell, appeinted a cadet for Bengal and not further
traced, seems to have stopped at Madras, there receiving a commission
as Ensign dated 10th November, 1782, and being later transferred
to the Cavalry ; and the two Roberts (Nos. 206 and 207) were probably
the same person, for the first, according to Colonel Wilson, accom panied
Clive to Bengal and joined the Bengal Army. These Suggestions,
it should be added, are offered not in criticism of Sir Dunean’s laborious
researches, but in supplement of them at the one or two points where
the present writer happens to have additional information.

H. D.

Four Centuries or Mopern Inag. By 5. H. Lonerice. pp. xii +
#18, Oxford: 1925. 21s,

It is seldom that an English author has the chance of writing
a book on a subject almost totally unknown to English readers.
But this has been Mr. Longrigg’s fortune in his Four Centuries of
Modern Iraq. Plenty is known about Baghdad the capital of the
"Abbasid Khalifs; and plenty is known about Baghdad, the capital
of the new Arab monarchy ; but very little about that long stretch
of time during which it was the capital of a Turkish province. The
inquirer had to resort to the uncertain pages of those travellers who
followed at intervals the ancient overland route to India, or painfully
to pick out the story from the numberless pages of von Hammer.
Mr. Longrigg has used these sources: but he has used as well the
Turkish chronicles, such as the Gulshan-j Khulafa and the Dihat-ul-
wazari; and he has enjoyed the advantage not only of knowing
the country of which he writes—he is Administration Inspector to the
"Traqi government—but also of obtaining on the spot information

FOUR CENTURIES OF MODERN IRAQ 399

derived from tribal or family tradition. Indeed, in this respect the
hook reminds one of famous Anglo-Indian works—Tod’s Rajastan
or Wilks’ Southern India—in which the authors depend not only on
literary sources but also on traditions and beliefs gathered from
the lips” of the people themselves. In that way the present work
is related to those noble memorials of British activities in the East.
Mr. Longrigg’s style is at times neither easy nor accurate ; he speaks
of a begler begi kissing hands at Constantinople, when presumably
he means kissing the dust of the threshold ; he talks of a “ dome
that became a pilgrimage”; and he can write such a sentence as,
‘a few bare facts remain to record”. But the reader should not
allow these regrettable lapses to prejudice him against @ well-
documented presentation of a singularly interesting story.

Its interest is partly political, partly administrative. In its political
aspect, we have the long duel between the Turk and the Persian for
the possession of Baghdad—its capture by Shah "Abbas in 1623, when
its women were sold into slavery, the Sunnis persecuted and many
put to death, and the mosque of Abu Hanifa partly destroyed ; 1ts
recovery, after several failures, by Murad; and the almost successful
siege by Nadir Shah. These events yield striking episodes ; but more
deeply interesting is the administrative side of the story. We have,
for example, the relations with the Arab tribesmen—sometimes left
under the control of their tribal chiefs, as when the Abu Rishah was
recognized and made Sanjak Begi within his own area, just as in
the nineteenth century was done with the rulers of Najd or Kuwait;
and sometimes encouraged by the digging of canals to settle down
into peaceful subjects ; but always ready to take advantage of foreign
or domestic troubles to throw off their dependence and withhold
the revenue. Then, too, we have the spectacle, #0 familiar to the
student of decadent states in India, of new pashas making it their
first care to divide out the territory into convenient farms, and selling
the revenues by auction to farmers who become indistinguishable
from governors. Above all, we have the curious relations between
the pashas and their ostensible master, the sultan, who sends them
their annual farman and khil’at of confirmation, but who often receives
neither tribute nor obedience. Gradually we find the practical
independence of the pashalik become more and more evident. One
of them is said to have assumed the title of Padishah. Others bequeath
their rule to their slaves and sons-in-law. A dynasty of mamelukes
almost establishes itself. The last of these in 1830 murders the envoy

OL. Tv. PART I.

400 REVIEWS OF BROOKS

charged with orders for his dismissal and reports that he has died of
cholera; but by then the sultanat was recovering from its decline
in the eighteenth century, and Da’ud Pasha was at length taken and
sent a prisoner to Constantinople, dying twenty years later in the
odour of sanctity as custodian of the Holy Shrine of Medina. It is
perhaps as a study of Oriental administration in decay that this volume
is most interesting.

Finally one finds from time to time mention of the East India
Company and its agent at Baghdad, But under this head Mr. Longrigg
adds little that is new. He depends on a summary of the documents
made in the Indian Foreign Department. . But indeed the part played
by the English in the main development was small, and to be profitably
studied must be approached from a much broader aspect than is
afforded by the history of the province of Iraq, which is Mr. Longrigg’s
special concern. H. D.
OvTLINEs or InpIaN CoxstrrutionaL History (Brivish Perron).

By W. A. J. Ancuponp. pp. 367. King & Son, 1926.

This very useful volume surveys the growth of the administrative
machinery in India from the establishment of the East India Company
down to the scheme produced in 1918 for the gradual transfer of
control from English into Indian hands. However, it does not aim
at covering the whole of this extensive field. Mr. Archbold puts
altogether on one side (1) the relations between the Home and the
Indian Governments, and of the Indian Governments among them-
selves, (2) the attempts to develop local self-governing institutions : and
(3) the status and position of the native states. The exclusion of the
third is more justifiable than that of the other two. By omitting the
first, Mr. Archbold has deliberately restricted himself from discussing
the constitutional usages which are really essential to a comprehension
of the machinery which he describes ; by omitting the second, he
excludes from view the attempts at development which fill the period
running from the Councils Act of 1861 to that of 1892. The volume
would have been more useful if its author had not cut out what are
really essential portions of his subject. With that exception, the
work has been well and carefully done, and, especially for the latest
scheme of constitutional development, is well documented by the
inclusion of considerable extracts m the Montagu-Chelmsford
Report, by the text of the Act itself. and by excerpts from various
papers connected with its evolution. These make it a very convenient

A HISTORY OF THE DECCAN 401

volume for those desiring an introduction to the study of the existing
constitution of India. A few points of detail need correction. The
East India Company was never a regulated company ; in spite of its
early terminable stocks, the management of the Company's business
was always limited to the Company’s officers. Then, too, Mr. Archbold
seems mistaken in discriminating (p. 20) between the New or English
Company and the General Society. His account of the trial of pirates
under the Act 11 and 12 Will. III, c. 7 is based on an out-of-date and
inaccurate authority. Itis stating the reverse of fact to assert that the
allowance assigned in:1765 to the Nawab of Bengal was intended in
any way for the maintenance of troops ; or that the Secret Committee
of the Directors, preserved by Pitt’s India Act, was a mere device
for saving the Company's face when over-ridden by the Board of
Control. There are some misprints—e.g. on p. 23 Adijar for Adigar ;
and on p. 44 the battle of Plassey seems confused with the battle of

H. D.

Tue SraTe-Parers oF THE GoveRNors-GeNERAL OF InDIA—
Cornwauuis. By Sir Grorce Forrest. 2 vols. Blackwell,
1926. SOs. net.

This consists of one volume containing a study of Cornwallis's
career in India and another containing a selection of his letters and
minutes taken from the edition of Ross. The introduction 1s devoted
principally to the war with Tipu concluded by the Treaty of Seringa-
patam in 1792. Sir George Forrest was engaged on this down to the
last: and had he lived would doubtless have dealt much more fully
with the administrative side of his subject. As was the case with
Hastings, Sir George warmly defends his hero's policy from the attack
of Mill, and shows that the latter in citing Wilks and Maleolm omitted
passages unfavourable to the view which he was advocating.

H. D.

A History or tHE Deccan. By J.D. B.Gareste. Vol. Il. Edited
and finished by Mrs. M. Penpteevury. pp. 269 and appendix.
Luzac, 1924.

The first volume of this work appeared in 1896; and political
circumstances may be suspected of having had something to do
with the present appearance of the author's notes worked up by
his daughter into their present form. It forms not so much a history

402 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

of the Deccan from the death of Asaf Jah Nizam-ul-mulk, as a dis-
quisition on the rights and wrongs of the Berar case. The account
of the second half of the eighteenth century appears to be drawn
principally from the familiar pages of Orme, Wilks, and Duff. The
chapters relating to the nineteenth century are similarly indebted
to Hastings Fraser's Our Faithful Ally and. Brigg’s volume under
a similar title, It will therefore disappoint those who look to it for
anything new regarding the history and administration of the Nizam’s
dominions. H. D.

Tue Epvcation or Inpra. By Arravur Mavuew, C.LE. pp. x +-306.
Faber & Gwyer, 1926, 10s, 6d, net.

This is the best book we have seen on the history of educational
policy in India, It is well-written, and, what is of much more importance,
it is written with understanding, It opens with an acute analysis
of the ideas and aims of those who set up English education in India,
Mr. Mayhew rightly points out that the prominent position usually
assigned to Macaulay in this connexion exaggerates the importance
of the part that he actually played, for the change would certainly
have taken place even had he never set foot in India. To the weakness
of that generation Mr. Mayhew is keenly alive. It certainly sought
to make the best of both worlds: in its eyes “ material prosperity,
though distinguishable from spiritual salvation, was not only consistent
with it but also in itself a sign of grace”. Its policy led not to
union but rather to an impact of two civilizations ; but although
that has produced unrest, it has also “sustained and stimulated
life”. In.a like spirit of justice Mr, Mayhew discerns alike the qualities
which made Lord Curzon so unattractive to Indians and the vigour
and zeal which he displayed in educational reform. But nothing
could make up for the blighting influence which State control exerted
over higher education ; and university autonomy is one of the essential
conditions of Indian cultural development. The publication of this
well-balanced volume is a public service both to England and to
India.

H. Dopwett,

Tue Paonetics or Aranic. By W. H. T, GaAIRDNER. (Oxford
| University Press, 1925. pp. 107.
Canon Gairdner’s book is a remarkably clear and accurate analysis
of the phonetic structure of classical as well as colloquial Egyptian

THE PHONETICS OF ARABIC 403

It is, in many respects, a model of what such a work should be,
and is set out largely in accordance with the practice followed by
phoneticians, Arabic script is not employed, save in the early pages,
where the phonetic values of the Arabic letters are given. All examples
and texts are printed in thick phonetic type. the alphabet used being
that of the International Phonetic Association. Examples are given
of both colloquial and classical versions of the same passages.

The sounds of the language, vowel and consonant, are dealt with
in detail, and much help can be gathered by foreign students of Arabic
in overcoming the technical difficulties—and they are many—of
the spoken language.

The influence of consonants on vowels is dealt with at some length.
There is here an observation that is not borne out by investigation
into the pronunciation of the Egyptian members of the School of
Oriental Studies, London. Canon Gairdner classes a and & (x and g)
among the modifying consonants, which when followed by the a
phoneme give it the value of p, None of our Egyptian members
agrees with the pronunciations given by Canon Gairdner on p. 47,
viz. -—

xp:f (he feared). xof (fear).
go:b (he was absent). gomm (he grieved).
The pronunciations we have observed are
xwe:f, xeef, ge:b and gemm.
A very valuable chapter is that which contains examples of words
differing only in respect of features frequently overlooked by foreign
students, such as the doubling of consonants, the lengthening of vowels,
and the velarization of consonants. They constitute an exceedingly
useful series of ear-training exercises, as we have found from practical
experience in teaching Arabic phonetics. Some exercises might
be added on the distinction between ? and S, which we have found
in practice to be a source of great difficulty to learners., €.f.
Payal (delay) and Sayal (haste),
naw? (rain) naw’ (species), etc.
On the other hand, in cases such as rab? (rising) and rab*S (abode)
there is no appreciable difference unless rabS is pronounced with a
helping vowel rab‘.

The rules governing the incidence of word stress are not very
clearly stated, and there appear to be certain discrepancies between
Canon Gairdner’s allocation of sentence stress, and that of the Egyptian

404 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

speakers here. In the main they stand the test of experiment. The
whole question of stress, however, is so important (and 80 neglected in
general) that we think it worth while to discuss a few points in detail.
(1) The first rule on p. 68 is not well drafted ; “in a non-final closed
syllable” should be substituted for “ before a non-final closed syllable "
and “an unvowelled consonant ” for “a closed consonant ", (2) The
accenting (i.e. pronouncing with a falling intonation) of the intrusive
vowel in ulti lu (I said to him) and katabti_ bha (I wrote with it)
does not appear to be universal: some of our Egyptian students
pronounced them so only when special emphasis was laid on the
pronoun. The difficulty is by no means cleared up by the rules for
intonation given on p. 71, as there seems to be no difference between
the conditions for accentuation of the penultimate and those for
accentuation of the ante-penultimate. (3) That the high pitch cannot
fall on a final short vowel followed by a single consonant is undoubtedly
true in general (though in some tialects, e.g. Tunisian, it is the rule
in certain classes of nouns and verbs). One very important exception
is illustrated in the passage on p. 95, where the phrase fi: nahdp:ti
_ J JoSo:b is represented in the “ £0-as-you-please style” by fi: nahitot
if foSu:b, The transcription is perfectly accurate provided that the
falling tone comes on the second syllable of nahitot: otherwise it
becomes singular. It follows that in this style of speech the distinction
between singular and plural in feminine nouns of this class (when
followed by a noun “in annexation”) is a distinction solely of intonation,
that in the singular falling on the first syllable (’nah@ot), that in the
plural on the shortened termination (nah’@ot}—an instance of
significant stress (or intonation) in Arabic. (4) The absoluteness of
the rule on p. 77 that final vowels must be dropped at the end of
breath-groups may perhaps be questioned, except in rhyming prose.
The too thoroughgoing application of this rule has led in one place
at least (p. 90) to the appearance of a form wa_ mf (and walk), which
seems totally indefensible.

The principles discussed in this chapter suggest incidentally a
solution of that most perplexing problem in Arabic—“ What is
colloquial?” No answer hitherto has been satisfactory, as no single
dialect or group of dialects could be taken as a standard. It appears
now from the data supplied by Canon Gairdner (though he perhaps
would not agree with the conclusion) that what constitutes colloquial
as distinct from literary Arabic consists less In details of vocabulary
and syntax (most of which vary with locality and degree of education).
than in the elisions and contractions due to a rapid and easy

AL-MASHRA‘ 40%)

pronunciation. The spoken language, consequently, while continuing
to be “colloquial” and as such possessing its special features of
accentuation, is capable of an indefinite degree of assimilation to the
literary dialect.

The following slips have been remarked in the course of working
through the book and are given here in case they may be of use uf
(as is to be hoped) a second edition is called for.

P. 5: The remarks on the neutral sound a in colloquial are in
contradiction to the principles stated on p. 44.

P. 47 ; 1a:6 (bY) means “driving away” not “blazing " (6 9).

P. 49: zuho:r, for “ flows” read “ flowers”.

P. 60: For towr “bull” (the colloquial pronunciation of tawr)
read ¢owr “ sort’.

P. 62: For tofpd “ he kept” read Hafib.

P. 63: For ?pshalf “ chapter” read ?psfia:h.

P. 70: ka:tibacha: means not “ writing (f.) it’, but “its two (m.)
writers”.

P. 74: ‘@arabatak can scarcely be called “classical” for “ she
struck you ’’, the correct form being dara’ batk(a).

P. 95, last line: For jansu:na (they forget) read jansawna.

P. 98, second last line : For Kiga:ratin read Hiya:ratin.

H. A. R. Gre.
A. Lioyp JaMEs.

Ar-Masuea‘. Parle P. Pavt Seata. pp. 210. N.D.

In a brief preface the author explains that this book contains
a collection of “addresses and lectures delivered in Egypt, Syria
and Palestine, with the aim of reconciling Muslims and Christians"’. If
the “reconciliation” turns out to be somewhat one-sided, it must
be conceded that the presentation of Christian dogma is extremely
able. This, one feels, is how the thing ought to be done if it is to be
done at all. Armed with all that equipment of dialectic and scholas-
ticiam which the Roman church has inherited from mediaeval times,
Pare Shath meets the Muslim on his own ground and with his own
weapons, It is doubtful whether any Protestant missionary could
ignore so completely modern European currents of thought, and here,
of course, lies the weakness of the book as an appeal to the Western-
educated leaders of the Muslim world. A special word of praise 1s
due to the elegant literary style of the author, enhanced by sparing
and most effective touches of saj‘, as well as to the excellent typo-
graphy of the anonymous press. H, A. R. Grae.

406 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

Tue Dinar or tae Coptic Cuurcn. From the manuscript in the
John Rylands Library, Manchester. Edited by De Lacy
O'Leary, D.D. viii + 120 pp. Luzac, lis,

It would be as difficult to derive 345 from avtidwpdpioy as
> ¥s> from ebyoAdyov, if we had not the intermediate forms
Teburtz_pr and “COAOTION to help us; of its liturgical origin we
know very little—there was a book of the name in use about the eighth
century, but this is cleared a later compilation, probably nearer the
thirteenth or fourteenth. Dr. O'Leary's very brief preface should be
supplemented by a careful reading of pp. 210-15 of Mr. Crum's
Catalogue of the Coptic MSS in the John Rylands Library
(Manchester, 1909), where sources are carefully investigated. The chief
interest of the Difndr to students lies in its connexion with the various
recensions of the Synazarium : the hymns are probably founded on the
(Arabic) text of the Synazarium, and it seems to me that the author used
4 recension more like that employed by Wiistenfeld, and the original
from which the Ethiopic was translated, than the text printed by
Basset in the Patrologia Orientalis. (Crum, loc. cit., deals with the com-
paratively scanty material derived from other sources than the
Synazarium—the stories of greatest interest are those of the neomartyrs
Michael of Damietta and Salib, both put to death for conversion from
Islam to Christianity.)

Dr. O'Leary would not, I think, claim that this is more than a
preliminary study. Although its value is Increased by the addition of
some texts placed at this disposal by the late Mr. H. G. Evelyn-White—
they come from the Dér Abu Makar in the Wadi en-Natriin, and can
hardly be later than the fifteenth or sixteenth century—Dr. O'Leary's
reproduction is one-third only of the whole work, covering only the
months Thoth, Paopi, Hathor, and Choiak. The Gottingen manuscript
has only the same months, but the whole year is at Rome: and
Dr. O'Leary makes no mention of the British Museum fragments,
Or. 5644 (7), which should be of about the same date as the Dér Abu
Makar leaves, and the more valuable because they represent a different
time of the year (months Phamenoth and Paoni) ; they also come from

* The case of the former Wat are-conversion. He had been a monk in the monastery
of Abba John in Scete, but fled to Cairo“ lived with the Hagarenes, and took unto
himself a wife of the daughters of Ishmael’, But he repented within a week, confessed
his sin to“ a priest, © monk ", and then made open protestation of hia faith ta“ the
king of Egypt", who burned him in a fire a

THE DIFNAR OF THE COPTIC CHURCH 407

Nitria, and may be closely related. A complete edition of the Difnar
is still to come, and it will possibly have to take into account the
Pierpont Morgan MS. (Sa‘idic of course), which figures as No. x in
Professor Hyvernat’s check list.

Dr. O'Leary's text, judging from my own copies, is very accurate ;
he could have helped us by some marginal indications of the day of
the month and the saint commemorated, for which we now have to
read the Arabic heading or refer to Dr. O'Leary's index. And this
index is perhaps open to more criticism than any other part of the
book, for it would have been so much more helpful if Dr. Leary
had corrected the names, or, at any rate, given them in their correct
form in brackets, instead of leaving them in the corruption due to a
transliteration from Greek or Coptic into Arabic, and back again into
Coptic: for the sake of those who have to work with this book, |
give a few corrections :—

14 Thoth not Agatha but Agathon, or Agathou.

23 =, not Ounanios fut Eunapius.

29 |. oft Aresima but Rhipsima.

24 Paopi not Aplarion but Hilarion.

25 .. not Pello but Apollo.

11 Hathor not Sarchellias but Archelaus.

25 ,, not Palarianos but Valerianus.

8 Choiak not Iroclas but Hierocles.

And there is a grievous mistake at 3 Choiak, where Dr, O'Leary
writes “ Holy Cross”. Not at all—Holy Cross has been celebrated at
17 Thoth - 3 Choiak is the neomartyr micta‘epoc —-le mentioned
above : and here Dr. 0 Leary might have given us the_—« which tells
the story at much greater length than the Coptic hymn, for we learn
from it that the Rylands MS. once belonged to the Church in which his
relics were deposited.

But I do not want to end on a note of criticism. This is a pioneer
work, like others of Dr. O'Leary's publications of Bohairic liturgical
books’; we shall owe him a real debt of gratitude if he will continue,
a new Raphael Tuki, in making them accessible, for there are many

S. GASELEE.

1008 REVIEWS OF HOOKS

ELEMENTARY Kiswane.t Grammar. By the Rev. Fes. A. REIcHart
and Dr. M. Kt'srers, 0.8.B. 8vo, pp. viii + 350, Heidelberg :
Julius Groos, 1926.

A most dangerous book which ought to be kept out of the hands
of any person desiring to learn Kiswahili correctly. The book abounds
in errors, both grammatical and otherwise. and is certainly no improve-
ment on the books which are already in existence.

Amongst the errors in grammar are some which are very serious ;
the following are chosen at random.

P. 7. The passive voice. Ninapigwa, ete., being the passive of the
present, does not mean “I am struck”, ete., but, “ 1am
being struck,” “I am struck” would be the perfect, Nime-
pigwa, ete.

P. 8. Nilipiga, etc., is the past tense and not the imperfect as given
here, and therefore would mean, “I did strike,” not “I
was striking”. “I was striking’ is Nilikwiwa nikipiga, ete.

The statement, “ The usage of the imperfect is practically
restricted to the written Kiswaheli only where it serves to
distinguish between unfinished and finished action. In con-
versation, however, the Negroes do not like to say Nailipiga,
nalifanya, but nimepiga (perfect) ” is wrong and very mis-
leading. In the first place, the -li- tense is the past, and
used for a finished action and of course is used by the Negroes
when they wish to use the past tense. The imperfect ia used
in conversation as well as in the written Swahili.

P. 13. Nimefika, nikaona nikashinda= Veni vidi vici” is wrong.
The perfect would not be used here, it should be Nilifika,
nikaona nikashinda.

P. 14. Subjunctive, Nipige, “ that I strike, that I may strike,” but
not “that I may have struck’.

Pp. 17, 160, ete. The present tense with the relative of time or
place is quite distinct from the Actual Conditional (-ki-)
tense, but the authors have confused them and treat them
as equal. Ninapofanya =“ When or where I am doing,” but
not, “if I do.” (nikifanya) on p. 160 the statement that
“ Ninapofanya or nafanyapo — nikifanya ” js wrong.
Nalimwona akiiha means, “TI saw him stealing,” but Nalim-
wona alipoiba would mean, “I saw him when he stole,”
(or * when he had stolen “).

P. 18. Utakapovunja feza certainly does not mean “ If you are

ELEMENTARY KISWAHELI GRAMMAR (V9

going to change money”, it means “ When or where you
shall change money”; the future tense with the relative
of time or place.

P. 28. Mtoto analala sana, “ the child is fast asleep,” should really be
Moto amelala sana. The child having lain down, or gone to
sleep, is still in that condition, and therefore the tense should
be -me-. Analala would mean “ is in the act of lying down”.

P. 75. Mliomwona huko?, “Did you see him there!” This is
absolutely wrong! Mliyemwona or Mliomwona means
“ He whom you saw " (the latter might also mean “ you who
saw him”).

P. 108. Asifungwe means “ He may not be imprisoned,” or, “ He
must not be imprisoned,” but not “He shall not be im-
prisoned.” “ He shall not be imprisoned ” would be, Hata-
fungwa, or, as the negative present is often used to denote
the near future, it may be rendered, Hafungwi.

P. 124. Mngoni is a man of the Angoni tribe, Mgoni is an adulterer.
[This word is not in Madan’s Dictionary, but seems to be
current in Tanganyika Territory ; it is evidently derived from
the verb gona = lie down, sleep, pass the night, ete., which 1s
not used in Swahili, though found in cognate languages—
Zigula, Shambala, ete.—A. W.]

Pp. 144, 145, 146, ete. The authors have in some way got hold of
an extraordinary formation for the relative past. Nalingaye,
etc., is not correct. The relative without time would be
Nipigaye, etc. The same applies to Twalipigao, mwalipigao,
ete., the li is an error. Mti ule niliyeukata juzi (p. 146) 1s
wrong. The relative here refers to the person, not the tree—
it should be, Mti ule nilioukata juze.

Pp. 150, 232, ete. The order in which words are placed is frequently
absolutely wrong, for instance, Wanafunzi wanaivlwa watu
waingiao mafundisho ya dint, etc., should be Watu waingiao
mafundisho ya dint wanaitwa wanafunzt.

Pp. 221, ete. The locatives given, munyumba panyumba, etc., are
not Swahili and should not appear in an Elementary Swahili
grammar. [They are found in Nyanja and (with phonetic
variations) in Nyamwezi, Zigula, Shambala, ete —A. W.]

Pp. 235, ete. Aiwa akisema hivi really means “ If it be that he says
so,” not “* while he said so”. “ While he said so” is Ali-
pokuwa akizema, or ioe veces

P. 237, Alipokuwa alikuja is not Swahili for “ Just when he came

2 RR a EY i tara

410 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

Mara alipokuja or Mara alipofika is “ Just when he came ”.
Nalikuwa nalikula is not * Just when I was eating *’, it should
be Nalikuwa nilila,

These are bnt a few of the errors found ; thus it will be plain that
such a book is a positive danger to anybody desiring to learn the
Swahili language.

Regarding the other matter contained in the book, it may be
remembered that the “Introduction into African Life’ contains
many interesting and useful facts, but unfortunately it also contains
misstatements, mostly because, although published in 1926, the book
is out of date, and may represent conditions as they were before the
war. For instance, it is not correct to say “ At the present day, the
Grandees (I take Grandees to mean the native chiefs, vide p. 282,
lesson viii) as far as they still retain their titles, have no influence on the
Government of the country”. This may have been true a few years
ago, but it is not true in 1926, when many native authorities have
already been reinstated, and others are being inquired into and
established with all speed. ;

The statement that whipping is inflicted with a hippopotamus-
hide, and to the number of fifteen stripes, is also incorrect. The
Kiboko has been abolished and a rattan cane is now used, and further,
even a court of the first class cannot inflict more than twelve strokes
without the confirmation of H.M. High Court.

The statement that “Chains represent the prison in Africa ” is
incorrect. Convicts are chained together only when working near
thick woods, where there js great danger of escape.

Reference is made throughout the book to rupees and hellers, which
was the German currency—this has now been withdrawn for some
time, and the currency in use is shillings and-cents.

To sum up, the book is full of errors, is out of date, and where the
Swahili is net actually wrong, it is ugly and of the type used by illiterate
up-country natives whose acquaintance with the language is slight.
The order of words in sentences in many places is wrong, and words are
used incorrectly (for instance, kufunika nyumba instead of kuezeka
nyumba, etc),

As I have said, the book contains many interesting features, and
would be of interest to students able to discriminate between the correct
and incorrect, but such students would hardly need a book of this
character. | Freperick Jonnson.
EDUCATION DEPARTMENT,

DAR-Es-SALAAM.

DAS RECHT DER DSCHAGGA 411

Das Recut per Dscnacea. Vox Bruno GuTMany. (Arbeiten zur
Entwicklungspsychologie. Herausgegeben von Feuix KRvecer,
Professor an der Universitat Leipzig. Siebentes Stick.) 779 pp-»
9} x 6}. Miinchen : C. H. Beck’sche Verlagsbuchhandlung.

Bruno Gutmann’s work is too little known in this country. His
Dichten und Denken der Dschagganeger and Volksbuch der Wadschagqa—
published as long ago as 191] and 191 4—testified not only to unequalled
knowledge of country and people gained during twenty years’ residence
on Kilimanjaro, but to a rare power of sympathetic insight. The
volume before us may be described as his magnum opus—without
prejudice to the further productions which may be hoped for from
his pen, It may fairly be called the most thorough and minute study of

Bantu customary law which has yet appeared.

The Wachaga (if we adopt the more usual spelling) would appear
to be a race of composite origin ; but to have been welded, since their
settlement in their present domain, into a tolerably homogeneous
whole, as regards customs and institutions. (This is quite compatible
with frequent fends between the small kingdoms which grew up on
the slopes of the mountain—a state of things favoured by the nature
of the country, as in Greece.) No doubt this result was facilitated by
a fairly close relationship between the component tribes (apart from a
possible admixture of Masai blood). For the history and general
characteristics of these people the reader may be referred to the work
of the Hon. C. Dundas, reviewed in this Bulletin (Vol. II, p. 563).
Till recent years, they have remained quite untouched by European
influence, the stability of their institutions being unaffected by
the changing relationships between the little states, of which now
one, now another attained for a time to a kind of supremacy.

The customary law of the Wachaga is discussed by our author

1. Normen des Blutverbandes includes the organization of the clan
(Sippe), the rules of inheritance, laws of marriage and divorce, guardian-
ship, adoption, blood-feud, and blood-brotherhood, and the interesting
ceremony of dedicating a new house (H iittenweihe), with other. cognate
matters.

2. Normen des Bodenverbandes deals with land tenure and property
rights, e.g. in the clan-groves (really the sites of the clan sacra, where
the skull of the common ancestor is buried), in beehives placed out

* One is glad to learn that Herr Gutmann is returning to the scene of his former

412 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

in the forest and in water—an important point where agriculture
depends so largely on irrigation.! This section also includes a chapter
devoted to age-classes, and initiation ceremonies, particulars about
taxation, markets (a peculiarly interesting feature in the life of the
country), the law of debtor and creditor, ete.

3. Schichtungsnormen: the position and privileges of the chief,
whose power—as with other Bantu peoples—is not absolute, but
limited by the public opinion of the tribe, as represented by the elders
and councillors.

4. Verbrechen gegen Normgiiter. Criminal law, which would seem
to apply to cases of slander and defamation of character (Ehrkriin-
kungen) as well as to murder, theft, and arson.

5. Rechtsgang und Rechtsbehelfe. Civil procedure; the rules of
evidence ; various forms of ordeal, and the institution (somewhat
distinct from the last) of the “ cursing-pot ". It is noteworthy that it
was never considered right to bring a civil case directly before the
Paramount Chief. In the first instance, the plaintiff summoned his
adversary to the local court (Bezirksrasen, elsewhere called Spruch-
raven, as we might say, “ the village green,” supposing folk-motes to
have been held there; seemingly equivalent to the bwalo of Nyasa-
land or the moro of the Wanyika), “ wo sich die Bezirkagenossen unter
Vorsitz ihres méfili die Sache vortragen liessen und als ein Schieds-
gericht den ersten Spruch fillten.”” This village court is still an
important feature of tribal life, and it is to be hoped that the present
administration will not fail to recognize its value. The account of the
“ cursing-pot "’ (Fluchtopf: nungu yesesa) is perhaps the fullest hitherto
given, and calculated to throw light on the analogous hithathi of the

Our author is of opinion that nungu (— Swahili, nyungu, chungu)
is etymologically connected with Muungu (= Mulungu) and with
Kyungu (ia-ungu), the Chaga word for a sacred grove.

6, Der Spruchrasen und die Einzelseele. Here we have a most
suggestive discussion of the influence of tribal opinion on individual
conduct. Most important, and deserving of careful study are the
sections explaining the native attitude towards (1) oaths, and (2) truth-
speaking or the reverse. In the concluding section, Die Erfassung des
(rewissens we have the illuminating remark that it is rash to conclude
from the absence of a Chaga word which could be used as an equivalent
for “ conscience ~ that the conception is entirely foreign to the native

* As to the Chaga irrigation system and terrace-cultivation, ree Dundas, p. 261.

“NOTES ON THE KAMBA LANGUAGE 413

mind. We are reminded that, as Wundt has shown, “ auch unser Wort
Gewissen der urspriingliche Uebertragungsversuch eines Kloster-
gelehrten ist, also die iiberlegte Bildung eines Einzelnen —while
conacientia. the word thus Teutonicized, had itself to be coined by
Cicero from the Greek synetdisis.

The editor of the series in which this work appears, Professor
Krueger, has contributed a final chapter in which, after a well-merited
tribute to the author, he sums up the latter's conclusions, in order to,
in his own words “ einigermassen kennzeichnen, inwiefern hier fir die
Entwicklungspsychologie, sonderlich des Rechts, Grundlegendes
geleistet ist.”

A translation of this work is greatly to be desired, so as to make it
accessible to all English administrators in Africa. The style is some-
what difficult, even for a tolerable German scholar (though less so than
in some other works of the same author) and abounds in peculiar
words and phrases, which are either provincialisms, or freshly coined
ad hoc—a procedure which, under the circumstances, has justified itself.

Iam much mistaken if this work does not come to be regarded as
epoch-making in the department of Bantu studies, if not of sociology
generally. A. W.

Nores on THE Kampa Lanovace. By Gernarp Linpsiom (Archives
d'Etudes Orientales, publiées par J.-A. LUNDELL). Vol. 10,
Liv. 1. 10 x 64,100 pp. Upsala (Appelberg) : Leipzig (Harras-
sowitz); Paris (Geuthner).

Dr. Lindblom’s very full and thorough account of the Kamba
people appeared in 1919; the present work was really produced at
the same time, but owing to various circumstances, publication
has been delayed till now. The materials for studying this important
Bantu language consist, in this country, of a few scanty vocabularies ;
the only serious work being the Handbuch der Kambasprache of Ernst
Brutzer (1905). Dr. Lindblom modestly states that his essay is * merely
meant to form a supplement ” to this, “chiefly such things being treated
as are not mentioned by Brutzer.”” The dialect on which Dr. Lindblom
has based his notes is, moreover, not the same as that used by Brutzer,
though this should not cause any difficulty to the student, since
“< dialectal differences are very slight in Kikamba in comparison with
so many other Bantu languages.”

Itseems strange, considering the extent and importance of this tribe,
that their language has been so little studied; but no doubt those

|
k

414° REVIEWS OF BOOKS

Europeans who have been most in contact with them have been able
to use Swahili as a means of communication.

Ukamba proper, Dr. Lindblom considers, is, roughly speaking,
a triangle, having its three points at Kin, Mtito Andei and the Mumom
mountains, respectively. There are, however, numerous detached settle-
ments of Kamba folk outside this area, notably the villages at and near
Jimba (in the Rabai district) containing several thousand people. We
also find Akamba living in the Kilimanjaro region, and in Usambara,
and it is interesting to note that “* those who have emigrated not only
preserve their language and their customs fairly pure, but also keep up
relations with their kin at home, and in East Ukamba, from where
the emigration appears chiefly to have started. I have many a time
come across visitors from Rabai, and I have also, on the other hand,
met with people from Ukamba at Lake Yipe”’.

Bearing these circumtances in mind, one is not disposed to dispute
the correctness of Dr. Lindblom’s conclusion that “ Kikamba is one
of the most widely spread languages in Kast Africa’, and that “ next
to Kisuaheli, the lingua franca of East Africa, Kikamba is the best
language to know for the traveller in the parts of East Africa above
referred to. It is understood and spoken by a great number of Akikuyu
and Masai, the immediate neighbours of the Akamba to the west and
south-west. Also among the tribes living upon and around Kilimanjaro,
my knowledge of the Kamba language was sometimes very useful
to me",

Dr. Lindblom’s book is a most welcome addition to our knowledge
and would be still more generally useful if he had adopted for
Kamba words the script of the International Phonetic Association
instead of the Swedish dialect alphabet.

A. W.

Tue Norruern Trrses or Nicerta: An Ethnographical Account of
the Northern Provinces of Nigeria, together with a Report on
the 1921 Decennial Census. By C. K. Meek, B.A., F.R.G.8.,
F.R.AT. 2 vols, 9 x 59, vol. i, xviii + 312 pp.; vol. ii, 277 pp.
Oxford ; University Press, 1925.

Mr. Meek has spent a considerable part of his life in the Nigerian
Government service, and the two volumes before us are the result of
intensive work in various districts, besides incorporating valuable
reports, which might otherwise have been consigned to oblivion in

THE NORTHERN TRIBES OF NIGERIA 415

administrative pigeon-holes. It is impossible to summarize and very
difficult to convey in brief compass. any notion of so encyclopedic
a work; one must be content with calling attention to a few of the
most important points. The chapter on “ Social Organization ©
contains matter of the highest interest to students of anthropology,
dealing as it does with totemism, kinship, and marriage-laws and the
constitution of the family in general. In connexion with totemism,
the belief in lycanthropy, practically universal in Africa, is considered,
and Mr. Meek suggests that it may have originated in the conception |
of the “ bush-soul”’ or “ personal totem "—the animal counterpart |
of every human individual. The chapter on “ Religion " necessarily

devotes a certain section to Islam which has exercised so great an

influence on tribal movements in West Africa for the last thousand

years, and to which, even in the nineteenth century, must be ascribed
“the political revolution effected by the Fulami and the entry of the |
Kanembu tribes into Bornu”. The common factor in the religion of the
Muslim peoples collectively classed as ““ Pagan ” is Animism ; starting
from this basis, we find various developments “ from the most primitive
forms of ancestor-worship to the impersonation of the dead . . . to
the attribution of a spirit to material objects (fetishism and spiritism)
to the deification of natural phenomena and finally to the extensive 3
system of polytheism such as we find among the Yoruba and kindred |
tribes *’.

The chapter on Languages, contributed by Mr. N. W. Thomas, Te
the latest pronouncement, in English at least, on a perplexing and, 0
far, little understood subject. He proposes a classification of the
Sudanic tongues into four main branches : (1) West Sudanic, (2) Central
Sudanic, (3) Middle Zone (including four groups of Semi-Bantu and two
of Pre-Semi-Bantu), (4) Eastern Sudanic, Mr. Thomas regards the
Semi-Bantu languages as “ belonging to the Sudanic sub-family ”,
while “‘ classifying their nouns by means of pronominal affixes after the
manner of Bantu languages” and “ showing the concord between
noun and verb adjective by the use of the same affix”. But we also
find, unexpectedly, several genuine Bantu languages in this area—
Jarawa,! Bankalawa and others. “ From the scattered information of 7
the Bantu tribes, it seems probable that they found themselves in 2
the road of the Central advance ” (of the Sudanic tribes coming from
the direction of Lake Chad) “ perhaps on .. . the line of the Upper
Middle Benue, and were broken up and ceased to forma continuous

| ‘This is classed by Sir H. H. Johnston as Semi-Bantu.
VOL. I¥. PART IT, a7

416 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

group.” This question is further discussed by Mr. Meek in his chapter
on “ Kthnological Conclusions”.

This is a most inadequate notice of a work which, we can only
repeat, deserves the most careful study and will be a special boon to
anthropologists.

A. W.
TANGANYIKA TERRITORY. Report or THE Epvucation ComMMITTEE,
1925, TOGETHER WITH THE Report or THE COMMITTEE FOR THE
STANDARDIZATION OF THE SwantLt Lancuace. 177 pp.; 13in. by
8 in. Government Press, Dar-es-Salaam.

This Report marks a significant new departure in East African
administration. It is mainly occupied with the proceedings of a
Conference held at Dar-es-Salaam in October last year, at the invitation
of the Governor (Sir Donald Cameron, K.B.E.), in which Government
officials, missionaries and representatives of commercial interests
took part. Papers were read by. the Director of Education (Mr. 8.
Rivers-Smith, O.B.E.), by the Deputy Director (Mr. Isherwood),
by the Hon. Charles Dundas, the Rev. G. W. Broomfield (U.M.C.A.),
Miss Gelding (C.M.S.), the Rev. A. M. Anderson, Mr. W. B. Mumford,
Mr. G. B. Latham, Father Van Aken, Mr. Frederick Johnson, and
several others. Mr. Johnson’s paper and the report of the Sub-
Committee on the Standardization of Swahili are discussed elsewhere.
Samuel Chiponde (Native Interpreter of the High Court) and
Mwalimu Leslie Matola (Head Teacher of the Training Class) also read
papers and took part on more than one occasion in the discussions.
Mr. M. O. Abbasi, representing the Dar-es-Salaam Indian Association,
also contributed to the discussion on Mr. Rivers-Smith’s paper (* Co-
operation between Government and Missions in Secular Education ")
and to that on the training of native teachers. He pointed out that
~ there 1s a large section of settlers in this country whose co-operation
is equally necessary and desirable in the matter [with that of the
Government and the missions], i.e. the Indian community ... Indians
are very often accused of being middlemen in commerce, Let them
be middlemen in the spread of knowledge and culture also. They
occupy rather an advantageous position in this respect, because they
furnish a happy mean between the extremely civilized Europeans
on the one hand and the extremely primitives on the other”. His
other suggestion, that native teachers should be sent to Europe for
training, has less to be said in its favour.

THE INTERNATIONAL REVIEW OF MISSIONS ALT

Of outstanding interest, besides Mr. Rivers-Smith’s paper just
referred to, are Mr. Isherwood’s (““ The Problem of the Vernaculars
in Education *’), Miss Gelding’s on the education of girls, Mr. Latham’s
(“The School in its Relation to Agriculture”), the Rev. A. M.
Anderson's (Scottish Mission, Iringa) on “ Native Handicrafts “, and
Mr. Dundas’s (“‘ The Ideal of the African Citizen"). Readers of
Kilimanjaro and its People will know what to expect from this admirable
essay, the keynote of which is struck in the following parapraph :

“Tf we want our African to grow up a true man, let him be brought
up in the atmosphere of his true environment, but that will not be
assured if the main impression made on the pupil's mind is that the
school stands in complete contrast to his accustomed life and environ-
ment, and that the object of schooling is to eradicate the spirit and
instincts of his race ".

It is only possible within these limits to give the barest indication
of the wealth of information and interest contained in these pages.
The Dar-es-Salaam Government Press must be congratulated on
its typography, which is admirably clear, neat and (except for a few
misprints on pp. 164 and 169) accurate. Appended is a useful map of

the Tanganyika Territory.
A. W.

Tur INTERNATIONAL Review or Misstons. Edited by J. H. OLDHAM
and G. A. Gottock. Special Double Africa Number. July, 1926.
International Review of Missions, Edinburgh House, Eaton Gate,
Sloane Square, and Humphrey Milford, Oxford University Press.
5g, net. .

This important publication was issued, in the first instance, 45 a
preliminary to the international missionary conference which met at
Le Zoute in September of this year. But its appeal is of much wider
scope and well worth the attention of many who are not directly
interested in missions. M. Elie Allegret, one of the Directors of the
Paris Mission (best known by nearly a century of work in Basutoland),
supplies (under the title “ Black and White in Africa "") some much-
needed information as to the position of natives in the French colonies.
(He does not, however, touch on the vexed question of military
service.) “The South African Problem” is discussed from three
different points of view, by a writer who prefers to veil his identity
under the pseudonym “X", by Dr. Du Plessis, and by Professor
Tengo Jabavu, of the South African Native College. All three will

418 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

be found eminently suggestive. One of the most important papers is
Professor Westermann’s on “The Value of the African’s Past "—
but we would also call attention to Mr. Oldham’s “ Population and
Health in Africa * and Dr. Loram's account of “ The Separatist Church
Movement", an impartial consideration of features in native life
which are sometimes regarded with an unwarrantable degree of alarm.
Father Callaway—a son of the eminent Zulu scholar whose collections
have proved of such inestimable value—writes on “‘ Manners and
Race Relationships ”’, a subject to which his intimate knowledge of
native life and character enables him to do full justice. The superficial
observer may be surprised to learn that “the Native of South Africa
is by nature a courteous person” ; but he will be fully enlightened by
the subsequent explanation that “ he does not certainly express his
courtesy in the same way that we do”, illustrated by some of the
ways in which this courtesy may easily be misunderstood. There
is much more in this publication which is both highly informative
and provocative of fruitful discussion, and it is warmly recommended
to the perusal of all engaged in African studies,
A. W.

My Arrican NetcHrovrs. Man, Biep, anp Beast in NvAsALAND.
By Hans Covupennove. 8} x 53, xiv + 245 pp. Boston :
Little, Brown and Co., 1925.

The author of this fascinating book tells us, in his Preface, dated
from Kiva Malemia, that he first went to Africa in 1896 and has
remained there ever since, with an interval of a few months only.
His experience is not confined to Nyasaland, as he appears also to
have lived among the Masai, in Jubaland, in Taveta, and in other
parts of the Kenya and Tanganyika territories. This renders some
of his sweeping generalizations all the more surprising—one can only
conclude that he had a more sympathetic understanding of the
animals whom he describes so attractively (insects, and more especially
ants, being apparently the only ones outside the circle of his affection)
than of their human kinsfolk, It is certainly not universally true
that natives are “ incapable of feeling pity for suffering fellow-creatures,
man or beast’, or that “ they love to see animals die ", or that they
“lack the most rudimentary notions of hygiene and sanitation ” and are
“indifferent to the cleanliness of their surroundings", (To this last
he admits one exception—that of the Wasokiri to the north of

me ‘ : -
° ~ & ed” Ai Spl Ls ¢ i

& 6

» ‘ a a 4 —

: ’ ba ' - : = 7 7. ae

~~ t - -.. >. 4 =

Lake Nyasa, but there are others ; and he certainly can never have

come in contact with the fastidiousness of a well-bred “ wild” Zulu.)
It is only fair to say that he has himself supplied incidental qualifica-

tions to some of his more reckless statements. But the chapters on
are a pure joy, or would be, were it not for occasional tragedies, such

A. W.

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NOTES AND QUERIES

Ox Epimine THE Marnnxawi.

The notice of Vol. I of my edition of the Mathnawi by Professor ©. E.
Wilson, which appeared in the last issue of the Bulletin (p. 200) is, in
my opinion, so misleading that as one interested in the advancement of
Persian studies, I think it advisable to offer some remarks on the views
which the writer-has expressed and on the criticisms which he has
thought fit to make. If I can scarcely expect that he will reconsider
his general views on the subject, | hope to convince both him and others
that his particular statements are not always correct. Oriental editions
of the Mathnawi, some with commentaries and some without, exist
in plenty, but most of them contain hundreds or thousands of inter-
polated verses and, judged by any critical standard, are more or less
negligible, with two outstanding exceptions: (1) the edition, including
a Turkish translation and commentary, of Ismi‘il Anqiravi, who lived
in the early seventeenth century ; and (2) the Biligq edition, a.u. 1268,
which is accompanied by the Turkish verse-translation of Nabhifi.
Both these books, as I know from personal experience, are difficult
to procure ; and that was one of the motives which led me to under-
take a new edition. It is “not a sufficient reason ~ in the eves of
Professor Wilson, who regards the Mathnawi as a book suitable only for
a few “ advanced students ”, and has forgotten how widely it is studied
+1 India and Persia, And though European students of Persian are
comparatively few at present, it may be hoped that in the future their
numbers will increase, and that many of them will wish to become
acquainted with the Mathnawi. A volume of selected extracts from the
poem might be of great interest and well within the range of the
ordinary student.

Another motive was supplied by the necessity of providing a
standard text to serve as a basis for the translation. To
Professor Wilson my remark that an annotated translation would be
of little use by itself, seems “ uncalled for”. Why ? Surely the utility
of any translation for students depends very largely on the establish-
ment of quick and easy communications between the translation and
the original. By referring students to one of the Turkish editions,
which few possess and still fewer can hope to obtain, and where the
verses are not numbered, I should have restricted the full use of the

a SS i

429 NOTES AND QUERIES

English version to a small band of scholars like Professor Wilson
and myself.

A third motive, and the most powerful of all, was my desire to
investigate the authenticity of the Oriental printed or lithographed
texts of the poem. This I did, in the only possible way, by collating the
oldest MSS. I could find with the two best Oriental editions. The result
of that comparison, so far as Books I and II are concerned, is set forth
in the Introduction to Vol. I of my edition, p. 16 seq. It amounts to
this: the Turkish editions are distinctly inferior to the four ancient
MSS. which I have collated ; the variants are numerous and often
affect materially the form or the meaning or both; in the Turkish
editions the language and prosody have been modernized to some
extent, while a considerable number of verses have been interpolated,
The MSS. in short represent an older recension of the poem, and that
fact alone would justify my edition, even if the divergencies were
less important than they are; for the main object of a new
edition is, presumably, to restore the original text as far as possible,
Professor Wilson thinks otherwise. He maintains, in effect, that the
existence of a relatively good text (Angiravi’s) ought to deter anyone
from attempting to make a better: Je mucux est Tennemi du bon: the
only hypothesis on which he will admit the need for a new edition is
“if those existing are really unsatisfactory”. What he means by
“ really unsatisfactory ” may perhaps be conjectured from his remark
“ that a great number of the emendations (in my edition) . . . are of so
slight a character as to be but little needed by the advanced student”
Tt would seem that, in his judgment, advanced students can dispense
with textual criticism—a comfortable doctrine, which throws us
back even further than twenty-five years ago, when the late
Professor Browne was just beginning his successful efforts to promote
the scientific study of Persian. Professor Wilson recognizes that. in
preparing my edition I have adopted “the historical method eg ale
I generally follow the text of the oldest or most authoritative MB.,
without seeking to incorporate readings of other texts, notwith-
standing that I may regard such readings as preferable. Hence he is
mistaken in charging me with inconsistency on the ground that in
Book IT, v. 2752, the MS. reading is retained, though the variant in
Anqiravi's text, to judge from the incorrect thyme, is probably older.
In this and several other eases, which will be discussed in my com-
mentary, the fault, if fault there be, lies in adhering too strictly to a
method approved by my critic.

NOTES AND QUERIES 433

I now come to a vital point. While studying the ancient MSS. of
the Mathnawi, 1 found evidence which convinced me that from an
early period the text of the poem had suffered considerable alteration
at the hands of its copyists. One proof of this is the disappearance
in the later MSS. of many archaic words and forms which occur in the
older ones. : Another and more striking phenomenon, pointing in the
same direction, is the fact that some peculiarly incorrect rhymes, which
are common in the oldest MS. of Book I (c), undergo a gradual process
of elimination, so that the MS. next in age (4) has fewer of them than
c, while the youngest MS. (B) has fewer than a. I knew, as everyone
who reads with open eyes and ears must know, that although imperfect
rhymes of a certain type are not unusual in Persian poetry, the
particular specimens which occur most frequently in the oldest M5.
of the Mathnawt are almost without parallel in the works of other
poets. I inferred that the copyists of the Mathnawi would naturally
try to get rid of these blemishes when the alteration could be made
without difficulty, and that in the numerous cases where the same verse
appears in one MS. with the faulty rhyme and in another MS. with a
correct rhyme, the former reading is likely to be the original. Other-
wise it would be hard to explain how it is that the greatest number of
these faulty rhymes occur in the oldest MS., or why so many of the
verses in which they occur are accompanied by variants exhibiting a
correct rhyme.

Professor Wilson does not attempt to answer this reasoned
argument, “ Who can account,” says he, “for the vagaries of copyists or
know the contents of older MSS. no longer extant ¢” He has ventured,
nevertheless, to assert that “ Dr. Nicholson speaks of ordinary poetic
licenses as if peculiar to Rimi”. If this assertion were true, the force
of my argument would be impaired ; for I rely not so much upon the
abnormal quantity of these incorrect» rhymes as upon their
unprecedented quality. He says they are ordinary: I say they are
extraordinary, and I will now give him an opportunity of putting his
statement to the test. The verbs QO +, 35, and iy aa) are
among the commonest in Persian, and it is evident that a poet who was
not fastidious in his versification would be tempted to use them freely
as rhymes, This is just what Rami does, and what his copyists have
endeavoured to disguise. Sometimes () takes the place of 34 as
one of the rhyme-words, the other being either ‘y33 or (yal.
Here are the details (for Book I of the Mathnawi according to the oldest
MS.). The figures in brackets indicate the number of the verse.

a
.
i
Fi

\ i za rae

424 NOTES AND QUERIES

Aj, WAS (2774, 3475, 3478).

Noul, At (2538),

G4, a ($891).
S23, S% (2428, 2852).
ons), SeA= (2531, S856, 3926).
cada), Suedt (3313, 3933),
Sooted Sake (3371).
e235, pk (2439),
O29, cohen (2688, 2866).
eal, att (2097, 2448, 2780),

Tn fourteen out of these nineteen verses the false rhyme has been
corrected by later copyists. : ; c

If the rhyming of GOS or OW with $955 or 3a) is
“an ordinary poetical license”, as Professor Wilson describes it, we
may expect to meet with numerous examples in Persian poetry of the
first class. I do not ask him to show me a list equivalent to that given
above; let him produce a single example if he can. I have not been
able to find one, but he may be more fortunate ; and perhaps it will save
him a little time and trouble if I inform him that there is nothing of
this sort in the (approximately) 4,000 verses of the Biistin, He does
not like to think that Rimi’s versification is less polished than that of
Nidhami and Sa‘di. Still, facts must be faced, and it is safer to verify
a statement than to deny it. That Rami not seldom rhymes wew-i
ma'ruf (i) with wew-i mayhil (0) is unquestionable. I gave a brief
list of examples, and added the words “ éte., ete.”, which
Professor Wilson ignores, thus suggesting that my six examples were
intended to be exhaustive; he then declares that two of them ‘are
indecisive.’ Possibly, but the admission will not help him. Here are
five more instances: I 112] (5%, »3); I 1294 (8. oe): I 1357
(sms tem); 12708 ( pyres, 564); 1 2741 Che: os )
Will Professor Wilson contend that in these cases and in others that
might be quoted the verse js spurious or the reading doubtful ?

* Outside of the Mathnawi and the Diwin Shams-i Tabriz, [ cannot recall any
instance in which » 43 (sir) is rhymed with a word having the ma'rif vowel, In the
Bdstin 393 oceura in rhyme ten times, and in every case the word that rhymes
with it has the majhd! vowel. Here again the onws prokandi lies on Professor Wilson,

NOTES AND QUERIES 429

As regards the frequent occurrence of yd-yi majhiil (8) rhyming with
alif (4) in the oldest MSS., e-g. wie, ~~, this is of philological
interest as indicating a nearly similar pronunciation of the two sounds.
I have therefore retained it, and am confident that my critic's surprise
will not be shared by others.

He asks on what authority I write AK instead of aK. The
verb eee (of which an example from the Shdhndma is cited by
Vullers, Lericon Persico-Latinum, ii, 310), occurs at least a dozen times
in the old MSS. of the Mathnawi; the Oriental editors, of course,
replace it by Gane or gn The following instances, where it
occurs in rhyme, will perhaps satisfy my critic.

Rook ITI, v. 3507 :—

Se ot . , oe
3 ub anal OL Se cid plat gil i ¥ cs!
Book ITI, v. 3997 :—

r? -
mS 2s yp Col HF

# — :
San 53) amd oe c33
Book III, v, 4463 :-—

eS Sw fe a led oor

ft ae ere 5 ce
eed Ge Gla Fa A Os
In the first verse the Turkish editions read Cres in the second

Soe; and in the third = St—hardly possible rhymes even for
Rami. My edition will restore what the poet wrote, by making three of
those slight emendations which, we have been told, are “ but little
needed by the advanced student ".

I regret that I have not been able to find Professor Wilson's
criticism so helpful as it might have been if he had directed it to the
many questions in which a difference of opinion is natural and
legitimate. One of these 1s raised in the last sentence of his review.
He is inclined to doubt the possibility of a translation of the Mathnawi
without an accompanying commentary, i.e. a commentary published
simultaneously with the translation. I have acknowledged elsewhere
that a bare translation of the poem is often unintelligible. Ideally

426 NOTES AND QUERIES

the translation and the commentary should be twins. But this means
either that the whole poem must have been studied before the
annotated translation appears in print, or that the commentary on
each Book can take little or no account of the remaining Books. I
would not reproach anyone for choosing the latter course ; but what
would classical scholars think of the author of a commentary, say, on
the First Book of the Aeneid, in which the other eleven Books were
treated almost as if they were non-existent ? Yet life is short, and
Persian literature is so enormously long that an Oriental scholar may
sometimes feel himself obliged to adopt this alternative, as
Professor Wilson has done with praiseworthy results in his commentary
on the Second Book of the Mathnawi. 1 ean only hope that my
preference for the other horn of the dilemma may equally prove to
be an illustration of the Arabic proverb

Srl eal os Sail ate

Reynoip A. NICHOLSON.

T have received from authoritative correspondents information
which sheds further light on certain points of my contribution to the
last issue of the Bulletin entitled “ History of the Mission of the
Fathers of the Society of Jesus in China, and other Kingdoms of the
Kast’. Sir William Foster, whose wide knowledge of the Eastern
history of this period is universally acknowledged, suggests that the
“ untraced ” publication mentioned in footnote 2, p. 47, is probably
the work of which there is now a modern edition, under the title;
“ Voyages et Missions du Pare Alexandre de Rhodes, 8.J., nouvelle
edition, conforme & la premiére de 1653, annotée par le Pére H.
Gourdain,” Lille, 1884. Sir William also points out that “ Jacquetra ”
mentioned on p. 50, is Batavia (from the original name Jakatra),
the kindly President of which place at this time was Aaron Baker, not
“ Becza”. A further interesting point to which he draws my attention
is that the voyage made by Pére Alexandre, from Bantam to Surat
(p- 50) receives mention in “ The English Factories in India”,
1646-50, p. 173 and note. Further the Reverend Father L. Riondel,
Principal of the Jesuit College at Ore Place, Hastings, has directed my
notice to a very exact and complete list of the works of Pére Alexandre
de Rhodes, which is ineluded in Sommervogel's Bibliothique de la
Ct de Jésus, 1895,

ArxoLp T. Wison.

NOTES AND QUERIES 437

SOME ROOTS COMMON TO THE TURKANA, LOTUKO, AND BARI

=> i = | re

LANGUAGES

Suggested
English. Turkana. Lotuko. Bari. common root.
abuse akamori imoryu mor mor
answer eruko (sing, iruk rugo ruk

to sing.)
ascend adoki odogho dukin dok
[cover emugo imoghok muk muk, mok
| sandals amukat ghamogha kamoka =
drink emathi amata mata mat
kall ari oriamo rem ri(m)
bad ngaroko orogho narok arok
big epol obolo hulo bol
(powerful)

black ngerioko iriok naruok riok
painful adiaka odiagha dika diaka
man ekili lale lalle le:
milk akili nali le li
teeth ngelai nalai kele li
mouth akitok kutuk kutuk (kujtuk
tongue aliep ngadyep ——nngedeb dyep
head ako naghu kwe ku
breast ethigina kina kina (kijna
bone akoit naghotyu kuyutyo koit
horn amwarak namwerak ungwuri mwar
spittle ngakimulak namuilak kamulak (kijmulak
urine ngul naghula kola kul
dung achino kino kin (kijno
elephant etom tome tome tom
rhinoceros amothi nemwi muti mui
giraffe yekori kori kurit kori
crocodile akinyan kinyang kinio (kijnyang
guineafowl etapen tapeng tafingt tapeng
snake emun mun mun mun
bird ngken nakenyl kwen ken
cow ate kiteng kiteng te(ng)
goat akini kini kine (ki)
sun akolon kolong kolong (ko)long
moon elap yapa yafa ap

pow a

428 NOTES AND QUERIES

Suggested
English. Turkana. Lotuko. Bari. commen root.
smoke apurru napuro kofurot puro
chain erikot naririk rerekat - rik
tobacco etaba taba taba taba
and ka ka lumen ka
what? - nyo nyo nyo nyo
who 1 ngai nga nga nga
whose angal anangal aninga anga
two ari arega ori, murek —_—re(k)
four omwon angwan unguan ngwan

Authorities: Owen's translation of Mitterutzner’s Bari Grammar,
my Lotuko Language (B.8.0.8, IL, ii), and Juxon Barton's Turkana
Voeahulary (B.S.0.8. IT, i).

Racuan.

THE STANDARDIZATION oF SWAHILI

The Report issued last year by a Committee which met at Dar-es-
Salaam, in order to consider the standardizing of the Swahili language,
raises several questions of interest. Without entering into the question
of how far it is possible for any external authority to “ standardize "
a language, one may agree with the finding of the Committee in thinking
that form of the language which is current at Zanzibar and on the
adjacent mainland to be the one most widely understood and most
useful for general purposes. But a standard language—by which is
presumably meant a literary language—usually grows up through the
influence of native writers, whose genius, while expressing itself in
their own local speech, makes use of words and forms from other
dialects when united to its purpose and thus renders them current
coin. It must not be forgotten that the dialects of Mombasa and
Lamu? (which are, after all, less restricted in scope than Mr. Johnson

*" Of the several Swahili dialects I think we can rule out straight away all
except that of Zanzibar and Mombasa, the others are of too local a character and
are spoken by very few people compared with the others, .. . Most of the people,
European and native, with whom I have discussed the matter, agree that the
niceties of [the Mombasa] dialect obtain only in and about Mombasa iteelf, and that
up country that of Zanzibar is the common tongue when Swahili is spoken.” This
coincides more or less with my own experience, as regards “ up country ", where
most of the natives only speak Swahili as an acquired language —but, on the coast,
I fancy it will be found that the Mombasa dialect will be understood as far north as
Malindi—while certainly that of Lamu extends, with variations, as far north as
Mambrai. Tt must also be remembered that migrations, e.g., of families from Siu
and Shela settled at Mambrui, tend to bring about a mixture of dialects, which is
one of the agencies for producing a standard language.

NOTES AND QUERIES 429

asserts) are in some respects richer than that of Zanzibar and contain
a considerable amount of ancient literature in a diction which, if
somewhat conventional, is accepted and understood by educated
Swahilis in other districts and, to a certain extent, is kept up im modern
poetry. |

The proposals of the Committee for a revised orthography are
certainly a step in the right direction, but two of the most important,
one regrets to note, have been rejected by the Government of Tangan-
yika Territory ; these are the substitution of ¢ for ch and of the
phonetic symbol y for the velar nasal hitherto written ng’. (But why
are these two sounds repeatedly described as“ double consonants "1!
Here we have an example of that deplorable bondage to the written
letter which scientific phoneticians are always combating.) I have said
that the proposed substitution of c for ch is a step in the right direction
—but it is only a partial one, for a distinction should certainly be made
between the two sounds usually written ch: one being the palatal
plosive, as in chakula (phonetically cakula) the other the affricate
(for which the Mombasa dialect substitutes dental f) as in chini (tfina—
or, a8 Professor Meinhof would have it, tuint—at Mombasa tint). Some
distinction ought also to be made between the aspirated and unaspirated
forms of the consonants &, ¢, », the difference being significant, thus :—

ku kaa =“ to sit’, but khaa = “a crab”.

tembo = “‘ palm-wine ", but thembo = “ elephant ”-

paa =“ roof”, but phaa = “ gazelle".

One other remark of Mr. Johnson's calls for comment :—

““T feel that we ought to endeavour to prevent peculiarities which
are being introduced by the particular tribes who are adopting the
language. For instance: sangaa for shangaa, kirongozt for hiongoz,
mashika for masika, mutu for miu, munataka for mnataka, etc.” Now,
some, at any rate, of these are older forms which have become
atrophied in Swahili as spoken to-day. It seems to me that there is no
sufficient reason for rejecting them indiscriminately.

A. WERNER.
AFRICAN IRON-WORK
A careful study of aninteresting native craft is given by Dr. Lindblom
in a paper on “ African Wire-drawing ” (Dragning av Metalltrad
Afrika), recently received from Stockholm. A map shows the distribu-
tion of this craft, which is curiously sporadic, being known to the
Kikuyu, Kamba, Masai and Chaga in East Africa, to a group of tribes

7 cs iecciiecer paper oe

430 NOTES AND QUERIES

(Ruanda, ete.) between Lakes Victoria and Tanganyika, to the Konde
and Kinga at the north end of Lake Nyasa, to the Barotse on the Zam-
bezi, the Malemba in North Transvaal, the Bakuba and Chokwe in the
southern Congo basin, and, more doubtfully, to the Zulus, and in three
separate areas of West Africa. The process varies locally in detail :
the apparatus used in Ruanda (illustrated in fig. 6) is perhaps the
most elaborate. The literature of African travel has been ransacked
for evidence, of which Dr. Lindblom has accumulated a surprising
quantity, ranging from Wilkinson (1837) and Moffat (1842) to Dr.
Schachtzabel in 1823. Residents in Africa may be able to adduce
other localities where this art is practised, and to ascertain how far it
is likely to survive the importation of wire from Europe. As native
craftsmen made brass wire as well as copper and iron, and no brass is
locally produced, but the imported coils and rods are used for the
purpose, it may not be in danger of immediate extinction,
A. W.

JOURNAL OF THE Gipsy Lore Socrety. Editor K. O. Wixsrepr,
181 Iffley Road, Oxford.

Vol. IV, Pt. 2:—{i): Welsh Gypsy Folk Tale, No. 25, by John
Sampson ; (ii): Specimens of Finnish Romani taken from a Finnish
Missionary paper by F. G. Ackerley and E, 0. Winstedt. _In addition
to the Lord’s Prayer, the Beatitudes and the Birth of Christ, there isa
charming legend of the Bethlehem inn-keeper who would not admit
Joseph and Mary. (iii): Two Romani Songs. (iv): A brief account is
given of the activities of the late Mr. David MacRitchie, founder of
the Society. I recall with much pleasure the two or three occasions on
which I met him, and can fully bear out what is said here of his
very attractive personality.

Vol. IV, Pt. 3:—{i): Welsh Gypsy Folk Tale, No, 26, by
John Sampson ; (ii): The Song of the Bridge as recited by a blind
beggar in Ruschuk (Bernard Gilliat-Smith) ; (iii) ; Anglo-Romani
Gleanings (from Hampshire), with a vocabulary of about 270 words.

Vol. IV, Pt. 4:—(i): Welsh Gypsy Folk Tale, No. 27, by John
Sampson ; (ii): Irvine’s Vocab. of Gypsy Words; (iti): Review of
Rev. C. P. Cape’s “ Prisoners Released ", an excellent account of work
among outcasts in India,

T. Graname Barey.

—— —__+ — oe
i= = =

OBITUARY
Nawab Imadul Mulk Bahadur Sayed Husain Bilgrani

On 3rd June died after a short illness, at the age of 85 years, at his
residence in Saifabad, a suburb of Hyderabad, a man and scholar
who was revered far beyond the confines of India. Sayed Husain
was born at Sahibganj, Gaya, in the year 1842 as the son of Sayed
Zainuddin Husain Khin, who was a magistrate in Behar, one of the
first Muhammadans appointed to such a position, Sayed Husain
enjoyed an excellent education under the care of private tutors and
acquired through his father’s teaching a mastery of the English
language hardly ever equalled by any other foreigner. He was
finally sent to the La Martiniére College at Calcutta where he
matriculated at the Hare Academy. He then entered the Presidency
College and took his degree after four years’ study. In 1868, at the
age of 26, he was appointed to the chair of Arabic at the Canning
College in Lucknow, being at the same time, on account of his proficiency
in English, made chief editor of the Lucknow Times, at that period
a very influential paper among the landowners of the province. In
1872 the great Minister of the State of Hyderabad, Sir Salar Jang,
recognizing his merits, invited him to enter the service of that State,
which invitation he accepted in the following year. From that time
all his energies were devoted to the service of this, the paramount
independent Indian State, and the enlightenment of its subjects.
At first private secretary of Sir Salar Jang, he became subsequently
Educational Secretary and Director of Public Instruction. How highly
he was honoured by his sovereigns can be estimated from the fact
that during his long service to the State he was appointed in succession
tutor to His Highness the late Nizam Mir Mahbaib ‘All Khan, to his
Exalted Highness the ruling Nizam, and to the princes of the latter.

Though a politician by virtue of his offices it is mainly due to his
efforts that most of the educational institutions in the State were
inaugurated, and the latest of these, though not directly due to him,
the Osmania University and the new Girls’ School, are the result of
his example. But it was not only in the establishment of schools and
colleges that he worked for the development of the intellectual advance-
ment of Indians. He, assisted by a number of high-minded and
generous friends, initiated a Society, known under the title of

VOL. IV. PAnT 1. 28

452 OBITUARY

“ Da‘iratul Ma‘arif”, for the publication of important and rare Arabic
works to enable Muslims, not of India alone but of the whole
Muhammadan world, to study at moderate prices the masterpieces of
their literature. At the time of his death no less than fifty-seven separate
works had been issued by the Press established for this purpose.
We owe to the efforts of the Da‘ira the publication of many works
of which manuscripts are either entirely lacking or only in fragments
in the great libraries of Europe. As early as 1872 he had urged the
publication of the great Optics of Ibn al-Haitham, one of the chief
scientific works composed by the Arabs in the Middle Ages. Only one
manuscript, that in the Leiden Library, was known to Oriental scholars,
but by diligent search four more copies were brought to light in India,
and sparing no expense an edition was prepared, of which the last
sheets of a final revision were ready shortly before his death, At the
same time the Da‘ira had undertaken to publish the extensive book on
tradition, the Sunan of al-Baihagi, the Jamhara fil Lugha of Ibn
Duraid, the Amali of Ibn ash-Shajari, and the biographical dictionary,
the Durar al-Kamina, of Ibn Hajar. Supported as the Imad ul-Mulk
was during his life-time by a devoted circle of friends, many of whom
I could name, they are determined that the great work incepted by
him shall not cease with his death and it has been decided that the
work will be carried on under the auspices of the Osmania University,
and it is to be hoped that the new arrangement will continue to
contribute to the advancement of Muhammadan learning.

The devoted collaboration of so many high-minded friends throws
a vivid light upon the personal character of the Imad ul-Mulk: he
was untiring and unselfish to the highest degree in assisting friends and
scholars ; a noble soul and of the purest integrity, a man of whom any
land can be proud and who will be greatly missed by all who came
into touch with him.

F. Krenxow.

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PAPERS CONTRIBUTED

‘OMAR KHAYYAM
By E. Dentson Ross

\HE interest in ‘Omar Khayyam is perennial, not only among those
who can only appreciate FitzGerald’s masterly version, but alsa
among those who can study the Persian poet at first hand - and within
the last few years notable contributions have been made to the
biography of ‘Omar and more critical examination of the verses
attributed to him. It is with this last subject that I wish to deal in
the present article.

As is well known, and as is also inevitable, there is no definite edition
of the Rubaiyydt of ‘Omar Khayyam. Collections of these isolated
poems vary in number from thirteen to upwards of 800. It is conse-
quently a question of considerable interest to attempt by a process
of elimination to define which quatrains may be safely attributed to
‘Omar Khayyam and which may be with certainty rejected. The task
is by no means a simple one, and the following tests have been applied.

(1) To eliminate from the attributed verses all those which are found
in old MSS. of early poets.

(2) To eliminate verses which have from the first been claimed
for later poets.

(3) To accept as genuine incidental quotations from “Omar,
occurring in early works of biography and in anthologies, and

(4) To take the style and subject matter as the test of genuineness.

YOR. IV. PART IL 2)

&
— - om

i Ss y =.

a 2
. 4

: __ ee
7 ot

434 E. DENISON ROSS—

The first two methods have been carefully pursued by the late
Professor Schukofsky, by Professor Christensen, and by myself. The
result of these researches reduced the number of quatrains as known
to us to-day and presumably attributable to ‘Omar, to about 100.

In connexion with the third test, most valuable light has been
thrown on this subject by the discovery of a unique MS. dated
741 (4-D. 1340-1) and bearing the title Mu’nis ul-Abrir(3!5>Y! 5 $4).
This MS., which occupies upwards of 500 folios, contains an anthology
of the works of famous Persian poets from the earliest times down
to the compiler’s day. The whole is written in the hand of the com-
piler, whose name was Muhammad ibn Bahr-i-J4jarmi. The MS. was
first brought to Paris in 1913 by the well-known dealer, Mr. Kevorkian,
but unfortunately was not purchased at that time and no one knew
what had become of it. It was not, however, sold elsewhere, and a
few weeks ago the dealer, who shows no inclination to part with it,
was kind enough to lend this precious volume to the Bibliothéque
Nationale for a short period, in order that it might be more fully
examined by Mirzi Muhammad Khan of Qazwin. I have been
fortunate enough to obtain Mr. Kevorkian’s permission to reproduce
the whole work. As a preliminary measure, it Was necessary to take
negatives, and thanks to the generosity of a former pupil of this
school, who wishes to remain anonymous, this part of the work is
being at once proceeded with. It only remains now for funds to be
collected to defray the cost of facsimile reproduction. Fortunately
the writing is a very clear Naskh.

Though I am actually talking of ‘Omar Khayyam, I cannot refrain
from mentioning here that this MS. is possibly the most important
document for the history of early Persian literature that has ever
come to light ; for in it are presented not only copious extracts from
famous poets whose works have disappeared, but also first-class
poets with whose names we are quite unfamiliar.

I hope on a future occasion to publish a more detailed description
of the contents of this MS. from the pen of Mirzi Muhammad Khan,
than whom no one is better fitted to deal with it.

Among the poets included is ‘Omar Khayydm, who is represented
by thirteen quatrains. This constitutes the earliest collection of
‘Omar's Ruba‘iyydt which has yet been discovered, and is 123 years
older than the famous Bodleian MS. Of the thirteen only two have
hitherto been known, and thus we have eleven new quatrains which
may more safely than any others be accounted genuine,

‘OMAR KHAYYAM 435

In connexion with the fourth method, Dr. Rosen, of Berlin, has made
a very careful study with a view to ascertaining from their manner
and contents which quatrains with the greatest likelihood may be
attributed to ‘Omar Khayyam. It is, of course, almost impossible to
judge of the precise date of any Persian poem by the language test
alone, so little change has poetic diction undergone in the course of
over 1,000 years. Dr. Rosen has therefore confined himself to the
consideration of the thought and significance of these verses. Incident-
ally I may remind the reader that Professor Christensen in his
Récherches sur les Rubaiyyats @’Omar Khayyam pointed out that in
no less than twelve of the ascribed quatrains the name of Khayyam
occurs. But he admits at the same time that the occurrence of this
name by no means proves the genuineness of these quatrains as It
would be quite easy to change some other name to Khayyam if one
wished to ascribe some particular quatrain to him. Moreover, one of
these twelve certainly seems to imply that ‘Omar was dead when tt
was composed.

For further details I must refer my readers to Dr. Rosen’s recent
article, Zur Textfrage der Vierzeiler Omar's des Zeltmachers : Z.D.M.G.
Neue Folge, Bd. v, p.285et seq. Suffice it tosay that he finally decides
for thirteen quatrains, and that, including the new quatrains belonging
to the Kevorkian MS., he would admit “ a basis of 25 Ruba‘iyyat from
which we may obtain a true idea of ‘Omar Khayyidm’s poetry, and by
which we may test the numerous other Ruba‘iyyat which pass under
‘Omar's name.”

Dr. Rosen has been further influenced in his choice by the discovery
in Berlin of a hitherto unknown MS. of ‘Omar's Ruba‘iyydt. This
MS. bears the date 721 (a-p, 1321). Unfortunately the paper of this
MS. is certainly of a far later date than the colophon. It is, however,
quite possible that many, if not all, of the quatrains in this MS. were
copied from a MS. bearing that early date. This collection, which
contains 329 quatrains, has been edited and printed in Berlin at the
Kaviani Press, with a learned introduction in Persian from the pen
of Dr, Rosen, As an appendix to this edition, Dr. Rosen reproduced
the thirteen quatrains from the Kevorkian MS., and in view of their
importance I am again printing them here together with a literal
translation.

It will be noticed that No. 8, which is No, 252 in Nicolas, begins
with all in the Kevorkian MS., instead of with > as elsewhere.

—_
=
~
ie

= ——————eeEeoreee
ee ee

456 E. DENISON ROSS-——
CoarTer 5 or Bis 28 or Tor Mu'’xts ut-AHRAR
dle Jl ie, Lis 4 SU el. lebs >> em: head
LG OMe F dl GG asl y ¥ ee 3 ST bh
Axl, oS (96 wri Gb as} dhe, 9 Ain Fe Oe
da!

FN sie se sles SIGH rsinor
2S 3) si Be Coeds age S] Cet pe Gly Che 99 Ge WE
dia
SNe Ams 55 ob Lich; sb 4b ot Siew gee <5
jh al gs oS 4425 lgls co ALL sls S Wit
jal
pate a hs GS tee es pate AD 2 be plde Co O o>
GB A Ae tele Bose py 9 pled Cue 9 a5 S
7 oy
Sr ZS oth (les stp cut AVG, joys alow
Sop tal SF Ne Sales cor aT UH jy NS ope
al(_a|
thal a eS se a Came ot Sp 90 a>) A. y

' Sic with three points,

‘OMAR KHAYYAM 437
4c |
as ESS Gees b De 555 Ch ae boo bo de Ol odes Hh

Was oa Uh coe Me uly a

Aists iti ll é pF AU ob eS 3) aly oll

dy 4) 2S! on Sj ke Wy el > Foe yu
Lica

cin, 554 pS EIS end Scie} Ory oll om? 4 ol

CaS ails gf Sea Eyal was by J ge S
aja!

wi SS Ie Se BS oy nt JK tos ws AI

BIR es La He Rt S S02 Fri
aca)!

Sold cola 4 cL als) c Cale Cn 9 Saal 3° Ses

cub Gey C dodl oS = aeeteeige 8S co Coe

)(_a| .
= - / ik : -
99 ct Sb OLE alo Gare Ws cs Dae d 1 ee
93 cp Nj de Ge i S De CI) GI OS Oe? |

t Sie with three points.

438 E. DENI80X ROSs—

(zo

Gi yKil a> glend Ciajs Gies le tac CI os

l
Although the world is made beautiful for you
Set no value on it, for the wise set value on nothing,
For many like you come and many go
Take you your share ere they take you.
Z
Since thou canst not either increase nor diminish thy daily bread or
the days of thy life,
Thou canst not complain about the more or the less,
My Fate and thine as I and thou well know
Cannot be moulded like wax between our hands.
a
It is the hour of dawn, rise, thou symbol of delight,
And gently gently sip the wine and touch the harp :
For none of those who are here endure for long
And none of those who've gone will e’er return.
t
Since there is no lasting abode in this world
It is a heinous crime to live without wine or the beloved.
How long must we discuss with hope and fear what is original and
what created ?
When we are gone, what matter whether the world was created or
exists from all time.
; a)
Now that the clouds for New Year's Day have washed the Tulip’s face,
Rise and form your good resolutions with a cup of wine :
For this greensward which to-day delights your eye
Will be springing up to-morrow through your dust.
| 7 6
Last night I cast my cup against a stone
I was intoxicated when I did this wanton thing ;

‘OMAR KHAYYAM “439

The cup cried out to me with mystic tongue -
“T was like you and you will be like me.”
7
There was a drop of water and it fell into the sea :
There was an atom of dust, and it mixed with the earth.
What is thy coming and going in this world
A fly made its appearance and then vanished.
&
The days of our life are ashamed of him
Who sits disconsolate lamenting his Fate :
Drink wine from the jug to the sound of the harp
Ere the jug is broken on some stone.
)
This sea of existence came out of hiding:
No one has pierced this pearl of Truth.
Each has pronounced a word out of his inner consciousness,
Of what really is no one is able to speak,
10
Oh! wise old man, rise more betimes
And take a careful look at that child who is sweeping the dust.
Warn him and say: “ Sweep gently, very gently
The brain of Kaikobéd and the eye of Parviz.”
11
This circle within which we come and go
Has neither a starting nor an ending point :
No one claims that he can tell us truly
Whence we came or whither we are going.
Iz
Drink wine, for the sky revolves for my destruction and thine,
It has designs upon my poor soul and thine.
Recline upon the greensward and drink the bright wine
For this greensward will often spring from my dust and thine-
13
Oh! Thou who art the result of the Four [Elements] and the Seven
[Spheres |
And art always excited about the Seven and the Four
Drink wine, for as I have told you a thousand times before
There will be no returning for Thee, when Thou art gone, Thou urt

gone.

eT pa ee
1 = L 2"

AN ARABIC AND A PERSIAN METRICAL VERSION OF
BURZOE'S AUTOBIOGRAPHY FROM “ KALILA AND
DIMNA".

By E. Dewxtson Ross

) fg my Foreword to the fifth volume of The Ocean of Story

(Mr. Penzer’s reprint of Tawney’s translation),’ I had occasion
to discuss the well-known Burzoé Legend, which forms part of the
preliminary matter in Ibn Muqaffa‘’s Kalila wa Dimna. This legend
relates how Burzoé, a physician at the court of Anushirwan the
Just, was sent to India to discover a wonderful book of wisdom, how
after infinite pains he found it, and having translated it, brought back
a Pahlavi version to the Persian monarch. The story is too well known
to need repetition, nor am I here concerned with the question of its
origin. For my own part, I am inclined to believe that it was invented
by Ibn Muqafia‘ himself. However this may be, the chapter containing
the autobiography of Burzoé is a document of such outstanding
importance to the student of Oriental life and culture, that
Professor Néldeke made it the subject of a special monograph bearing
the title “ Burzoé’s Einleitung ” (Strassburg, 1912). . His translation
is based on the various manuscripts and editions of Ibn Mugqaffa’s
Kalila wa Dimna. As is well known, there exist, both in Arabic and in
Persian, a number of adaptations and translations, both in prose and
in verse, of the original Kalila wa Dimna, all of which I have
enumerated in the foreword referred to above. Among the poetical
versions there is one in Persian by a poet named Qanr’i, of which a
unique manuscript is preserved in the British Museum,” and an
Arabic version by a poet named Naqqish, of which only two copies are
known to exist to-day.2 In view of the interest attaching to Burzoé’s
Introduction, and the divergencies in the text of Ibn Muqafia’'s original,
I thought it might be of interest to publish the poetical versions of this
chapter given by Qa’ani‘i and an-Naqqash. Moreover, it seemed that
specimens of the writings of these two otherwise unknown poets might
be of interest to Persian and Arabic scholars. With regard to these two
poets, I think I cannot do better than extract from the British Museum
Catalogues the admirable descriptions given by that. great scholar

' The Ocean of Story, being C. H. Tawney's translation of Somadeva's Katha Sarit
Sagara. Edited ... by N. M. Penzer. In 10 vols... . Vol. v with a Foreword
by E. Denison Ross.

2 BM. Add. 7766. Dated a.m. 863 (ap. 1459).

2 British Moseum Or, 3626, and in the Library of the Catholic Fathers in Beyrout.

449 E. DENISON Ross—

Dr. Charles Rieu. It may be claimed, without: fear of contradiction,
that both these poems have considerable merit, and that their authors
deserve to have their names on the roll of Islamic literature.

Qani'l writes with a rare simplicity of style, and his method of
treatment 1s on the side of discoursiveness : an-Naqqdsh, on the other
hand, while employing an unaffected language, always aims at cutting
down his matter to the fewest possible words, and one is often struck
by the amazing neatness with which he reduces a long sentence of his
original—supposing him to have had Ibn Muqaffa* before him—to a
single trenchant verse in which nothing is lost either of clarity or force.

Tae “ Katira wa Deira” or AN-NaggAsna !

A metrical version of Kalila and Dimna, by Jalal al-Din al-Hasan B.
Ahmad, called al-Naqgash.

In the prologue, after discoursing on philosophy and on the utility
of apologues, and giving various precepts of morals and practical
wisdom, the author says that the book of Kulailah (ste) and Dimnah,
which Kisra had obtained from India, had been translated by that
king's order into Pehlavi. After the Arab conquest, and in the time of
Ma’miin, that Khalif’s Wazir, Ibn Barmak, having expressed a desire
to learn the book by heart, Aban al-Lahiqi volunteered to turn it into
verse for the Wazir’s convenience, and submitted of his free will to a
period of solitary confinement in order to carry out that task, which he
performed in the space of three months. His version amounted to
fourteen thousand verses. Five chapters, lost at the time of the
invasion, were subsequently restored by Sadaqah B. Sind.

It is curious to notice that the author makes no mention of the
original translation of “ Abdallah B. al-Mugaffa ”, although it appears.
from the above-quoted passage of the epilogue, that his versification
was based upon a prose text, which could be no other than that
standard version.

Four earlier metrical versions are on record, namely those of
Sahl B. Nabakht for Yahya al-Barmaki (Haj. Khal., vol. v, p. 238),
of Ibn al-Habbiriyyah (No. 1158), of As’ad B. Muhaddab Ibn
Mammiati, who died a.n. 606 (Ibn Khallikan, vol. i, p- 192), and of
‘Abd al-Mu’min B. al-Hasan, who wrote A.H. 640-87 (Vienna Catalogue,
vol. i, p. 469). For others see Fihrist, p. 305.

In the present copy the text runs on without any division or heading
from fol. 21 to the end = but the titles of some sections have been added
in the margins. The text is vocalized throughout.

- ¥ Rieu, Supplement Catalogue of Arabic MSS, im the Britiah Museum, p. 735 et seq.

BURZOE’S AUTOBIOGRAPHY FROM “‘ KALILA AND DIMNA a 445

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BURZOE’S AUTOBIOGRAPHY FROM “ KALILA AND DIMNA ~ 449

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4h E. DENISON ROosSs—

Tut Persian Merrica, Version or Karita wa Doewa, py QAnr‘i!

The work was composed for a king called Ka'tis, to whom a few
laudatory verses are addressed at the end of each section. He is
designated as the sovereign of Rim, and the worthy suecessor of
Kaikhusrau and Kaiqubad.

‘Izz ud-Din Kaika'is, who is here meant, succeeded:as the eldest
son to his father Kaikhusrau, at the time of the Moghul invasion of
Asia Minor, 4.n. 642, and carried on for about twenty years a fitful
rule under the control of the Moghul sovereigns, and in a state of con-
stant struggle with his brother Rukn ud-Din Kilij Arslan, with whom
he had to divide the kingdom, Ousted at last by the latter he repaired
to Constantinople, and was shortly after, a.u. 662, confined by the
Emperor Michael Paleologus in the castle of JEnos. He was
subsequently released by the Moghul Berekii Khan, and obtained from
him a principality in the Crimea, where he died a.u. 678. See Abulfara)j,
Historia Dynastiarum, pp. 319-32 - Abulfeda, vol. v, p.11; D'Ohsson,
Histoire des Mongols, -vol. iii, pp. 92, 479, and Hammer, Geschichte
der Goldenen Horde, pp. 174-81.

The author gives in the prologue, fol. 8, a brief account of his career.
He lived, he says, in Khorasan in joy and comfort, a matchless poet
sought after by all, when the Moghuls overran the country, shedding
blood by torrents, and drove the Khwirazm Shah in wild flight to the
sea of Mazandaran (a.n. 617). Having escaped to India, he took ship
to “Adan, and, after visiting Medina and the holy shrines of Mecca,
and passing through Baghdad, he repaired to Rim, where “in his
distress his heart was rejoiced by the sight of the sovereign of the world,
Kaiqubad ” (a.m. 616-34). He became his panegyrist, lived, thanks
to his bounty, in great opulence, and composed a poetical record of the
dynasty, entitled Saljik Namah, the bulk of which was not much less
than a camel's load. He enjoyed also the favour of Kaiqubad’s glorious
successor, KRaikhusrau (4.4. 634-41). |

The poet says in two other passages, fol. 95a, 108a, that he had
during forty years celebrated the praises of three sovereigns of the
house of Saljaik (Kaiqubad, Kaikhusrau, and Kaika’iis), that his
poems filled thirty volumes, and amounted to about three hundred
thousand distichs. Tf. therefore, the arrival of Qinii at the court of
Kaiqubad took place, as appears probable, in a1. 618, the composition
of the present work must be placed about aca. 658.

a Rieu, Catalogue of Persian Manuscripts in the Britjah Museum, vol. ii,
PP. 582 et seq.

BURZOE'S AUTOBIOGRAPHY FROM “ KALILA AND DIMNA * 4€55

The author was still living in Qiniyah a.m. 672; for he ts mentioned
by Aflaki, the author of Managqib ul’ Arifin, Add. 25,025, fol. 142, who
calls him Amir Baha ud-Din Qanii Malik ush-Shu’ara, as one of those
who paid a last tribute to the saint Maulina Jalal ud-Din Rimi,
deceased in that year. He may be identical with a Qani'ii called like
him Baha ud-Din Ahmad, and also entitled Malik ush-Shu ara, who is
mentioned in the Gotha Catalogue, p. 68, as the author of a Qabis
Namah. The latter, however, is designated as Kazariini, or native
of Kizariin, while our author came from Khorasan.

The prologue of Qanii treats at considerable length of the virtues

and accomplishments which befit a king, of each of which the author |
shows his royal master to be the true paragon. An easy transition to

fol. 95, the main subject of the work. At his court appears an Indian
envoy bringing the tribute of his country. Questioned by Nishirvan
about a wonderful herb said to grow in India and to give eternal life |
to those who eat it, he explains its true nature. The herb 1s
but an emblem of the book of wisdom which the kings of India keep

Nashirvan, the traditional pattern of a just and wise ruler, introduces, |

as a sacred heirloom in their treasury.! He entreats the king, however, ;
not to betray to his master that he has disclosed his secret. Here follows, +
fol. 105, a detailed account of Barziyah’s mission to India, and of the i
means by which he succeeded in obtaining a copy of the precious book.

The arrangement is very similar to that of the Persian version of
Nasr Ullah. But the author does not give any information as to the |
original which he had followed. He merely says that he was turning '
prose into verse.

Qaxr‘t's VERSION
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1 A similar answer is recorded in the preface of Nasr Ullah's Persian version,
where it is put into the mouth of a Brahman in India. See Notices ef Extrasts,
vol, x, p. 107.

456 E. DENISON ROSS—

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“EALILA AND DIMNA” 459

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¥OL. FV. PART I.

“KALILA AND DIMNA 465

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éEALILA AND DIMNA” 467

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468 “ E. DENISON ROSS—

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BURZOE'S AUTOBIOGRAPHY FROM ‘“KALILA AND DIMNA 469

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470

1555 > 3) pg 953

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E. DENISON Ross—

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BURZOE’S AUTOBIOGRAPHY FROM “ KALILA AND DIMNA 471

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472 BURZOE'S AUTOBIOGRAPHY FROM “ KALILA AND DIMNA ™

Shee gS sie pls
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In conclusion I wish to acknowledge my indebtedness to Syed

Jafar Husain, M.A., LL.B., D.Lit.,
who kindly copied the extract from a

a former student of this School,

n-Naqqash, and to Mr. 8. Topalian,

lecturer in Turkish, who was good enough to transcribe the passage

from Qani'l.

CHINESE TREATISE ON ARCHITECTURE

| By W. Percevat Yerrs

Ghinese have held to the architectural standards of the past
\> less tenaciously than to other traditions of their ancient
vivil eae jon. Buildings standing at the present day testify to this
fet, and innumerable written records indicate a continuity of archi-
tectural practice lasting more than 2,000 years. The probability 1s
that foreign importation has affected Chinese architecture least: of all
the arts. Buddhism introduced certain Indian forms: the cenotaph
or teliquary, the pyramidal monastery, and perhaps the curved roof
later. Numerous decorative motives from many parts of Eurasia have
been turned to good account by Chinese interpreters. But the borrow-
ings from abroad have done little more than to modify superficially,
here and there, native methods of construction.

Written evidence shows that the erection of palaces and public
buildings has always been a care of the State. Unfortunately, extant
remains of governmental codes regulating architecture are much
scantier than those concerned with other departments of the administra-
tion. Moreover, the art of building has not ealled forth scholarly
treatises to the same extent as art expressed in portable objects which
appeal to collectors, for instance : paintings, bronzes, and jades. And
technical methods have been an oral tradition handed down through
generations of practising craftsmen who are the real architects of
China. Thus the literature of architecture is small; in fact, so small
that the book which is the subject of this article is the sole surviving
work of importance.

About a.p. 1070 the Emperor of the Northern Sung dynasty,
reigning at K‘ai-féng, ordered the Inspector of the Board of Works
to compile a treatise on architectural methods based on ancient
tradition and information preserved in the official archives. The
resultant work was finished in 1091, and it bore the title of Ying tsao
fa shih $% 3% EX, that is, Method of Architecture. Six years later,
Li Chich 4 #®, an Assistant 7% of the Board, received the imperial
command to revise the book. In 1100 the amended version under the
same title was finished and presented to the throne. In 1105 it was
printed, and copies were distributed among the Government offices
in the capital. The likelihood is that the blocks and many copies

1 For sake of brevity, Li Chieh’s treatise will be indicated thus : YTFS.

474 W. PERCEVAL YETTS—

were destroyed during the troubles of the ensuing years, In 1126 ve

K‘ai-féng was taken and pillaged by the Nii-chén Tartars, (Alf the
official buildings and their contents were destroyed. The reifening

family fled to the south, and eventually established the & eirt at
Hang-chou. The Emperor Kao-tsung (1127-62) built a Mibrary,
and offered rewards for contributions of books. An “old eo} 5”
YTFS came into the hands of the officials at Su-chou, and Hizom it
in 1145 they had blocks cut and a new edition printed. Manusc?zpt
copies of this 1145 edition are all that-are known to survive at the
present day of the Y7FS, except one folio and a half, presumed to
be relics of the first edition, as will be described later. |

In 1919, a manuscript copy, kept in the Chiang-nan Library at
Nanking, was examined by Mr. Chu Ch‘i-ch‘ien ae Fit &. who had
been Minister of the Interior under the presidency of Ytian Shih-k‘ai,
and is now Director-General of the Chung-hsin Mining Company.
After consulting Mr. Ch‘i Yao-lin ¥F ME Uk, the Civil Governor of
the province, Mr. Chu decided to publish it, and accordingly an edition
was printed by photo-lithography. This was smaller in size than the
manuscript ; but afterwards, in 1920, a photo-lithographed facsimile
of the manuscript was published by the Commercial Press at Shanghai.
Not long before that, the Curator of Peking Metropolitan Library had
found the two fragments which are presumed to have come from the
first (1103) edition of YT FS. Recognizing the imperfections of the
manuscript reproduced by photo-lithography, Mr. Chu conceived
the project of reconstructing the first edition in the form indicated
by the fragments. The work was entrusted to Mr. T‘nao Hsiang fy jh.
It was published during 1925 in eight magnificent. volumes which
are triumphs of book-production.

The photo-lithographed edition, Y7FS (1920), is the subject: of
an admirable review 1 by M. P. Demiéville, which is the most scholarly
contribution yet made by a Western writer to the study of Chinese
architecture. M. Demiéville gives a summary of the text of YT FS
as well as bibliographical data, The present article deals mainly
with the history of the 1925 edition as set forth at the end of the last
volume in an appendix and in an account written by Mr. T‘ao Hsiang.

i BEPEO, xxv (1025), pp. 213-4. A much shorter review by Professor Naité
Torajiro PY je BE De M6 appeared in Shina-gaku 3 Ff Bl, i (1921), pp. 797-9.
With the help of Professor Ité Chita ft fs tthe writer had in 1905 copied the
MS. copy of F7'FS in the Sai k'u wet at Moukden (vr. inf, pp. 480, 485, 488-9),

* An article by the present writer on literature relating to Chinese architecture
appeared in the Burlington Magazine of March last.

A CHINESE TREATISE ON ARCHITECTURE

476 W. PERCEVAL YETTs—

It is a complicated narrative, which includes the bibliographical
vicissitudes of Y7FS from its earliest beginnings, and it fills twenty-
four and a half folios. Too long for literal translation here, I give it
in outline.

Note should be made that this 1925 edition opens with title-page
(Fig. 1) and foreword written by Mr. Lo Chén-vyii # i 3:. and a
preface by Mr. Chu Ch‘i-ch‘ien,

The appendix comprises the following :—

1. Biography of the author (wv. inf).

“. A photo-lithographed reproduction of the front page of the
first folio of chapter eight of a Y TFS believed to have been the first
(1103) edition.’

4. A photo-lithographed reproduction of a traced facsimile of
the colophon-page of YTFS (1145).2 A copy of this page appears as
the first colophon to Y7FS (1920). The edition is here stated to
have been based on “an old copy of the shao-shéng ¥TFS ”, which
probably means the 1103 printed edition. The fact that the 1103
edition had been compiled during the shao-shéng period (1094-8)
doubtless led to its being known as the “ shao-shéng YTFS" to
distinguish it from the ylen-yu FC i (1091) compilation (v.inf., p. 482).
The 1145 edition was published under the supervision of Wang Huan,
Prefect of P‘ing-chiang Fu (Su-chou).

4. Twenty-two colophons containing bibliographical matter. An
account of these follows later (pp. 478-82), where the colophons are
labelled A to V.

BiocRaPHy oF THE MAsTER Li WHO HELD THE DECORATION OF THE

Rep-coip Fisu-case 3 We & ih A Ww ee Gh.
Li Chieh (7. Ming-chung pA ‘P) was a native of Kuan-ch‘éng
iF bk PE near the Sung capital of K‘ai-féng. The year of his birth is

" It is reproduced here as Fig. 3. Alongside it for comparison the cormespon cing
page of YTS (1925) is reproduced in Fig. 4.

? See Fig. 2,

* This biography, by the Sung writer Ch'éng Cha Fe {IL. is preserved in hiscollected
works, entitled 4 jl) 4]. 4, of which o manuscript copy, formerly belonging to
the Yao #9 family, is now in the Peking Metropolitan Library. Ch'éng Cha
(T. Be 3H) was a native of K'ai-hus PH 4b. and he held the doctor's degree. From
time to time he occupied various official Posts at the capital. One of them ee 7 -P

® contemporary of Li Chich, though younger than he. Presumably he knew him
personally, and may have served under him, Accordingly this biography is likely
to be trustworthy. A short account of Ch'éng Chi appears in rp AK
Rt wh, p. 1186,

A CHINESE TREATISE ON ARCHITECTURE 4g7

unknown. In 1085 he exercised the subordinate function of 3 jit
2% f. an official concerned with the sacrificial ceremonies to Heaven
and Earth. He was transferred from that to a post in the prefecture
of Ts‘ao-chou ¥¥ #{ in Shantung. In 1092 with the rank of 7 AE ff
he became an archivist in the Board of Works # 4 Gk =e 7.
Four years later he was promoted to the rank of 7K 4 ft and the
post of Assistant 7 at the Board of Works. About 1099 he supervised
the building of the palace of the Emperor's brother, and when it was
finished he received promotion to jf #@ Mb. Between 1097 and 1100
he wrote the treatise YTFS, but not till 1102 was he appointed an
Assistant Inspector of the Board of Works with the rank of f fi NU.
At the end of 1103, in response to his petition for a post outside the
capital, so that he might be near his father, he was appointed to duties
connected with the transport of tribute, 3§ 4 @ M HH:
but next year he was recalled to his former functions as Assistant
Inspector of the Board of Works, where he remained for five years.
When the building of the National Academy BE 3 was finished,
he was promoted to the post of Inspector."

Before Li Chieh reached his highest rank of 4p ffm A 3% (fifth
grade of the first class) he had received sixteen steps in promotion,
and of these nine were given in recognition of his work in supervising
the construction of public buildings. The buildings which chiefly
brought him distinction were :—

The offices of the administrative department fy 7 47.

The apartments #& 4 <¢ of fil tH ae

The Je 4 Gate.

The hall f, we of the & fill Gate.

The administrative offices Md of the metropolitan prefecture.

The ancestral temple 7 qj of the reigning dynasty.

A Buddhist temple built at the command of the Empress Dowager.

In 1108 Li Chieh retired on account of his father’s death. During
the latter’s illness the Emperor granted him leave of absence, and
showed a signal mark of favour by allowing the imperial physician to
attend the sick man. The Emperor moreover contributed a sum of
1,000,000 cash for the funeral expenses. This Li Chieh accepted, but
expended on Buddhist temples, since he was able himself to pay the
cost of the funeral.

In 1110, while Li Chieh held the post of magistrate of Kuo Chou

1 Thus M. Demiéville's surmise that Li Chieh never attained the post of Inspector
(loc. cif., p. 228) Incks support.

478 W. PERCEVAL YETTS—

#¢ #1 in Honan, the Emperor decided to recall him to the capital.
He died, however, in the second month of that year, before the
Kmperor’s summons reached him.

Li Chieh’s character is described as generous and magnanimous.
He was learned and skilled in many of the fine arts. His library
contained several myriads of books, of which thousands were manu-
script copies done with his own hand. He was noted as a caligraphist
in all manner of script, and also as an artist. Indeed, the Emperor
once asked him to paint a Picture of Five Horses. In addition to YT FS
he was author of the following works :—

#4 i i # in ten chapters.

4 lel RE % 2% in two chapters.
Zé 7% #& in three chapters.

IG #% in three chapters.

yy fi & in three chapters.

G % # % in ten chapters.

The twenty-two colophons are as follows :-—

A. Extracts from 4é yp.

“Memoir concerning Officials Wig ‘ff 3. The establishment of
the Board of Works jf {— §& included one Inspector & and one
Assistant Inspector 4» §&. The Inspector supervised affairs connected
with the construction of buildings, ramparts, bridges, shipping, and
vehicles. The Assistant Inspector aided him in this work... . An
imperial decree in 1092 caused to be distributed the Ying tsao fa shih
which had been compiled by the Board of Works.’

“ Memoir concerning Bibliography #% 3¢C 3 (Category of cere-
monial usages in the historical section sf af (f& ZH: fj): 250
volumes ff} of a Ying tsao fa shih, compiled during the 7¢ #4 period
(1056-94) are mentioned, but the number of chapters is not specified.
(Category of arts and crafts in the philosophical section | a &
i Hi): A New Book on Wood [Construction] # 4 AK RF in one
chapter by Li Chieh 2¢ jf is mentioned.”

B. oi Ri By by BRM =.

This book! contains passages of YT FS which is here stated to have
been finished in the first month of 1103. The author's name is given
as Li Ch‘éng? 2 jg, and his official status as Assistant Inspector of

* A collection, dated 1106, of extracts from a number of books, many of which are
now lost; v. Pelliot, BEFEO, ix (1909), pp. 236-45.

* This error in his name is discussed later, r. inf., p. 485,

A CHINESE TREATISE ON ARCHITECTURE 479

the Board of Works (v. A) with the rank 3§ (&{ AB (fourth class of
the sixth grade). Note is made that, though the author puts the
number of chapters at thirty-six, the YTS has actually only
thirty-four.

C. ®h a Mi wm te by RA KR.

This book dates from the middle of the twelfth century. It states
that “ Li Chieh received the imperial command to revise a Ying tsao
fa shih which the Board of Works had in the #8 S€ period (1068-77) been
ordered by the Emperor to compile. He considered the book imperfect ;
so he searched the classical canons and dynastic annals, and also
made inquiry among craftsmen and artisans in order to render it
complete. His amended version was authorized to be distributed in
the Government offices of the capital. The saying was current that
the T'reatise on Wood [Construction] A: #% by Yii Hao Ye AS excelled
most highly in detail, but this book [by Li Chieh] surpasses it”.

D. a 9% MOM by BR ik

A classified and annotated catalogue of books belonging to the fj
family. It dates from the Sung period. The passage quoted here
describes Y7'FS in thirty-four chapters, and a general summary
% #€ by Li Ch’éng, an Assistant Inspector of the Board of Works,
who received the imperial command in 1097 to carry out a revision
of the earlier work (v. C). His new version was finished in 1100, and
the printing of it was authorized in 1103. 3

E. @F at Me ie by BR A {-. ms 4

Written in the first half of the fourteenth century. The passage
quoted gives a list of seven works by Li Ch‘éng, and among them the
YTFS in thirty-four chapters. Except for a small discrepancy in
the title 4% [A] ®E @, these are the same as those specified in the
Biography (v. sup., p. 478).

F. # dj by Bf MA cz.

A collection of extracts from books of all periods and on various
subjects. The author lived in the sixteenth century.

A section of the general summary of YTFS is here quoted. It is
entitled Counting Rooms by the Number of Pillars FR #8 Br. This
section is absent from the extant text of YTF'S (v. if., p. 484).

G. RW MR ie by & fr.

The passage here quoted is the afterword written by the author
Ch‘ien Ts‘éng to the manuscript copy of Y7FS acquired by him in

450) W. PERCEVAL YETTS—

1649. From this copy was copied the manuscript reproduced by photo-
lithography in 1919-20 (v. J and pp, 484-5). A facsimile of the original
afterword appears as the second colophon to YTFS (1920). Ch‘ien
Ts‘éng mentions the destruction of the family library in 1650, when a
printed copy of ¥7'F8 (? 1145) perished.

H OM 4 ® # A.

This is the great catalogue of the imperial library under the late
Manchu dynasty. Eighteen years were spent in compiling it, and it
was finished in 1790. At the time when the catalogue was being com-
piled, rare books were submitted from all parts of the empire, and
certain were copied in their entirety and the copies added to the
imperial collection (v. inf., p.488). One of these wasa MS.copyof Y7TFS
(1145), lent from the library $¢ — J of the Fan 72, family at Ning-po.
It lacked the thirty-first chapter ; therefore, when the copy was made
for the imperial library, the great encyclopedia! 3 #% ke # was
drawn upon for the missing chapter, which consists mainly of
illustrations.

Ll Oh Stem a me.

This abridged version of the foregoing catalogue (H) contains a
brief notice of Y7FS,

J. ee Bh.

This colophon, dated 1821, appears third in the last volume of
YTFS (1920). The writer, Chang Yung-ching, at the age of 20, copied

" *manuseript Y7F'S as a memorial to his grandfather, who for twenty

years had sought in vain to get a copy. The manuscript had been
preserved by the Ch‘ien ¢& family in their library 3 fj tf at Ch‘ang-
shu #7; 74 in Kiangsu. In 1820 the writer's kinsman Yiieh-hsiao AY
(Chang Chin-wu, v. K) bought the Ch‘ien manuscript from a book-
seller named T’ao Py at the Sign of the Five Willows? 3 #) J& in
Su-chou. The copying of the illustrations was done by the artist
Wang Chiin-mou = ¥f +, one of the best pupils of the painter Pi
Chung-k‘ai 4 fp 4.

i For netes on this vast collection r. Mayers, China Rer., vi (1877-8), pp. 215-18 ;
BEPEO, ix (1909), pp. 828-9; Aurouseau, BEFEO, xii (1912), No, 0, pp. 79-87.
Originally there were more than 10,000 volumes of manuscript. The printing of it
was attempted towards the end of the Ming period, but was soon abandoned. Some
volumes had been lost before the burning by the Boxers in 1900, Several hundred
volumes are pow known to have survived the fire. Profesor Hu Shih informs me that
the rumours of a second manuscript copy are false,

* Reminiscent of his famous namesake T'ao Yiian-ming, near whowe house stood
five willow-trees. Hence the sobriquet Fi. 9) SE AE aseumed by the poet.

A CHINESE TREATISE ON ARCHITECTURE 481

Kes. . |

This is the eighth colophon to Y7FS (1920). It is dated 1827.
The writer is the kinsman of Yung-ching mentioned in J.

L. & i Mm B-

This colophon, dated 1820, is the fifth to YTFS (1920).

M. 4: 7 RB.

This colophon, dated 1821, is the sixth to ¥TFS (1920).

N. ft @ BR.

This colophon, dated 1830, is the seventh to ¥TFS (1920).
O. Bh a MA RR. |

This colophon, dated 1826, is the eleventh to YTFS (1920).

P. 7 2 HF Bi.
This colophon, dated 1828, is the fourth to Y TFS G3),

Q. i i mm ek.
This colophon, dated 1828, is the ninth to ¥YTFS (1920).

R. &5 ik &.

This colophon, not dated, is the thirteenth to ¥7FS (1920).

S. i = i #1 @ A by 2M.

This is the catalogue of the Ch‘ti 92 family library at Ch'ang-shu
4 (Kiangsu). It was compiled about the middle of the last
century by Ch‘ii Yung, but not published till many years later.'

Note is made that the manuscript copy of YT FS in this library
was ultimately derived from YT7FS (1145), but through several
successive copies. It contains the colophon-page (Fig. 2). Internal
evidence indicates that neither of the MSS. described in J was used in
the making of it.

T. Mw by T A.

The full title of this library catalogue, dated 1901, hb K #
Sf 98 2 Ge. The entry here quoted refers toa YTS in thirty-six
chapters, which was acquired from the library of one 7% {8 7H, and
is, in fact, the same MS. that appears in YT FS (1919-20); wv. J, K, and
p. 485 below.

U. Preface by # #8 Hk to the photo-lithographed 1920 edition,
entitled 77 Fl @ 3 te x.

Dated 1919, it appears as the second preface to YTFS (1920).
The writer, Mr. Ch‘i Yao-lin, was Civil Governor of Kiangsu the year

1p, Pelliot, BEFEO, ix (1000), pp. 212, 468, 513, and Auroumeau, BEFEO,

xii (1912), No. 9, p. G4.
FOL. I¥. FART Ht. 32

489 W. PERCEVAL YETTS—

that Mr. Chu Ch‘i-ch‘ien came to Nanking as chief of the Peace
Delegation from North China, Together they visited the public library
for which some ten years previously the Ting collection (v. T) had been
hought by the viceroy Tuan-fang # 3 (v. inf., p. 485). They
saw there Chang Yung-ching’s transcript (v. J), and the decision
was made to publish it,

This is a copy of the first preface, undated, to YT FS (1920).

After the appendix comes an account it #4, nine pages long, by
Mr. T’ao Hsiang, who signs it in the intercalary fourth month (22nd May
to 20th June) of 1925. The writer is a native of Wu-chin nH it
(formerly #7; JH) in Kiangsu. He outlines the bibliographical history
of ¥7FS derived from criteria assembled in the foregoing appendix,
and to this he adds information concerning the production of the
1925 edition. In the following abridged translation the various items
of the appendix are indicated by the letters of the alphabet used above
to label them :—

The YTFS in thirty-six chapters by Li Chieh, an Assistant
Inspector ! of the Board of Works under the Sung, is a revised version
of an earlier work compiled during the Asi-ning period (1068-77), and
finished in 1091 (vp. A, B, C, and D). The second version was under-
taken in 1097, and it was finished in 1100. Authorization was given
in 1103 for it to be cut and published. This is the ch‘wng-ning (1102-6)
edition. In 1145 Wang Huan =F i, an official of P*ing-chiang Fu,
obtained an “ old copy of the shaa-chéng period " (v. p. 476 and Fig. 2),
and had it recut. This is the shao-hsing ( 1131-62) edition. B and
Chuang Chi-yii ff 3 #5 in his $e fy Hi, dated 1106 and 1133
respectively, each refers to a copy of YT FS. The fact that these writers
copied a number of passages from YTFS is evidence that the work
was highly valued at the time. D mentions Li Chieh’s * revised version
of YTFS in thirty-four chapters, and one chapter containing the
general summary, but omits to notice the table of contents. C puts
the number of chapters at thirty-four without either table of contents
or general summary. Tao Tsung-i fy 32 {iE in his Shuo ju i FG
refers to a Method with general stmmary and various sections, but he

* Strictly speaking, the author had not Yet attained the post of Assistant Inspewtor
when he wrote the treatise, since his Promotion did not ocour till 1102, See hia
Biography, p. 477.

* Actually D writes “ Ch'éng “ instead of “ Chich “, a5 also doB and FE. On this
orror, r. inf, p, 488.

483

A CHINESE TREATISE ON ARCHITECTURE

ee) ee el

Wt i He <i
SERN IN te a gt mt A | fe

Sak wat idee + | ma apts

AN 3S RA a ia At nae eal
{ex p< TE onl BAH hg Wa AC UB bah ee a
ewes ES GE rp Gs op) Hl fm as

Freee

phota-

» reproduced by

colophon. pape of FPS (1145
in FTES (1925),

nile of the

faeeir

rie

?.—Tra

lithography

454 W. PERCEVAL YETTS—

calls it a Treatise on Wood [Construction] 7A @ by Li Chieh.!
F describes an edition of which the table of sections in the general
summary has a section on Counting Rooms by the Number of Pillars
2 4 %& which is missing from the extant book. Is it possible that
the copy he saw was the first (1103) edition ?

The Y7FS in the library of the Ch‘ien family (v. J) had twenty-
eight chapters, six of illustrations, one of general summary, and one
of table of contents—thirty-six chapters in all. It opened with
Li Chieh’s memorial of presentation, his preface and the imperial
rescript which authorized the printing of the work. It ended with
the colophon-page giving particulars of the 1145 edition (Fig. 2).
There were twenty columns on each folio, and twenty-two
characters to each column. In this copy the characters fai and A
(names respectively of the two emperors who reigned from 1126 to
1162) were tabooed, an indication that it was derived from the 1145
edition.

The colophon by Ch‘ien Ts‘éng (v. G) states that the Y7'FS in the
Ch'ten family library was the copy which his senior relative Ch‘ien
Ch'ien-1 $% ff 4 obtained from a member of the Chao ii family, and
sold to him in the spring of 1649. Ch‘ien Ch‘ien-i possessed a printed
copy, which had come from an old family of Liang-ch‘i % §%, but: it
perished in the fire which destroyed his library in 1650. The aforesaid
copy was handed down from generation to generation. According to
L the catalogue of the library df G @ (ie. of Ch‘ien Ts‘éng) states
that Chao Yiian-tu ij 7 AE acquired an incomplete copy of YTFS
lacking more than ten chapters. For over twenty years he wore himself
out seeking to borrow a copy. Finally, at a cost of 50,000 cash,
he made the book complete with illustrations, plans, and designs.

In 1821, Mr. Chang Yung-ching in the colophon (v. J) to his manu-
seript copy says: “ Copies of Y7'FS which have survived the downfall
of the Sung dynasty and have been handed down are exceedingly rare.
The Ch‘ten family library 34t 7; 4 contained a copy of a Sung edition
of the book, which I tried to get but failed. In the year 1820 my kinsman
Yiieh-hsiao A] $F (Chang Chin-wu: v. K) acquired a manuscript copy

' Doubt exists whether Li Chich ever wrote a hook entitled Mw ching. M, Demis.
ville discusses this subject fully, loc. cit., pp. 220-2. ‘The title, New Book on Wood
[Construction], of the only work attributed to Li Chich in the Sung History (v. A),
presupposes an earlier treatise of the kind. Perhaps it was the 4fu ching of the famous
architect, YO Hao (rv. C). M. Demiéville identifies all the alleged extracts from o
Mu ching of Li Chieh, as quoted in Shue fu, with passages in ¥ TFS, Perhaps these

extracts were in fact derived from the New Book on Wood [Construction] which Li
Chich may have drwn upon when writing YTS.

A CHINESE TREATISE ON ARCHITECTURE 485

of this Ch‘ien copy from a bookseller named T‘ao at the Sign of the
Five Willows in Su-chou (v. J). I borrowed it and copied the text,
while Wang Chiin-mou, pupil of Pi Chung-k‘ai, copied the illustrations,
plans, and designs.”

Between 1907 and 1908 when Tuan-fang (ff. T’ao-chai J ¥F),
viceroy of Liang Chiang, founded the library [at Nanking], he acquired
for it the library #% W{ # which had belonged to the Ting family of
Ch‘ien-t‘ang 4% Mf (Hang-chou). Among the Ting books was the
transcript of Y7FS made by Chang Yung-ching (v. T).

In 1919, Mr. Chu Ch‘i-ch‘ien (#7. Kuei-hsin ¢£ 3), a native of # j7.
(formerly $A $4) in Kueichou, came south and saw this book (v. U).
He had it reproduced in a smaller size [by photo-lithography]. This
was so favourably received that the Commercial Press of Shanghai
followed it up with a facsimile reproduction of the original MS.
According to evidence afforded by colophons Land M, we know that the
Ting MS. was the one which Chang Yung-ching transcribed from the
copy in the possession of Chang Chin-wu. It contains numerous
errors of transcription.

The library 4 #ij #£ belonging to Mr. Chiang Ju-tsao HF jk MH.
a native of Wu-hsing 4 §@ (formerly 7] 4) in Chehkiang, contains
a manuseript Y7FS of which the text and illustrations are well
executed and complete. By comparing the Ting MS. with it, dozens
of errors in the former may be corrected. But it was not the MS.
from which Chang Yung-ching’s copy was made.

The library i 2 @ i) #E of the Ch‘ii family at Ch‘ang-shu
(v. 8) has an old copy which also is based on Y TFS (1145).

The Y¥Y7FS contained in the collection of the Ch‘ten-lung Four
Libraries was transcribed from the copy which belonged to the T’ien-1
Ko of the Fan family in Chehkiang. This copy lacked the thirty-first
chapter, and the defect was made good from the Yung-lo ta tien (v. H).

According to 3 741 [4 # A othe imperial library under the
Ming contained five sets of Y7T-FS, but the catalogue omits biblio-
graphical particulars. The catalogue of the imperial library under
the Manchu dynasty, entitled Py [4] @ A. mentions two incomplete
sets of Y7'F'S, one with two and the other with five volumes. It notes
that the book was compiled by Li Chich at imperial command during
the ch'ung-ning period, but that of its thirty-four chapters twelve
were missing. Towards the close of the late dynasty the imperial
library was moved from the Palace to the National Academy J -f-
Ge fa 4 [in the north of Peking]. During the first years of the

W. PERCEVAL YETTS—

456

Ka hacky eA RR

i : Br ae Aion os ba a zea ae|

w\ | "
Ree 2 HE A/

éight of a

photo-lith

nprter

re of the first folio of ch

As,
=
43
=

FTFS (1925).

YTF'S believed to have

Ofraphy in

Reproduced by

-
=
—_

bedava

mone
7 Er cpnenmnmassaans®

ut for FTE'S (1925).

see

etl MR

i eal

458 W. PERCEVAL YETTs—

Republic it was moved from there and housed in a part of the Wu
Gate of the Palace 4= FY #£. Thence it was taken to the Metropolitan
Library 3 Gi) 2 W& fis which now is installed in the former
National Academy. In the course of these moves the seven volumes
of the two incomplete sets were lost owing to carelessness.

The Curator of the Metropolitan Library, Mr. Fu Tséng-hsiang
4 3 Ha (1. Yiian-shu {x §Z) of Chiang-an 77 4, was sorting out a
pile of waste papers when he came upon two fragments of Y7'FS.
One was the front page of the first folio of the eighth chapter (v. Fig. 3)! ;
the other was a complete fifth folio from the same chapter. They were
printed from wood-blocks during the Sung period. Each folio had
twenty-two columns with twenty-two characters in each, and double
columns of small characters. Probably they are to be identified as
coming from the 1103 edition.

Mr. Chu Ch't-ch'ien considered unsatisfactory the Ting MS, which
he had previously reproduced, so he requested me to consult all
existing copies of Y7FS, and, after comparing the texts in detail,
to print a new edition.

In my opinion, the Ssti k‘u ch‘iian shu copies of YTFS seem to be
the most reliable, for they were made from the Fan library copy which
had been transcribed about the middle of the Ming period from a Sung
wood-block edition, and therefore is earlier than the Ch‘ien copy ?
preserved in the 3% 7 library (v. G). Moreover, they have the
advantage of corrections and additions carried out by the editors of
the Sea k’u who compared the Fan copy with the Yung-lo ta tien (v. H).

Now, the Ssii k*u ch‘tian shu copies * were distributed for preserva-
tion in the following seven repositories :—

Wen yian Ko 3¢ Jf (A [at the Summer Palace of Yiian ming
Yiian near Peking],

‘ Note by Mr. T'ao Heiang: “ Here we find the author's name clearly written
‘ Chieh", which is proof enough that the version ‘ Ch'éng ‘ is erroneous," (Cf. B, D,
and E. wv. Pelliot, REFEO, ix (1000), pp. 244-5.

* Professor Naitd notes the superiority of the illustrations in the copy belonging
to the Sai L'w set at Moukden in 1905 as compared with those in FT FS (1820) ;
a When a great catalogue of the imperial library under the late Manchu dynasty
(cr. H) was in preparation, certain books among those sent to the capital by collectors
throughout the empire were temporarily retained for investigation. These were
divided into two categories; (1) Works sufficiently rare for complete copies to
be made and added to the imperial library. One of these was the Fan copy of
¥7FS. Biblicgraphical particulara of books in this category were entered in the
catalogue. (2) Works not copied, but of which bibliographical particulars were

entered in the catalogue. . Pelliot, REFEO, vi (1900), PP. 415-16, and ix (1000),
pp. 211-12.

A CHINESE TREATISE ON ARCHITECTURE 489

Wén tsung Ko 4 [at Golden Island, Chinkiang].
Wen hui Ko 2% fj} [at Yang-chou fib 44].

Wénlan Ko 3% 7 fA) [at the Western Lake, Hang-chou).
Wen yiian Ko 3 jf (B) [in the Palace at Peking].

Wen shuo Ko 3 #4 s[in the Palace at Moukden].

Wen chin Ko 2 }ft [4 [in the Palace at Jehol].

The first three sets have suffered destruction from the ravages
and burnings of war.’ Also, half of the Hang-chou set. was destroyed.*
The Peking Palace set is still there ; the Moukden set is stored in the
Hall of Assured Peace {2 Fp BY [in the Peking Palace]; and the
Jehol set is in the Metropolitan Library.

These three are all that are now preserved intact. I have compared
the texts of Y7TFS contained in all three, and also the extracts quoted
by B, Chuang Chi-yii, T’ao Tsung-i and F. The old manuscript copy
in the library of Mr. Chiang Ju-tsao has been examined besides.

After carefully comparing all these texts, the shortcomings of the
Ting MS. have been made good ; missing characters have been restored
and errors of transcription corrected. Possibly some mistakes remain ;
but there is little probability that any passage is omitted. Several
parts of the text are hard to understand; yet, when all texts agree
as to the reading, I did not venture to alter them.

The format of this edition and the style of characters cut for tt are
made to imitate those of ¥Y7'FS (1103) as represented by the two
fragments recently discovered. The illustrations are based on those
of Y7FS (1145), and such that cannot be followed as to detail without
difficulty have been redrawn twice the original size and afterwards
reduced by photography to the scale of the originals.

One source of perplexity is the lack of originals wherewith to
compare these much-copied illustrations, Decorative designs of stone
carvings and the smaller wooden objects may likely have undergone
minor modifications from time to time in accordance with current
fashion. On the other hand, strict precision must have been main-
tained in plans for large wooden structures, because upon them
depend all measurements and proportions, and even slight deviations
from the originals would have resulted in loss of architectural integrity.

t The Yaan ming Yan was destroyed by the Allied Army in 1800, The seta at
Golden Island and Yang-hou were burnt by the T’ai-p'ing Rebels a few years earlier.

2 Also by the T‘ai-p'ing Rebels. Professor Hu Shih informs me that the logs has
been repaired owing to the generosity of Mr, Ting Ping JT py (rc. T) and to the
recent efforts of Mr. Chang Tsung-hsiang Ge = Ff, formerly Commissioner of
Education in Chehkiang.

490) A CHINESE TREATISE ON ARCHITECTURE

To solve these problems we have had recourse to existing buildings
and living architects. The present Palace at Peking, though actually
built in the yung-lo period (1403-24), was designed in conformity with
Sung standards which were an architectural heritage handed down for
800 years. Technical terms have varied with the times, yet continuity
of form may be traced by reference to the Jnatitutes of Government
Administration #— H% and the archives of the Board of Works T #.
Plans from the latter source have to some extent been lost, therefore
we have asked the old master-builder Ho Hsin-kéng 9 $f WE and
others, who for many years have been in charge of imperial and public
works in Peking, to draw detailed illustrations on modern lines in
accordance with data provided in the thirtieth and thirty-first chapters
of Y7FS, and to add to them modern terms. These additional
illustrations * thus provide material for comparison with the originals,
and the student is enabled to recognize differences, similarities, and
correlations, and to obtain models for imitation as well as evidence
concerning the evolution of nomenclature.

Chapters 33 and 34 contain coloured illustrations. Former editions
of ¥Y7FS had the colours only indicated with labels giving the names
and shades, and they had notes to show which was the front and
which the back. Such methods of presentment gave but imperfect
notions of the true colouration, so we have employed the services
of the Kuo 9) family of Ting-hsing 4¢ §& which for five generations
has been engaged in artistic colour-printing. As many as four to ten
printings have been necessary for some of the illustrations?

The production of this book—textual criticism, redrawing of
illustrations, making of modern designs for comparison, and colour-
printing—has taken seven years, and the text has been revised ten
times. The cutting of the blocks was started in 1919 and finished
in 1925.

Though the foregoing account by Mr. T‘ao Hsiang is as lucid

* They oppear in two supplements: one of twenty-six folios at the end of chapter
$0, and the other of twenty-four folios at the end of chapter 31. The new technical
terms and exphinatory notes are printed there in red ink,

* This craft has much advanced in recent years, Formerly foreign paper was
used for lithographs done in China, but here in YT FS (1025)coloured prints for the
firet time have been made on Chinese paper. The paper comes from the provinee
of Fuhkien.

* Several are reproduced in colour on Plate I of my article in the Burlington
Magazine of March, 1927.

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492 A CHINESE TREATISE ON ARCHITECTURE

as may be, the sources from which the magnificent last edition of this
architectural classic has been compiled are too many and varied
to be kept in mind easily. In order to show them at a glance I have
drawn out a plan (Fig. 5).

I gratefully acknowledge indebtedness to Professor Hu Shih
#4 3a both for his good offices in aiding me to obtain a copy of YTFS
(1925) and for invaluable help generously given in the writing of
this study.

REMARKS ON THE IDENTIFICATION OF SOME
JATAKA PICTURES
By Jani CHARPENTIER

LE busying himself with reviewing, for this Bulletin,
| vols, iii-y of Professor von Le Coq’s great work Die
Buddhistische Spitantike in Mittelasien the present writer had an
opportunity of making a somewhat closer acquaintance also with
Professor Griinwedel’s very important book Althuddhistische Kult-
stiitten in Chinesisch-Turkistan (1912). Various passages of this
work, and most specially pp. 65-75, contain interesting descriptions
and pictures of Jatakas (or Avadanas) found in the different caves
in Eastern Turkestin visited by Herren Griinwedel and von Le Coq.
Most of these pictures have already been identified by the learned
author with passages in Buddhist literary works ; and the identifica-
tions are, of course, in an overwhelming number of cases, quite correct
ones, though sometimes perhaps in need of some improvement.
However, a certain number of pictures are left unidentified, and as
the present writer ventures to think that he has succeeded in a few
of these cases in hitting upon a hitherto overlooked identification
this may be the excuse for now giving publicity to these very modest
remarks.

For it should be understood from the very beginning that this
is in no wise an outcome of a prolonged and systematic research into
Buddhist lore, for which the present writer cannot pretend to possess
the adequate capacity. He has mainly consulted a few works, such
as Finot’s edition of the Rastrapalapariprecha, Chavannes’ admirable
Cing cents contes et apologues extraits du Tripitaka Chinois (1911), etc.,
in order, if possible, to unearth from them some passages explaining
a few of Professor Griinwedel’s pictures. Some use has also been
made of Professor Foucher’s interesting letter from Ajanta in the
JA. 1921, i, p. 201 sq. But although the following remarks are of
a very scattered and scanty nature it is to be hoped that they may
prove of some little use to students interested in this field of research.

The set of pictures chiefly interesting us here is the one running

1 Of, vol. ii, p. 814 aq.; vol. iv, p. 45 #9.

® With this paper cf. also the short notices by Mile Lalou in the JA. 1925, ii,
p- 333 aq.

494 JARL CHARPENTIER—

from No. 125 to No. 164 of the Altbuddhistische Kultstatten. Of these
the following ones seem to have been correctly identified already by
Professor Griinwedel :—

125, This is the story of Riipavati in Divydvadana, p. 471, who
cut off her own breasts in order to satisfy a starving woman 1. al.
also Rastrapdlapariprecha, p. 25 (No. 30) :—

kanakabhapinasukumadram tyakta stanadvayam hyrdayakdantam |

stri preksya me ksudhatrsartam saripyavatiti vanita yadabhit ||

126. According to Griinwedel this is the well-known story of
Ksantivadin (Jitaka, iii, p. 39 sq.; Jdtakaméld, 28, ete.), whose hands
and feet were cut off by a cruel king. But this seems rather uncertain
as in this picture only the hands have been cut off. and the tormentor
of the Bodhisattva seems to be leaving him: cf. possibly Rastrapalapari-
precha, p. 24 (No. 27) :—

cakrankitam kamalatulyam paniyugam paradatiam anapekgam |

nrpa Asuketu yada dsid bodhim abhipsamana jagadarthe ||
or even ibid., p. 23 (No. 17) :—

mrdutiilapicipamasaksmau komalapadmapattrasukumarau

tyaktau karau sacaranau me purcam nrpena Dhrtimata ca | 2

127. This, as well as 131, seems to be the famous story of King
Sibi sacrificing his eyes to a blind Brahmin, cf. Jitakamala, 2, ete.
In the Rastrapdlapariprecha, p. 24 (No. 22) the name of the king
is given as Utpalanetra?: in the Chinese version of “the Wise and
the Fool” he is called “ Pleasing-eyes "4

128. Professor Griinwedel (Pp. $45) tentatively identified the
Bodhisattva who has set fire to his hands in order to show the way
to a caravan with Aguketu (cf. above under No. 126). But it seems
more probable that we should turn to the following verse in the
Kastrapalapariprechd, p. 24 (No, 21) -—

mayi tyaktam anguli uddrd satvahitartham eva cirald me |

galareita vimalasuddha AGicanavarna pirthiva yadasit ||

129. This is the Vessantarajataka, cf. picture No. 317 (p. 141).
In the Rastrapdlapariprecha, p. 22 (No. 10), the hero of the tale js

' Cf. picture No, 254 in Grinwedel,

7 But this later one seems ta be less fitting our picture, ancl for the same
as the Kedntirtdijitaba,

* In Chavannes, Cing cents contes, i, p-10¢5q. Kundla, the son of Asoka, whose
wicked stepmother had his eves put out (cf, Diryiredana, P- 382 sq.), has, curiously
enough, been turned into a Eodhisattra,

' Takakusu, JAAS. 1901, p. 450.

THE IDENTIFICATION OF SOME JATAKA PICTURES 495

called Sudamstra (cf. Lalitavistara, p. 194, 10; Chavannes, loc. cit.,
ill, p. $62 and note); in Chavannes, loc. cit., i, p. 56, he is called
Sarvadana,

130. Sibi and the dove, ef. picture No. 251 (Griinwedel, p. 114).

131. Cf. 127 above.

132. This is the Mahdkapijataka in Jdtakaméla, xxvii, etc. (cf,
also Chavannes, loc. cit., i, p. 216 sq.).

lo4. Ch No. 160 below,

136. This is said by Griinwedel, p. 68, to be the Sarabhajataka
(Jataka, vol. iv, p. 267 sq. ; Jitakamala, xxV), Which is probably
correct. But it seems curious that two persons should be seen riding
on the animal here while, according to the texts, it only saved the king
who had been pursuing it. Whether the animal depicted here,
which is somewhat like a very misshapen hippopotamus, is really
meant for a sarabha also seems doubtful: at Ajanta the 4arabha is
simply a species of antelope.

138. Professor Griinwedel (p. 70) identifies this picture with the
story of Sain téréltu in the Mongolian Dsanglun,? the young boy
who, in order to support his starving parents, had his own flesh cut
off in portions. This story does not, so far, appear to have been found
in any. Indian version. But it is found in the Chinese T'sa Pao Tsang
Aing, where, in the summary given by Chavannes it runs as follows 3:

“Un roi avait six fils; il est tué, avec cing de ses fils, par son
ministre Lo-heou-k’ieou. Le sixiéme fils . . . s’enfuit avec sa femme
et son jeune garcon . . . il s’égare en chemin et souffre de la faim ‘
il veut tuer sa femme, mais son jeune garcon se devoue pour la sauver ;
on coupe done chaque jour & celui-ci une certaine quantité de chair
qui permet aux trois voyageurs de ne pas mourir de faim,” ete.—
the story, like all the other ones of the same type, is rather disgusting,

The picture intends to give the situation described above ~ the
prince, with raised sword, is going to kill his wife, but the young boy,
sitting astride on the shoulder of his mother, with a deprecating
gesture prevents this and offers his own life in ransom for hers.

142. Vydghrijataka,* ef. Jdtakamala, i: Chavannes, loc. cit., i,
p. 15; Ristrapalapariprechi, p. 22, ete.

* Cf. JA. 1921, i, p. 210 so.

7 Cf 1. J. Schmidt, Deanglun, i, p. xxv i].

* Chavannes, loc. cit., iii, p, 2; according to Chavannes the title of this Chinese
work would translate a Sanskrit original Samyultaratnapitakesitra,

* There are other pictures belonging to this Jataka in Professor Grinwedel's

book ; ef. pp. 76, 116, and pl. 446,447. In some of the pictures the animals seem to
be jackals rather than tigers, P,

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4) JARL CHARPENTIER—

150. On p. 345 Professor Griinwedel seems to identify this with
the story abbreviated in the Rastrapalapariprecha, p. 24 (No. 25) :—
hited svam asthi ca Sarirad vyadhikréasya majja maya dattam |
na ca satea tyakta mama jatu dsi nrpo yadda Kusuma nama ||

Although the identification does not belong to those which strike
one as being immediately obvious it is probably correct.

151, Professor Griinwedel (p. 71 sq.) thinks this picture to be
a variation of the Vyaghrijataka (142). This may be correct but the
tale must be a separate one and is, so far, unknown to us.

155. Professor Griinwedel (p. 74) points to Deanglun, u, p. 215 5q.
This is quite correct, and the text is otherwise found in Chavannes,
loc. cit., i, p. 11, in the Rastrapalapariprecha, p. 26 (No. 42) —

bodhicarim caramanahu pirvam matsya babhiiva yada jalacari |
and in other works. Our picture, however, comes nearest to the
tale as told in the Dsanglun where we read the following: “ Wahrend
zu der Zeit fiinf Holzarbeiter am Ufer dieses Gewiissers herumgingen
um Holz zu suchen, entdeckten sie den grossen Fisch, welcher in
menschlicher Sprache sie folgendermassen anredete: ‘Wenn euch
hungert, so schneidet von meinem Fleisch ab, so viel ihr wollt und
esset! . . . Sagt auch allen Hungernden im Lande, dass sie nach
Belieben von meinem Fleische nehmen sollen.’ Hierauf schnitten
die Fiinf von dem Fleische ab und riefen die Einwohner des Landes
herbei, so dass die Nachricht von Einem zum Andern kam und endlich
alle Bewohner des Deachambudwips sich versammelten, von dem
Fleisch abschnitten und assen,” etc. The picture shows us two
woodcutters—instead of five—one cutting pieces out of the fish
with his axe, the other with his knife.

157. To the literature quoted by Professor Griinwedel (p. 74)
should be added Jataka, 12; Mahavastu, i, p. 359: Chavannes,
loc. cit., 1, p. 68 sq.; Ul, p. 35 sq., ete. The scene is found also at
Ajanta, cf. JA. 1921, i, p. 208.

160, Cf. 134 above, The story is found in Dsanglun, ii, p. 29 sq.

To these identifications by Professor Griinwedel can now be laid
a short series of mote are given below. As has been pointed
out above I have not . able to make any systematic investigations
and the results achieverl here can thus not be looked upon as final

1 For references cf. M. Finoths edition of the Ras

THE [IDENTIFICATION OF SOME JATAKA PICTURES 497

135. In this picture we see three young men, of whom one is
dressed in a sort of flapped coat of rather common occurrence in
the Turfan pictures,’ surrounded by a very bulky serpent or dragon
with heads at each end of its body and with widely opened jaws ;
in the lower part of the picture is seen an elephant on the back of
which stands a lion springing upwards in order to attack the dragon.
On p. 60 of his work Professor Griinwedel mentions a duplicate of
this picture where, however, elephant and lion are missing; and
on p. 115 the same scene occurs with the lion but without the elephant.

This is what may well be called the Simhakufijaravadina. It
occurs amongst the pictures at Ajanta where the elephant is likewise
missing.* Literary documents relating to it are found in Ksemendra’s
Bodhisatteavadanakalpalata, No. 102, and in Chavannes, loc. cit.,
I, p. 253 sq.; il, p. 70. From the last passage I borrow a few lines
which will form an exact commentary to our picture: “ Autrefois
de nombreux marchands s'étaient vus entourés par un serpent
monstrueux qui ne leur laissait aucun moyen d'échapper. Pour
les délivrer, un lion monte sur un éléphant blanc et attaque le serpent
dont il brise le eriine: mais le lion et léléphant meurent tous deux
pour avoir été atteints par l'haleine empoisonnée du serpent .. . Le
lion, c'est le Buddha; l'éléphant blanc c'est Cariputra.” 3

137. A bear sitting on a tree holds a man on his lap while a tiger
waits at the bottom of the tree.

This is the story of the noble animal which, without listening to
any temptations saves the man from the tiger while the mean and
ungrateful human being tries to throw his benefactor, during his
sleep, fromthe tree. The story is found in many variations in Buddhist
literature, where the chief actors are invariably the Buddha and
Devadatta.

139. A man dressed only in a dhofi is standing on an elevated
plot of ground on the bank of a pond from which emerges a nagaraja
in a suppliant attitude.

The former figure is taken by Professor Griinwedel to be
a Bodhisattva to whom he, undoubtedly, bears a great likeness.
Now, it seems that we must identify this picture with a scene out

‘ Cf Professor Grinwedel's index av. Klappearock and Professor von Le Coq's
Bilderatias, p. 49,

? Cf. JA. 1921, i, p. 219.

* Travellers surrounded by a great serpent occur also in the tales of Sindbad,
ef. Burton, Arabian Nights, vi, p. 29. But there no lion or elephant comes to their
reacuc,

YOL. IV. PART M1. es

498 JARL CHARPENTIER—

of the Satkhapdlajdtaka (Jdtaka, No. 524), which is also depicted
at Ajanta and is thus described by M. Foucher): “ Burgess a vu
4 tort un ‘ Buddha’ devant lequel se prosterne un roi: elle 2 montre,
en fait, un aseéte ordinaire recevant les hommages d'un roi des Nagas.”
This scene, however, belongs to the previous story of Saikhapdla
when, according to the atthakathd of the Jataka, the Podhisattva
was a prince of Magadha who turned ascetic and received the homage
of the then négeraja Saikhapala. Consequently, Professor Griinwedel
was quite right in looking upon the figure standing beside the pond
as being a Bodhisattva. |

140. In this picture we see a square pond or tank in the middle
of which stands the nude figure of a girl weeping while above, in
the air, a winged boy, a sort of angel or genius, is carrying another
young man in his arms.

Professor Griinwedel’s reference to the story of Kalmagapada *
is not quite intelligible. We have here a scene from the Vidhura-
panditajitaka (Jétaka, No. 545) where a young genius, after having
won the wise Vidhura at a game of dice, carries him away in order
to please his own daughter, a beautiful nagt. This jdtaka also occurs
at Ajanta,‘ and a similar story about Pi-t'ou-Ai (= Vidhura) is told
in Chavannes, loc. cit., iti, p. 100, although it does not quite tally
with the jafaka,

143. A man is seen merged to the waist in a round pit from
which issues a high, pointed flame. On both sides of the pit are
seen two gods who take hold of his arms‘and try to raise him up.
A variation of this picture on p. 114 (pl. 253)
in the pit is in reality the Bodhisattva.

Professor Griinwedel thinks of either the story of Vijitavin in
Mahdvastu, iii, p. 42 sq., or the Sresthijdtaka (Jdtakamald, iv), but
neither is the case. This is the scene described in the Dsanglun,
ti, p. 11 sq. The Bodhisattva was at that time the prince Damgama,*

n of king T’sangpa-hla, and Indra. in order to try him, arrived at
the palace in the form of a brahmin saying that he wished to
a Rely doctrine. But when the prince
that, before he can do 80, he must have

assures us that the man

proclaim
wants to hear it he is told
a fire-pit made of ten yards’
1 JA. 1991, i, p. 210,

2 Viz.“ In ackne “

* Cf, Watanabe, Journal of the Poli Text Sociely, 1800, p. 236 Bq).
‘JA. 1821, i, p. 208,

* This name, according to Takakusu, JRAS, 1901, Pp. 44, is from the Chinese
Tan-ma-tan, a corruption of Sanskrit Oharmakima,

THE IDENTIFICATION OF SOME JATAKA PICTURES 409

depth and filled with burning coals and sacrifice himself by springing
into it. The Bodhisattva willingly complies with this and has all
preparations made. After hearing the élokas recited he is just on
the verge of jumping into the pit when on either side Indra and Brahma
take hold of his arms and try to dissuade him. This is exactly the scene
of our picture.

144. A giant demon holds a young boy before his mouth im
order to eat him. There is another picture of the same event on
p- L114 (pl. 248) but more complete ; in front of the demon are seen
a king and a queen loudly wailing.

Professor Griinwedel (p. 545) takes this to be the story of Sufasoma
(Jdtaka, No. 557, /atakamald, xxxi, etc.) which 1s also found at Ajanta,!
and this at first seems probable. But some doubts seem possible
as the prey of the demon is apparently here a small child which
does not tally with the jafaka where Sutasoma is a grown-up young
prince. There is a story of a man-eating ogre converted by Buddha
in Chavannes, loc, cit., iii, p. 96 sq., but this does not fit our picture
as the child captured by the demon must undoubtedly be a Boddhi-
sattva.

145-8. All these pictures are extremely puzzling as there is very
little real difference between them. In all of them it is apparently
told how at one time or other the Bodhisattva sacrifices his own
blood and flesh for the welfare of some other beings, but the difficulty
is to find out precisely what is represented in the different pictures.

In 145 the Bodhisattva is seen sitting on a throne raising his
left arm, while a servant is cutting open his left side with a knife,
the impression being that he is going to tear out his heart. In 146
the Bodhisattva is again seen sitting on his throne; a small servant
is cutting open his right leg while the Bodhisattva himself is holding
a bowl into which blood is meant to flow. Behind the servant
another small person is seen waiting—probably for the blood in the
bowl. In 147 the Bodhisattva clad only in a dhofi is seen standing
in front of a tree; a small man (possibly a demon) is sitting beside
him holding a bowl and pointing at his dhoti with some pointed
instrument. In 148 the Bodhisattva is sitting on a throne (like
that in 146); behind him is a servant probably cutting flesh out
of his back, and beside the throne is a large cooking-pot.

Professor Griinwedel thinks 145to be the story told in the Dsanglun,
i, p. 15, where the Bodhisattva in shape of the wise Utpala had his

1 JA. 1921, i, p. 213 aq.

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AO) JARL CHARPENTIER—

skin made into parchment, one of his bones into a stylus and his blood
into ink in order to take down a subhasita. But this, for apparent
reasons, is impossible ; unfortunately, the present writer is just as
little able to identify the picture, but the solution should apparently
be found in a story where, for some reason or other, the Bodhisattva
sacrifices his own heart.

In 146 we should, according to the same authority, see the
Maitribalajataka (Jétakamala, viii)’ in which the Bodhisattva, as
king Maitribala, has his veins opened in order to satisfy the craving
for blood of five ogres (yakya). That there are here only two persons
instead of five is an objection of no consequence; but it is more
important that these persons do not seem at all like demons. It
seems much more probable that we ought to connect the picture
with this verse in the Rastrapalapariprecha, p. 24 (No. 24) :-—

vyddhydturam ca naram iksya svam rudhiram pradatiam api me

‘bhut

suetieas sa ca kyo me pragbhava Sarvadarai yad abliivam ||

But there seems also to exist another otherwise unknown 2 story
of how the Bodhisattva once gave away his one leg. cf. ibid., p. 24
(No, 29) :—

mrdu komalam vimalagauram Gru tae chittoa drstamuditayd * |

_ dattam svamamsa rudhiram me Jiianavati yadasi nyppaputtri |)

In this legend the Bodhisattva was a woman; but might there not
as well have existed a parallel version where he performed the same
act of sacrifice asa man? ur picture might just as well be meant
to depict that event.

In 147 Professor Griinwedel suggests that we might find the
story of how the Bodhisattva had his whole body
thousand burning wicks put into the holes4
enough, although the picture jn itself
information.

As for 148 nothing definite can, unfortunately, be said about it.
But the story should be that the Bodhisattva has his own flesh cut
out and cooked in order to perform a good deed.

149. In this picture the Bodhisattva js seen kneeling beneath

* CL. Deangiun, ii, p. 65,

* Not quite though, as according to Finot, lov, cit., p. viii. it eee
Samadhirija, ch. xxxi, P. vill, it occurs alao in the

* Read Arata’,
“CL Deanglun, ii, p. 5 aq.

perforated and a
This seems probable

does not give us much

THE IDENTIFICATION OF SOME JATAKA PICTURES 50]

a tree, while on the other side a huge man with beard and top-knot
approaches with a raised sword in his right hand.

Professor Griinwedel (p. 71) takes this to be a scene from the
Sufasomajataka,) for what reason is not apparent as there is in this
story nothing that especially reminds us of that tale. The story,
I venture to believe, is found in Chavannes, loc. cit., 1, p. 17 8q.,
and runs as follows: The Bodhisattva was once a mighty king,
called P'ien-yue, renowned for his boundless liberality. A wicked
ascetic from a foreign country presented himself before the king and
asked for his head as he wanted it for a certain object.*| The king
tried to turn him off with an offer of vast wealth, but all in vain,
Then we may quote the text itself: “Le roi ne s'était jamais
jusqu’alors refusé 4 aucun des désirs qui lui avaient été exprimés ;
il descendit done de la salle, enroula ses cheveur a un arbre et dit: * Je
vous fais don de matée’. L’'ascéte tira son epée et s avanga en marchant
rapidement.” The king, however, was saved by the intervention of
a ranadevald,

The italicized sentences seem to me to describe exactly the scene
found in our picture.

153. A man sitting under a tree is seen flaying a small animal
while another animal of the same species is seen at some distance.
There is a duplicate of this picture described on p. 60, but there the
animal is said to be an elephant.

There can be little doubt that this is the story told in the Dsanglun,
li, p. 1OL sq. A king of Genares sees in his dreams a golden deer and
sends his hunters to fetch its skin, threatening them with death
and destruction if they fail to bring it. Finally, one of them sees a
Kunta-deer (the Bodhisattva) which offers itself to be flayed alive
in order to save the hunters and their families. The one difficulty
is to account for the presence of the second animal in our picture as
there is nothing about it in the text.

156. A bear is seen sitting in the entrance of a cave. In front
of him is a tree, and on its other side a man is seen bending a bow
and taking aim at the bear while in the front part of the picture another
man is pointing it out to the bowman.

1 Cf, Jétaka, v, p. 436 sq.; Jatakamald, xxxi, etc.; and Kern, Verslagen en
Mededeelingen du Kon. Abad. ran Wetenschappen, afd. Letierkunde, Sde Reeka, v,
p. § sq.

? In the well-known Veldla-tales the wicked Yogin wants the head of King
Vikramaditya in order to perform a magic rite.

502 JARL CHARPENTIER—

The story is found in an abbreviated form in the Rastrapalapari-
prechd, p. 25 (No. 37) :—
rksapatir abhiiva sailadurge himahata sapta dinani rakgito me |
puruga vadhaku tena me prayukto na ca pratighdla kytasca me
tadasmin |

The same scene is found depicted at Ajanta ' and has been identified
by Mlle Lalou * from Tibetan and other sources. Already M, Finot,
in his edition of the Rastrapilaperiprechd, p. viii, had pointed to its
existence in the Karmadataka.* The story runs thus: A bear (the
Bodhisattva) rescued a man from a snow storm and fed him in his
cave for seven days. The man promised not to betray the site
of the animal's lair, but, in spite of this, he led hunters to the spot,
who killed the bear with their arrows. When the ungrateful wretch
was going to cidrry away his part of the flesh his hands detached
themselves from his arms.

159. The Bodhisattva is seen lying in a coffin on the lid of which
two men kneel apparently occupying themselves with closing it,

Professor Griinwedel (p. 74) thinks this to be either the M iiga-
pakKhajitaka (Jataka, vi, p, i sq.) or the story of the Saint Kréa Vatsa
and the cruel king Dandaki.! The latter suggestion is impossible,
but the former one might be taken into consideration though there
are great difficulties. The story about an old man being buried alive
in Chavannes, loc. cit., iii, p. 13, is too vague, nor does it identify
the hero with the Bodhisattva though this would be rather an obvious
conclusion.

165. A king on his throne surmounted by the royal sunshade.
An old emaciated brahmin escorts a Bodhisattva whose hands are
tied behind his back towards the throne.

_ This is the story told in Chavannes, loc. cit., i, p. 41 sq, ; ii,
p. 59 sq. The Bodhisattva was a king world-famed for his mildness
and liberality. As he did not want to fight his enem conquered his
kingdom, and he himself had to resort to the wilderness. There
he met an old and poor brahmin who was on his way to ask him
for alms. As the Bodhisattva had nothing to give him he exhorted
him to put chains on his hands and take him to his enemy who had

1 Cf. JA. 1921, i, ps 216.

* CL JA, 1925, ii, p. 335 09,

* Cf, Feer, JA. 1901, i, p. 99.

* On this story cf. Charpentier, TO, xxviii, p, 227 sq, .

THE [DENTIFICATIOXN OF SOME JATAEA PICTURES

offered a substantial reward for his capture. This is precisely the
scene of our picture.

This finishes my very modest list of identifications. There is x
a number of other ones still to be done, but I must leave that to Oa
scholars who are far better conversant with Buddhist lore. =n

There is one circumstance of some interest which, in this
connexion, I should like to point out. We have drawn, Professor
Griinwedel and myself, upon different sources for the identification of
the pictures. Most of them are found in Indian sources, though the
Chinese tales translated by Chavannes have also yielded a good deal
of helpful material and will perhaps, on a more careful perusal, yield
still more.

But there is one source that seems to me to stand in a peculiar
connexion to our pictures and that is the collection of tales occurring
in Chinese, Tibetan, and Mongolian versions, and perhaps best known
under the name of Dsanglun, “der Weise und der Tor.” I should
hke to emphasize that the picture 138 was identified by Professor
Griinwedel with the help of a story in the Mongolian Dsanglun (not
found in the Tibetan version), and that the pictures 143, 153, 155,
and 160 all exactly tally with the situations described in the coinciding
stories of that work. This remarkable coincidence can scarcely be .
wholly fortuitous. It proves, in the opinion of the present writer,
that the painters of our pictures worked upon texts which were, at
least partly, identical with the original underlying the Dsanglun.

The history of the Dsanglun has been written by Professor
Takakusu.' According to him the Tibetan (and Mongolian) text is
a translation, for obvious reasons dating from after a.p. 632, of the
Chinese original, the Hien-yii-king, “ Tales of the Wise Man and the
Fool,” which itself exists in two different versions. The original Chinese
work was compiled in Ap. 445 from various Indian sources and scarcely oa
presupposes a single Sanskrit original. It is of special interest, in
this connexion, to learn that the materials upon which the Chinese
translators worked were collected in Central Asia and chiefly at
Khotan. For, if that is so we need not feel very much astonished
that these Central Asian pictures should tally well with texts originating
from that same neighbourhood. Perhaps there once existed, in
“Tocharian” or some other Central Asian language, another
* Dsanglun ” which to the artists of these pictures was one of the
chief sources of their inspiration. .

‘CEL JRAS, 1901, p. 447 sq., ond M, Sylvain Lévi, JA. 1925, fi, p. 31] sq.

° 4 ie ie

wf e * 7 - = ‘<_- = .
| ; at > «ahi FD wm we _
= C9 As TA Soot + an iS Sh Oh
2 oe ’ ' i 4 " et ‘ | a m | he ~ = sah ey ee “a es : ,
a . | At! to Aege hg oh Fi Waly g-aR Gar sai meee aes oe hb
la - , a! . h P Ps =, " 4 “ 2 E. i x = fe es a — >< - AG at, 7 4
¢ . a oe . | md A . oe °| rt ‘as é ot ’ li
y ’ r ' , r J 4 j as

A BURUSHASHKI TEXT FROM HUNZA
By D. L. R. Lormer
INTRODUCTION

1. Burushaski, the language of Hunza and Nagir, has not up
to the present received any undue measure of attention.

The list of authorities in the Linguistic Survey of India is a short
one containing only nine items. Of these only three are of serious
importance :—

Dr. G. W, Leitner, The Languages and Races of Dardistan, Lahore,

1877.

Col. J. Biddulph, JRAS., vol. xvi, pt. 1 (1884), “ The Boorishki
Language,” being a corrected reprint of the Grammar and
Vocabulary of the language, published in his Tribes of the
Hindu Aush, Calcutta, 1880.

Dr. G, W. Leitner, The Hunza and Nagyr Handbook, pt. i, Calcutta,
1889. ere

The Skeleton Grammar in the Linguistic Survey of India, vol. viii,
pt. 1, Calcutta, 1919, is “based”, says Sir George Grierson, “on the
Grammars of Colonel Biddulph and Dr. Leitner. It has been carefully
revised at Hunza by the Political Munshi, Munshi Ghulam Murtaza,
to whom I am indebted for many important corrections.”

The Munshi’s version of the Prodigal Son is dated 1899. I do
not know of any original work on the language that has been published
since that date,

To those, therefore, who are interested in Burushaski, a short
text recently collected may not be without value. ,

2. When I was in Gilgit as Political Agent for nearly four years,.
in 1920-4, I devoted most of my spare time to studying and
collecting material in Shina and Khowar (Sina, Khowa'r), but
during the last year or so I was able to give some attention to
Burushaski.

I have now worked over my Burushaski texts, which are of
considerable bulk, and have roughly extracted the Vocabulary, and
am at present occupied in working out the Grammar in detail. This
will be a lengthy business as the subject is more complicated than.
might perhaps be gathered from the existing printed works.

In the present state of affairs fully to annotate a text would involve

Fe Db. L. R. LORIMER—

practically writing out the whole grammar, but I think it may be
| : possible to offer some notes on a less elaborate scale, which may be of
H interest to students as throwing a little more light both on the grammar
and on the vocabulary of the language.

The task is not without its risks as there is constant danger
either of repeating unnecessarily what is already familiar, or of
making brief statements which unsupported by sufficient explanation
may appear arbitrary or may even be unintelligible. Also, further
penetration into the language which elucidates some points keeps
presenting new mysteries and problems to view, and not infrequently
throws doubt on previous solutions.

3. Before proceeding to the text, it may be advisable to offer
a few remarks on some well-known features of Burushaski.

First there is the grouping of the nouns into classes, corresponding
in effect to our genders, These are as follows, with the symbols which
I use in referring to them :—

: 1. Nouns denoting human beings
(a) of the male sex : : : ; - mh.
(6) of the female sex : ; os Eh.
f ii. Nouns denoting all animals of either sex and certain
inanimate objects . , 7 , : : x.
iii. Nouns denoting all the remaining inanimate objects y-

Hitherto it has been the custom. to denominate the x. class as
“masculine ” or “ neuter-masculine ", and the y. class as “feminine”
or “neuter-feminine ", but this seems to me both incorrect and
misleading, as the one thing which these classes do not distinguish,
but definitely confound, is sex. (I understand the L.S.I. to say
that animals are apportioned between x. and y., according as they are

male or female. This is not correct ; all animals, male and female,
are x.)

On the other hand, after an exhaustive examination of all the
nouns available (over 1,800) I have been unable to discover any
single general principle governing the differentiation between the
x. and y. categories, and hence I am unable to propose any descriptive
title for them. One may say that x.includes animals and fruit, and
that y. includes liquids and trees, but without proceeding further and
still more complicating the question I do not myself see how to devise
single terms to distinguish even these few classes of things. For the
present, therefore, I prefer to use the non-committal labels x, and y.~

The division of nouns into these classes is a radical thing in

———=_—— Es —— -— »

——
_— re
“—\

45° te
i : | a

A BURUSHASKI TEXT FROM HUNZA SOT
Burushaski affecting not only the plural forms of the nouns but also
to a considerable extent the inflectional endings of the verbs and
sometimes the body of the verb itself.

It may be mentioned here incidentally, that the plural endings
of nouns are much more numerous than those previously recorded,
and that they are absolutely differentiated as between x. and y. In
general x. and h. share plural terminations.

4. Another well-known feature of Burushaski is the series of
pronominal prefixes and infixes generally employed agglutinatively
with nouns and verbs.

These have been given in slightly differing forms. My opinion
is that there is one original set of forms and that modifications are,
in the majority of cases, due to the presence of an initial vowel in
the word to which they are attached. The matter is, however,
obscured and complicated by a tendency for i and ¢, and u and 0 to
interchange with each other.

What I believe to be the simple forms of these pronominal
prefixes are :—

Simg. Pl
Ist person : a mi
Ind : gu ma
ard; ¥ 5 i u
Sra f.h. mu

I cannot here give the forms resulting from the meeting of these
with all the vowels, but it appears to me that the following are those
which result when the initial vowel in question is a or a :—

Sing. PL
lst person . . a me, me
2nd go ma
Srd_—i(aéisy, @, € 0
Srd f.h. mo

The vowels may be longer or shorter.

These vowels are of special importance because, as it seems to
me, causative verbs are often formed from simple verbs by merely
prefixing art a- or a-.

It is unfortunate that this particular series is peculiarly liable
to embarrassment by any casual vacillation between i and e, and u
and o; but generally speaking the simple series given above and this
series stand consistently opposed to each other.

It is useful to note that when any of these pronominal forms are

a a

=>.

—

; *
ave
we an i +
aa ee
Rs

ay!

am”.
—, 7) ry
ay

, &

7% Brie
~~ s

-—

= <, \
Dia
“

( ’

508 BD. L. R. LORIMER—

used as infixes, which occurs in the case of some verbs with separable
initial d-, a vowel is inserted between the d and a following consonant,
and the g of gu- is in that case changed to k.
so d + gu + oma (ama?) — duko-ma thou camest
d-+- mu + omo (amo?) — dumomo she came
d +i-+ imi —> dimi Ae come

Here the medial o’s are, frankly, a difficulty, A straightforward

example is :
disilji he, or it, will become wet
hara‘lte de‘silji the rain will wet him (it)
hara'lte duko'silji the rain will wet thee

These verbal forms I would refer to infinitives :

d*-silas to become wet
d*-asilas to make wet

Other similar cases could be quoted.

There is also a similar parallel series of verbs where the causatives
or transitives appear to have -as- instead of the simple -a-,

*-WarAas to become tired
*-ASDOTAS to tire v.t.

Individual adverse instances and other difficulties are not lacking,

but I would propose it as a hypothesis that where we have

g0,ko for gu, ku

6, & sec

mée,me ,, mi
whether with nouns or verbs, the prefix has, as a general rule, come
up against an inherent a or a.

5. I have just referred to the change of gu to ku, when preceded
by a vowel, This instance of a media changing to a tenuis is part
of a more general phenomenon of which Iam not at present prepared
to formulate the exact rules (compare also as + waras yielding asparas
above).

The negative prefix a- induces the change media -- tennis e.g. :

dimi, he came ati‘mi, he did not come
The 2 plus vowel of the p.pe. commonly has the same effect; -
EANAS, fo fake nokan, having taken
berenas, fo look at nuparan, having looked at
So also the causative -as-:
gartsas, fo run *-askartsas, to make run

6. The text given below was dictated to me by Jemadar Imam Yar
Beg, brother of the present Wazir of Hunza and son of a former

A BURUSHASKI TEXT FROM HUNZA BO

distinguished Wazir, Humayun Beg, a member of the Hunza
aristocracy. It may be accepted as the most approved form: of the
language as spoken in Hunza. That the forms of speech employed
in Hunza and Nagir constitute distinct dialects, I am not at present
prepared to assert or deny. The Hunza.is and the Nagiris lay stress
on the difference between their respective forms of speech, but then
it is generally asserted that the lingo of each little village or community
differs, and the only correct speech is always that of one’s informant.
The former proposition 1s doubtless true enough, but whether the
difference in the forms of speech even of two such politically distinct
communities as Hunza and Nagir is sufficiently great to justify their
being called separate dialects is a question that requires further
Investigation.

The titles of Biddulph’s book, Boorishki (Nager dialect) spoken in
Hunza, Nager, and Yassin, is curiously confused, but seems to imply
that he worked on Nagiri material. Leitner, I think, worked with
Nagiris. I myself worked only with Hunza men, but I have material
obtained from a Nagiri by my wife, which I hope later to collate
with my own. My impression is that the differences are superficial,

The form of the language, however, spoken in Yasin under the
name of Wartikwa‘r, or Warsikwacr, is markedly different and is
certainly to be ranked as a distinct dialect. So much I can say from
the recollection of a little material, which I was able to collect on the
spot, but which I have not yet worked up.

The L.S.1. gives a Wartikwacr version of the Prodigal Son under
the name of Khan Sahib Abdul Hakim Khan, 1898, but this redoubt-
able investigator must have been somewhat out of his depth in this
particular language, or have failed to make himself clear in recording
it, a8 a casual examination discovers one or two misdivisions of
vernacular words and misassignments of English meanings, The
text, which is likely sound enough, was probably written out for him
in Arabic seript by a local friend. But I cannot enter at length into
the matter here.

7. As regards the name of the language, my Hunza informants
called it Burushaski (Burusaski) and repudiated Biddulph’s name
“ Boorishki ”. This, however, may well be a Nagirism ; Biddulph
could scarcely have invented it. Leitner’s Khajuna (not, xAjuna)
is a name only applied to it by foreigners, as is correctly stated in
the L.S.I.

In the Yasin word Wortikwarr, the.-war is a Khowar suffix

——

I
|
|
|
/
BI

510 Db. L. RE. LORIMER—

meaning “language” ; Khowa'r being itself “the language of the
Kho”, Wortik is obviously connected with Woarsagu'm, the name
of the district. Is the Wars- a form of the Burus- of Buruaaski ?

8. The number of people in Hunza and Nagir who speak Buru-
shaski as their primary language is probably about 20,000. That
of those in Yasin whose primary language is Worcikwacr is probably
about 6,000.

The text which follows has the merit of presenting purely indigenous
matter.

Munulom Da‘do

Pfagir Ali sens hin hirane éaya e¢am.

I'ne it'en bam, rik Darbe'so bilom. Siépare tere horu'tam bam.
Han guntsanulo huye’s Hanuman Mun yakalate uyaréer tsu-mi.
Huye’s runulo fat no gutami. Guéaiyasar e-yenumtse qau manimi:

5"“Derbe'do! Darbefo!"’ nosen. Ditalimi, Dital barermi ke
hin but pa‘ki'za dasi‘nan eékitsar dumobo.

Ine senumo : “ Mi bab’a gor qau céai" esumo. Senasor ine dasin
mutsi nultan is€ Hanuman Mun ya'ror nimi. Wivasar ise éige han
hijan stka manimj. Ulo nici ke hin +eniie sAlatane hiran horu-tom

10bai; but mari marin talo guéinants sita‘riy noka horuéam ba‘n.
Derbeéo nin Salam etimi. Ine hive salame juwa‘b ~ du'‘marimi.
Dumerin yuguéantser o-simi: “Darbe-duor han heri‘pan sitarete
‘eyorin.” U'e talowe sitatiy nuka but uyam uéereka horipan
‘€-yaruman.

[5 Muwnolom Da‘due Darbeduor evsimi: “Le.iei, wy ar akumanom
gir’at. Je wt dado ba. Ja eik Munolum Dado bila. Eu ja
aiyu'guéants ban. Kin hin jao's bo. Krsore e-pi motsuya ba. Gote
jaha bila, Girat,’ 'esimi. Terumanar Darbe-io giratimi. WNiki-rat
hora'tasor Munvlym Daduec yu'smour senimi: “ Ja Derbe-iu.or gi'ri.e

oy bistse diram pfitimotsik er o'ti.”’

Yu'se e'r diram pfitimots er o'tumo. Su-asar Munolom Da-du.e hin
eyenmor hukem etimi: ** Darbe'so imo didar nitson fat ne ju.”

eyene ise Hanuman Montsum di-usin huye's o‘pacer ru-yer ditsuman.
Ditsun fat ne ni*mo.

25 Ine Darbeia.¢ huye's nuyen hora’yar dimi, Di'n du‘) sus imanimi.
Hu‘éar walasar huyeltaréwe doy’arusuman:! « be gumanuma?”

Ine Munolom Da‘du.e ha‘lar nitson yugusants sita‘r no-yer egiratume
da diram pfitimyts giric bistse e-sirome éaya or etimi. Uyon

' The stress Accent is to be plated on the yowel following the symbol r,

A BURUSHASKI TEXT FROM HUNZA 51]

haira‘n umanuman. Yorum éaya ke bilum Siiper Borvlo Munolom
$0 Da‘do bai nusen. Eine Munolom Dado Ensare e‘pi motsu'am, se.iba‘n.
E1sare ‘e'pi.c Kisarer e'somo: “ Une Bu'boli Gas mutsu‘éa ke ja'r ke
hiran at ditso, Siépar Barvlo yeniée salatane hiran bai, se.iba-n.
Ine av ditsu ke ja ke we gar nala e'¢en.”
esasor Kisar niti ke hin yenise salatane hitrane hiskate nu'rot
35 pfilaman giéaéai. Ine hir EKrsare e‘éate pfal ne imo ha‘lor ditsimi.
Kisare e‘pi yate teéate horutom bom. Kusare yeniie salatane hi'r
ditsas nivitsin ¢ig¢ xa soketam nusen xangmu'el muya‘lmuyo gali bi-m,
se.iba'n. Beruman guntsinjtsum Kisare e-pimor mil’ents nom'o, wats
numo tan, Munvlom Da‘du.c ka ger etimi. I-mo ke gar etimi, se.iba-n.
40 Derom xa Sigpar Borvlo Hanuman Mu'ntsom la‘o mai.i bila. Muto
xa doyelja’n.

TRANSLATION OF AROVE TEXT
Munulum Dado

I shall tell the story of a man called Faqir "Ali, He had a gon,
his name was DarbeSo. He was staying at the Sispor grazing ground,

One day he took the goats off to graze in the direction of Hanuman
Mun, Leaving the goats in the pasture he laid himself down. When
he had Jain down and was gone to sleep a call came: “ Dorbeso!
Darbeso!" He woke up. Waking up when he looked (he saw that)
a very beautiful maiden had (has) come up to his head.

She said to him: “ My father is calling you.”

When she said this he followed after the girl and came up to the
foot of the Hanuman Mun.

On his approaching it a door opened in the mountain. When
he went (goes) in a man with a golden moustache was sitting there,
(and) seven very beautiful women were sitting there with “ sitars ”,

Derbeso entering salamed. The man responded to his salam.
Having done so he said to his daughters: “ Play a tune for Darbeso
on the sitar.” The seven (women) taking their sita‘rs (singing) with
very sweet voices played a tune. Mu'nulum Dado said to Darbeso:
“ O my son, dance without fearing. I am your grandfather. My
name is Munulum Dado. These are my daughters. This one is my
wife. I married Kisor’s grandmother. This is my house. Dance!”
he said to him.

Upon this Darbeso danced. When, having danced, he sat down,
Mu‘nulum Dado said to his wife: “ Make some ‘*diram’ bread with

512 D. L. R. LORIMER—

ibex fat for my Darbeso.” His wife made “diram” bread for him.
When he (D.) had eaten it, Muvnulum Dado commanded one of his
daughters (saying) “ Take Darbeso away to his own place and leave
him there and come back”. One of his daughters took him out of
the Hanuman Mun and brought him to the pasture ground to the
goats. Having brought him (there) she left him and departed.

The (man) Derbeso taking the goats came to the camping place.
Coming there he became for a short time unconscious. When he
came to his senses the herdsmen asked him: “ What became of
you?”

He told them the story of their taking him to the house of (that)
Munulum Dado, of (M. D.’s) making his daughters play the sita‘r,
of his being made to dance and then of his being made to eat “ diram ”
bread made with ibex fat.

All were astonished.

There was also an old-time story that Mu-‘nulum Da-do is in the
Sispar nullah. This Mu'nulum Da-do had married Kwor's grand-
mother, they say.

Kiser’s grandmother said to Kisar: “ When you marry Bu'buli
Gas bring a husband for me too. In the Sispar Bar they say there is
a man with a golden moustache. You fetch him for me and we
shall celebrate my marriage and your marriage at the same time.”

On her saying this to him when Kiar proceeded (there), a man
with a golden moustache was sitting at a loom weaving a piece of pattoo.
Kisar's grandmother was sitting up on the roof. When she saw
Kisar bringing the man with the golden moustache, saying “I'll get
down the ladder” she fell down and her ribs were broken, they Bay.

After some days when he had given his grandmother medicine
and made her well, Kiser married her to Mu'nulum Da-do.

He also effected his own marriage, they say.

_ Upto the present day a halloo comes from Hanuman Mun in
the Sispar Bar. People still hear it.

NOTES ON THE ABOVE Text
line
1. Plagir Ali These Muhammadan names are probably com-
Machete | paratively recent importations into what has all
the appearance of being a very old legend.
1. senas = This is the form of the Infin. fo say, to call, and of the

line

A BURUSHASKI TEXT FROM HUNZA 513

Noun Agent, sayer. Here, however, it is equivalent to
the English by name, called.
cf. note under esumo, |. 7.

hin one, This form is used only with words denoting human
beings. With almost all other nouns, whether of the
x. or of the y. class, the form used is han. There is a third
form hik used only with a few y. nouns denoting TIME
OF OCCASION OF MEASURE, e.g.

hik heéi one time

and in the phrase hik ke, once, one time, once again
(here the ke is perhaps independent).

The form hik is not in general use with all y. nouns
as stated by Biddulph and Leitner. In some cases its
use appears to be optional. I have :—

han hisa one month, but also

In my texts han is the normal form with y. nouns as

han gontsanolo (|. :).
hirane, hir-an-e the noun plus the suffix of individualness
plus the genitive suffix: man-one-of.

The case endings always follow the -an-.

éaya céam I shall tell (the story), of,

éaya, ¢aya story, narrative, statement.

éaya etas lo make any sort of verbal communication.
eéam Ist sg. future of etas fo do, make, ete.

pres. base e¢- perhaps from

et- plus &,

etas is used as a general-service verb in combination

with nouns and adjectives.

. imeiten bam of him a son-of-his was, ie. he had a son.

i'en the noun *-i with the Srd sg. m.h. and x. prefix i-, plus
the suffix of individualness -an, -en,
i plus i plus an his-son-one.
irik his name, i plus ik — irik or ik
ef. |. 16: my name, a plus ik — evik
or alik
bilom the y. form of the 3rd sing. past of the verb to be. In
Nagiri dilom and in Wercikwa‘r dulom.
Sisper a tributary valley, I believe, of the Hassanabad

TOL, IV. PART fttr. 4

old D. L. R. LORIMER—
es Valley which debouches into the main Hunza-Nagir
Valley on the north side 5 or 6 miles down-stream from
Baltit, the capital of Hunza.
tere, ter jungle, uncultivated ground with sufficient vegetation
on it to afford grazing. Many of the mountain sides are
practically devoid of vegetation.

Cf. rwy, |. 4, note. tere is the genitive form, but
this form occasionally occurs as a general oblique, as
here, where it seems to have a locative force.

horo'tam bam possibly, for the past participle horu‘tom seated,
sitting, which is at any rate more usual. The phrase is
equivalent to the imperfect, which, if it exists, would
be horuéimi.

The conceptions to “ sit down” and to “ be seated
are apt not to be differentiated. (Cf. Mn.P. nigasta bud
and Sina bertus, he had sat down, he was silting.

horu'tas, like these other verbs, covers the ground of to
sit down, to sit, to dwell, to abide, to live, to stay, ete,

The participle in -om in intransitive verbs usually
denotes state, not action. In transitive verbs it is usually
passive, but sometimes active.

3, han guntsanolo (on) one day. gunts-an-vlo. -vlo is in general a
Locative suffix in.

ulo used as an independent adverb means im, tnto,

inside,

huye’s a general term, plural, for goats, goats and-sheep, small
cattle. A single animal is huye‘san. Various ages and
sexes, etc., of sheep and of goats are denoted by a number
of separate words,

Hanuman Mun Proper name of a mountain.

hanuman means alone, by itself; hinuman when used of
human beings. It is apparently a derivative of han one.
um is an adjectival suffix, and -an the sufix of
individualness,

yakalate *-yakal + ate in the direction of
ayakal in my direction
guyakal in thy direction
the prefix i- for the 3rd pers. is not usually distinguished
with a word beginning-with y. The suffix -ate means on,
upon, also with, by means of.

A BURUSHASKI TEXT FROM HUNZA 515

line

uyaréer, from *-yoras to make graze, u-yeré-er them-make-graze-to.
The present base of the verb (here *-yaré-) plus the
dative suffix -er ia very commonly used to denote in order
to, for the purpose of.
4. runulo, ray has the same general meaning as ter, line 2. It
may be a foreign synonym, as it is used also in Sina.
The genitive of each: rune, tere is used as an adjective,
meaning wild as opposed to domesticated.
fat no. fat etas to let go, leave, set loose, abandon, etc, fat is
also used in Sina.
etas is really the form of a pronoun-prefix verb *-atas
when its direct object is in the 3rd person singular,
m.h., x., or y. This verb has two forms of past participle
active :
n*¥-atan and n*-a
bo we get:
n+i+atan andn+i-+a -+netan and ne
‘having made, or done it.
on + mn + atanandn + mu + a — numo'tan and nomo
having made her, v. |. 38.
n+u-+ atan and n+u +a —notan and no
having made them.
guéami 3rd sing. preterite m.h., x., and y.of guéaiyas, present
base goéaé- to lie down, to lie down to sleep, (of a woman)
to be brought to bed, to be delivered. -ami replaces the
usual -imi as the 3rd sing. preterite ending when the
verbal base ends in -a or -ai. Verbs with a base in -u
(and a few others optionally, e.g. jyula’s) have -a'mi.
Cf. in this line tswmi from tsu'yas.
guéaiyasor. Infinitive plus dative suffix -ar, on Ais lying down,
when he had lain down. A very common idiom used to
denote the sequence of acts done by different persons.
“On A’s doing something, B then did so and so.” See
the examples ||. 7, 8, 19, 21, 26, and 34.
e‘yenumtse. Past participle in -om plus tse on his going asleep, or
The verb is *-ayenas to go to sleep
i++ ayenom —e'yenom fe being asleep
mu + ayenom — moyenum she being asleep

O16 D. L. R. LORIMER—

1} line

th -tse is a sufix in common usé with nouns and noun-
iL equivalents in a variety of senses, perhaps most
| | frequently that of motion into contact with, wpon, on.
‘| qau manimi a lowd ery, call, shout, hail, became.

Mt The use of mana’s corresponds to that of those verbs
z | which in certain other languages combine the functions
} of the English to be, and to become, e.g. Hind. ho-na,

Pers. gudan, Pa. éwul, Sina borki, Khowa-r bik. It
provides amongst other things the intransitive equivalent
of tas in compound verbal expressions, e.g.
qau etimi he raised a shout, he called
qau manimi a shout occurred (ie. was raised,
heard, etc.)

5, nosen faving said, saying, past participle of senas fo say:
here equivalent to marks of quotation dependent on
qau manimi. In Sina the, the ppe. of thotki to do,
say, 18 similarly used. In Khowa-r, I think, re, having
said, 1s also so used,

di'talimi Ae awoke. Infinitive d*-talas, This is’ an example
of an intransitive pronoun-prefix verb with a movable
initial d-, of which there are a number.

The agglutinative pronoun corresponding to the subject
of the verb is inserted between the d- and the body of the
verb and is preceded when necessary by an epenthetic
vowel. So:

da‘talam I awoke
dukutaluma thou awokest
ditalimi he awoke
dumutalumo she awoke, etc.

Transitive d- verbs (frequently causatives) have as
a rule an *-a or *-as preceding the body of the verb.
The inserted pronoun corresponds to the direct object
of the verb. So:

d*-ast(s)alas to make awake, awaken (trs.)
de‘st(s)alam I awakened him
duko'st(s)alam I awakened thee

atast(s)al (a -- dast(s)al) don't thou awaken me
(The (s) following the t is of no grammatical significance.)
“d*-manas come into being, be born

A BURUSHASKI TEXT FROM HUNZA 517
d*-asmanas to give birth to, create
inemotsum tha a hundred sons were born of

muyu’ dumanouman her

a'ltu muyw' do'smano bom she had given birth to twin sons.
There are, however, a few verbs in d*¥-a- which do not
appear to be transitive or to be regarded as transitive, e.g.

d*-AyASAS to laugh
doko’yasuma thou wilt laugh
de-yabi he will laugh
Similarly
d*-ssqaltas to arrive

The presence of an -a- (or -a-) appears to me to be
postulated by the o" and e” in place of u and i in the pro-
nominal infixes, as already stated in the introduction § 4.
he having awakened (intrs.) ppe. of d*-talas. There are

three principal kinds of participles in Burushaski :

i. Present participle, consisting of the present base
+ UME, ¢.¢. e¢ume doing.
ii. The participle in -om formed of the past base + -om
(-m where the base ends in a vowel).

iii. The participle active, occurring in several forms.

No. 1 denotes continuing action contemporaneous with
another action. It is not very common.

No. i provides the passive participles of transttive verbs,
but it seems also to be used at times with an active
sense.

In the case of intransitive verbs it occurs most often
with case suffixes in phrases of which the nearest
English rendering would be of the form: on this + pres.
pe., e.g. “on this happening”. “on his going away ".

guke fas manu‘mar ju-éam, on this (grain) being finished,
Le. when this is fimshed, I shall come back.

Generally speaking this participle indicates, I think, a
state or condition, which has been induced by, or has
resulted from, some preceding action.

No. tli records an action as preceding, or leading up
to another action. It is equivalent to English “ having
come", “having said”, ete., but is also used where
English would less accurately employ the present par-
ticiple, e.g. “ saying this, he went away ", “ sitting down

ols

D. L. ER. LORIMERE—

he fell asleep”. This ppe. seems only to be used when
the subject of the ppc. and of the following verb 1s
the same.

My present object, however, is not to discuss at length
the use of these participles but merely to describe the
forms in which the 3rd of them appears.

These are :

(a) n (+ vowel) + past base + -i-n, or -n,

(6) n (+ vowel) + past base, or past base less a final n,
(c) past base +- in, or -n (occasionally -ni'n).

(@) the simple past base.

The past base is seen in the infinitive of the verb when
the termination -as or -a’s is removed.

When the verb is one that takes a pronoun-prefix this
is placed after the initial n- when that is present.

Examples :

(a) etas fo do, n-et-an having done (-an for in is unusual),
See also note on line 4 above fat no.
*-tsuyas fo take away

natsun having taken me away

nitson having taken him, it, away

nama‘tsun having taken you (pl.) away
*-etsas (*-yetsas, *-itsas) to see

nai.etsin having seen me

ni‘itsin having seen him, it

nokwitsin having seen thee

o'sas fo sel down, place
no‘'sin and nos )=—S having placed
Verbs with past base ending in -a (-ai) have -an, -en
huljaiyas fo mount (a horse)

nuljen having mounted, riding
*-..wlaiyas fo cavse fo mount

ne‘uljan making him mount

noljan making them mount

dayaias fo hide intransitive
not’ ayan,notayan having hidden (oneself),

ge secretly, etc.
(6) giratas fo dance

nikivrat having danced

A BURUSHASKI TEXT FROM HUNZA 519

horw'tas fo sit (down)

nurut having sat (down), sitting
gutseras fo proceed

nuku'tsar having proceeded, proceeding
*-walas to fall

niwal he having fallen

namu‘el (|. 37) she having fallen

= nomuowal
With loss of final -n

SENAS fo say

nusen and nose having said
ganas (o take (y. articles)

nukan and noka (|. 13) having taken
mana’s fo become

numan and noma having become

du’sin having gone out
di‘usas fo fake (him, it) owt

di.usi‘n having taken (Aim, a) out
dunas to seize

dunin having seized
ditsas fo bring (him, 1 x.)

ditsun having brought (him, it x.)
dotsas fo bring (them h. and x.)

dutsun having brought (them h. and x.)
d*-ayelas fo fear

de-yelin and he having heard

deyel

di.eyas to stand up

di.en having stood up, standing up
niyas fo go

na‘n I having gone

nuko'n thou having gone

nin he having gone
juyas to come, past base d*- or d*-a-?

dan I having come

din he having come

He D. L. E. LORIMER—

line
In the two last verbs one may also have -nin, e.g.
nanin, Ninn, dini'n.
(d) we have dital in the text.

duso'kas to dismownt, descend |

dusok having dismounted, descended, ete.
d*-ayelas fo hear

de'yel he having heard

dumo-yal she having heard
d*-sdqaltas fo arrive |

do-éqalt they having arrived

beremmi ke, when fhe looks (he sees that . . .) reproduces the
Shina idiom éakai to . . . in grammar and meaning.
6. e‘skitsar e'ski + tse + or
*-adki bed-head, pillow

7. baba = father. This word is only used in Royal Families. The
corresponding word for mother is zrzi.
These terms are in use in Shina and, I think, also in
Khowar
got fo thee. gu + ar equivalent to wer.
esumo she sand to him.
Third Sing. fh. pret. of *-asas pres. base *-aé- to say, to tell.
The pronoun prefix refers to the indirect object. Cf. .
l 12 o’simi he said to them
Il. 15,18 e-simi he said to him
1. 31 Esumo she said to him
l $4 esasar on (her) saying (this) to him
The impv. is *-aso, the ppe. act. is n*-asun.
Pres. goéaba Tf say to thee.
The alternative verb senas fo say, say to, also to call
(v.n, 1), takes no pronoun prefix :
Pres. base se.i-, sey- gives se.iba'n they say (Il, 30, 32, 38)
Past base sen- gives senumo she said (I. 7)
senimi he said (|. 14)
Ppe. act. nosen having said (Il. 5, 30)
8. motsi nultan, ppc. of *-tsi taiyas pres. base tadé- tmé- to follow
after (someone).
taiyas (thaiyas?) used alone, means ta pull on, draw
on (socks, boots, etc.), There is an alternative form
*-ltaiyas and causative *-altaiyas

A BURUSHASKI TEXT FROM HUNZA 621

line
The ppe. of *-ltaiyas and also of taiyas in both its
meanings 18 noltan.
There are one or two other pronoun-prefix verbs with
this quasi initial -lt- and it occurs in a number of nouns.
yaror yare + ar to below.
ya re below, but also im front of, in the presence of, 15
perhaps itself an oblique form of ya'r which also occurs.
éise éi§ mountain is also the ordinary word for mountain in
Shina. This is the genitive form, but is probably the
general oblique: a doer opened in the mountain,
han hijan adoor, One may say: hinan, or han hin, or han hinan.

9. wlo nidi ke a stock prammatical form: when he goes in, on hia
going in.
This 3rd pers. sing. in -iis neither the ordinary form of
the present niéai nor of the future niéimi.
sAlatage salat moustache. The suffix -age is not very common,
but is used as here meaning “ with”, “ possessing”,
and also regularly in a few stock idioms. E.g.
ikerene samba etimi fe thought to himself

10. marin, or marin good, fine, superior; here probably “ fine”,
Le. beautiful. The reduplication has here probably a
distributive force—each of the seven was beautiful.

nuka ppc. act. of ganas to take (y. objects).
horu'éam ban are siffing. horwéam is the counterpart of hurw'tom.
There are two forms of the past base of the verb
to sil:
Infin. Pres. base. Impv. Ppe. Act. Ppe. Static.
horutas horwé- horut n'urot horu'tum
horu
(horuéaiyas) pl. horwéa'in n’wroéan horn'éam
Srd pl. pret. horwéaman
ord pl. perf. horuwéa ban

1]. dumerimi here appears to mean he granted, accorded, but
du'maras normally means to demand, ask for.
There is another verb duma‘yas or dumayas meaning
ta come to terms, be reconciled, and (with *-tsi) to swit, fit.
Perhaps the dwmerimi is a mistake for duma;yimi.
In English “to accord” (to be in harmony) and “to

Ls ee D. L. R. LORIMER—

line
accord" (to grant) we have a parallel to two very
different ideas being covered by one word.

12, osimi v.n. esumo, L. T.
sitatrete, sitar + ate on the sitar, or with the sitar, vn.
yakalate, |. 4.

13. ‘e-yarin play ye i! i +- ayorin from *-ayeras fo play (music,
| or an instrument).
uéercka u-+éore +ka. *-ter voice, sound, noise, This use of
a plural prefix with a noun in the singular is not
uncommon.
ka is a postposition taking the oblique form of the
noun. Its usual meaning is along with, in company with.
It is also used adverbially. The text seems to mean that
they sang with sweet voices and accompanied themselves
with sitars.

15. Munolom, Mun + vlom of the Mun, -vlom is volo in + om, an
adjectival or ablative suffix. It can mean from inside,
or be used as an adjectival ending denoting pertaining to.

Dado grandfather, also generally old man, is also used in
Shina.
lei! an exclamation used in addressing or calling the atten-
tion of men.
ar akumanom gir’at thou, not being afraid, dance !
ar & -- gu + manom
a is the negative particle used with verbs. gumanum
is the 2nd sing. form of the -vm participle of *-manas. It
is sometimes used in imprecations apparently with the
force of the optative, but here it is probably simply par-
ticipial and essentially adjectival.
ar, Ar occurs in Shina: ar bo'tki to be startled, to start,
to shy (of a horse),
ei my son, a-+-i Cf. n. iven, L 2.

16. jacwik of me my name, a+itk. Cf. vik, |. 2.
The possessive genitive is usually expressed in addition
to the prefix.
ku orkwe these (of niman beings only), pl. of kine or kin.
The x. forms are Sg. guse pl. gutse
The y. forms are ag. gute pl. guke

A BURUSHASKI TEXT FROM HUNZA 523

line
There are also the following less common forms for x.

and y,
x. sg. kos pl. korts
¥. 4 kot: ,; kok
The corresponding remoter demonstrative :"that, those
h. sg. ine or in pl. we, or u
x. , ise , itse
y » ite » ike
and the subsidiary forms are
xX. 8g. e's, ese pl. e'ts
y. ,, et, ete ,, ek, eke
All the above are used both as adjectives and pronouns.
17. aiyuguéants my daughters a +- yu'guéants
*-yu'guéants is the pl. of *-a.i
o's my wife a-+u's from *-u's,
Cf. yu'smor, |. 22, and yu'se, |. 24.
Ersare Kuzsor, the hero of the “ Kesar Saga ’’, of which I have a
version in Burushaski.
epi his grandmother i +- api.
*-api grandfather or grandmother.
moutsuya ba f have married her, perf. of *-tsuyas to carry off, to
marry.
18. esimi v.n. esumo, |. 7.
te'romaner from te'rom, te‘ruman, so much, &0 ee
terumaner “at so much”, Le. af this point, upon this,
thereupon, indicates the immediate sequence of an action.
Shina offers a parallel expression with a similar meaning
in Ata‘ker, aia‘ker, aca'kamaja, aia*keamaja. The -ar
suffix in Shina is locative, corresponding to Burushaski
-vlo, maja means middle, between: in the latter sense it is
equivalent to Buruskaski harp.
The resemblance to Hindustani rtnemé meanwhile js
close, but the meaning is different.
nikirat horu'tasear when D., having danced, sat down M.D. said
ae J
Note again the unvoicing of the g of giratas when pre-
ceded by a vowel; the use of the ppe. act. when the
subject is the same as that of the following verb and
the use of the infin. plus. -ar when the subject of the
following verb (senimi) is different.

o24

line

D. L. KE. LORDMER—

19. yuwsmor fo fis wife i+ us + mo + or.

-mv- (for -mo?) appears in the oblique forms of fh.
nouns and pronouns in the singular. The dative ending
is always -mor, which is apparently hostile to my theory
that u + a,9 —-o, unless there 16 an effective difference
between u and v.

20. bistse the somewhat illusive suffix -tse again. (Cf. 1. 4

eyenumtse. It here seems to mean “made with”, but
perhaps the idea is “on a foundation or background
of fat”.

diram pfiti cake of thick bread made of diram, wheat which
has been damped, covered up, and allowed to sprout,
after which it is dried and ground.

pfitimotsik pfiti--x. pl. suffix -mots-+ik. -ik is a sort of
general plural suffix seldom used except with nouns
which are plural but have not a specifically plural form,
sis-ik people, men-ik who? (pl.). The sense seems to be
“a quantity of ", “a number of ”.

eT for him, i-+ ar. v, Introduction § 4.

The prefixal pronouns are used independently in the

dative, i.e. plus -ar, and with a few postpositions :—

*ska = with
*tsi various meanings

oti make them impv. sing. of w + *-atas

.yuse fis wife. The extended nominative (“ agential *)

yu's +, used when the noun is the subject of a past
base tense, and sometimes of a present base tense, of a
transitive verb. The form is based on the ordinary
nominative, and not on the oblique base of the noun as
is shown by the f.h. sg. nouns, these forms not having
the oblique -mu-, yase not yu'smo-e. {"f. e-yene, |. 23.

er...er oneof these er's is redundant. This vain repetition
iscommon. Cf. Il. 51-2, jar... arr,

otumo she made them uw + atomo Sy *.atas.

guasar when he had eaten. Infin. + ar.

The word “ to eat " appears in three forms according to
the nature of the object eaten. When the latter is

A BURUSHASKI TEXT FROM HUNZA 525

= x. 5g. the vb. is $itas pres. base gi-é-
x. pl. the vb. is was .. ,, §u'é-
y. 8g. or pl. is ge'as va HO
22. hin e-yenmur to-one-his-daughter-one, i.e. to one of his daughters
i+ Adi + an + mo + ar
nitsun Aaving taken ham away ppe. of *-teuyas.
ju impv. of ju‘yas fo come, frequently used for come back,
return.
23. eyene fis daughter extended nom. i + ai + an + e.
huye's o'pacar fo beside, fo the presence of, 1.e. to the goats,
u + apadi + or
*-apaci is regularly used with the appropriate pronoun
prefix to denote “in the presence of " and “in the pos-
session of “aliving being. With the suffix -or it indicates
approach fo persons, The preceding noun or pronoun is
not inflected except in one form.
ja apaci in my possession
ditsoman rd pl. pret. should be 3rd ag. f.h. ditsumo.
The verb “to bring” appears, like dias, in three
forms according to the nature of the object brought :
Object h. or x. sg. ditsas pres. base dié-
» h. or x.pl.dutsas ,, ,, dué-
» ¥.8g.or pl. dusuyas,, ,, dusué-

24. ditsun having brought him ppe. of ditsas. The v is probably
to be accounted for by the fact that there is ano or u
hanging about the word : The impv. being ditso—ditsu.in.
Similarly there is *-asas fo say fo, impy. *-aso—*-asu.in, |
ppc. n*-ason.

nimo she went, Srd sing. f.h. pret. of niyas. The - of the
suffix -umo as of the pe. suffix -om, disappears after i,

25. nuyen faving taken them, ppc, of *-yanas to take (plural object

which must be h. or x.).

So: niyen faking him, it

nomuyen faling her /

These participles are commonly used where we should”
say wih it, them, or her. Cf. Hindustani le-kar (aya:y.

ganas pres. base gai(y}-is the parallel verb to take'used
when the object taken is y. sg. or plur, Thé ppe. is
nokan or nvka (invariable). \

526 D. L. R. LORIMER—
line
Of *-yanas there is a causative form *-ayanas fo
cause someone to take up, or carry (h, or x. object), It
also seems to come to mean fo load upon. It 1s rather a

difficult verb.
Its ppe. is neiyen making him take
nomo‘yen making her take

noyen making them take
hera’y. a temporary camping place used when cattle are taken
to the remoter pasture grounds. Rough pens and shelters
are put up.

The word in the form of herai occurs in what amount
to locality names in Shin territory mdicating customary
summer camping grounds in the higher reaches of the
side valleys.

The y in Burushaski is an illusive sound which I failed
to diagnose or master. It seemed to me asa rule more like
to faint » than anything else. But I have occasionally
seemed to hear something ofan loranr. My informants
wanted me to take it as y which I could not con-
scientiously do. Biddulph in some cases has w, e.g. :

bowom mare for my bayom
duy = @’_ short space of time, also in common use in Shina.
sus unconscious, presumably Persian sust, also used in Shina
with the same meant

26. husor walasar on coming fo fis senses. walas fo fall. One
may say also
| hu‘éar juyas fo come to one’s senses
\ huyelteréo pl. of huyelterts herdsman.
\ doyarusuman they azbed. Infin. doy’arusas or duyarusas fo
question someone, inquire, is commonly used as a simple
\ verb, but sometimes it takes a pronoun infix relating to
the person questioned :
a Infin. d*-ayarusas de-yorusumo she asked ham.
1" duko"yorasasar daiya ba J have come to ask thee, but
_ also ine dasinmotsom doyarosumi he inquired of the girl.
be gumanuma? what didst thou become? i.e. what happened to
thee? What became of thee ? what has happened to thee ?

line

A BURUSHASKI TEXT FROM HUNZA §27

There are three forms of the verb to become.
Mana’s *-mManAs *-AMANAS
There does not appear to be any radical distinction
between the first and second, but perhaps the second is
more generally used when the object is human, Cf. 1. 34.
hairan umanoman they were amazed
The meaning of | and 2 is to be, to become. The third
means to be able, to be capable of. It is used absolutely
or governing a verb in a form identical with that of the
4rd sing. optative. This formis probably, however, a kind
of verbal noun :
hanjil dotsu§ gomaima wilt thou be able to fetch
(dotsas) charcoal ?
emaimi Ae will be able (to do something)
The corresponding forms of *-manas are, of course,
The verb “to be”, “to become” is similarly used
both in Shina and Khowar with the meaning “ to
be able”.

26. ine Munolom Dadue .. . etimi. This sentence js full of

27. no-yar

grammatical problems or, to put it more bluntly, it
appears to defy and rise superior to grammar. Theoretic-
ally it should all be dependent on éaya ovr etimi he told
them the story of, he told them how, he told them about.

Da‘du.e is probably gen. and ine probably qualifies it.
A subject has then to be supplied for nitsun, but I do not
see ‘how nitson can be grammatically connected with
éaya etimi or anything else.

" (her or their) having carried him off to the house of that
Munolom Dado . . . he told them about it,”
must be taken as a causative. *-ayaras means normally
simply fo play (music, or an instrument) but ywguaants
must be the accusative ; otherwise, if it were the subject of
no‘yar it should be the extended nominative yu'gudantse,
and sitar being singular the participle would be ne"yar
not noyar.

Hence : “(M.D.) having made his daughters play the
sitar—he told them about it.”

o28

line

D. L. EK. LORIMER—

egiratume appears to be the genitive of the passive participle

of the causative of giratas to dance “ of him (Derbe.so)
being made to dance"’, Note here :-—

28. esirume similarly “of him being made to eat’. *-asiras

. ha‘ler

yon

barulo

is equivalent to Engl. to feed. If it is causative, as
seems probable, the meaning would be “ to make someone
eat something". The causatives of transitive verbs in
Burushaski are, I think, causative active, and not, as in
Shina, causative passive.
Cf. the Shina
reset tiki khai.srotki = fo cause bread to he eaten by
(to) Aum,
The use of these two ppe.s as dependent genitives is

Surprising.

ha ++ ale + er house-at-o, This is the form always used
for to the house.

then, again, and more, further, in addition.

strictly “ they all”, is generalized so as to be used even
with a singular noun in the sense of all of, the whole of :
sapik uyo'n all the bread, the whole of the bread: but with
we and you (pl.) the appropriate prefix has to be used :—

(mi) miyo'n we all, all of us
(ma) maiyon you all, all of you

either ablative “from former times” or adjectival
“ pertaining to former times”. There is also a report
Jrom former times, or, There is also an old-time story.

bar a side valley, or gorge in the mountains, a “ nullah "’.

30. M. Dado... motswam MD. had married her. The extended

al.

Wye

nominative Da'du.e would be more correct.
extended nominative with a present tense.

Bu'buli Gas gas princess. According to the Burushaski version of

the Kesar Saga Bubuli Gas was a princess of Baltit in
Hunza whom Kiser married at one stage of his career.

motsu'éa ke when thou marriest her. ke may mean when as

jaT.

well as if.

-.am Chet... et, L221.

A BURUSHASK] TEXT FROM HUNZA

line
33. ine ar ditsuke ... a clause containing the imperative with ke
followed by one containing a verb in the future tense,
constituting together something of the nature of a con-
ditional sentence, is common in Burushaski, as also in
Shina. The construction is about equivalent to Engl. :
“you bring it and I'll give you sixpence.” So here:
You bring him to me, and we'll celebrate our marriages
together,
gar marriage is also used in Shina.
nala = together, simultaneously, is also used in Shina.
$4. hisk means loom and also com).

nuret = Aaving sat, sitting, pe. of horutas. The loss of initial h

18 general in similar cases. So:
holjaiyas fo mount nuljen having-mownted
35. pfilaman pfilam + an a piece of homespun, “ pattoo.”
giéatéai the present base of all verbs in -ayas, -aiyas is of this
form. E.g. :
bigaiyas fo throw,etc. biiaéai fe throws, The -a- tends
to become --. |
egate on Mis neck *-ag + ate. One would rather expect imo
edate on his own neck.
pfaletas to throw. Shina has pfal tho-tki.
36. yate tedate wponthe roof. te-kiis the roof viewed from outside,
the external roof. So also in Shina.
36-37. Kisere ditsas nititsin /aving seen him, Kiser, bring him. Note
| the extended nominative with the infinitive.
37. dige xa down by the ladder, down the ladder. xa adv. down.

I am uncertain of the correct spelling of this word for
“ladder”, “bier”, and of that for “ mountain”
(v. L. 8). They raise the difficult question of
“advanced * and “retracted sounds, i.e. of sounds
made with the tongue in a relatively advanced or
retracted position.

Like Shina, Burushaski possesses a double series of
advanced and retracted sounds and also of aspirates
and non-aspirates (see my articles on the Phonetics of
the Gilgit Dialect of Shina, JRAS., January, April,
1924, and Dr, Grahame Bailey's and my note on the
Sounds of Shina in the BSOS., Vol. III, Part IV, 1925).

VOL. IV. PART II.

-
-_ «£
2

‘

i np el) a

= eto ~” @.9*"

rey) D. L. R. LORIMER—

Butel do not think that such a degree of retraction is
practised in Burushaski as is sometimes found in Shina.
Both these words oceur in Shina, and Dr. Grahame
Bailey in his Grammar of the Shina Language, gives the
forms in that language as :

chis mountain
ghig(h) ladder
My Shina informants represented the words as :
this nountain
é¢ = ladder

All I can vouch for myself is that there were retracted
sounds in both words, amounting in the word éhi-§ to what
might be reckoned “cerebral” according to the stricter
application of that word, Of aspiration I could not
judge.

It is probable that the Burushaski forms correspond
essentially to the Shina ones, though the retraction and
aspiration may be less pronounced.

soke¢am nusen saying to herself “I will descend”. nosen is
used to indicate thought or intention. In Shina, the,
saying, 18 similarly used,

Sokas is one of the few verbs which appear with and '
without a prefixed d- :—

s0°kas dousvkas fo descend, dismount
suyas dusu'yas fo bring
*-aTas d*-aras to send
Whether the d- has any special force might be made a
subject of investigation.
xanemuel so recorded for: xa n-omu'-wal down she having
fallen, from the verb *-walas.
muya‘lmu-yo fer ribs, pl. of *-ya'lmun. x. nouns ending in
“n usually form the plural by substituting -yo.
gali bim plup. of galas v.i. to break, be broken
yalas v.t. to break (something)
is the corresponding transitive verb.

There are one or two pairs of verbs similarly differen-
tiated in form, but for a different purpose, the g- form
being used when the object is of the y. class, and the y-
form when the object is of the x. class —

A BURUSHASKI TEXT FROM HUNZA 531

line
e.g. ganas and yanas fo fake
éap gan take meat (y.)
tobaq yan taking the qun (x.)

38. beruman gontsintsum after some days, abl. pl. of gunts. The
ablative with the sense of after is also found in Shina :
Sh. Kata'k dezijo after some days

milents pl. of mili medicine

nomo cf. no, 1.4, Abbreviated ppc. of *-atas with fh. sing.
object, “ having medicined her.”

39. nomotan the corresponding full form of ppc. of *-atas.
watts in good order, right, repaired, well,
warts, warts 15 also used in Shina (and Khowar ?)
The opposite of wacrts is in Burushaski.
apa‘rts, aparts in wrong way, inside out, perverse. In
Shina (and Khowar ?) nawarrts.

Daduc ka Ae marred her with (i.e. to) M. Dado, Here, as in
many cases, etas regards only the noun with which it is
used in composition, and does not adapt itself to the
direct object of the verbal compound. So here:

gor etimi fie married her to . . . , not, gar motimi.

40, darom xa xXxawpfo darum xa wp to now, equivalent to mu'to xa,
1. 40.
In Shina darom is used with the sense yet, still.
Sh. darom... ne not yet
darum bo'sin 3 = up fo now, still,
doyeljan they hear 3rd pl. pres. of d*-ayelas d + u + ayelja‘n.
d*-ayelas is remarkable as being a transitive verb which has a
pronominal infix that agrees with the subject and not
the direct or indirect object.

CORRIGENDUM
24, ditsun
The h. and x. verb is d*-tsas taking the full range of pronominal
infixes, e.g., duku'tsas, to bring thee, dumutsas, fo bring her.

NOTES ON DARDIC
By R. L. Turxer
I
Isrervocatic Denrats rn Suna AND KatasHa

1. In drawing attention to some of the archaic features of Khowar
(Report on a Linguistic Mission to Afghanistan, p.71), Dr. Morgenstierne
says: “ The preservation of fas r...is a very archaic feature, with
parallels only, to some extent, in Shina, some Kohistani dialects
and Romany.”

2. The comparison with Romani ts just, particularly if the Syrian
dialect is considered, in which also -- appears as r, while in the
European and Armenian dialects it has become |. The comparison with
Shina and the Kohistani dialects is very doubtful. This language,
like the closely related Kashmiri, presents the usual Indo-Aryan
treatment of intervocalic -{-, namely its disappearance. This is clear
from the following examples ' :—

4. Guresi dialect ala@u m. bonfire, let f. torchwood (dldfam); kotiyi
comb (kéiikatah); géu he went (gatdh); di daughter (duhitd or
dhita); pei falls (patati), bius I-was (bhdtdh); ma mother (maid) ;
béu willow (vetasdh); Kohistani dialect syd white (évetdh); sau,
Koh. séi bridge (s&uh); hai attack (hatih); to then (tdtah); 2a
brother (bhrdta) ; sii sheds (Satdyati); Sal fever (Sitalah) ; car 4 (cf.
eattirah) ; conddi 14 (edturdaéa); 3rd sing. future in -éi (-ati).

4. The case of -yf- is ambiguous. The consonant of this group in
Indo-Aryan, has, according to dialect, either the dental or the cerebral
development, becoming a/# or a/it. But in Shina -¢- disappears equally
with -t- (Turner: Bettrdge zur Literaturwissenschaft wnd Geistes-
geschichte Indiens, p. 41); and since the group rt appears to be
cerebralized in Shina (e.g. katé:, spins, beside Sinh. hati, but gener-
ally katt- or kat-), it is possible that -rt- had a similar development.
In this case words like mifu dead (mptdh), gi ghee (ghridm)
may have had the evolution ; mytd- > muda-, etc. This would agree
with the regular cerebralization of the group r + dental in the language
of the Shahbazgarhi Inscription of Agoka.

5. -d-; pa foot (pidah); payén foot of bed (paddntah); mi f.
fat (médah); roéi weeps (rédati; but ef. Rom. rovel < rdvati); Gar

‘The Shina words quoted are taken from Dr. Grahame Bailey's Shing
Grammar and Lt.-Col. Lorimer’s articles in JRAS. and Bulletin 8.0.8.

Ao RK. L. TURNER—

belly (uddram) ; Khai eats (khddati); ayé of this kind (cf. tad7éah) ;
edi water (? udakdm); tydnd hungry (udanyih); cdi (trdyedada, cf.
Shahbazgarhi fodaga : the origin of -r-in Pali ferasa, etc., is doubtful).

With possible Middle Indian -d-: hii heart (hjdayam); bai
(dvddasa; but cf. Shahbazgarhi badaya with a dental opposed to Kalsi
duvadasa with a cerebral).

6. The fate of the aspirates is the same: -th-:—gaé song (qiitha) ;
mail buttermilk (mathitém) ; juméio first (prathamah); sdrgai dung
(-qiitha- 7).

With possible MI. -th-:—kayéi boils, tr. (Avathate; cf. Pali
kathito).

-dh- :—gum wheat (godhitimah); méru sweet (madhurah); Koh.
mo wine (mddhu),

7. The only one of these intervocalic dentals which presents certain
apparent exceptions is -f-.

The past participle is formed in various ways. Of these forms like
gou (gatéh), miu (mytdh), biiu (bhitdh), show the regular development
of -+t-, Others ending in -tu, -tu, -du, -ku go back to Middle Indian
consonant groups derived from sf, At, tt, pt; gdh, ddh, bdh: kn, ko,
sk (either directly or by analogical extension), and are paralleled
in the north-western languages of India proper—Sindhi, Lahnda,
and Panjabi.

8. A third important class, however, ends in -u or -ilu. These
sometimes exist side by side with other forms : e.g. biiltis and biius.
There can be little doubt that they are extensions of the past participle
in -ta- with the Middle Indian suffix -illa-, and are strictly comparable
with similar past participle forms in Marathi, Gujarati, Bihari, Oriya,
and Bengali, in which there is no doubt as to the fate of -t- (cf. Bloch,
La Langue marathe, p. 256). ‘There is therefore no question of the
survival of -f- as -l- in these forms.

9. There is, however, one word in which | certainly, and a few
others in which it possibly, corresponds to Sanskrit -t-:—éal 100 — Skt.
Satim ; gal {. wound, appears to belong to Skt. ghatih; jil m. life,
lel m. blood, and lel visible, may be participial forms from jivitd-, léhita-,
and lokita- respectively of the type of mail (mathitém) already discussed
with M.I. suffix -illa-. calé m., lighted torch, may be connected with
Skt. keatih; unili (in unili ma wet-nurse), which it is at first tempting
to derive directly from Skt. wnnet/-, appears to be an adjective (used
also in the masculine: aunili mallu foster-father), and therefore is

NOTES ON DARDIC 535

suspect of containing the adjectival suffix -illa-, and to be a derivative
of the verb uniéi rears (unnayati: cf. AKharosthi Inscriptions, ed.
Rapson, Senart and Boyer, passim, where Audaja unidaja seems to
be used in the sense of “ adopted son ” '),

10. It is impossible to see any difference of condition which in
these words might lead to a different development of -f-: cf. e.g.
qou = gatdh beside sal = gatim. If, therefore, in any of these words
-[- is descended from -t-, the word in which 1t occurs must have been
borrowed from another dialect, in which that change was regular.
The word in which -- most certainly represents --, dal, is one
particularly susceptible of borrowing (cf., e.g., the remark of Leitner in
his Languages and Races of Dardistan, vol. i, p. 8: “ It is difficult for
these races to realize anything above a hundred and sometimes above
twenty.” Further, a number of West Pahari dialects, which normally
retain initial é-, have a word for “100” beginning with the dental
s-, evidently borrowed from the Plains).

ll. But from what language are the Shina words with | < -t-
borrowed ? One would be tempted to see in gal the effect of Pashto
sal on a native *sau, were it not that the influence of Pashto on Shina
is otherwise negligible,

12. May we suppose that in the neighbouring Khowar (which, we
see, now has r for -t-) the evolution was from -- through -d- to -I-,
and then to -r-? Against that we find original -l- still preserved
unchanged (e.g. Akapal head, cf. kapilam, and paial shepherd <
pasupalah).

13. We have seen above that of the Romani dialects one represents
-t- by ras in Khowar, the others by /. Is there a Hindu Kush dialect
which also keeps -t- as 1? I think it is to be found in Kalasha, the
south-west neighbour of Khowar. Unfortunately our knowledge of the
language is very small, being confined to the words and specimens
given in the Linguistic Survey of India, viii, 2, and in the monographs
of Leitner, on which they are based. Nevertheless, there seem to be
a number of words in which | or u corresponds to Skt. -t-. I suggest
that either the 7 was in process of becoming w and had perhaps
so become in certain conditions, or was a velar [, which the observer
heard asu. The most cogent proof of this is that in at least three words
original -[- is represented by u oro. There can be no doubt as to the
identity of kao year, with Garvi Aald years, Maiya kala, Shina kal:
Skt. kaldh. Similarly ango finger (aigilih), teue oil (taildm),

* Suggested to me by Mr. P. 8. Noble of St, John's College, Cambridge.

536: R. L. TURNER—

14. For -t-, we have the $rd sing. present or future (Skt.
-ati): dali gives (ef. Pali defi), jagal sees, tiel beats, sapral finds
(*sarnpatati ? cf, Skt. sdripatati), Only dali ends in -i, which can
scarcely be derived from Skt. - of -afi; a similar sporadic -i Appears
in the 3rd plural, and, as we shall see, regularly in the 2nd plural of
the past tense (with this perhaps may be compared the ~ endings of
Syrian and Asiatic Romani, and of the 3rd plural of the Sindhi present).
The majority of the forms end in -w: div there is (se), onew brings
(dnayati), iu comes (éi), parew goes (pdraiti), piu drinks (pibati),
hareu does (kdrdyati), ciétew stands (tisthafi), niseu sits (nigidaty 7):
cf also 2f eats, sangdu hears (cf. Armenian Romani sankh- id. 2),
aisév is (dsate 2).

15. There is some reason (notably the preservation of the augment,
which is discussed below) for supposing that the past tense of Kalasha
rests not upon the past participle, but on the old imperfect or aorist.
If that is so, the Srd singular which is given in every case except one—
sangyes he heard—as ending in -o or -, must rest either upon the
middle endings of Sanskrit -ala, which is not likely, or have acquired
its ending from the present. This last is not improbable, for the
complete disappearance of the final -t would leave the 3rd person
undifferentiated from the Ist and 2nd persons. On the other hand,
the 2nd plural, which in every case is given as ending in -li, seems to
represent Skt. -ta (with an additional vowel element), and thus provides
4 contrast to the treatment of -th-, which in the 2nd plur, present
disappears. Thus :—

Present ~ Past
ona < dnayatha onili <= dnayata
pera <= piretha pardli < *parayata, cf. pdraita
pia < pibatha awilt < dpibata
kdra < kardyatha drilt < akirayata
ciila < tisthatha acti < dlisthata
fue aéili < *dsata
eov, ef. ithd alt < *dyata, cf. dita

niseou, cf. nigidatha nisali << nydeadata
In this case the -li preceding the palatal vowel -i (whatever its
origin) is preserved unchanged as in the case of dali, and two other
words (of unknown etymology) kali cheeks, pralik light.
16. The past participles quoted in L.S.I. (ib., p. 73) are from forms
with M.I. ~t- (kerdita: cf. Panj. ditea) or -nn- (Iuina, awdjena 2).
Saprek is difficult; is it an infinitive? But thaulo (if we allow

NOTES ON DARDIC 537

a different development of initial sfM4- from medial -sth- —ef.
hast hand < Adstah, broestona from the top < bdrhistha- —as
in European Romani in which -sth- remains, but sfi- becomes ‘/-)
would represent stia@pitd-. In the Vocabulary (£.8J., viii, 2, p. 128)
appears galah, gone, which may be Skt. gatdh.

17. Even more striking is the declension of chi daughter,
although, if correctly observed by Leitner, the relation of its initial
with that of Khowar iar < Skt. duAitd (cf. Morgenstierne, op. cit.,
p. 71) is not clear. The singular is chit (< *ehuw, *chul- 7); the plural
chilai.- Finally we have ferilek green, and perhaps harila brass :
Skt. haritd-.

18. The fate of -d- is less clear. Perhaps it was lost... There are
several forms quoted of the verb mist, to sit, (if this despite its
dental s is to be referred to nisidals or nisadati: see below) without
any trace of / or vw. Similarly prah I gave (see § 28) may be Skt.
pridadaim or préidim. In héra heart (Ardayam) r represents d, cere-
bralized from d. This seems to be the regular development of M.I.
-d-: e.g. mrakro monkey (markatakah), saprel (cf. Pkt. sarnpadai).
Cf. also what was said above of the cerebralization of the group r +
dental in Shina.

19. The only example of -th- is the termination -atha of the 2nd
plural, where as shown above it disappears. But -tA-, especially in a
termination (Turner, /RAS., 1927), may have a different fate from -t-.
Such an assumption would explain the ending of the 2nd plural in
~<a, Which is given in all the forms except eov and niseov. Perhaps this
is the development of Armenian Romani in muihil buttermilk
(mathitdm : though this may be a case of dissimilation), and of European
Romani in the termination of the 2nd plural -en < -athana.

20, The only instance of -di- is mahora sweet (madhurah).
The balance of evidence is in favour of a similar loss in Romani!; and
we know that this sound was one of the first to lose ita occlusion,
appearing even in the Rigveda in certain words and terminations
as -A-.

21. This explanation leaves on one side the two exceptional forms
of the 2nd plural: eov you go, niseor you sit.

22. The hardest word to explain is bidi 20. Khowar bisir
obviously goes back to a form *visatih (cf. Skt. visidéatih), but Shina Bi,
and the majority of the other Indo-Aryan forms go back to an earlier
*vigat; cf. Pali visam formed after fisarn. In that case -i would not
belong to the original word.

* As also in Khowar, according to a communication from Dr, Morgenstierne,

Aas Rk. L. TURNER—

93. The evidence that -¢- became -l- in Kalasha is thus seen to be
fairly strong; and we may imagine that Kalasha, now restricted to
a very small area and separated from the Shins by Khowar, may at
one time have had a wider extension.

24, There can be little doubt that the Gypsies, although the oldest
sound-changes of their language show that originally it belonged to
the same group as the modern Central languages (Turner, Journ.
Gypsy Lore Soc., New Series, ix, 4), were associated at an early period
with the ancestors of the north-west languages. Is it, then, mere
coincidence that we find two groups, both in Dardic and in Romani,
one characterized by the change of -t- to /, the other by its change to r !

IT
SURVIVAL OF THE SANSKRIT AUGMENT

25. On p. 71 of his Report Dr. Morgenstierne draws attention to the
very interesting fact that in Khowar “ possibly traces of the augment
are preserved in some irregular verbs ; e.g. hémIcan: obetam I could ;
brium I die: obritai he died ; néim I take out: onéitam 1 took out ;
ger it is (< Sete): od01 it was (< agayat); tibom eat: oyotam I ate”.

26. In India proper and in Ceylon the augmented tenses soon
disappeared. Pali has the aorist and Prakrit traces of the imperfect ;
but both quickly gave way to the nominal construction, and their
place was taken by the past participle (see J. Bloch, La Phrase nominale
en Sanskrit). If the augment was to survive, it could only be in a
language which preserved one of the augmented tenses, aorist or
imperfect. The imperfect (of bAd-) and the aorist both occur in the
Inscriptions of Asoka ; but it is noteworthy that except for the other-
wise monosyllabic aho (cf. the preservation of dissyllabic augmented
forms in Armenian, and the absence in Homeric Greek of
augmentless forms of otherwise monosyllabic past tenses such
as écyov) the only augmented forms occur in the Girnar and
Shahbazgarhi recensions. In the Khowar examples quoted above
_ the only one which directly represents one of these tenses is doi <
asayat, In the others some element, perhaps an auxiliary verb, has been
added to the form of the verb. This form cannot be the past participle
in -fa- (as in the majority of Indo-Aryan languages) which ends in -irw
and is found in the compound tense, e.g. ganiru odoi he had taken.
We may reasonably suppose that it was added to the old imperfect
(or aorist) ; Just as, e.g., in Gujarati the present auxiliary cha, ete.,
has been added to the old present to form the new present tense. This

NOTES ON DARDIC 539

process was doubtless encouraged by the fact that the endings of the
imperfect did not remain easily distinguishable owing to the loss of
final consonants (in distinction to the present in which the consonants
protected by following vowels partially survived).

27. Even in the case of ofo1 the element -fa- has been added in the
Ist singular and the Ist and 2nd plural :—

ostam ostan
oso Osta
os oso

Of the forms without -fa-, 046 may be derived from asayah. In
o3oi from asayat the final -i is probably a later addition, and is perhaps
parallel with the -i found in Kalasha 3rd singular and plural of the
present, and again in the 3rd plural present and past of Khowar
(e.g. ganint they take). The 3rd plural fosoni cannot represent
asayan, but presumably owes its ending to the present.

28. This survival of the augment has a striking parallel in the
neighbouring Kalasha. The L.8.1. contains the following forms :—

Siu there 1s (séte) asis there was (asayat)

pim I drink (pihdnw) awis (Leitner) ams (L.8.1.) I
drank (apibam)

kdrem I do (karéydmi or kardémi) Gris I did (dkarayam or
dkaravam or dkaram)

bim I shall be (bAdvami) hawis I became (dbhavam)

cistim I stand (tisthame) aciétis I stood (dtistham)

aphiico he asked (dpyechat)
im I come (éni) ah I came (dyam)
CE. parim I go (pdraimi) parah I went (pdrdyam)
Some presents have pasts from different roots or compounded

roots ;

jagem I see dwesu he saw (dpasyat)

Zum I eat ajis I ate (*aéam, cf. aor.
subj. ait)

dém I give (cf. Pali demi) prah I gave (prddadim or
pradam)

Some of the past tenses of uncertain etymology also show initial
a-: asijo he entreated, ayisto it left, awdjo he said (but ef. awdjena
having said 7).

29. In the verb nisim, I sit, dental s is unexpected (instead of 3)
if it is derived from nisidati or nisadati (cf. Khowar nisik). It is due
to the influence of the past nisd I sat < nydsadam (i.e. niydsadam).

DO) k. L. TURNER—

30. In a compound verb beginning with a the augment is concealed
asin Sanskrit: dnim I bring (¢naydmi) ; nis 1 brought (dnayam). Forms
like this may have encouraged the loss of the augment evidenced by
some pasta: jagis I saw, tripau it burnt, bandau he ordered, kurau he
collected (? <*krnd- beside Skt. Mirdti, cf, Gk. Kepavvupe, xiprrpt),
surtite It fell (? *éad-: Hindi sarna: of. Skt. déadat), sangdes he
heard, sawdjau he kissed, wnbulau he prophesied,

31. In the majority of cases cited above, the consonant after the
augment has its phonetic development : e.g. dris < dkaravam, awis <
fipiham, dweiu <dpasyat, hawis < *ahaw- < dbhavam, aphiico <
“apruech- (cf. Kharogthi Inscriptions prichati) < dprechat. In some
cases the influence of the present.has re-established the consonant :
e.g. acidiis after the present ciftim. This may be the explanation of the
form apis (past to pim I drink) given in L.S.I. instead of Leitner’)
phonetically correct awis ; and for the past of bam in the new sense
abayent they could, beside the form of the past in the older PTs
hdwis I became. | y

32. The derivation of the past tense in Kalasha from the Sanskrit
imperfect or aorist is strengthened by a further consideration. Tt h 18 |
been pointed out that the majority of modern Indo-Aryan languages
form their past tense and their past participle from the same stem,
namely that of the past participle of Sanskrit. All the more striking,
therefore, is the opposition offered by Kalasha between the past tense
and the past participle of the verb to go: the former is, as we have
seen, parah T went (pdrdyam), the latter géalah gone (gatéh). A similar
opposition is seen in the verb “to give’: prau he gave (prddit)
but dita given (if in Ker(e) dita, cut, this represents *ditta-, cf. Panj.
dutta).

43. The conjugation of the present in Kalasha (with the exception of
the Ist plural, which has been altered by the addition of a suffix -k,
Ferhaps to avoid confusion with the Ist singular) is derivable directly
from the Sanskrit :-—

Skt. Kal.
pibami pim
pibasi pis

| pibanti pin
#4. The imperfect, as has been suggested for Khowar, is more liable

ae >
a / 4 ; ‘7 r
ol i a a = . = 7 {
= ar . ¢ a Pe 5
i= — . F , 7 « _ c

NOTES ON DARDIC

to alteration and reformation owing to the loss of its final consonants.
Where the consonants were protected, namely in the Ist and 2nd
plural, the old forms are kept (with the addition of -1) :—

| Phonetic

Skt. development. Kal.
dpibam *awi awis
dpibah awit awi
dpibat ‘aw awis (Leitner) apiau (L.5.1.)
dpibama *awim aiwima
dpibata *awil awt (Leitner) apily (L.8.1.)
dpiban *awil) aun, apian ,,

The Ist singular is distinguished from the 2nd and 3rd singular by
the addition of -s (of unknown origin: perhaps an auxiliary; cf.
Khowar lst singular odtam beside 3rd singular ogoi). Some lst persons
singular are given without -s: ah | came, parah I went, prah I gave,
nisd I sat,

The 2nd singular phonetically represents the Sanskrit.

In the 3rd singular the form given by Leitner agrees with one form
only given in the L.8.1., namely sang@yes he heard: all the other
past tenses in the 3rd singular both in Leitner and in the L.S.I. end
either in-u or -0. I have suggested above that this is the ending of the
present imported into the past to distinguish the $rd singular from the

The lst and 2nd plural phonetically represent the Sanskrit, with the
addition of -1.

The 3rd plural also appears to have the ending of the present, to

istinguish it from the original Ist, 2nd, and 3rd singular.

-»
d Yr -
-

THE GRAMMAR OF THE JNANESVARI
By W. Doperet

ye aNsbey ee commentary on the Bhagavadgita, completed in
} the year a.p. 1290 as recorded in the ii éri in chapter xvill,
shows, after making allowances for the errors and glosses of copyists,
the state of the Marathi language at the end of the thirteenth century
ap. The oldest known existent copy is dated by the poet Ekanatha
in the Saka year 1506, corresponding to a.p. 1584. Tt was deposited
in his matha or convent-shrine at Paithana on the Godavari river,
and Ekanitha’s colophon states that the original text was quite
free from error (ati$uddha), but had become corrupted owing to
copyists’ errors, which he corrected (pratiguddhé heli). It is not stated
on what principles this revision was made, but as the twelve different
texts, in the form in which we now possess them, contain several
grammatical forms which at Ekanatha’s date had already become
archaic, we may perhaps hope that the revision was concerned mainly
with the correction of passages, which owing to copyists’ emendations,
marginal glosses, or actual errors had become obscure, rather than
with the conversion of archaic grammatical forms into those current
in the sixteenth century. This hope is fortified by two general con-
siderations. In the first place Ekanatha betrays in his own
compositions a decided partiality for grammatical archaisms, and
secondly he has preserved in his revised text of the Jnane évari a very
large number of Marathi nouns, verbs, and adjectives, which were
obsolete even in his day. Ekandtha's revision has thus conferred
on posterity the signal benefit of stemming the flood-tide of moderniza-
tion, which to the great and perhaps permanent disadvantage to
philological research, has overwhelmed much mediaeval poetry,
especially of that class which was constantly being sung or recited
by the people. We have only to turn to Narasimha Meheto, who
composed in the early part of the fifteenth century, to see how the
Gujarati grammatical forms and orthography of his time, of which
we eatch occasional glimpses, have been retouched out of all semblance
to the original. And the same has happened, but not to the same
extent, to such popular poets as Namadeva, a junior contemporary
of Jianoba’s and to others. We may presume that the philosophical
subject matter of the Jianeévari combined with a certain abstruseness

vb W. DODERET—

and ellipsis of expression, helped to preserve the original text in a fair
state of originality.

And so the twelve texts, which came under Madagiivakara’s review
in preparing his critical edition of the poem, show, as a rule, variations
of no very great difficulty for the ascertainment of the correct reading,
so far as grammatical forms are concerned. For it is clear, when
Madagivakara'’s footnotes are studied, that many of the variations
are due to copyists’ glosses and bare-faced attempts to modernize
archaic grammatical forms, ¢.g. when Sakhare, who used the 1825
text, reads fydsafhi “on that account" in xviii, 204, for the correct
form taydsath? of the Paithana and other older manuscripts. So
also palifosi in xi, 311, is an obvious emendation for the correct
palitasi “thou dost protect’. In this respect the compiler of the
Navanita is a great sinner.

In the following review Madagivakara’s selected text will almost
invariably be adhered to. He naturally placed great reliance on the
Paithana text of the date a.p. 1629, or only forty-five years after
Ekanatha’s revision. He also found that an undated copy from
Pandharapiira tallied with the Paithana copy. And he records that
a copy from Charholi in the Poona district, dated 1787, was, despite
its late date, extremely useful for comparison purposes and for
ascertaining the correct grammatical forms. Midagivakara has in
his preface made a list of a considerable number of archaic declensional
forms, but owing to want of leisure did not deal with verbal or pro-
nominal forms. An appendix contains a very full vocabulary with
modern Marathi synonyms.

Rajavide's vernacular grammar of the Jiianegvari is a valuable
contribution to the study of archaic Marathi, but the work is to
a large extent written to elucidate philological problems, and he uses
a text of his own, which differs in some respects from Madagivakara’s
twelve texts. Bloch’s La formation de la Langue marathe is mainly
philological, but extremely useful for reference purposes. Grierson’s
K.Z_, xxvii, is most valuable for reference purposes, and his note on
the ef, ja genitive has been embodied in this review. Godabole’s
vernacular grammar is far superior to Navalakara’s, written in English.
They are both unsound, according to most authorities, on several
philological matters, e.g. Navalakara commits the unpardonable
heresy of deriving the genitive suffix cd from the Sanskrit genitive
sya! Neither he nor Godabole deal specially with archaic Marathi
Beames’ three volumes of the Comparative Grammar of the Ti a

THE GRAMMAR OF THE JNANESVARI 45

Aryan Languages treat only incidentally of the old Marathi language
and several of his conclusions are now regarded by philologists as out
of date. The chief purpose of the present review is to assemble the
principal archaisms of the Jiiineévari in a form which may be readily
accessible to the English reader, and to illustrate them by references
to the actual text. The different views as regards matters of deriva-
tion are stated. Attention is invited to four points : (1) the evolution
of the modern present tense, (2) the absence of a general oblique
(simanyaripa) in the Jiianeévari. As regards (1) a view different
from Bloch’s (op. cit., § 246) is stated, and as regards (2) an endeavour
is made to expand Bloch’s remarks at the end of § 185 of his Langue
marathe, and Rajavade's at p. 25 of his grammar, and to show that
the theory is of general application. (3) A curious and rare saini form
of the ablative is cited, and (4) the existence of a co genitive in the
poems of Narasimha Meheto, a point which may have some bearing
on the vexed question of the origin of the Marathi ed, is mentioned.
A study of the Jianegvari, besides throwing a flood of light on the
state of early mediaeval Marathi, will recompense the reader by the
beauty of its style and the varied and often humorous turns of
expreasion in which the poet expands each éloka of the Gita and
comments on it. He shows such a knowledge of mundane affairs in
all their aspects that it may reasonably be doubted whether so
elaborate a work, extending to over 9,000 ovis, was the production
of a boy of fifteen. Jiiinadeva’s birth is reputed to have taken place
in A.D. 1275 and he is stated to have died in 1296. Namadeva records
that they met and that Jiianadeva expressed a wish that they should
go the round of the firthas together and hold converse with ascetics
and monks, Namadeva’s dates are given by M. A. Mule as 1270-
1350. As the poem is dated 1290 by Jianadeva himself, we may on
the above general considerations presume that this poet was born
about the middle rather than at the end of the thirteenth century.
The point has some little bearing on the grammatical divergencies of
Jiianadeva's and Namadeva’s compositions.

THe Noun
To understand declension as it existed in Jianadeva's time it 1s
necessary to free the mind from all preconceived notions of what is
variously termed “crude form”, “ base’, “ oblique”, for, as will
appear below, an invariable form to which postpositions were attached
to form case-phrases, as is the case in modern Marathi, had no existence
VOL. IV. PART Tt, a6

M46 W. DODERET—

in our poet’s time. The stabilization of a fixed oblique was not
completely effected until three hundred, or perhaps four hundred,
vears later, for in Ekanatha (ob, 1609) we still find a preference for
such declensional forms as kopé “ with anger”, tri-bhuvani “in the
three worlds ", t@pasd “to the anchorites ” Taavats laghava Narayana
“wonderful is the magic of Narayana”. And the same tendency,
though to a lesser extent and making due allowance for poetic pedantry,
may be observed in Muktesvara (born 1609), and even in Tukarama
(1608-49), creating the suspicion that the latter's compositions have
been to some extent modernized. The history of Marathi declension
is one of very gradual change from the synthetic system of Sanskrit,
through the Maharastri Prakrit and Apabhraméa stages to the analytic
system of the modern language. The JidneSvari exhibits clear
evidence of the penultimate stages of this process. For, in the poem
we find, as will be explained in detail below, that some postpositions
were attached to the synthetic instrumental, others to the synthetic
dative-genitive, and others again to the ablative, while several simply
‘ follow or are attached to the subjective (accusative). It is thus evident
that there was no such uniformity of affixation to a uniform oblique
as is the case in the modern language. The line of approach should
be from the synthetic dative-genitive. But before discussing this
in detail, 1t will be convenient to set out in tabular form the subjective

(nominative-accusative) and synthetic dative-genitives as actually
found in the Jiianesvari.

SinguLan.
5 M. F. Ny.
Subj. Dat.-gen. Subj. Dat.gen, Subj. Dat.-gen.
a, ¥, Oo, € a a ti a, @ i
dhira™ courage" dhird bhdse speech" Bhdse kuja* tribe ™ kula
aigarn ovean adigard tila“ bearth “ ay by i ,
devo" god” Se eal lugadé* cloth" — Taegenddl
eee: rising" wdeia
eel, aad ai f
ola eye” doleyi = dayatt™ mwrey" dawate
rind“ wind” irayi Cs ae:
i i i =
bhdpati king" bhiipati frewdelha bud

‘ * intelligenes "

i iye ; c
eg * aecetic * cepa gt anfowri ' woman 9 , 3 i
rd 7 ; iia ke eee
. bdye * wind ™ vaya nuit word “ mite

the Absolute

THE GRAMMAR OF THE JNAXESVARI

M. F. hs »
Sa bj, Dat.-gen. Subj. Dat.-cen. Subj. Dat,-gen. . *y ‘
a wen ii wee i atv ae
vied“ scorpion” riicurd wifd ** same * rin! wee misaric “* calf" reared a
e e fo
ge“ remembrance" se a.
ai yi aT ye | P
dajarai“ com- dajavaiyh jaabdi™ yawn” jinbhdiye

matcler=in-ckyief **

Anusvara is the distinctive mark of the plural dative-genitive,
thus: devd, doleyd, yoqiyd, ytd, vitiewed, bhasd, antauriyd, sdswed,
kuld, vasarued, ete.

Most are agreed to trace the @ in the singular of the principal
M. and N. “a” declension to the dative (mase.) Sanskrit; putraya,
Prakrit pudda, M. puti, and d in the plural to the 5. genitive plural
petrandm, Pr. puldd, M. putd ; vandya, ete., for the neuter. In the
Fem. class we get the series 8. malayai, P. malai, M. male; 5. nadyat,
P. naiyae, M. natye, nai, naye; Pl. S. malandm, P. malaad, M. mala
S nadindm, Pr. naijand, M. naiyd. We thus get two cases which
were identical in form, and at an early date the necessity of post-
positional strengthening must have been felt. Examples of the use
as a dative or as a genitive in the Jianedvari are as follows: natari
udasiné daivé | saiicakacl vaibhavé | jethicl tetha svabhavé | vilaya pati ||
“ or with Fortune depressed the glories of treasures pass away every-
where by their very nature to destruction’, xi, 412. <Aitkai éarira tari
eka | pari vayasa bhedé aneka | hé pratyaksa ci dekha | pramana tit ||
“Harken! the body is one, but on account of the difference of age
bodies may appear distinct, so do thou see this for thyself and regard
it as true, ii, 108. Naye bi bhalataisi thori | pari gangd jai angikari |
tai ci te sagari | pravesu g@ || “ and whatever indeed may be the great-
ness of a river, still when the Ganges receives it, it enters the ocean ",
xvii, 324. ratri dni divasi | kanaké dni kipusa | dpddu hd jared |
“ like the difference indeed of night and of day, of gold and of cotton”,
xiii, 1102. Atd saptadasapatht | adhydya kaiseni uthi | to sarinbandha
sangd dithi | dise taisa || “ now I will tell you in a manner that may be
clear fo your view the connexion of how this chapter arises after the
former seventeen ", xviii, 50. Prakrti fe samasti krivi ndva “ Prakrti
(maya) is the designation of all activities’, xii, 966. varaya valuve
ganthi ké Wi Ghe “ where indeed is there union of the wind and of the
sand", xiti, 1098. Alankarate alé tart sonepaya hai gelé “ does gold
lose its substance by attaining to the state of an ornament t” xiv, 125.
Brahmeyahi naye ci diya “enters not even info the imagination of

Hs W, DODERET—

Brahma’, i, 203. As regards the evolution of the dative-genitive
forms which contain the letter y, there is a difference of opinion,
Bloch (op. cit., § 191) regarding the y as inherent in the Prakrit forms
aijaya, iyaya, etc., while Rajavade and Navalakara ascribe it to the
fusion of ayd, eya, iye, the dative-genitives of the near demonstrative
with the subjective of the noun. It is possible also that, in the case
of nouns ending in the palatal vowel, y may be merely intervocalic ;
v is apparently so in the case of the @ nouns. Examples are:
Laksmiye-si to Lakemi, xiii, 1168. Yogiyd-cd niskimakima “ the
desire of ascetics for freedom from desire”, ili, 259. kypaluvd-cd ravo
“king of the merciful”, x, 54. suneyd “to dogs", ix, 439.
masiyd kope “gets angry at the jlies", xvili, 136. vaniye-ci
adhikata “increase of polish”, x, 56. We now come to the post-
positions of the dative-genttive. And here the two cases, which in
the ancient Marathi language were one in form, part company.

Postpositional Dative

Postpositions employed to strengthen the synthetic dative are:
si or #1, té, lagi, prati, sama, pari, sirikha, pasi, To take them in
their order, Beames’ theory that si or si is derived from the 8. gen.
sya, Pr. ssa involves the implication that the palatal vowel is a mere
poetical addendum. There is, however, no case of metrical Necessity
as far as the ovi metre is concerned. But more cogently, in the
Pandharpiira votive inscription dated a.p. 1273 and cited by Bloch
(op. cit., p. 281) we find SA Vitthaladevaraydsi, Here there can of
course be no question of metrical exigencies. Further sya and ssa
are synthetic case-terminations, while si or si is a detachable suffix
of the synthetic dative, for as we have already seen that dative
appears frequently in the Jianeévari without si or any other post-
position attached, Everything therefore happens as if st were the
abraded form of a separate word implying propinguity. Rajavade
derives it from dsi-pdsi, the locative of dsa paisa [<? agra ‘piirkea]
and it may be noted that pasi is often used in the modern language as
al donative or positional dative. Examples of the employment of
si are as follows: Ndtari pavana meghisi bike | kf amrtasi marana
ahe | pahé pd indhana ci giloni jaye | pavakaté || “or again, does the
wind dread the clouds, or does death come to nectar | Pray reflect
too whether the fuel consumes the flame "ii, 14. He eadayata asati
kirtisi nasw | an paratrikasi apabhramey | This merey An A
existing fame and destruction fo (entering into) heaven”, ii, 20 Te

THE GRAMMAR OF THE JNANESVARI B49

is quite a common postposition of the dative and accusative case-
phrase. The derivation is discussed by Bloch (op. cit., $199),
Grierson (K.Z., xxxviii, p. 476), Beames (vol. ii, p. 218), and Rajavade
(op. cit., p. 12). It is attached to the synthetic dative of all three
genders, e.g. hija éakhdté prasave “the seed generates the branches ”,
ix, 292. Bolata jala ditmaja | Pandunypded | Krsnat? mhane avadharilé |
“King Pandu’s son began to speak and said to Krsna ‘I have
listened *”, xii, 20, 1. To ta ki dpi yethé | sdndiiniyd viravrttité |
adhomukha rudanaté | karitu dhasit “ Thou hast renounced thy valour
here to-day and art weeping with downcast face”, n, 12.

The postposition lagi, attached to the synthetic genitive is the
synthetic locative of liga [<lagga < lagna] often used in Marathi
as a noun implying “touch”, “connexion”, “ propinquity ”, and
the like. It is constantly used in the sense of “for”, “to”,
“regarding” in the Jiianeévari and by other poets down to the
seventeenth century. There seems therefore no apparent necessity
to look for the derivation of the modern dative termination la, which
did not come into general use until Siviji’s time (1627-80), to any other
source, as Bloch and Rijavade do. /aveydlagi “for planting " occurs
in the Nagiiva inscription of a.p. 1367, No instance of la, but the
s dative is found. Examples from the Jiiinedvari are as follows :
Hitdhita janavé | hita ci lagi | “ Profit and loss should be understood
for one’s benefit’, viii, 239. Ha yen@ mane mahanta | vari ambalagi
krpavanta “* According to this view he is a great man and kind fo me",
ii, 44. Péahe pd éariracaya givd | jayalagl ale Pandava | to haryartha
aghava | sandiiniyd || ““ He looks forsooth at the abode of the body
to which they have come, oh Arjuna, having abandoned all business
of action ", vii, 105. Tayalagi t@ rudast kayi “ why dost thou weep
for him?” ti, 169. aisayd kajalagi avataré mi yugtyugt “1 become
incarnate for such matters in won after won”, iv, 57. Ydldgt
‘therefore’ is constantly used at the commencement of an ovi
(e.g. xviii, 83), much in the same way as the modern fydsa, especially
in clauses. which sum up the preceding matter. Lagé (declinable)
is also used as an adjectival suffix, e.g. varelagé pankhirii “a bird
meeting the wind”, xiii, 315. pdnilagé hisé “ swans frequenting
the water "’, vi, 77, and the noun /aga “ connexion " ts in frequent use.

Prati “towards”, “to”; Mani is the synthetic dative in
Maniiprati “to Manu”, iv, 17. An instance, however, may be cited
of pratt being attached to the subjective (accusative) mdnusaprate
“towards mankind ", xiii, 857. Sama “ like ”, jaydsama “ like unto

a W. DODERET—

which". Part “like. This is really the locative of a noun of the
feminine gender, and is often found following or attached to the
dative-genitive of the remote demonstrative; tydpert “ like unto
that”, ii, 122. It thus becomes a mere postposition.

Pasi “near” is the locative of pasa < paréra “ vicinity” and
although this forms a dative case-phrase, the case to which the post-
position is attached 1s the synthetic genitive rather than the synthetic
dative. Drondpist ali “he came to Drona”, i, 93 = Drondciya
past ala, Sarikha “like”, dnikd-sdrikha “ like unto other things”,
ii, 240, where dnikd is the dat. plural.

The Postpositional Genitive

This ancient. case-phrase is formed by the addition of ea, which is
declined for gender according to that of the following noun. It is
thus to all intents and purposes an adjective and follows the general
rules applicable to the archaic adjective and undergoes modification
according to the gender and the case in which the following noun
stands. There are as regards this latter feature considerable varia-
tions In the different texts. Rajavade gives the declension in tabular
form (op. cit., pp. 14, 15). There is, however, much textual variation
in respect of these declined forms. Speaking generally, however,
and from a comparison of a large number of texts, the following
broad conclusions emerge.

M. & N. F.
Inst. ceni,cena,cé ciyd
Dat. ceyd, caya ciye Note.—In the Loc. ed is the
Abl. — ceyd, aya ciyd most usual termination for
Gen. —- ceyd, cay ciyd, clye M. and N. eiye for F.
Loc. ed, ciye ciye, od

The following examples will illustrate the above - pihi
itmabodhaciyaé avadi | heli seargasdsardci kurondi | “Who through
fondness for instruction concerning the (divine) soul have waved (and
gifted) away heaven and earth”, vi, 28 [F. instr.]. Tari jaydceya
indriydceya ghara | nahi visaydciya yerajhara | “so to the habitation
of whose organs there are no goings to and fro of desire *’, vi, 62
[N. gen., N. dat., F.P. subj.]. | '

Pari gobha mani nenije Dronaciye “ but anger in the heart of
Drona is unknown ”, ii, 39 [M. loc.]. Dysti bhedaciye rinive | racalise

ai “when the gaze is fixed on the emjnre of Duality “, xviii, 268

THE GRAMMAR OF THE JNANESVARI Hol

[F. loc.]. Taisi ci qgurukppa-ukha ujalali | jiidndci votapal padili |
tetha saimyact rddhi ughadali | tayaciye dithi || “ just when the dawn
in the form of the preceptor's benignity became roseate, the early
morning sunshine of wisdom shone forth and the wealth of uniformity
was disclosed to his vision, vii, 131 [F. dat.].

Jaist te éukaceni dngabharé | nalika bhovinnali yere mohare | tari
tend wdivé pari na pure | manasanka || “ just as (when) the twig has
spun round with the weight of the parrot’s body, the parrot ought
to fly away, but the doubt in his mind is not dispelled", vi, 76 [M.
inst.]. Khapaneydci givi patavé kayi karavt * what need for clothes
in the naked mendicants’ village?" iv, 22 [N. loc.]. Taydciye
dithica jhané kalanka lage prema “ beware lest the slur of his glance
affect (thy) love (for me)”, vi, 115 [F. gen.]. Indriyagramach
rajabidt “in the High Street of the village of the bodily organs "
vii, 106 [F. loc.]. The derivation of this postposition has been much
discussed. Bloch says (op. cit.) “aucune autre langue ne présente
d’affixe declinable & palatale sourde initiale jouant le role d’adjectif
d’appartenance ”. But this does not appear to be the case, for we
find in the Gujarati poet Narasihha’s Balalila at the end of the fourth
pada, Narasaiydca savamini: mukhadii phari phari Jasoda naydle re
“ Jasoda gazes again and again at Narasinha’s bord’s little face "’.
In Srifgdra seven instances of the nominative of the genitive post-
position (Narasaiydco sv@mi) occur. In Caturi chatrist we read
dadhicytt patra te sirathi dhaliyiji “ the basin of curds fell from (my)
head’. Over a hundred similar instances of the co, ci, cyi genitive
postposition occur in other poems of Narasimha Meheto. Hence it
is clear that co was common and contemporaneous with the kero
and tano forms in the early part of the fifteenth century in Gujarat.

Professor P. D. Gune, in his Introduction to Comparative Philology
(p. 30), says “it is curious to note that the Yadava inscription of
Nagaon, dated a.p. 1367, shows both ja and ca”. He is referring »
to the Marathi inscription on the steps of Bhimesvara’s temple at
Nagava, 3 miles south of Alibig in the Kolaba District (Bombay),
in which the words 4ri rayaja@ pradhanu sihipro occur, Sir George
Grierson, who realized the importance of this discovery, obtained
a copy of the inscription from Professor Gune and in commenting
on it writes: “ There are two well-known progenitors of the genitive
suffixes. One is kyta-, which is responsible for Hindi 4a, Panjabi
-da [through Sauraseni Prakrit (kajda-] and so on, The other 1s
karya (> kera- and a!so kajja-) responsible for Hindi ker, kar, Bengali -r,

552 W. DODERET—

Marwari ré, and so on. Also [through (ka)jja-] for the Sindhi jo.
There remains the Marathi cf unaccounted for. In a paper written
long ago I gave two possible explanations. One was that it was
derived from the Sanskrit suffix tya- (Prakrit cca). This was the
usual explanation. The other was new. I pointed out that
a synonym of karya- was krtya-, and that krtya- became (ka)cca- in
Prakrit, and that this would also account for Marathi ca, and would
at the same time run parallel with the genitives of other languages.
I left the matter in doubt. The Nagaon inscription now makes me
think that the latter explanation is the correct one. Apparently old
Marathi used both j@ and 4. These would represent harya- and
Its synonym krtya-, The karya form died out of use and left the
field in the pOSSeRS ion of krtya. We cannot, of course, be absolutely
certain till we come across further instances of ja."

The Subjective (Nominative-Accusative) Case

Before proceeding to discuss the other cases it will be as well to
dispose of the subjective, which has already fallen out of its proper

order, The following table will serve to illustrate this case -—
SixGuLan PLURAL
@ gotraja“ relation " gotraja, ij, 24
Piya" foot piye, xviii, 180; xiii, 885
a rafasd” tam", twist “ raf, vil, 72
i bhijpati king ” bhiipati, ii, 212
! mien *" Baye * muni, x, 205
i vireki“ philosopher " nireli, ii, 102
papi * sinner * papiye, ili, 120
ut di“ day" di, xviii, 110
| yogi” ascetic “ yoyiye, v, 52
“ scndu (chanda)“ frolic “, xi, 561 sanda (chanda)
riu* season " rita, xviil, 344
i cenda* a ball ", xi, 581 rend i
1 Gr devo hal god " Xvili, M) deog
é wie (wdayo)" uprising", ix, 265 ude (udaya)
ai dafarai (dafaci) “ commander-in-chief “, derfereige
i, 115 |
j@ nig, Ph reud kari, ii, 218
lita “* wave iia, vil, Td
a seoria™ river" earila, ii, 350
| vidya ("* knowledge ”) idya, xiii, Of
jf dipti* beiltiance ” = rireBaty
\ moat opinion "* + exit
1 ; neni, xii, 69
(f emfeuri, ati“ ween: | ik. i. :
u — word “ "speck » xvii, 267 piers NT Seis Ae
sa" ance » Vii, 107 [amigti] aa

THE GRAMMAR OF THE JNANESVARI 553
SixauLak PLURAL

a bija" seed“ bije, ii, 66

« ugadé“ cloth” lugad?, xviii, 141

i pani water", ix, 75 ——s
wu vastu (para-Brahman) “ the Absolute”, ——

TV, 70
‘a gort* a bovine beast ~ goruné “* cattle ", xviii, 597
| iwhorn * ao child “ » [Fkerure, xv, 217

In words such as sandu, sagaru, etc., v is the Apabhraéa suffix of
the singular and such words must be discriminated carefully from
fatsamas such as rtu, vayu, etc, This u suflix appears to have been
still in use in the fourteenth century. Saku, sanvatu, pradhdnu,
dharmu, dataru, dharmudeii, péitailu (patila “village headman”’),
érthambiru, dgaru (“field”) occur in the Nigava inscription
(a.p. 1367). Words ending in o often appear in the alternative form
in a, e.g. deva is as common as devo. The o is still retained in words
ending in A, such as laho “ greed", taho “ the peacock’s cry’, and in
pronouns such as to, jo. The N. Plural in @ may be noted. The
modern language has ?, Lugadé chokhé hodvt, xvii, 141, “ the clothes
should be clean”, See also under adjectives infra.

The Postpositumal Sulyjective (Accusative)

Postpositions sahit#, vaiiciini, vari, verhi. Sahité “with” 1s
sometimes construed with the subjective, e.g. nitya-ydgasahité “ along
with periodical sacrifices ”, iii, 86. Vaiedini “ without”, “except”,
is generally joined to the subjective, e.g. iévaruvdiicant “ without
God ”, ii, 242. Tujhé vakya vaiiedini “ without a word from thee ",
ii, 64: sometimes vaiiciini precedes the noun, as in in, 45, vdictini
karmararmibha ucita “ without inception of befitting actions ”.

Vari “on”, “upon”, “up to”, almost invariably follows or 1s
joined to the subjective. The most striking instance ts the constantly
occurring Ad-thavo-vari “ wp to this place ”, “ so far * “in this way ”,
xi, 36, xiii, 1165, xi, 386, xiii, 677, ete. Kalpantavari “for an won”,
ii, 201. Sometimes the variant veri or verhi occurs, e.g. Gyusyaverht
“for a lifetime ", ix, 506.

In vaiiciini we have a typical example of the gradual passage of
verbal forms into postpositions. Vari is a most instructive example,
and the instability of these postpositions of the subjective affords
further proof that in the poet's time there was no question of a general
oblique form to which to append postpositions.

a a a

Ad W. DODERET—

The Instrumental (Synthetic and Analytic)

This case together with the locative resisted for a long time the
gradual break-up of the synthetic declensional system. The
characteristic M. and N. synthetic terminations é and T of the singular
and plural are derived from 8. ena, Pr. ena in the Sing. and V.S. ebhih,
P. ehi in the Plural. Thus we get the pronouns, jeht “by whom ”,
xviil, 70, jit “ by whom”, x, 129, tehf, x, 130, tiht “ by them”,
ix, 203; netri pahe “sees with the eyes”, v, 41; vayast candra
nolakhije “the moon is not recognized by the crows’, vi, 29. The
synthetic instrumental of the Fem. ends in @ or iyd, the latter being
employed for 7 nouns. All nouns in i make 7 in the instrumental,
but these taisamas in some texts read i, notably in Madagiivakara's.
The analytic influence which had already spread to other cases, made
itself felt on the @ instrumental, so that we find in the Jianeévari
a good many instances of é with the augments na or ni, which according
to Grierson are the abraded forms of fana, tani, the latter being the
locative of the former. This augment is extensively used as a rein-
forcement of a participle, a noun or a pronoun in the genitive case,
preceding another noun in the simple instrumental in @. e.g, pai
mohaceni singadé | last pil? dhari tondé | tetha dantace a igarade | lagati
jaise || “ just as behold the points of her teeth touch (without hurting)
the kittens which the cat by force of her love holds in her mouth "*,
xi, 252. dmuceni pide “ by my worthiness”, vi, 326. janije
dcaratent bagé “is known by the method of trial and error” (lit.
“the practising method “'), xiii, 244. Instances, however, are by no
means wanting where the ni form is appended to the @ instrumental,
anustara being absorbed ; jé hé visva ci héiini ase | pari visvapana
nasaleni na nase | aksaré pusilayd na puse | artha jaisa || “ this world
which arises and subsists, but is not destroyed by its world-form having
Leen destroyed, just as the meaning of a word is not lost when the
(component) letters are blotted out"’, viii, 176 mt sarvathd na juijhai
ethé bharavaseni “by no means will I do battle here with assurance ct
i, 82. And uw and fi stems assume nj regularly, e.g. vayiini ndvabhari
ugé nasavé | . . . he ajid majhi || “it is my command that the wind
should not be still for a moment even “y ix, 281-2. And the Ist
and 2nd personal pronouns have sets of two instrumentals, miyd,
miajheni, ete.

Rajavade has for some reason omitted to note this ni of the w
tistems. He considers that the palatal vowel
addition, but it is difficult on this hypoth

in ni is merely a poetical
esis to account for the

THE GRAMMAR OF THE JNANESVARI 555

presence of ni in the middle of the conjunctive participles (such as
dekhauniyd), which, as will be shown hereafter, are the ablatives of
the verbal root + the locative of the postpositional suffix mi, the
locative itself of tana, nor for the mi in the form bharavasenist in
vi, 47, where we have a treble instrumental. The fact that the w
stems take this ni straightaway adds considerable force to Grierson’s
tana theory, which, however, does not depend on Marathi alone for
its proof. (See also remarks under conjunctive participle.)

The following examples will illustrate the Feminine instrumentals :
Ta nirmatsaru sadayata | ethiini nighasi kira maghauta | pari te gati
samastd namanaila yayd ||“ thou who from pity are not jealous mayest
forsooth retire hence, but that retreat will not be agreeable to all
these (Kauravas) ”, ii, 203 ; je apravyltica avhanla | sandiini viddhiciya
nige vata “those who abandon the bypath of inertia and proceed
by the Jaghroad of the Sastras ", vii, 48; prtheiya bhaté vahdvt “ man-
kind should be supported by the Earth”, ix, 282; prajfl vinavila
Brahma “ Brahma was petitioned by the people”, iii, 87; qisent
iya prakrti | apuliyé sarvavyapti | avikaraté wikyfi | -maji kije |)
“thus the immutable Absolute is brought into mutability by this
Maya through her all-pervasiveness ", xii, 1007.

Bloch (op. cit., § 193) quotes among examples of M. and N.
instrumentals bayaké “ by a woman”. This word is not found in the
Jaanegvari, nor have any instances of the employment of é with the
Fem. of nouns, adjectives, or pronouns been detected. Nor does
Rajavide give @ as a Fem. Instrumental, Hayaké appears to be the
instrumental of a neuter diminutive béyakii, W.

Other Postpositions of the Instrumental

Si, sahité, savé “ with”, rina, Aina “ without”, karint “ having
done’. Examples are as follows : bharavasenist “ with confidence -
vi, 47; jivitést “ with life”, 1, 45; iit nana bhute salute ~ with these
various creatures”, xi, 273; mukhamelévina | pilayacé pokhana |
keri niriksana | kGrmi jevi || “ rears its young by fond gazes without
giving them suck, just as the turtle does", xm, 140; Bharataré hina
“without a husband”, ii, 199; avaghiya bhimikd savé chale “ he
accompanies with every state”, xvili, 1043; saydsékariimi bahuté
“with great endeavour”, il, 209; maunékariini “ with silence ",
hi, 83.

556 W. DODERET—

Si must be distinguished carefully from the dative postposition st.
The former is generally derived from sahitam. Rajavade, however,
derives st from samam. Both derivations present difficulties.

Note. —St is invariably construed with the instrumental and so
are savé, vina, and kariini, Sahité, as already noted, is sometimes
found with the subjective.

The Ablative

In the Jiiinedévari this case assumes the forms Um, aunt, ont,
aunu, ahd sometimes hini. We have here to do, as Bloch has well
shown, with aii or ao < Pr. ddu, ddo +- the locative postposition ni,
which Grierson derives from tani. As regards hind it may be explained,
following Bloch, as the conjunctive participle ho-tini of the root ho
“be™, “become”. This is clear from xvi, 331, where we read
patald-hoiint nimna “deeper than hell" and in xii, 147, kd vydghra
visa-hotini mard “or to kill a tiger with poison".

Examples of the more usual terminations dni, ete., are - sea pmeriene
“from a dream”’, ix, 112; meghauni “from the cloud ", ¥i, 87.
Ethauniyd “ hence”, ii, 202. [Here the augment yd, identical with
that of the conjunctive participle appears]: durant “ from afar”,
ix, 172. Jiyediuni[yd] kd janmale Pandava he “from the day
these Pandavas were born”, xi, 168. [Three texts have the
augment yd.) Seargoniyd “from heaven”, xiv, 216. mrgqajaldet
g@ tali | tiyé ditht duraunu ci nydhal? “look at those tanks of the
mirage with a glance from afar”, xv, 222. Other postpositions of
the ablative are lagawni, ligauniyd, stava, saini, pasdvo. In x, 270,
we read masakdlagaunt Brahmavari grasi to mi“ T am he who devours
(everything) from a gnat up to Brahma”. Also in x, 296,
mungiyelagaunit Brahmaveri “ from an ant up to Brahma ”, Lagauni
“from " 1s found in the Nagiiva inscription of a.p. 1367.

Laga 1s construed with the dative. Hence in the above examples
we have the conjunctive participle, used as a postposition, attached
to the synthetic dative to form an ablative.

An instance of sfava is annastava bhuté praroha péavati samasté
“all creatures obtain growth from food “y iil, 134. As Bloch points
out, the texts of the Manbhavas have an ablative tava, side by side
with stava, so that perhaps fava is derived from the Sanskrit tavat,
but how Is the s in stava explained ¢ Bloch gives yet another explana-
tion of the derivation of stava (op. cit., § 198), but regards the matter

THE GRAMMAR OF THE JNANESVARI 557

as “ provisiorement insoluble”, A peculiar and rare form of the
ablative occurs in vi, 464. taisd santosdca kayi ghadila | kt siddha-
bhandara-saini kadhild | dise tené mané ridhala | sidhaka dase ||
“such a body filled with happiness has been fashioned or appears to
have emerged from the magician’s store in the degree that it has
attained to the condition of the magician’s patron and accessory ei
Nine texts have bhdndarasaini, two read bhandaérihiini, and one
bhandarahini, These latter, though obvious glosses, and occurring
as they do in the least reliable texts, are useful in fixing the meaning
of saing as “from”, “out of”. In this connexion it may be noted
that a declinable adjective sina, meaning ~ separate "© different ”,
occurs in five passages, Xxill, 295, xv, 458. xvii, 70, 168, xvi, 272.
Also the adjective sindna@ (= sina + Gna < anya), meaning
“separate”, “distinct”, is of frequent occurrence. It is possible
that saini may be connected with this adjective, for in the speech
of the common folk, especially the Mahars, sine, sane, are pleonastically
attached to the conjunctive participles and ablative in tina, e.g.
dimhi (2 kardnasani ald “1 did it and came here ", fo fithiinasine gela
“he went thence”. And it is interesting to compare saini with
the Hindi se “ from”, “ with”, and the sana of Tulsidisa. It is also
to he noted that sain is attached to the subjective. The noun pasavo
“ vicinity” is employed as equivalent to “ from in the following
passage and construed with the synthetic genitive. Atd aisaiseyd
aparadhd | maryada nahi mukunda | mhanauni raksa rakga pramada- |
pasavo mhané || “now there is no limit of my transgressions oh
Krsna, therefore I say protect, oh protect, me from sin”,
xi, 571.

The Locative

This is still a synthetic case in the Jidineévari and for long
resisted the postpositional influence, so much so that at the present day
such locatives as ghart “at home ”, gdvi “ in the village", “ not gone
abroad ”, ratrt “ at night”, ¢hikant “in the place”, sakaji “in the
morning ”, ravivdri “ on Sunday ", dant “in the ear”, gagi “in the
place ”, velf “at the time ", eke divasi “ one day”, piiret “ formerly ",
éevati “at last”, etc., are still im common use. The d synthetic
locative survives in adverbs of time such as jevhd “ when”, tevhut
“then”, maghd “a little while ago”, udyd “to-morrow, dtd
now fh ete.

558 | W. DODERET—

The following table will serve to illustrate the synthetic locatives
of the Jianeévari :-—

Subj. Loe. Loc. Loc, Loc.
ending. Sing. Pl. Sing. PI.
i digi agi ‘buddht,t = buddhi
[vi nekcipel vivekind : =e ere
di, xiii, 818 di apict
ju guré qurit mali, a mata
MG vineuvl binicuwrt Fy wail ssi
a des | [jibhe jibhd
a thay thétyt ‘lkuti hut?
a dojd dold mala, male — mald

Neuter nouns in @ follow the rule for M. Pani makes pani in the
locative, gorii “a bovine beast", goruet (8. and P.), soné “ gold”.
soneyd, disané “ appearing”, “ appearance ”’, disaneyd (8.) and
disand (P.), Gpanapé “the self", “ the soul” (5.), Gpanapeyd (P.),
dpanapd. It should be noted that the Fem. i, 1, fatsama classes are
unstable, 7 nouns appearing as 7 and vice versa, Hence the termina-
tions of the locative vary accordingly. The locative may take five
postpositions, four being locatives themselves, attached either to the
synthetic genitive, or to the ed form of the genitive, or to the locative
of a preceding pronoun or participle. They are maji,, f from
S. madhya, Pr. majjha; majhari, 7 from madhya +- either hdra
“a line"; “tow”, or antara “interval”; Gna from 8. ana “ in-
side"; wkht or visi, the locative of visaya “ matter “sy "subject";
thayt, the locative of thaya “ place”. Anta is generally written
separately from the word it is connected with. Illustrations are
as under.

Deva avidyarnayi padild | ji bigayavagure dntudala | svargasdsaracd
saikadald | dobt bhigt || “oh God! I have fallen into the ocean of
ignorance, I have been caught in the net of worldly desires and pressed
between both the divisions of heaven and the world ", xi, 329:
striyeck tari vist | bhogasasinpatti aneki | dni vastu niki | je je dekhe r
“where his wife is concerned he brings her a wealth of various things
for her enjoyment und whatever choice articles he may espy”,
xi, T97; Silpl atinipunn | éubhakarmi ji pravina | “ very skilled
in the arts and crafts and adept too in good actions ", xili, 830; majhd
cuttin my mind”, ii, 52; tayd doh? sainyd anta “in those two

= = aa r

armies “, li, 87 ; jagdmaji “ in the world ”, ii, 96 ; jai Kida githi pade

THE GRAMMAR OF ‘THE JNANESVABI nog

“when impure gold is put into the brazier’, xviii, 121; padhiyantd
thay? “in an agreeable place’, xviii, 79; jetha aseciye lale- | anta
hisa-jibha lole | “* where the tongue of as wa ravolves in the spittle
of desire", ix, 181; ortfimajhari “ in conduct ”, xviii, 1033; iye thayt
“in this place’, i, 6; eae pert ** in many a way ”, ii, 163; jé
samasté iyé bhiat2 | janma Gdi amiirté | maga patali vyaktité | janmalays ||
“all created beings, which before birth were formless, attained to
specific manifestation at birth © (lit. “on having been born ), un, 164;
yd upadhimaji gupfa “ concealed within these limitations”, n, 126 ;
kusi na rige “does not enter (thy) side", xiv, 40; sakhareciye rasi
baisali nese: mits ist ‘a fly lodged in a heap of sugar does not take to
the wing ", xiii, 783; Ad daravanthi et jayaoe | sia rowilé khatice
to kevt parivaricé | thevilé dekhe || “or how can a man, whose head
(when entering) at the doorway has rolled into the guiter, see what 1s
placed inside the house? ”’, xiii 845; srsfici hon na race “1s not
built up in the becoming of the created world ”, xiii, 1115; rtimay
kusumakara | vasanta to mi | “among the seasons I am that
Spring, a store-house of flowers’, x, 283.

Vocative

This case does not differ appreciably from the modern forms, e.g.
Partha “oh Arjuna!”, iii, 3; Ambe, srimante, nijajanakalpalate
“oh, Amba! oh wealthy one, oh thou creeper fulfilling the desires
of thy devotees’, xii, 10; dikai mahdbdho * listen, oh mighty one!”
x, 54; praniganato “oh host of creatures "ii, 115; prajaho “ oh
subjects’, iii, 94, 111. Ambe, etc., are pure Sanskrit vocatives,
which have descended to the modern spoken language, especially
in the proper names of females. Mahabdho is also a Sanskrit vocative.

AnsecTives, ADVERBS, AND NUMERALS

All adjectives in the Jijanesvari are declinable and when declined
generally follow the rules applicable to nouns and stand in the same
ease as the noun which they qualify. Thus, bahuld tejaté prakate
“he flashes forth abundant light ", 1,258. Here bahwd is the Neuter
Dative used as an objective agreeing with fejafé in the same case.
atari grigmakali sarita | sogoni jafi samasta | “ or again all rivers
dry up in the hot season "; ii, 559 [subj. F. pl.]; janmantari bahuti
‘in the course of many births and rebirths ’’, iii, 25 [loc. pl. N.].
It is to be noted that the Neuter plural of adjectives, which are
indeclinable in the modern language, ends in é in the Jiiineévari, e.g.

560 W. DODERET—

kaustubhahGni nirmalé lent didhalt “ gave me ornaments purer than
Krsna’s breast jewel "’, ix, 389.

An instance of the instrumental Neuter is: bolatase drdhé manasé
“he is speaking with steadfast mind”, ix, 526. And of the F.
locative dighaviye trijagati “in the whole three worlds’, x, 82.

Adverbs are either the instrumentals or locatives of nouns and
adjectives, e.g. wipdyé “perhaps”, ii, 205; wisesé “ particularly ”,
ii, 268; apadé “ strangely’, i, 43; vegd “ swiftly ”, ii, 221: or else
they are adjectives used predicatively. There is a fourth class, con-
sisting of adverbs of time, place, and manner, which can generally
be traced to their Sanskrit originals. Some admit of declension.
e.g. bahird “ outer”, “ outside” ; je kalpane bahire na nigati “ those
who do not get outside of their fanciful thoughts", vii, 147;
paniydjavali babuli “* moss growing near to water ", xviii, 272. Others
also are declinable, as noted below.

The following is a fairly complete list of adverbs: jai “when”.
iv, 197; tai “then”, iv, 197; java “ when ”, iii, 21] ; tava “ then”,
i, 168; jeuwta “where”, “whither”, iv, 191: keula “where ”.
“whither”, x, 11; tewa “there”, “thither”, ix, 255 (this series
is declinable, e.g. paihé pa budabuda jeuté jaye teuté jala eka taryiaté he
“ pray observe that whither the bubble goes, there it simply consists
of water", ix, 255); jedhard “ when ", ix, 254; tedhavd “then”,
xv, 164; fedhavd “when”, xv, 125; ké “ where”, vi, 123; kehi
“whence ”, xviii, 1146; kahit “ ever”, ¥, 33 + Grawé, arulé “ on this
side”, xv, 225; (declinable) parawé “on that side”, vi, 81-
(declinable) mdghaut?, maguté “behind”, “ formerly”, xy, 75,
xvii, 174; (declinable) pudhd “ im front”, xv, 75; moharé“ in front ah
xvii, 584; (declinable) arid “on this side ”, xv, 73; path.“ after-
wards ", “ after”, “ behind ", xv, 436 - adpaisé “ of one’s own accord xr
~ easily ", xv, 522; (declinable) dnawti “ elsewhere ”, xii, 79: dhdea
“on the surface’, ii, 39; yert “as”, “when "xi, 153; jeet * just
as", xvii, 192: teri “so ", in like manner Se + Ea! fe kent “ how ”.
ii, 32; jiy@pari “in the manner in which ”, “as”, “ like * ii, 301;
tayapari “so”, “ similarly me xl, O78 * uparaté “on the contrary 2
xi, 34; ekasaré “straight away”, vi, 155 (declinable), aila, ailadi,
ail “to this side", xii, S44: paila “ yonder ", v, 93: tetha, tethé
_ Dhere ", Hi, 695 xvii, 192; yetha, yethé “here”, xvii, 197; jetha,
gethé * where 7 hi, oo; hada “ ever = il, 130 ; pahe * to-morrow "
vil, 14; saipé (samprata) “now”, xi, 168; khéva, khévo “at that
instant’, xvi, 14; cawmeri, 7 “ everywhere’, ii, 200; ndvabharj

THE GRAMMAR OF THE JNANESVARI 561

“for a moment”, vi, 332; ndpdnivd “repeatedly”, xvi, 179;
naveka “ momentarily", iii, 211; nirhd “altogether”, xvn, 249;
nica (nitya) “always”, “eternally”, xii, 36. Saviya, sdviya
(1) “utterly”, viii, 111; (2) “immediately”, vi, 22; (3) “by
chance ", vi, 184; (4) “ suddenly ”, iv, 197. Numerals like adjectives
are declinable: pratham? “in the first", dujd “in the second”,
tijd “in the third”, x, 24, 25; dthd rasdci vovalani “a ceremonial
waving of the eight rhetorical qualities’, iv, 215. The cardinal
number one is et in the Fem.: eki dori “a single rope’, xvii, 59 ;
maja ekévina “ without Me, the one and only ", ix, 334, and so on.

Proxouns
The following tables exhibit the personal pronouns. References

are given in the case of archaisms, where necessary :—

lar Person SingvuLanr Ist Persos PLORAL
Subj. mi. Subj. ambi, xii, 222; xiii, 150.
Dat. maja, méif?, ii, 82; maja-lMgl, ix, Dat. dmAa, xii, 196; oamdd-ligl, in,
S61; naja-preafa, mapa-a, 4: Gnd, ii, 58: amalé,
ix, 30: dmuf?, xiii, 33;
dmAd- pratt.
Instr, mya, miga, ix, 66; mdijheni, ix, Instr. dmAl, dmAi, xi, 546; dmucem,
900: maja-ef, x, 116; mudial, vi, 326.
ix, 449.

Abl. maja-pisini, ix, 88; maja. Abl. dmhd-pasauni, ete.
pasount, iii, 35 ; maja- bore el,

iii, 4.

Gen, maja, maijhd, i, é (when declined, Gen. dmdd, xii, 226; dmacd, ctc.,
majhnyd, xi, 207 (Dat.); Gmucd, etc. ix, Tl (when
majhiyd, ix, 406 (Gen.); declined, dmaciyd, xi, 291
méijhiye, ix, 426 (Inst.); (Inst.); dowweiyé, ix, 37
majheyd, xii, 85 (Gen.). ete.) (Loc,}); Gmuceya, i, 112

(Gen.): damwcigd, ii, 37 (Dat.) ).
Loc. méajhdthdyl, ix,409; maja-infa, Loc. dmhd-dnta, ete.
ix, 420; majomaji, ix, 71.

2xn Persox SixcvuLar 2xp Pensox Piorat
Subj. tw. Subj. tumAi, xiii, 51.
Dat. fatz, ii, 216; tja, xiii, 781; Dat. fumha, v, 4; twma-té, iii, 4;
tuja-prati, xiii, 74; tuja-a. tumAdei, iv, 41; tumAapael ;
xiii, $19.
Instr. turd, ii, 10; tujheni, ii, O7;, Instr. fumAi, xi, 59, S80: fumacens,
tuja-el, i, 234. vi, 140; fumacena, xi, 20;
tnmmaAl,
Abl. tuja-pdacuni, ii, 95; -pasiini,ete. Abl. tumAd-pdaquni, ete.
Gen. ‘tujha, ete., fuja. Gen. lumecd, ete., with the naual

variations when declined.
Loc. fuja-miaji, xi, 261; fuja-dinta, Loc. tumbafhyl, ix, 41, ete,
1 When declined tujhiyt, iti, 12 (Dat.); tujheyd, xi, 280 (Loc. M.); tuphiye
(Loe. F.), xii, 2: ete.
V¥OL. [V. PART It. on

y Sil va

a
=r
I

W. DODERET—

OrHer Pronouns
Ha, he, hé “ this”, to, te, té“ that, he, she, it", jo, je, 72 “ which ",
may be grouped, as they are declined in the same way. The subjective
plurals are M. he, ete.; F. iyd, ya, tiya, jiya; N. yé, iyé, tayé, 2,
liye, jaye, 78, j1ye.

SINGULAR
M. & NN. F. M. & N. F. M. & NX. F.
is ye tayd tiye ja |
es :
may Wty foul ti jewt jiye
Synthetic | | (with ca)
Dative . i t -# _— — | _ —
Genitive | (G. only) |
eyed (xiii, 157) eye — — Saal ly be
(D. only) | |
yey (xiv, 8) — = a yee eee
iy | ya Er ae tive | fine | jiye
| . } |
Locative |" | 4) = BES hes Si A
iyi | oe hina — jiya >
| end | ie fend tig | jen jiyd
ao iya | a tena = jena | =
Instr,
Sg i _ —_ ca _—
a Ny = hee LO Gare:

The Ablative is formed by adding pasauni, etc., to the Dat.-Gen.
forms ind for 8. and d for P, Other case-phrases are formed on the
same principles as apply to nouns. Two bases a or ij — idam and
f < etad respectively underlie the declension of the near demonstrative.
In the plural anusvéra is the distinctive sign of the dative-genitive.
eB. ya, yayd, eyd (xiii, 150, 303), ete., also for the loc. pl. yayd, yd
etc. Itis noticeable that in the Fem. Instr. the synthetic taumnitiatien
@ 13 preserved, as in the case of Fem. nouns, e.g. vikdra a | : A kele
“ she has effected innumerable changes of Poke ", Kill, stg ie
to Prakrti or Maya in the Satkhya philosophy).
_ The Instrumental Plural runs, M., F., N. tht, chi, tihi, tehi jehi
jini. Eyd, iyd, ete., also occur for the F. instrumental shival “The
variant yeh? occurs for the N. instr. plural (xviii, 313). Tdlareines
have been omitted as a rule for these constantly recurring forms
They also show textual variations in all the cases, |
There are miscellaneous pronouns, some of which are noted as

THE GRAMMAR OF THE JNANESVARI Hi)
under: Aisé “such”, ii, 11; jaisé “just as”, 11, 8; tarsé “such”,
ii, 8: kaise “like what ?”, i, 61 (Aayisad, 11, 7); kavena “who”,
ii, 6: kavhana “who”, ii, 269; kat “ what", xviii, 267 (kahydcent
antahkarané “with what heart”, viii, 122); dpuwlé “one’s own”,
ii, 57 ; jevhadé “ as much”, ix, 258 ; kevhada “ how much ?”, xiii, 64 ;
yetulé “so many”, vi, 364; efulé “so many”, vi, 498; jetuhé “ as
much’, vi, 425; ketuk® “how much?”, xiii, 639; Aitulé “ how
many ?", x, 67; tetulé “so many”, ii, 261; wulé “so many”,
x, 61; svayé “ by one’s self’, “ personally ”, 11, 33 (instr.); savaté
“one’s own”, xiii, 583; kate? “like what”, ix, 9; tesané “such”,
ix, 9; yesané “such”, 1, 261; nija “one’s own’, xvill, 495; yeré
“ other", vi, 221; a@panapé “ self" [“ the soul ”], 1, 119 [xvin, 290].

PAarticLes
Some are noted as follows. As they constantly occur, no references
are given except in two instances. Gd“ oh!", hana or hana and ci are
enclitics ; ci may also be used as an enhancing particle, e.g. kirhbahuna
Dhanaiijaya | stri ci sarvasva jaya | ani tiyectya jdlayd- | lagt prema ||
“in short oh Arjuna the man to whom his wife alone is everything
and whose love (is) for her offspring”, xiii, 802. Je at the commence-
ment of a sentence is sometimes used in the sense of “ because ”
or as an introductory particle. Je to dtmabodhé togala “ because he
has obtained satisfaction by knowledge of self’, ili, 147. Pai and pd
are used independently and also after the Imperative: pahé pd
“do”, “pray” consider. They are contractions of pai and
pahd respectively, Kira “it is true”; hokd or hokaja “ why not”,
“to be sure’; jhané (1) “perhaps”, (2) “beware lest”; nana
“or”, “otherwise”, in introducing a statement [ndnyatha]; md
(1) “then” (maga), (2) expresses astonishment, (5) asks a question.
hd ga“ yes to be sure ; na@(1)“ or", (2)” otherwise ”, (3) “and ”,
(4) “but”; ki (1) ~ surely”, (2) “or”, (5) used as an enclitic ;
kd (1) “and”, (2) “or”, (3) “why?"; ndtari “otherwise”; Adho
“ves, to be sure”.
Tue VERB
1. The Aorist —As in the case of the noun the Sanskrit tenses
and conjugations underwent reduction and amalgamation until finally
the aorist and the imperative were the only synthetic forms left in
Marathi. The terminations of the aorist are as follows :-—
l. &7 i,
2. asi, isi a, d
3. é, i, aa ati, ii

Abel W. DODERET—

In the modern language this tense is employed as a past habitual
in affirmative clauses and to express the idea of unwillingness in
negative clauses. It still, however, lingers on in its original sense
of expressing action independent of time, present, past, or future,
in proverbs and pithy sayings, e.g. phutalé moti tutalé mana sandhit
na sake wdhata “the Creator cannot mend a fractured pearl or a
broken heart”. Jydchi lage chada to wde tadamdda “He who is
sought after may overleap palm and coco-nut trees".

Instances occur of verbs used transitively assuming intransitive
endings, ¢.g. jané, ndcaré “I do not practice"; pahé, jujhé, dekhe,
mane, nene “he knows not; miravati “they make a parade of ” ;
néghati they take not”; sdhati ‘‘ they endure; and of the reverse
process, ufhi, hasai, sivai, runaghuniti “they clang”.

2. The Imperative takes the following terminations :—

Singular. Plural.
2. é,1, al,a a, a
7. Oo ofu, atu,

éis the usual termination of the 2nd sing. for intransitive verbs ;
i for transitives. Exceptions similar to those occurring in the aorist
are found in the corresponding imperatives, e.g. pahé, pahi “ look”,
vill, 177, 11, 183; wht “ arise", ij, 18; wpasdhé ™ bear with", vi, 21 ;
hast “laugh”, etc. Madagivakara shows a decided preference for
ai, dekhai “ see", where Sakhare has dekh. Rajavade gives janai
“know ", dikat “hear”, which also occur in Madagiivakara.

The anusvdra in the 2nd plural is unstable, e.g. pariyesa “ listen ”,
x, 111; dekhd “see”, v, 10, The precative plural is illustrated by
the following: asotu yé@ vaydni “ let these idle words cease "ix, 186:
maga karmendriyé eyadpar? vartatu sukhé “ then let the organs of action
function as they please "’, ii, 76.

4. The Future-—The need of a definite tense to express future
action must soon have been felt, so we find a future tense built up
analytically on the aorist by the addition of 1. Sometimes the
érd singular ends in aila, e.g. varusaila “ it will rain “11,79. In the
lst singular the 7 has been assimilated to nm after anusvdra on
phonetical grounds. This / may be the abraded form of some such
verbal root as lav or le as Bloch (op. cit., §§ 240-2) suggests. But
it may be petmissible, as Beames does, to refer it to the root lag, which
was In use in the poet's time as an Inceptive,

4. Indeclinable and Declinable Present Participles.—In the evolution
of the analytic conjugation the undeclined present participle in ¢

THE GRAMMAR OF THE JNANESVARI Sli

played a great and principal part. In the Jiianesvari we constantly
find it standing detached and used as the equivalent of a present
definite (cf. a similar use in Old Gujarati and Hindi, and see Beames,
vol. iii, chap. ii). Examples are: Pahé pd taraiga tari hota jata |
pari tetha udaka té dkhanda asata | tevit bhuta-bhavi nasiyanta | avinasa
jé || “ behold as water is indestructible, though the waves come and go,
so Brahma is indestructible, who is destructible from the view-point of
creation”, viii, 177; Aé anédisiddha dghavé | hota jata svabhavé |
tart tuvd kd gocdvé | singai maja || “all this established from
Eternity, arises and fades away naturally, so tell me why thou
shouldst repine "’, ii, 100. The locative of this participle expresses
concurrent or continuous action, as in the modern language. The
declinable t@ form of the present participle was used chiefly (1) as
a noun of agency, e.g. ki tf eka vadhita | dni sakala loka hd marata |
aist bhranti jhané citta | yevd dest || “or beware lest thou allowest
the illusion to enter thy mind that thou art @ slayer and all this
multitude the vielim”’, i1, 99. (2) Constantly as a participial
adjective: vadhaté jhada “a growing tree’, x, 69; padhiyantd thayt
“in an agreeable place’, xviii, 79. Bloch states (op. cit., § 244)
that this 44 participle is employed with the equivalence of a 3rd
person present definite. The point may be conceded without admitting
that this is the primary use. Indeed, in the two examples cited by
Bloch and elsewhere the fa forms may equally well be translated as
nouns of agency, and in the third passage there is a doubt as regards
the correct reading, six texts, including the Paithana, placing an
anusvdra over mhanata and dekhata, which would show that these
are static participles in the d locative case, used loosely as tense
forms. But Bloch raises two issues, which are more important. In
the first place he asserts (op. cit., § 248) that the to forms of the modern
present definite, which occur in Namadeva, but not in the Jnanesvari,
were evolved contemporaneously with the /@ forms, which now do
duty for the modern conditional, and that Jianadeva, being “ un
potte savant ”, did not employ the former for that reason. Now in
the first place Jiainadeva was not “un poéte savant ” in the sense
that he disregarded current Marathi orthography and grammar or
failed to employ homely language. For he repeatedly lays marked
stress on the beauties of “ Marhati"’, which in one passage (vi, 133)
he speaks of as desi Marhafi. It is inconceivable therefore that he
should have deliberately omitted to use the fo present even in a
single instance, had it been current in his day. On the other hand,

5O6 WwW, DODERET—

Nama, who survived for over fifty years after Jianoba’s decease in
A.D. 1296, was certainly “un poéte populaire”. But it was for this
very reason that we cannot say with assurance that the “to” forms
were current In Nama's time. Thousands of his abhatgas have been
lost, and those which have survived have become extensively
modernized from constant repetition in the mouths of the populace.

But secondly, the question is not so much as regards priority in
point of time between the fo and fa forms, but as concerns the genesis
of the former. It is best to take matters from the beginning as we
find them in Jiianadeva. We have then: (1) an indeclinable t
participle, loosely but very frequently used as the equivalent of
a present definite tense, and sometimes occurring in the singular
with the variant fu; (ii) a declinable ¢@ participle used frequently
(1) a8 a noun of agency, (2) often as a participial adjective, and
(3) loosely and infrequently as a present tense; (iii) the ¢ participle
over and over again appearing in combination with (i.e. either attached
to, or preceding or even following after) the aorist of the verb “ to
be", thus :—

SINGULAR PLURAL
1. mi varfata aad (iii, 160) l. dmAi dha . . . Karifa (ix, 7)
mi jinatn ast (xv, 435) dmAi siagataed (x, 208; vi, 163)
2. ti parisata dédai (viii, 54) 2. tumAT bolafa aaa (iv, 164)
tal peblitiiai (xi, 311) tumAl pokhitasa (¥, 2)
fx Laritu ahasi (ii, 12) tumAd ghilitaed (xviii, 292)
3. fo ase bolaia (i, 199) a. fe whale ci Ghali (viii, 183)
fo nacatuse (x, 173) fe dearatats (ii, 171)
fo borits ase (ii, 1)
to disatase (ii, 4, 31)
fo gamata dhe (ii, 70)
fo wmafiihe (vi, 133)

We see here the process of fusion going on before our eyes.
The 3rd plural of the modern present (indicative mood) is already
evolved and the A of ahati has disappeared. Similarly the Ist plural
has taken the first step towards integration in sdjgatasd, and it will
not be long before the sibilant is submerged. So also in the 2nd
plural. Now it is significant that while the plural has practically
still retained its archaic form, the o model is already present in the
archaic Ist plural. In the Jiiinedvari we constantly find Arjuna
or Srikrsna speaking of themselves as mi“ [", and after a few ovis
later on, using the Ist plural of the verb. Nor is this strange, for
the idiom of the language is to use dmAi “ we” as equivalent to mi,
when a person is speaking of himself. It is therefore suggested
that the o impetus was communicated in a natural manner from the

ng Ta
i 9
THE GRAMMAR OF THE JNANESVARI 567

Ist plural to the Ist singular, and subsequently to the 2nd and 3rd
singular of the modern present definite. It would seem preferable
thus to account for the o element in the singular of the modern tense
from its actual presence in the archaic Ist plural than to work back-
wards from an extraneous 3rd personal pronoun, as Bloch suggests,
or to imagine because Jidnadeva occasionally and apparently for the
sake of rhythm or rhyme places a te “he” after a ta participle,
e.g. puravitd fo in i, 27, “ he is the provider,” or after the aorist, as
in a bAdvi to “ he experiences ”, v, 157, that the remote demonstrative
was the origin of the o element in the modern present definite tense.
To repeat, the ¢@ form of the present; participle had nothing to do with
the organic evolution of the modern present definite. That evolution
can more satisfactorily and simply be traced to internal develop-
ments in a tense, which already possessed the o element, and whose
component parts were the indeclinable ¢ participle and the aorist
of the verb to be. Everything happens as if this present definite
tense was not fully developed until some time after Jnanadeva and
Nama. The da participle lost after Jiianadeva’s time one of its principal
uses as a noun of agency and was replaced by the nara form, which
is of rare and doubtful occurrence in the Jiinedvari. What then
more natural than that this semi-derelict form was left to function
as a conditional, a mood which appears to have been a later develop-
ment in the Marathi language, as it does not occur in the Jianesvari.
The F. and N. forms of the modern present definite were clearly a
development after Jidnadeva’s time and need not be discussed in
this place.

As regards the variant form in wu, found only in the singular,
Rajavade (op. cit., p. 114) gives (1) karité < karitu +- ii, (2) karitosi <
karitu + si, and (3) karito < karitu. Now this u is apparently the
same Apabhraéa attachment, which we meet with in nouns. But
as the ¢o participial forms of the modern verb were not evolved until
after Jianadeva’s time, it is necessary to suppose that the participial
ending in wu continued in currency for some time after the thirteenth
century, a supposition which is not borne out by the facts. This
leads to the inference that the wu participle was a moribund, if not
already an archaic form in the poet's time and that it was not possessec
of sufficient vitality to affect conjugation or to effect the evolution of
a new tense form. Madagivakara’s text indeed shows a sparing use
of the w form, both in the case of participles as well as of nouns.
Sakhare, on the other hand, hardly ever reads a ¢ participle without

Hits W. DODERET—

the wattachment. But then Sakhare has been extensively retouched
andis unreliable on this account and because of his modernity.

5. Past Participle and Tense —The so-called past tense, which is
really a declinable past participle, was formed by the addition of
! or af the abraded forms of the Prakrit adjectival suffix illa either
(1) to the verbal stem or (2) to the ¢ participle. The latter method
explains the following forms found in the Jidneévari, some of which,
in retaining the ¢, have survived to the present day: Aanitaliipd
“on having struck”, 11, 140; mAanitalé “ spoken”, iti, 1; sa@vgitalé
“spoken”, iv, 36; khddali “eaten”, xi, 82; janitalé “ known”,
iv, 81; ghetalé “taken”, xv, 411; dhutali “washed”, viii, 64:
bag(h)jtalé “ seen”, vogha-bagé vegalika “ distinct by looking at the
streams ", xvili, 52; p<italé “ we arrived ", vi, 2; sivatalé “ touched ",
ix, 195; haratalé “lost”, xviii, 150; jitilé “ conquered”, v, 148;
mapitald boli bolije, mitald paiili calije “ speak in measured words,
walk with ordered tread ”, vi, 350.

Bas or bais “ sit” and pais “ enter” have baithala and paithala
in the past tense and participle. Vide xviii, 597, 677, and cf. the similar
Gujarati forms. The apparent anomaly can be explained when the
derivation is examined,

There are a limited number of past participles of the following
type: dinhald “ given” found in the Patan inscription of a.p. 1206
(vide Bloch, op. cit., § 284); jhiinjinale, jujhinnalé “ fought ", x, 38;
padinald, padinnala “fallen”, ix, 45; widhinalayd “on having
increased", iv, 10; padhinale, padhinnale “ learnt M$, (176:
dhdvinalé, dhdvinnalé “ran”. xviii, 162: jaginalayd “on having
awakened”, xviii, 215; sdsinale, sdsinnale “ matured", xi, 11;
minalé. “mixed”, li, 127; ftapinala, tapinnala “ heated ", ix, 422;
jicmalla “tormented ", xvi, 252 ; bhajinnala “ worshipped ", xvii, 8 :
dubinnali “gaye milk", xviii, 1689: kainginalé “trembled ",
x1, 486; which appear to go back and practically reproduce the
Prakrit “model” dinna +-illa. Didhalé “given”, ix, 177, which
occurs frequently, is of the Prikrit P-p. type, faddha, daddha, ete.
Cf. Gujarati pidhit, didhii, ete. Some verbs, which attach the [
termination to the stem of the verb, lengthen the final vowel of a to
a before doing so, on the model, of nigha, nighala “ set out’. This
18, however, an unstable class, except in the case of monosyllabic
roots. The root kha@nd (1) “dig”, (2) “ break” has the form
khandils (mali maj) “dug” (in the heath), xviii, 35. Khanitalé.
from the root khan, does not occur.

THE GRAMMAR OF THE JNANESVARI 569

Verbs used transitively are sometimes conjugated in the past
tense as if they were intransitives. This is in keeping with more
modern popular speech, as noted by Godabole (op. cit., pp. 236-7).
Thus we have in xviii, 1770, mi granthald “ I composed”. On the
other hand, we meet with the reverse process in such passages as
vi, 486. Tribhuvanaikanarendré bolilé qgunasamudré “the one and
only monarch of the three worlds, the ocean of virtue, spake”. The
locative of this participle is used like the locative of the present
participle to express action simultaneous or processional with that of
another verb, e.g. jaisd prakatalayd gabhasti aegahi marga disati “ just
as countless paths become visible as soon as the sun has shone forth”,
ii, 261. tis also used freely as a participial adjective and is declined ;
thirdvalent antakkarané “ with heart composed *, 1, 61.

It should be noted that as the Prakrit suffix ila was attached to
both classes of verbs, it appears in such verbs as bolilé “ I spoke”,
céilayd “ after awakening ”, xv, 559; mhanitalé, sdigitalé, ete. In the
latter verbs the vowels @ and i have been interchanged. A peculiar
form of the Ist singular of the past tense deserves notice. The
termination is id. In i, 76, the Paithana MS. has mi jari jald
aviveka “ although I have proved an ignoramus ”*. In xviii, 284, there
is a very clear instance, as eleven out of twelve texts yield mi tujhé
jald ahé khelané aji “1 have become your plaything to-day”. In
vi, 74, two texts, including the Paithana, have navhé chorald and
two have navhé choralé “1 have not stolen”. Over twenty other
instances have neen noted, sufficient in number and clear in the context
to conclude that the /@ was a variant form of [6 in the poet's time
and that in certain texts the copyist has been busy in changing /d into
fa. It seems that we have in /d the older form of the Ist person,
possibly evolved from the nom. sing. mase. plus the anusedra of the
Ist sing. aorist. Subsequently the influence of the Ist plural in 4
would, as noted above, extend itself to the Ist singular and finally
submerge the @ form.

6. The Conjunctive Participle—The forms of this participle
terminate in unt, Gni, Gnu, ont, auni, diini, duni, with the optional
enlargement to Gniyd, etc. Bloch has shown clearly that the simpler
forms are nothing but the ablatives of the Marathi verbal stem plus
the »: locative attachment, abbreviated from fan?, as in the case of
the ablatives of nouns (e.@. kara + a+ ni; laga + @ + ni). Niyd
is a strengthened locative in @ with intervocalic y. All this accords
logically with the locative being the case of the present and past

aril) W. DODERET—

participles employed to denote concurrent or processional action.
Examples are as follows: jaisé svapnamaji dekhije | té svapnt ci
siica Gpaje | maga ceiiniyi pahije | tava kdhi nat || “ just as what is
seen In a dream appears real only ina dream: then when on awakening
it is looked for nothing is visible”, ii, 139; ¢@ jhané hah? ya vata
visaront jai “ beware lest thou in forgetfulness goest by this road ”,
v, 127. The type mhandini occurs in Midagivakara and Sakhare,
e.g. in il, 145; not in Rajavide. M. has mhanauni (with the diphthong)
where S. and R. read mhanini or mhanoni. Mhanduni, Occurring
in M. and 8. > mhanoni, which in the form mhanona occurs in corre-
spondence of the Pegva's Court at the end of the eighteenth century.
The tinw form is rare. Nedinu “ not having permitted ", xvi, 70;
periinu “ having sown”, xvi, 148, etc.

The Nagiva inscription of a.p. 1367 contains the following con-
junctive participles, ending in ni, karuni (occurring three times),
mianauni, sodviini. The inscription is in prose, and shows that
Rajavade's explanation of the 7, iyd terminations as being poetical
addenda cannot be correct. (See remarks under instrumental.)

7. Participle of Obligation. —This participle, indicating obligation,
moral duty, and the like, and ending in dvd, ete., from the Sanskrit
favya is found throughout the Jianeévari and does not differ in the
construction from the identical modern form, e.g. tuvd junjhave
“thou must fight ”, ii, 136.

8. The Infinitive—This form in @ or @ is employed much more
freely in the Jiianegvari than in modern Marathi, e.g. juiighd alasi
“thou camest to do battle”, ii, 206: cala nenye “it is not known
how to walk", ii, 223: bold kev? mi jané “ how do I know how to
utter’, x, 22; jied mard visarale “ they forgot to live or to die”,
x, 119; maga ekeka vegalé nivadd na ye “then each cannot be dis-
tinguished separately ", v, 154: kard earala “ ceased to act’, xv, 587,
The evolution of the @ form from the Sanskrit tum is recognized
by all.

9. The Verbal Noun.—This noun seems to have been the starting-
point from which the modern nara, nara participle or noun of agency
was developed. We have at first nouns of agency in nd. In iii, 156,
it is written margi andhasarisé pudhd dekhanahi cdle jaisd “ just as
4 man even who can see, accompanying a blind man on the road,
walks in front "’', and in xv, 381, aise dekhane te pahi dna ghati “ behold
those who take this view are different ” ; Parisaneydciyd raya “ oh
prince of listeners!”, viii, 58. The suffixes kara, kara, ete., were

THE GRAMMAR OF THE JNANESVARI Ail

added to yield dekhnara, a on the analogy of kuinbhakara, kumbhara
(“ potter “).

10. The Verb “to be’ —The following additional forms may be
noted: ahi “is” is never used in composition with a participle.
Gini dthi nathi tituké | rundhalé ase yené ci eké | kalpanticena udake |
jaisé || “and whatever exists or does not ¢xist 1s enveloped
by this single (tree), much as the sky (is enveloped) by the waters
at the end of an won”, xv, 53. Athi is also used in the plural in
xi, 452.

Present participle santa, sata, 7, @ from Prakrit santao: Akdlici
abhré jaist | armivina akasi | hdrapati Gpaist | udaili santé || “ much
as unseasonable clouds are dissolved of themselves in the sky without
discharging rain, as soon as they are formed”, iv, 117; javsi firt
nava na dhale | tenkali safi || “ just as a boat when tied to the river
bank does not move”, vii, 4. The Passive asije “to be” occurs in
vi, 170, and elsewhere. :

Past Participle: Athila, etc., “ possessed”, “existing” ; taisent

wssessed with such knowledge at" xin, 6350; dthile
ci guna vanitd “in praising the existing virtues", xin, 186.

Aheti may stand for the more usual ahati: Vikhurale dheti trijagati
aghaviye “are spread abroad in the three worlds”, x, 82.

The stem ho “ become ”, “ be’, takes the forms Aoyé, hoyt in the
Imperative, e.g. nigcala hoyé anfari ** be steadfast at heart *’, m, 76;
ti atid savadha hot “ be attentive now”, ii, 185, And in the second
plural future, Adala, iii, 99. And in the participle of obligation
héded, etc., héavi karmi Gstha “ there should be zeal in (doing one's
allotted) tasks”, iii, 153. Also hovavi in ix, 257; hovt in x, 212.

11. The Negative Verb—When the negative participle na precedes
the verb it is often compounded with it and attracts the vowel of
the verbal root towards itself, e.g. citfa mahdsukhi pahudaliyd cevo
neghe “ when the mind is slumbering in great delight it does not
awaken ”, vi, 370; nene ci jo “ who does not know ” (na jane), vi, 405 ;
tetha ndtude to vagure “he is not caught in the net”, xvii, 956 ;
kah? ci dainya nedakhe “ never pays attention (na dekhe) to poverty "’,
v, 90; ninage (na nige) “ does not set out ", xvi, 125; nédisi “ thou
givest not”, ii, 8; nedila=na deila “will not give”, i, 106;
indriyé baralé nedavi “ the bodily organs should not be allowed (na
dyavi) to act according to their sweet will”, ii, 116. The following
- forms of the negative verb “not to be” may be noted: Nahe “1s
not”, xviii, 115; nathi “is not”, xv, 53; nohe “is not”, u, 67 ;

AT? W. DODERET—

navhaila “ he will not be”, iii, 227; navheti “ they are not ”, vi, 399 ;
nohdvé “ should not be ”, iii, 171, with variants nahdvd, v, 12, navhavd,
vi, 348; nohije “ not to be”, ix, 68; mi nohé “I am not”, ix, 262:
td navhesi “thou art not”, x, 174: mi naséd “I am not ™, iv, 41:
navhast “thou art not”, vadiitd ti navhasi “thou art not the slayer ”’,
, 138; nathilé “non-existent”, “ illusive”; nathilé Soci baisije
“to continue to deplore the non-existent”, ii, 196.

12. Potentials ——This mood is expressed in five ways: (1) the
verb ye “come” is used with the infinitive of the principal verb.
Jaisé pavané toya halavalé | dni tarangakdra jale | tari kavana ké
janmalé | mhand ye || “ similarly ean one say What has arisen or where,
in water, which stirred by the breeze, has assumed the form of waves?”
i, 106. (2) The subject of the sentence is put in the dative and the
verb in the v potential form. Méaydmaya he saritd na tarave jivd
“mankind cannot traverse this river of illusion ”, vil, 96. (3) The
construction is with éak “ to be able ” and the infinitive of the principal
verb. Mhanatini dikat Arjund | jaisa visphulinga lage indhana |
maga to praudha jalayd tribhuvand | purd éake || “therefore harken
oh Arjuna, just as a spark alights on fuel and then having waxed
mighty can fill the three worlds ”, ii, 329. (4) A verb used transitively
or intransitively may in appropriate contexts convey a potential
meaning. Ekd phalabhilasa na take “some cannot forgo the desire
for reward", xviii, 135. Pari tyajitd karma na tyaje “one cannot
avoid one’s lot even if one tries”, iii, 52. This use has continued to the
present day. (5) The verb pavané “to accrue” is used with the
infinitive of the principal verb. Ha sanydsa jai sambhave | tat kaimya
badhi na pave “ an action fraught with desire cannot harm when this
detachedness arises "’, xviii, 127.

13. Passive Vowe—This has been dealt with at length in the
School Bulletin, Vol. IV, Pt. I, pp. 59-64, and the derivation of the
j, p, and py passive forms explained. The ) form is most frequently
employed. The passive was in full vigour in the poet's time and even
verbs used intransitively could be construed in the third person
of this voice anc used impersonally, é.g. jaije “to be gone is
li, 47; masije “not to remain”, j. 205; hoije “to be”,
i, 119, A few examples of the use of the passive will suffice.
Te bashavahiste bhogi : | mhanauni sindije aghi | jayapari
maharogt | ampla siddki “he is set free by sina because he
partakes of the leavings of the sacrificial offerings, just as nectar is
efficacious in times of severe ness ", iii, 123+ ma mahdnadi kai

THE GRAMMAR OF THE JNANESVARI Hic

janyati “then are great rivers recognized /”, xiv, 12; jat puratiyd
satvasuddhi | acarije dstikyabuddhi | tai tayaté ci ga prabuddhi |
sitrika mhanipe || “when belief in God is practised with complete
purity of disposition then that man is termed virtuous by the wise”,
xvii, 241. The placing of the subject of the sentence in the dative
is noteworthy in view of the fact that that case is employed in the
modern Karmani construction myd tyala marilé = mayd tayd ([lagt,
té, st] marilé or marijelé, literally “ by me in regard to him killed”.
Another example is Hd ga jari na Kije | tari ajidnd kaya umaje | tht
kavant pari janije | margdaté || “ yes to be sure what will the ignorant
understand if it be not done thus and how will the (right) path be
recognized by them”, iii, 157.

The rare pt) forms have all been quoted and translated in Bulletin,
Vol. IV, Pt. I.

14. The Casual Verb.—This does not differ from the modern form ;
tari maja karavi hé hisaka kd karavisit “ then why dost thou cause me
to commut this heinous deed", in, 4.

~Abi

ele

got.
7s

KODAGU PEDA, TULU PUDAR
By Epwtw H. Turrie

T the fourth volume of the Lingwistic Survey of India, which
includes most of the important varieties of Dravidian, Konow
has tried to classify the languages described. Evidently Kanara
goes with Tamil, G6ndi with Kui, and Kurukh with Malto, while
Brahui and Telugu do not seem to be closely related to any of the other
main divisions. Unfortunately the Linguistic Survey fails to give
accounts of Kodagu (the language of Coorg) and Tulu. Konow has
wrongly put both of these with the Kanara-Tamil group. Their
linguistic position outside of the group, contrary to their present
geographic position, is shown by the derivatives of *jitar (name) :
Kanara hesaru, older pesar, Tamil pér, older pejar, Kodagu peda,
Tulu pudar, Telugu péru, Gondi parél or pardl, Kui pada or pada,
Kuvi déru, Parji pidir, Brahui pin. Kodagu peda is given in Cole's
grammar (1867). Caldwell noticed Tulu pudar seventy years ago, but

failed to understand what is implied by the d corresponding to Tamil j.!

Kanara regularly has s (often misrepresented as ¢ by Caldwell)
for ¢ not in contact with a consonant. Spoken Tamil has sometimes ¢
(written as ¢c) and sometimes 7 for an ancient ¢ between vowels. In
some regions Tamil ¢ became voiced and changed to a fricative between
vowels, while in others the voicing of occlusives was later than the
change of ¢ to an affricate, which was not subject to voicing and has
become a voiceless fricative. In Kanara and Tamil the word *pitar
changed through *picar to *pecer, ¢ being palatalized by i as in Kanara
kitnis- < *kanic- < *kanit- < *kinitt- (show), corresponding to Tamil
hatt- < *kaNit- < *kanitt-, the causative of hin- (see).

Outside of the Kanara-Tamil group the derivatives of *pitar
developed @ without palatalization. Telugu has vrélu = Kanara
beral, Tamil viral (finger); mrdnu = Kanara maram, Tamil maram
(tree), and mrélu as a variant of modalu = Kanata modal, Tamil
mudal (front), We may therefore assume Telugu *préru < *nedar <
*piar. Modern Telugu has wélu for vrélu, manu for mranu -:
dissimilation caused a parallel but earlier loss of r in péru < *préru.

Gondi has mar = Brahui masir (daughter), with a normal loss of
medial 2, and with vowel-displacement accompanying an old stress-

} [ use j for consonant-i; capitals for voiceless sounds that lack separate letters,
as J, NV, &; anda circumfex to mark main strees combined with length,

576 EDWIN H. TUTTLE—

displacement; apparently the word is still midr, but we lack
information about Géndi stress. Similarly Gondi has paral < *polar <
*pudar < *pitar, with medial y for r as in mar = Tamil maram, and
with ! for d as in malél < *molal < *mudal < *mutal (hare). From
Kui ari = Telugu adi (that), and mrddu < *murdl < *mutal (hare), .
we might expect *priru as the Kui derivative of *pitar. The form
pada, as given in Friend-Pereira’s grammar (1909), or padd, as given
in the Linguistic Survey, probably implies the development *prdd <
*priddé =< *pidra <*pitar: a change of d to rin *prdd was prevented
by what may be called negative dissimilation, and the r became a
too late for a formation of r as in *murd! < *mudal. Kuiseems to have
redeveloped the general Dravidian principle of initial stress ; but it
shared with Géndi and Telugu an early tendency to displace stress,
as shown in mradu and in mrdu < *mirdu <— *nudru = Géndi midr.

Kuvi, as described in Schulze’s grammar (1911), seems to be a
variety of Kui modified by Telugu. It differs from ordinary Kui in
lacking the change of ] tod: illu = Tamil il, Telugu ilu, Kui idu or
iddu (house), Ail- = Géndi Mal-, Kui sid-, Tamil il-, Telugu L- (be). It
has formed an initial d from dr, as in dalu = Kui drédu (young animal).
We may therefore assume *drér as an older form of Kuvi déru. Since
sound-displacement is a common feature of Géandi-Kui, *drér could
have come from *durar. Kui phonology allows us to infer *durar <
*dudar. Apparently *pitar became *pudar and developed the variant
*dupar in Kuvi: *dudar was a blend of the two forms. The Linguistic
Survey puts Parji with Géndi, although some of its traits are Kui-
like. In any case the word pidir is the most conservative of the
Dravidian forms.

Brahui pin can be explained as representing *pinna < *pidna <
*ntna < *mton, with n for r under the influence of Aryan naman.
Apparently Brahui lacks the widespread Dravidian voicing of occlusives
between vowels, but a change of tn to dn could be normal where inter-
vocalic ¢ remained voiceless.

Kodagu peda and Tulu pudar are nearly the same as Géndi-Kui
*nudar, *mdra, pidir, and essentially different from Kanara-Tamil
*picar. Putting Kodagu and Tulu with Kanara-Tamil is like calling
Spanish a dialect of Portuguese, in spite of the differences between
buena and boa < bona,

TULU Bannz:

Gondi vand2ér (tongue) and Kui vayyosi (tongue) are quite different

from equivalents found in the other Dravidian languages. The basic

KODAGU PEDA, TULU PUDAR | aye

form was apparently *waykiatro, changed to *wankofria in Kui.
Géndi and Kui agree with Tamil in voicing simple occlusives in contact
with nasals. Gdndi agrees with spoken Tamil in having r for dr <
tr after a vowel, as in sar (six) = Tamil ddru (spoken dri) < *satro.
Kui has dz for dr in sadé (six), and s for ¢ in sd- (die) = Telugu ea-,
so we might assume -#i < *-thi < *-rce < *-rtia < *-tria, with a dis-
placement of r which would keep the ¢ from becoming voiced.

Tulu has dé for dr in Gdiz (six) and midi (three) = Kui mandi,
Tamil miindru. It developed something like *band3ed3i from
*wankiatro, initial bfor v being normal in Tulu (as in Kanara). A
reduction of *handZed3i or *hand id ii produced bandii (interior, heart,
belly). Géndi and Kui keep more of the general word-form than Tulu
does, but restrict the basic meaning “inside” to the inside of the
mouth.

A form *wakiatro, without the nasal, developed through *wacatro
or *wacetro to Tamil vajidru, Kanara basiru, basuru, older basil
(belly), It does not seem likely that a nasal has disappeared from
*wakiatro. We may assume that in Géndi-Kui and Tulu the nasal
was added under the influence of some associated word. Here, just
as in regard to *pitar, Tulu agrees with the northern tongues and differs
from Kanara-Tamil.

VOL. IV. PART II, : 3H

A) ' by A

- THE RAMAYANA IN INDONESIA
By J. Karts
(} = of the most popular stories in India and East Asia is the story
of the adventures of Rama, whose consort Sita is carried off by
the giant king Ravana. From this event proceeds a great war, which
leads to the destruction of the tyrant and the return of Sita.

The most famous adaptation of Rama’s adventures is the Indian
Ramayana of Valmiki, which probably was composed some centuries
before the Christian era. Besides this there are in India and in the
neighbouring countries many Rima-stories.

But also in more distant places the story of Rima’s adversity and
Sita’s fidelity has had in all times a great many admirers. In Siam
it is known as “‘ Ramakien”™, in the Malay literature as “ Hikajat
Séri Rama ”, in Java and Madura as “ Sérat Rama ”, in the Island of
Bali as “ Ramayana”, while pictures of this story have also found
their way to the north of Celebes and other parts of the Archipelago.

That the story was already known in Old Java is proved by the

Old Javanese poem Ramayana and by the reliefs on two groups of

temples, the one of which (Prambanan, Central Java) was built about
the ninth century a-pD., and the other (Panataran, in East Java) some
centuries later. Many of the most important episodes in the story are
chiselled on the stones of these buildings.

Though the general course of the story in Indonesia in the main
is the same everywhere, one often meets great differences in the various
parts, especially in regard to the relationship of the chief characters,
for instance, between the Rima as used in the stage-plays in
Jogjakarta and the Javanese poem.

Whence these differences !

Some consider that the original story has been spoilt. “ Original ”
is, according to them, the “ Sérat Rima ” as it is known everywhere in
Java, or the old Javanese Ramayana, “spoilt” is the Jogjakarta
version.

Others, who know that the Rama story was brought to Indonesia
by Hindu immigrants, explain the differences by the fact that this
story comes from two sources, which already varied in the place of
origin, India. There exist the Ramayana of Valmiki and a popular
version. Both have found their way to Indonesia.

580 J. KATS—

In this way the origin and the existence of the above-mentioned
differences are referred to an earlier time, and another country, but
with all that they are not yet explained. The responsibility for spoiling
the story is removed from Java to India, but with this it is not
yet settled, whether there are perhaps other reasons for these differences
than the incomplete knowledge of the “ original ” Ramayana,

Usually it is accepted that the Rimaiyana of Valmiki contains the
original story, from which the other Rama stories have been derived.
Valmiki is the great poet of ancient India, his poem forms a wonderful
unity and none of the popular stories have reached the height of this
remarkable work. But—granted that Valmiki did not use the popular
or one of the popular versions—is it then quite certain that these
popular stories all have been derived from Vilmiki's Ramayana? Is
it not possible that neither Valmiki nor the unknown popular story-
tellers have created the story themselves, but that both took their
subject from a more ancient source, which they worked out, each in
his own way! And in that case the question arises: Has the
original story been spoilt ? If so, which of them has spoilt it ?

The Bengali scholar Rai Saheb Dineschandra Sen has tried to solve
this problem in a detailed discussion on the Bengali Ramayanas
(University of Calcutta, 1920). He supposes that the Ramayana
contains three parts, which have arisen independently of one another.

The first story is the story of Prince Rima, who—in consequence of
a court intrigue—has to leave the palace for many years, accompanied
by his brother Laksmana and his sister Sita. This story is still found in
a Buddhist Jataka in the north of India,

Another part of the story contains the adventures of the pious
Ravana, who obtains great power by means of serious penance,

And still another story is that of the monkey Hanuman. This is
based on the ape-worship, which was practised in olden times in India
and which has not even yet entirely disappeared,

The connexion of these three stories might result in the
“ Ramayana ”, as it is found to-day in several versions and the main
features of which are the following :—

I. Rama, who as the prince royal of Ayodhya is assigned to succeed
his father, is banished from the town in consequence of a court
intrigue. He is accompanied by Sit, here his consort (not his sister).

IT. As he is wandering in the woods, a mighty giant king, Ravana,
carries off his consort and brings her away to his own country.

Ill. Rama sets out to deliver Sita, but only succeeds with the

THE RAMAYANA IN INDONESIA 581

assistance of the monkey king Sugriva, and especially with the aid of
his dread commander Hanuman.

This is, in brief, the view of the Bengali scholar.

To compose one single story out of the above-mentioned three
stories, the chief characters have to be connected with one another.
Since there is originally no connexion at all between these tales, it is
almost certain that different authors will do this in different ways.
And so the differences between the various versions will manly be
found at the points of connexion.

Indeed, there are—as already mentioned—different versions of the
Rama story, and it is highly noteworthy that these differences in the
main are found in the relationship between the chief characters, that is :
in the connexion of the three composite parts of the story.

Let us trace this point in the Rama stories which occur in Java and
Sumatra.

The afore-mentioned connexion may be pictured in the following
diagram :—

Rima

The author of a Rima-story has to connect the parts :—

I and ID
II and WT
I and IT

It is quite possible that in the beginning the connexion has been
made in very different ways. But the inquiry is very easy for us as we
mainly have only two versions, which differ materially as regards the
connexions between the composite parts, that is: the relationship
between the chief characters. All the other versions may be reduced
to one of these two, which we will call A and B.

The connexions between J and IJ are as follows :—

A. Ravana’s sister, Siirpanakha, falls in love with Rama's brother,
Laksmana. She is scornfully rejected. In revenge Ravana carries
away Rama's consort, the daughter of the king Janaka.

5e2 J. KATS—

B. The Malay work “Séri Rama” and the Javanese “ Rama
Kéling ” connect the two chief characters in this way: Aavana
wishes to possess Mandodari, the mother of Rama, but he gets another
woman, exactly like her.' In a supernatural manner Rama’s father
goes to this pseudo-Mandodari who after that becomes the mother of
Sita, nominally a daughter of Ravana. Later on Rama marries Sita,
who—via the pseudo-Mandodari—is his sister.

(In the Jain writing “ Uttara Purina ” Sita is also a daughter of
Ravaria. In the Indian Adbhuta Ramayana she is a daughter of
Ravana's consort, Mandodan, who has drunk the blood of the rsi’s
killed by Ravana.)

Between I and [If]

A. Rama lends assistance to the monkey king Sugriva, who then
puts at his disposal his best commander, Hanuman.

B. Here Hanuman is a son of Rama and Anjani, a sister of Sugriva.
Hanuman and Rama are thus related to one another.

Between If and Il

A. No other connexion than the fight between Hanuman (as a
helper of Rama) and Révana. .

B. Hanuman has a son, Hanumin Tugangga by name, who has
been educated by Raévana’s son Gangga Mahasura. |

In general, the connexion of the three parts is more close in B than
it is in A, because there there exists relationship between the chief
characters. With this is not said that the connexions in A are less
complete. On the contrary, even in putting these close connexions.
B has more odd and unnatural combinations than A, so that in this
last version the course of the story is in the main more satisfactory
and normal. That does not, however, imply that all those odd and
unnatural seeming combinations have been invented by the authors,
who have indulged in fancies because they were entirely ignorant
concerning the original story or who wished to give a new turn to the
story. In many cases the stories, which nowadays seem odd and
unnatural, incorporate very old manners and customs. In this respect
they are often more original than version A, which seems to us so much
more natural and logical.

1 Concerning a paendo-Sia see Wilhelm Printz, “ Helet tn
Hermann Jacobi (Fritz Klopp, Bonn). Helena und Sita": Festgabe

THE RAMAYANA IN INDONESIA bas

It would take us too far if we should treat all those old parts of the
story, for instance, the finding of Mandodari in a hambu-bush; the
marriage of Rima with his own sister; the fact that Ravana carries
off his own daughter, etc. (A detailed discussion of these stories has
been given by Dr. W. F. Stutterheim in his work Rama-legenden und
Rama-reliefs in Indonesién, Georg Miller Verlag, Miinchen.)

The version A is to be found in the following: The Sanskrit
Ramayana of Valmiki, the Old Javanese Ramayana, the story which 1s
represented in the reliefs of the Panataran temple in East Java, the
modern Javanese “ Sérat Rama ”.

The version B is to be found in: Many popular Indian Rama
stories, the Malay “ Hikajat Séri Rama "," the story which 1s repre-

sented in the reliefs of the Prambanan temple in Central Java,’ the

Rama story as it is performed in the native theatre, especially in
Jogjakarta,! The Rama story in the ~ Sérat Rama Kéling” in Java
and Madhura.

Besides the above-mentioned relationship there are still some
important differences between the various versions.

(a) The Javanese “ Sérat Rama” begins—just like the Indian
Jain Ramayana of Hemeandra Aciirya (a.p. 1089-1175), and one of the
Malay versions—with the adventures of Ravana (not of Rama !). The
Javanese stage plays possess also a very circumstantial introduction—
the Arjuna-Sasra-Bahu-cycle—containing the adventures of Ravana
before he met Rama. ‘This proves that not Rama but Ravana here
‘< considered as the chief character. It is strange that the ‘ Sérat
Rama "'—which for the rest has more similarity with the Ramayana
of Valmiki—in this respect differs from that epic and also begins with
the story of Ravana.

The Malay version especially shows a great appreciation of Ravana
in laying much stress upon his penance and upon the wonderful power
he obtained by it. (See also above.)

(b) Sita is considered as Rama’s sister in the Malay version, the
Javanese Rama Kéling and the stage-plays in Jogjakarta. In this case
they coincide with the above-mentioned Buddhist Jataka.

In the Jataka Rima leaves the court in obedience to the will of his

1 "The reason of the similitude of these three versions perhaps lies in the relation

between Sumatra and Central Java in the time of the kingdom of Sriwijiya (eighth
century A.D.).

“'. 2 eee ©

father, who 1s afraid that Rima and Laksmana will have to endure
the envy of his second consort, the mother of Bharata.

According to Valmiki’s Ramayana in the old Javanese Ramayana
and in the modern Javanese version (Sérat Rama) Rima is banished
from the court by the desire of Bharata’s mother.

The Malay version relates that Rama leaves the court of his own
Jree will, as soon as it has been determined that Bharata will succeed
their father in his kingdom.

In the stage plays of Jogjakarta, Bharata’s mother brings several
charges against Rama, whereupon he leaves the court.

(d) In the Malay “Séi Rama” as well as in the stage plays in
Jogjakarta Hanuman has a son—called respectively Tugangga and
Trigangga—who has been brought up by a son of Ravana, and who only
afterwards meets his father. In the other versions this fact is not
mentioned,

(e) In several Bengali versions it is related that a half-sister of
Rama, Kukui, a daughter of Kaikeyi, persuades Siti—after she has
come back to the capital—to draw a picture of Ravana on her fan.
As soon as Sita has fallen asleep, Kukua goes to Rama, telling him that
his consort cannot yet forget Ravana, that she has sketched his likeness
on her fan and even while sleeping holds it in her hand.

The versions, quoted above in A, do not mention this episode.
But we find it in the Malay story, where “ Kikéwi Déwi” is the informer.
Sita is then driven away from the court, she goes to her. protector,
Maharsi Kala, and gives birth to a son, Tabalavi. Later on she adopts
a boy who is called Gusi.

In the modern Javanese version Rama doubts the fidelity of Sité
during her stay at the court of Ravana, and on account of sh
this treatment she resolves to burn herself, .
the pyre, but the fire does not harm her and the gods descend to testify
to Sita’s fidelity.

The Indian Ramayana gives almost the same version in the final
song (which is a later addition), and says that Rama nevertheless
banishes his consort,’ who—in the hermitage of Valmiki—gives birth
to two sons, Kuga and Lava. (In the Malay version
become Gusi and Tabalavi.)

(f) The Indian Jain-Rimiyana tells of the love of Laksmana
for Princess Vanamiili. ei ad

' The disowning of Sita by

Rama is treated in the above-mentioned arti le of
Wilhelm Printz, | i;

THE RAMAYANA IN INDONESIA 5h

In the stage-plays of Jogjakarta the monkey Jambawan has, in the
guise of Lakgmana, a tryst with a maiden. It may be that this event is
based on a story like that in the Jain-Ramayana.

(g) In the stage plays of Jogjakarta it is related that Antralka
Vulan, consort of Rama’s brother Branta (— Bharata) shows no
affection for her husband. She makes it a condition that he has to
puzzle outa riddle. Laksmana solves the riddle in the place of Bharata,
whereupon Antraka Vulan falls in love with Laksmana.

A counterpart of this episode is found in the Malay “ Séri Rama ",
where Sandar Dévi has a similar aversion to her husband Tabalavi.
Then Rama calls in the aid of Hanuman, who falls in love with Sandar
Dévi and goes to her in the form of Tabalavi.

A STUDY OF THE OROHA LANGUAGE, MALA,
SOLOMON ISLANDS
By W. G. Ivens

Research Fellow, Melbourne University

THE material for the study presented here 1s derived from two

sources: (1) grammatical and linguistic notes, sentences, and
texts prepared by Bishop Patteson at the Melanesian Mission Head-
quarters at Kohimarama, Auckland, New Zealand, in the years
1863-4, and subsequently included by H. ©. von der Gabelentz in
the second part of his Melanesischen Sprachen, 1873; (2) grammatical
and linguistic notes collected by myself, along with a certain number
of words, in the year 1925 at Sa‘a, Mala. This is the only study of
the language made since 1874.

Bishop Patteson’s material was given him by three men from
Oroha named Ara‘ana, Radeweri, and Tangaheo, whom he had
recruited at Oroha and who accompanied him to Auckland. The
first of the texts given below describes Ara‘ana’s return home, and his
ceremonial hanging of a bunch of areca nuts alongside the relic case,
a wooden figure of a swordfish that contained his father’s skull and
jawhones, This was done lest his father’s ghost should be angry at
his absence, and at the consequent failure to receive offerings, and
should trofi his son, i.e. visit him with sickness. The word fa‘aoha-: -
descriptive of the offering thus made after a voyage overseas, is used
also in Ulawa, Solomon Islands, with the same meaning. Ara‘ana
did not return with the Bishop, and a year or so later he was taken
by a shark when out in his canoe. As he was a chief, the chiefs of
the neighbouring villages, his relatives, made a raid on Oroha and
were paid off with fines, the idea being that his people were responsible
for sending the shark. The first text begins with the pronoun £, which
von der Gabelentz classes as a form of the dual number, exclusive,
but it is more probably a form of the trial number, exclusive, since
the dual forms all begin with a, and also the “ we ~ of the text evidently
refers to the three men. I have also made what I consider to be
necessary additions to the text (shown in brackets), some being
alterations in spelling, raa for ra “ go, come”, raona, raci “in (it),
within ”, for ra na and raui, rauhi for raohi, ~ to abide ”, of ghostly
influences, the locative ¢ in front of place names, the addition of

breaks in certain words, where the sign ‘ denotes a dropped. _

consonant.

5s W. G. IVENs—

Three words quoted by von der Gabelentz seem to be misprints
or mistakes: (1) the personal pronoun 3rd pers. pl. diri for kira :
(2) the definite article ni, ni mane “the man ”, for na, both ni and na
occurring In two places as part of the same quotation; (3) the
spelling mai “to die” for mae. Also I am sure that the inclusion
of ‘ng’ (n) as a sound is incorrect, rongo “ hear "for rono. The language
in question has only the ordinary “n" sound, and the rejection
of “ng”, the nasalized “n” (as well as of “mw ", the nasalized
““m") is one of its peculiarities. An instance is given of the use of
pwlq), pwana “sail”, pandanus mat, but the sound of pw is foreign
to the language, and the word here given as jreana should be rather
pana. I can offer no explanation of the word ium “to burn”,
which von der Gabelentz evidently connects with suna “ fire”.

My own information was given me by a man of the same people,
though not actually a native of Oroha. - My informant hailed from
Tawa ni ‘ahi‘a, a village a few miles north-west of Oroha, and this
will account for the dialectical use of f in one instance, the illative
fut “thereupon, consequently", which Bishop Patteson gives as
pi and qnei.

On the west coast of Little Mala there are at present three villages
inhabited by people who speak the language here represented, which
Sa‘a calls Tolo, i.e. hill, stranger, “ bushman": Na‘oni (Wapari),
Oroha, Pau, The Pau people till lately were domiciled at Tawa ni
‘ahi‘a (Ariel Harbour) and have moved a little further west to their
present site, Pau. There are slight dialectical varieties between the
languages of the three places corresponding to their original places of
origin. The people are all immigrants, either from the dividing
channel in Mala, called Su‘n rodo (roto), the Night or Dark Harbour,
by the peoples of South Mala, and charted as Mara Masike channel,
or from the lagoons near Uhu on the west coast. The Na‘oni and
Oroha peoples came originally from the dividing channel to their
present location, and the Tawa ni ‘ahi‘a (Pau) people came from the
lagoons near Uhu (where the Spaniards called in 1568). Na‘oni is
close to Cape Zélée, the south cape of Little Mala, and the Spaniards
anchored there also. (See Royal Geographical Journal, April, 1926.)
There seems to be good evidence that the Spaniards also put into Ariel
Harbour. Oroha is about ] mile west of Na‘oni, and a good govern-
ment track now leads from Na‘oni to Sa‘a across the peninsula formed
by Cape Zélée.

Bishop Patteson seems to have called the Oroha language Mara

A STUDY OF THE OROHA LANGUAGE

Ma-siki, i.e. Little Mala or Mara, after the (Tolo) name of the portion
of the island south of the dividing channel. The island Mala is called
Mara by these “ Tolo” speaking peoples, who have no / in their
language, but their word for “little " is masite (with a final ¢ and
not +) or maimai. The Bishop possibly had in mind the common
oceanic word riki for “little”, and regarded siki as = niki, while
the ma- would fit in as the ordinary adjectival prefix. Men from
Oroha, either recruited locally by the Bishop, or taken by him from
Marau Sound (Tawa ni pupu), Guadaleanal, where they were on a visit
to relatives, were the first people from Mala to go abroad, and it
was natural that their language should have been classed as Mara
Ma-siki, to the exclusion of the Sa‘a speaking peoples who were not
recruited till later. On an earlier voyage Bishop Patteson took men
from Marau Sound to Auckland and printed the Lord's Prayer,
Apostles’ Creed, and a small catechism in their language, and also
made grammatical notes. Most of the material appears in the first
part of von der Gabelentz. The language 1s Mala in origin, the Marau
Sound people having come there from the lagoons on the west coast
of Big Mala near Royalist Harbour, Through his connexion with the
people of Maran Sound Bishop Patteson was able to obtain an intro-
duction to Oroha. The little boat harbour where he landed at Oroha
alongside the village is called Ha‘au. All the three “ Tolo” villages
of the west coast of Little Mala now have schools belonging to the
Melanesian Mission. No translations have been made into the
langur re as here represented,

A GRAMMAR oF THE Lancuace or Orona
1. Alphabet
Vowels: a, ¢, i, 0, U.
Diphthongs: ae, ai, ao, au, ei, ow.
Consonants: w, r, &, t, n,m, p, A, f, 8.

The vowels have both long and short sounds, and the doubling
of a vowel denotes a lengthening of its sound: raa “ to go, to come’.
The use of the “ break ’, denoted by the sign ‘, denotes the dropping
of a consonant, usually of the “ Melanesian g”: ia “ fish” for iga;
but & and ¢ are also dropped, ke'e for keke, negative particle, Aa‘a for
hata “shell money", Lau bata. The sound of & is hard. There is
not such a distinct rolling of the r as occurs in Sa‘a, and the language
is spoken more indistinctly, with little movement of the lips. A d
in Sa‘a may be represented by an sin Oroha: Sa‘a Audi “ banana”,

590 WwW. G. IVENS—

Oroha Ausi, Sa‘a ddu “work with adze”, Oroha asu, but in most
cases the Sa‘a d appears as ¢in Oroha. There are no closed syllables,
2. Articles
(a2) Demonstrative :—
Singular: na, a; mani, ma‘i; wart.
Plural: moi, mo.

(b) Personal :—
i.

(1) As stated in the introduction I am inclined to question the
use by v. d. Gabelentz of mas an article, and I regard his ni as a
misprint for na, though né is a demonstrative article in Wango, San
Cristoval. Although na is in actual use as an’ article, na mane
“a man”, yet, as the texts given below show, the noun is commonly
used without it; but @ is in general use: @ ora “ the thing”, a faa
“what ?", a hanuwa “the land”, nolo horoia ana a taa “ with what
am I to kill it?”, a mera tnau “ my child”.

(2) The pair mani, ma‘i, denote a part, a piece: mani sara
“« piece of cloth”, ma‘i niw “a piece of coconut”. Mani may
also be used as an ordinary demonstrative article: mani maeraa
‘a sickness”, mani wara “a word”, mani warana “ his word,
what he said”.

(3) Wari is used of round objects and of fruits: wari ni hau,
war; haw “a stone, a pebble, wart niu “a coconut", wari pare'o
“a bread-froit”. (The small club with a nodule of iron pyrites
attached enclosed in matting which is peculiar to the peoples in
the neighbourhood of Uhu, and one of which the Spaniards found
in 1568 at Marau Sound, is called wari haw. It was probably owing
to the iron pyrites attachment that the name Solomon Islands was
given to the group.) The Indonesian word buwah “ fruit’, which
appears in Sa‘a and Ulawa in the forms hua, hoi (hou 1), used of
round things or of fruit. and forming articles, appears as Auhwa in
Oroha but is of limited use: Auhuwa i wai “ a bamboo water-carrier ”.
(The common Solomon Islands word for areca nut bua, pua, also derived
from buwah, is pua in Oroha.) The noun hau, which is of similar
derivation and is used in Ulawa as an article, haudinga “a day",
appears also in Oroha, haw ni pou “a (dry) log”. :

(4) Moi shortened to mo before o or A shows plurality both of
persons and things: moi inoni men”, mo ora “ things”.

(5) I have an instance of si used as a demonstrative article,
si kamu “a baler”, where Sa‘a has idenu, déinu “bale”, with i the

A STUDY OF THE OROHA LANGUAGE 591

instrumental prefix. That tamu means the dry sheath of the coconut
flower which forms the ordinary canoe baler shows that si, in the
instance si kamu, is a demonstrative article.

(6) The personal article a is used with nouns expressing kindred
or relationship, or with personal names: a Waria, a porona “ the
(male) person, So-and-so”, @ pareho “So-and-so”, a maamaa
“father”, when speaking of a definite person ; @ teifet :

mother “,
with the same use, a ora “ So-and-so"”, when a person’s name is for-
gotten. The personal article a is seen in aley “who?” (singular),
kira atei (plural).

3. Nouns

(1) Noun Endings —Nouns which have a special termination
showing them to be nouns substantive are (a) verbal nouns,
(6) independent nouns.

(a) Verbal nouns are formed‘from verbs by adding the terminations
na, fa, ra, raa, ha, haai, a

Examples : mae “ to die’, maena “ death “, maeta “ death feast ” ;
pau “to smoke, of fire”, pa‘ura 1 suna “ Gre-emoke* ; hana oe
eat, Aanaraa “ ipod . especially cencianis food; raa “to go”
poe ‘a journey”; maero “to be ripe”, maerohaai “ ripeness ”
repo “to be old, ee * repohaai “age, ripeness"; koru “ to henp
up”, korua “a company ”, korua ni mone “a oa eal of people ” ;
hatare “to go along the coast”, hatarea “ seashore"; horoa “ bale
is probably derived from horo “to divide, to make siehen af

There are certain adjectives to which the noun ee om ned
is attached: sient “good”, sienina “ goodness"; paina “ big”,
prinana “ bigness”. These adjectives are probably verbs in origin.

(b) Independent Nouns. —The termination is na, and this is (i) added
to nouns which express kindred or relationship, (i) attached to
eardinal numerals to form ordinals.

(i) Nouns so formed are always preceded by certain prefixes
which mark reciprocity of relationship or of kindred, mai, ma, hai,
and by the numeral rua “ two”, or the demonstrative plural article
mo: rua mai warina ~ Sister's son and mother’s brother”; rua
maasina “brother and sister” or “two brothers, two sisters ” ;
mo hai wauwana “those who stand to one another in the relation-
ship of grandparents and grandchildren” ; rua mai hunona “ father-
in-law and son-in-law, ete.” ; rua maihana “two brothers-in-law,
ete.”

(ii) Numerals: rua “two”, ruana “ second ”, a second time.

592 W. G. IVENS—

(2) Nouns with Possessive Suffixes —Certain nouns take the suffixed
pronouns denoting the possessor. ‘These are nouns denoting :—

(2) Parts of the body: maa “eye”, maaku “ my eye’; paw
“head”, pauna “ his, its head ”,

(6) Certain states or doings of men: name, life, death, speech,
custom; sasa “name”, sasana “his name “>; maea “death ”,
mactana “his death": wara “word ", warana “his word oe
manata “nature”, manatana “ his nature ”.

(c) Position, end, middle, top: (i/anuma “in the middle” ;
(\)fanumana “ his waist, in the middle of it” ; to‘o‘erena “ its tip”.

(d) All the words expressing kindred or relationship, except those
for husband poro and wife hu‘a (Kent) and mera child. These nouns
are marked in the accompanying vocabulary with (<u) added.
Certain nouns of this class have’ the possessive pronoun attached
only in the third person singular, na, and the plural suffix ni, used of
things only, is attached to certain of them; to‘o‘erent “ their tips”.
In the case of the remaining nouns and also of poro, hu‘a, mera,
possession is denoted by the addition of the ordinary personal
Pronouns: 20rg inau “my cance’; mera inay “ my child"; poo
tnau “my pig”.

(3) Genitive Relation —The genitive relation of nouns one to
another is effected by the use of the preposition ni, or of the shorter
form i: mane ni Oroha “a man of Oroha : waro ni ‘a‘a'o “a fishing
line * 5 ‘u‘u maa i he‘u “a star” ; Sanile i husi “ a hand of bananas ” :
dona i niu “ a couple of coconuts ”. Both the longer and the shorter
forms are used to express purpose. Another form of the genitive js
ri: maa ri maro “a scaffold ” ; maa ri tawa “a landing place ”.

(4) The Instrumental Prefizis i: ikau* a crook” ; traki “ tongs".

(5) Plurality —Plurality is marked by the presence of the articles
mn, mo, preceding the noun, and the adjective itera “ many " may
be added: mo hanua iwera “ many lands™ or “ many people ”’.
The noun mora, moramora “ a multitude ", used of a thousand of men,
may also be used: mora Aanua ‘wera “ multitudes of people * ;
moramora apota “ numerous eggs ",

To a noun ahuta denoting totality the pronoun of the third person
singular, and of all persons in the plural, is suffixed in agreement with
the noun: ahutana sapeku “ all my body ", sapeta ahutata “ the bodies
of them all”. These pronouns are also suffixed to a stem ha-, a noun
with a dative use: haku “to me", hata “to them”. I have no
example of the use of to-, with the Pronouns suffixed, meaning “ with *’
as quoted by v. d. Gabelentz.

A STUDY OF THE OROHA LANGUAGE 593

(6) Endearing Use—Two nouns mai, kai, are used with the
adjective fa‘a “bad”, to express endearment or commuseration,
mat being used of males, kai of females: mai ta‘a, kai ta‘a “ dear
(poor) thing!’ mai fata‘ara nau “ my poor dear one!" poina “big”,
with fa‘a, is used of people in authority, mai ta‘a paina “Sir!”
Of mera “child” the plural is formed by reduplication, meramera
“children”. The numeral efa “one, a noun, is used to express
other—another, singular or plural: eta mane ro‘u “ a different person “ ;
ela mane ro‘u marai “some other people "’.

(7) There is no grammatical gender, the words mane “ male”,
keni “‘ female’, being added when there is need to distinguish sex :
mera mane “a boy”, mera keni “a girl”.

(8) Nouns expressing relationship (except poro and Aw‘a, and
maamaa (maa) “ father” and feitei “ mother", which latter pair are
used as vocatives) are always used as follows: (a) with a suflixed
pronoun: amaku “my father”; (6) with the termination na and
with a reciprocal prefix ma or hai: rua maasina “two brothers”,
rua hai mkena “ mother and child”.

4. Pronouns

1. Pronouns used as the subject of a verb

Sing. 1. inau, naw, no. Plur. 1. inel. ikia, kia.
2. 1 0€, ‘0. 2. famu, ‘amu.
ae ine‘ia, ne‘ia, ne. 3. ikira, ira.
Dual. 1. inel. ikura, hura. Trial. 1. incl. thoru, koru.
1. excl. ierua, erua. l. excl. seru, eru, e.
zi. iarua, arua, aru, a. 2. jauru, aur.
3. ikera, kera, ikira, 3. iirauru, kiraurn,

- kira, wkirarua,
kirarua, rarua,
kirua, dirw.

The forms beginning with « denote emphasis; they are not used
by themselves as the subject, but are always accompanied by the
shorter forms without i, which may themselves be used alone as the
subject. The dual iAwra is used by itself in address meaning “ come
on”, In the Ist pers. sing. no is used with the verbal particle ko
of present or of general time: noko raa i si‘iri “ [am going to-day ”,
noko fui kera raa mai “ T have just come”. Ne is used before proper
names and the personal article a coalesces: nea ora ka‘i raa mat
“who is it that is coming?” nea Ara‘ana.

VOL. TV. PART U1 aaah

a94 Ww. G. IVEXS— -

The trial is used to denote a more restricted number of persons,
as well as merely three people: e¢ raa mai i Kohimarama “ we three
came to Kohimarama ", ora ikirauru, ke‘e ora eru “it is their thing,
not our thing", kira atei auru “who are you (people)? ”, ke‘e ora
huni hana eru irehwni “ there is nothing for us to eat here”.

The pronouns of the 3rd pers. sing, and pl. may be used of
impersonal or inanimate objects, but the example given in
von der Gabelentz of kira used as a plural article, kira Aanua iwera
“all the countries’, is capable of another translation, viz. they
are people many, i.e. they are a numerous people, hanua meaning both
country and people. The use of the pronoun 3rd pers. plur. as
4 plural article is perfectly correct in Mota, as in Bishop Patteson’s
hymn Aa vanua ngang“ Ye lands!", and I suggest that the Bishop
was thinking of the Mota idiom which does not obtain in the Mala
languages, though alas! it appears in the translations and thus is
responsible for the statement of Mr. &. H. Ray, who writes of the
Fiu language that “ The personal pronoun kira also denotes plurality :
kira fiolo ‘the hungry’ (The Melanesian Island Languages, p. 488,
7, Number). I myself have been guilty of incorporating this Mota
idiom into Sa‘a, ,

Kira is used to form a passive: Kira iria ‘ato “ they said it, Le.
it has been said”, mo iora kira asumi*i ‘ato moi mau “ are the canoes
finished yet or not?” Kira followed by the personal article a and ora
thing (used instead of a personal name) denotes a company or a party :
kira a ora, ““ who were they?” i> |

The forms beginning with i are used to denote possession : tora
inau “my canoe”, A chief or a person of importance is addressed
in the dual, or trial, and a mother, either by herself or with her child,
is addressed in the dual. |

2. Pronouns suffixed to Verbs or Prepositions as object

Sing. 1. au. Plur. 1. incl. kya.
1. excl. ‘ami.

2. ‘0. 2. ‘amin,

a. a. * a. kira, ta, “¢.
Dual. 1. inel. &ura. Trial. 1. incl. koru.

1. exel. erwa, lL. exel. ery,

2. aruda. 2 auru.

3. hirarua, torua, 3

. Mirauru,
Examples: kira horoia naponi “ they killed him yesterday”,
hanua ka reesikura, mu‘una “ the people are looking at us, my lad”,

A STUDY OF THE OROHA LANGUAGE AOS

The form a is suffixed to a transitive verb as an anticipatory object :
maa ka araia na mane “a snake bites (him) a man”, erw toa ‘ato
mo ora nena “we have finished those things ’’. The form fa is used
in place of kira for the sake of shortness, but Kira is in quite common
use, When things and not persons are in question ‘1 1s the form used :
nau kai raa‘ohi'i “1 will go for them (to fetch them)”.

3. Pronouns suffixed to Nouns or to certain Prepositions :

Sing. 1. ku. Plur. 1. incl. ka, bourw.
l. excl. mami, merw.
2. nee. Z miu, WLU.

i nea oe ta, tauru,

Dual. 1. incl. Xara.
1. excl. merua.
2. marua, mari,
ob. tarua.

These are the pronouns denoting possession and, as stated above,
are affixed to a certain class of nouns only, those denoting the names
of parts of the body, or of family relationships, with certain exceptions,
or of things in close relationship to the possessor, a man’s name, his
speech, etc. They are not used of a man’s weapons or house or
hand bag. Where they cannot be employed the ordinary personal
pronouns are used imsteac.

The plural forms in the second column denote a restriction in the
number of the persons concerned. Words like maraa-“ lone, unaided,
of one’s own accord” and sio- “after, according to" which have
the above set of pronouns suffixed, maraana “by myself", rono
siona warana “ hear and do his word ", are evidently nouns, though
they have no independent use apart from the suffixed pronoun.

There are three possessives, ‘a, na, a, all of them nouns :—

(1) The first possessive ‘a is used of things to eat and drink,
the pronouns being always suffixed. In the Ist and 2nd pers.
sing. ‘a is added to the suffixed pronoun, and this ‘a is replaced by

‘i when several things are in view for a person to eat.

Sing. 1. ‘aku‘a, ‘aku't. Plur. 1. incl. ‘aka.
lL. excl. ‘amame.
2. ‘amu'‘a, “amu't. Zs ‘annul.

3. a. a. ‘ala.

BOG W. G. IVENS—

Dual. 1. incl. ‘akara,‘akerua. Trial. 1. incl. ‘akeurw.

|. excl. ‘amerua, l. excl. ‘ameru.
2. ‘amarud, 2. ‘amururu,
3. ‘atarua. 3. ‘aaurt.

Examples: wari niu ‘aku‘a “a coconut for me to eat’’, totora
‘akauru “take for us to eat ", ma‘i niu ai “a piece of coconut for him
to eat’. When the sense relates to food in general and not to a
particular meal the ordinary personal pronouns are used: ke'e ora
hunt hana eru “there is nothing for us to eat".

(2) The second possessive na also has the pronouns suffixed
according to the above list, The meaning is “for”: mo ora namu‘i
(many) things for you’, ne‘ia ka nahu naku‘a “ he spoke for me”,
for namu’a “ work for you”.

(3) The third possessive a denotes “belonging to”, “with”,
“at ", and has the above set of pronouns suffixed, but is used without
the final ‘a and ‘i in the Ist and 2nd pers. sing. The 3rd pers, sing,
is ana as well as ai, and in the 3rd pers. plur. ani replaces
ata when the reference is to things and not persons: noko na‘i sai
paina ani “I think much of them”, kahi amu “have you a knife
(about you)?”, wairu ana moi nima (wairuai moi nima) “ on top
of the houses ", a faa e rapusia ai “ what did he hit him with? ”,
i Kerekere ana tara “ by the side of the path ", ¢ rua ne ata “ two of
them". These forms of the possessive serve as the objects of verbs
to which the pronoun is not suffixed: nau he'e Aiiwaraimori ana
“Ido not believe him”; or as objects when an adverb intervenes
between the verb and its object, kera horo tata‘ara aku *' they beat
me unmercifully ” ; or to show differences of meaning, a taa ne iri ana
“what was he talking about ?”

6. Demonstrative Pronouns

The demonstratives are ne, ni, nene, neni “ this, these " -
nena, wouna “ that, those ”,

Examples: @ ora né “this thing”, ¢ rehu ni “ hore ", wart niu
nene ‘oko potaria ka‘u “ please crack this coconut ", ora afei neni
~ Whose is this thing?”, a porona “ So-and-so”, a manena “ that
person "', ora nena “ that thing ”, mane wouna “ that person there ”’,
mu'u na, in address, “ you (boy)!

Na is also used after the negative ;
“not so”,

va,

mau na “no”, mau nena

A STUDY OF THE OROHA LANGUAGE 5OT

7. Interrogative Pronouns

The interrogatives are fei “ who ?”, faa“ what?” The personal
article a makes ates “who” singular, Airaatei plural. After means
“what is the name? ”, afet arua raa mai “ who came with you ?”,
kiraatei auru “who are all you people?” The demonstrative
article @ is used with faa; @ taa ne iri ana “ what was he talking
about ?”

8. Indefinite Pronouns

The words used are efa and ne ; of these efa is the cardinal numeral
eta “one” and ne is a noun like ile in Ulawa with a similar use.

Examples: efa moi inoni “certain, some, people”, efa mor ne
“some ”, e rua ne ata “‘ two (persons) of them”. As in Sa‘a fa‘ela’ena
means “every”: ta‘eta‘ena ora “every thing”. Ta'ela‘ena is a
form of the numeral meaning ‘ one’ with na demonstrative added.
The numeral faa‘t is used as meaning “ different’: rihu Kira taa’t
“they have other (different) ways "’.

9. Relative Pronouns

There are no relative pronouns. Their place is supplied by the
suffixed pronoun, demonstratives being added: a@ ora ne noko
usunainia maani‘o “this is the thing which I remove from you”,
ine‘ia a porona kira ka iria “ he is the person whom they are talking
about ”’.

10. Verbs

Words may be used as verbs by prefixing the verbal particles,
but words which are the names of actions are naturally verbs.
Certain verbs have special prefixes or terminations which further
mark them as verbs. The verbal particles precede the verb and at
least one of them ka‘i has a temporal force.

(1) The verbal particles are ko, koi, ka, ke, ka‘t. The first two
particles ko and kor are joined in speech to the governing pronouns,
the rest of the particles are separated in speech.

(a) Ko is used only with the shortened forms no, ‘o of the
Ist and 2nd pers, sing. of the personal pronoun: inau noko raa “ as
for me I am going", ‘oko rono ta‘a, mu“una “ you are making a row,
you!”, The time is more or less present. The illatives may replace
ko: nau fui kera hura “I have just arrived”.

The vowel i may be added to ko: nokot raa “IT am going”,
nokoi usuna‘inia‘ato “I take it away”. This ¢ may be the short
form of the genitive which is used to denote purpose.

598 W. G. IVENS—

(6) Ka is used with all the pronouns which are the subject of the
verb, The time is the historic present. The subject need not be
expressed. | .

(ec) Ae expresses a certain amount of futurity or of condition in
the action: arua ke toi siona waraku, arua ka mauri ai “ if you two
do according to my word, you two are living thereby, i.e. will live ” ;
‘ai nena arua ke ania, arua ka mae ai “ you two will eat that tree,
you two die thereby ”.

(¢) Ka‘: denotes a definite future: ka‘i haro mano ka‘u “ it will
end in time ™. |

(2) Times and Moods—A subjunctive is formed by ana “if”,
when used with ka or ka‘i: ‘oko ma‘ohia ana ka‘i raa mai‘ohe “ do
you wait for him in case he should be coming”, An imperative
is conveyed by the use of the particle ke, or by ko, used with ‘o “ thou ”.
‘Conditional affirmation is expressed by Aa‘araa: ke suui iria ha‘araa
sent “if you were to say it, it would be best ”.

The illatives are pi, pui, fui, the latter being a dialectical
peculiarity of Tawa ni ‘ahi‘a. The meanings are “ then, thereupon,
in that case, for the first time ", the particles ko, ka, need not necessarily
precede them: God pi toia saso “ God then made the sun”.

The particle kau follows the verb and (a) denotes a preterite,
Famu ‘amu raaraa ka‘u “ you indeed went” ; (b) mitigates the
harshness or the directness of a request or a command.

The adverb ‘ato denotes a preterite and follows the verb. The

demonstrative na denotes completion, warita sara mau na “ anciently
the heaven was not”.
(3) Negative Particles —The foregoing particles are not used in
negative sentences. The negative particles are ke'e and swui, the
latter is a dehortative and is also used of future time: ‘oke suwi iria,
manena “see that you do not say it, you! ”, suui hai sens ‘ato ro‘u
it will not be any good again”. The ordinary hegative mau “ no,
not" is also used as a negative particle, ine‘ia mau mane paina “ he
is not a chief **.

A negative imperative is indicated by mane “ lest", mane ‘o iria
“do not say it”.

The genitives ni, i, are used to denote purpose: ka na‘i sae ni
asumia “he thinks about making it”, noko raa i koesi tarua “1 am
going to play a trick on them”,

(4) Su fixes to Verbs—{1) There are certain terminations which
when added to neuter verbs, i.e. to verbs to which the pronoun of

A STUDY OF- THE OROHA LANGUAGE Foo

the object cannot be attached, make them definitely transitive.
These suffixes are of two forms :-— ,

(a) The vowel i by itself or a consonant with 7: 1, Av, mi, ne,
ri, #1.

(6) The termination a‘t which. is suffixed by itself to nouns to
convert them into transitive verbs sasu, sasua‘i: pa‘ura i suna ka
sasua'ia maaku “the smoke has got into my eyes”.

The consonants A, m, r, t, may be prefixed to the termination a‘i
forming ean: ero “to stoop”, oroma‘’i, oroha‘; “ stooping,
squatting’; ta‘era‘i “risen”; raputa‘i “ fallen headlong”.

To the See eater ha‘i, ma‘i, na‘i, ra‘i, ta‘i, the genitive ni
is suffixed and the whole forms a compound transitive suffix :
haneha‘ini, onoma‘ini, hiina‘ini, tahera‘ini, raputa‘ini.

The syllabic suffix Aa‘ini is used with certain verbs as meaning
“with: oroha‘im “to swim with a thing”, haneha‘ini “ to climb
holding a thing ”. |

(5) Prefizes to Verbs—These are causative and reciprocal. The
causative is Aa‘a; it may be prefixed to nouns, verbs, adjectives,
numerals, and is used with verbs which have a transitive suffix.

(6) The reciprocal is hai. With the addition of the adverb ro'w

“again” hai denotes a change or an addition: ke'e hai sieni ro'w
“it will never be any good again ”

(7) Passive—The passive is expressed by the use of the personal
pronoun 3rd pers. plur. kira as subject with the verb, the adverb
‘ato “already” being added; Aira is also used impersonally.

(8) The third possessive is used to form a gerundive, the suffix 1
- being added to the verb: horoiana ‘ato “ the killing of him”.

(9) Reflexive Verbs —The noun maraa- with suffixed pronouns
added denotes reflexive action : ka horoia maraana “he killed himself”’.

(10) Reduphiecation.—Verbs are reduplicated in three ways, and
there is no difference in the use of the reduplicated forms beyond
an intensification of meaning.

(a) By repetition of the first syllable: suri, susuri.

(b) By repetition of the whole word: hore, horohoro.

11. Adjectives

The adjective follows the noun.
(1) Certain words have a form which is only used of adjectives :
this form may be either a termination or a prefix :—

600 w. G. IVENS—

(a) Adjectival terminations are ‘a, ta‘a.
‘a: sane “white ant", sane‘a “infected with white ants ~ ;
seni “ good”, seseni‘a “ very good” ; pa‘uraisuna “ smoke of fire”,
peuraisuna‘a “ smoky ".

fa‘a: osi “to cut, to score ”, osiosita‘a “ scored’.

(4) Adjectival prefixes are ma, ta'i, taka, tara, tata -—

o% “to break”, mao‘'i “broken": marokeroke “ roaring "’,
fa'inaru “simultaneous ”, ta‘ihikukihu “tangled”, takaruha “ un-
loosed, undone”, tarakoni “ gathered together, in harmony”,
tatakehukehu “ headlong ”.

The prefix taka denotes spontaneity: ‘a is prefixed to verbs and
forms participles : hari “ to break off a branch", ‘ahari “ broken off ” ;
hisu “to pluck”, ‘ahisu “ plucked ”,

(2) Comparison.—Degrees of comparison are shown by the use of
prepositions or adverbs, or by a simple positive statement. The preposi-
tions used are maani ‘ from’, which always has the pronoun suffixed,
and riudaa “beyond, in excess", which is followed by the third
possessive : poo € paina maania asuhe “a pig is larger than a rat”,
mane sient nena maania “he is a better man than he”, ikira ne ksra
‘wera riutaa ata “these are more numerous than those”. The
adverbs used are kera “a little’, hitto‘o “ very much ”..

A positive statement carries comparison by implication: mane
sient nena, mane taa nena “this man is good, that man is bad”.

12. Adverbs

(1) Adverbs of Condition—Mora “ only, merely, without any
reason, sient mora “ good enough”, heeta “ only, solely ", ‘ohe
“ perhaps, possibly " ; ‘ato “* finality, emphasis ”, mano ‘ato “ finished,
done with”, ‘ato ‘o‘o “ for good and all” ; ka'u of preterite, softening
down a statement, ete.

(2) Adverbs of Manner —Ua “how ?”, ua “ yet, still’, witae
“how ?”, ka tau “spoke how, i.e. what did he say 7", una
‘thus, like that, assent”, uri, wring “in this way, 50°", urthana
“like, In the same way as”
wantonly ; precedes the verb.

(3) Adverbs of Time—Mano “ finished, past”, ‘ato mora, ‘alo
morana “ immediately, right now ”, si‘iri, si*iring “ to-day", naponi
“ yesterday ”, warifa “ past or future time, three days hence”, The
locative i may be prefixed to the last four of these. Poe ruana “ two
days hence”, poe roosi, poe ni oluna « three days hence ”
‘ato ina‘o “ formerly", raw na‘o “ do for the first time ”.

: farei “for no reason, merely,

. § na‘o,

A STUDY OF THE OROHA LANGUAGE 601

(4) Adverbs of Place —Ihei “ where ?”, i rehu, « rekuni “ here”,
ai “there, therein, thereby ", mai “here, hither”, wou “there”,
karai, karaini “nearly, near". Affirmation iau, negation mau,
question ne.

15. Prepositions

(1) Simple Prepositions :—

Locative I.

Causation haahi.

Motion to fare-; takoi-> suri; tsurt.

Motion from meant-.

Dative huni.

Instrumental ana, ant, ai, ainia.

Relation ana, ani, ai; haani-, ha‘ini- ; honosi- ;
sio- + keke-.

Genitive ni, 1, ri.

Position ahwi-.

With the exception of the locative, the instrumental, the first
three prepositions of relation, and the genitive, all the foregoing are
used with a suffixed pronoun.

According to Melanesian idiom the locative ¢ is used of place
whence, and of direction, i fei “ at what place ?"”, raat het “ go to
where ?’’: of the instrumental prepositions ana is the ordinary one
in use denoting “with”. When the noun denoting the instrument
is not preceded by an article, or when the noun ts used in a general
sense, ani replaces ana: w‘ia ani noma “hit him with spear ee
ant taa “ with what?” When the instrumental comes at the end
of a sentence ai is used: a@ taa kera rapusia ai “ what did they hit
him with ?”, ka na‘i sae at “ thinks about it"; ainia means “ because,
with what ?’: ana also means “ because”. In relation ana is used to
denote “of”: i kerekere ana tara “ by the side of the path ", wairu
(wau iru) ana nima “on the top of the house ", 1 wairu ai “on top
of it’; (an idiom is a faa ne iri ana “ what is he talking about t”),
arua ka mauri ai “ you two will live thereby”, ka aswmia ai hort
nana “ makes it to sell for himself’; ani is used as plural of ana,
nau ke‘e hana ua ani “1 have never eaten any of it”, I have no
knowledge of the form aie quoted by von der Gabelentz.

Ani is used in the composition of nouns: supi ani ‘ai “a wooden
club”. Haani, ha‘int both denote “with, along with, accom-
panying ”; Aonosi- means “in the way of, to meet”; keke is used
as Sa‘a saa-, Ulawa sie-, “at the house of, to visit”; nau papahe

kekemu “ | came to see you”; sio- denotes.“ after, according to” ;
kira kee rono signa warana “ they did not hear his word ”. |

Ahui- means “ round about, concerning.”

(2) Compound Prepositions —These are nouns with the locative -
the pronoun is suffixed as the actual object or as an anticipatory
object when a noun follows: i haho “above”, ¢ orcha- “ below a
trao-,i raoi within”. Of these i oroha-, i rao-, are never used without
a suffixed pronoun; the addition of the vowel i in the form i raoi
is worthy of notice, unless, perchance, the form is i rao‘i neuter
plural. | |

As in Sa‘a some prepositions are constructed from the verbal
nouns to which the suffixed pronoun is always added ; ori “ to change ",
ordaku “in my place”.

Certain verbs are used as prepositions ; roosi “ to await”, i‘o roosia
“wait for him" (poe roosia “ third day hence *'), karaini “ near to”,
ha‘atauri “ far from", the pronouns being suffixed.

14. Conjunctions

Copulative, ma. Disjunctive, moi,
Adversative, fa‘a. Conditional, ana.
Connective, ‘ato. Illative, pi, pui, fui,

A mark of quotation is uri. “Or not” is expressed by moi
followed by ke‘e, or moi mau. “ Until” is Aura ana. Haro shows
consecutiveness of action, The preposition Aaani- “ with ” is used
as a conjunction ; mane haania keni “ men and women ”’,

15, Numerals —
The numeral system is decimal, all numbers above the ten are
(1) Cardinals :—

1 eta, taa’i. 6 & ono,

2 ¢€ rua. 7 ¢ iw.

o € Orn. 8 e waeru,

4 e@ hai. 9 # sia.

5 erima, 10 tanahuru, awara.

In numbers other than efa the initia] é is omitted in quick counting.
The prefix ¢o'o forms distributives : to‘otaa‘; ora mora * only a few”:
ela is used as meaning another, different, efa mane rou maray.
Waru “eight” is used as an indefinite number. Tanahuru is the
tenth of a series; awara is the tally of ten.

To express units over ten mana is employed: awara-mana eta

“eleven”, -An incomplete tally is expressed by taatara: awara
taatara “ some over ten”,

A STUDY OF. THE OROHA LANGUAGE 60S.

Special words are used for the tens of different objects : a°wru a niu
“10 coconuts ”, hika ni fa “10 large garfish”’, waro “10 smoked
coconuts (20 halves) strung for sale "', aitari ni 1a “10 parrot fish “.
Two coconuts strung together is dona “a pair’. |
~ Tanarau is 100: tanarau ni ia “100 porpoise teeth strung as
a unit ”.. Numbers above the hundred are expressed by mana:
tanarau rua awara mana hei “124”.

_ Special words are used for hundreds of various objects : aro ni hui

«100 taro”, nao “100 yams or 100 hana", totora ni kui “ 400 dogs’

teeth strung as a unit’.

Sinora is 1,000; this is used correctly of yams or hana or taro;
pera “1,000 coconuts”, mora ~ 1,000 of men”, mora ni hi‘ona
“innumerable ghosts”; the reduplicated form moramora is used
indefinitely as meaning “ many ".

(2) Ordinals.—The cardinals with a substantival termination na
form the ordinals. i=

First efana. Fourth Aaina. Seventh Aiuna.
. Second ruana. Fifth ramana. Eighth waruna.
Third oruna. Sixth onona. Ninth sivrana,

Ordinals precede the noun: ruana mane “the second man”. Tenth
is expressed by fanahuru ana.
Enita, nita “ how many "’, is used with the substantival termination
na: enitana “ what number (is it) ?”’
_ (3) Multiplicatives are formed with the causative ha‘a: /a‘arua
“twice”, ha‘atanarau “a hundred times”, ha‘anita “ how often ?”’
In hautaa‘i “ once ”, the hau probably is haw “ fruit” ; ef. Articles (3).
The word ta‘e “to embark ”’ is used as a kind of descriptive prefix
along with the cardinals faa‘i, olu, hai, and with enia, where the
holding capacity of a canoe is in question: ta‘e oru ““a three man
canoe "’. |

TEXTS
1. E raamai (i) Kohimarama, ka raa i Oroha ka raa
1. We came here (to) Kohimarama, (we) go to Oroha (we) go
(i) nima, Ara‘ana ka reesia nununa va, ka tora ia
(into) house, Ara‘ana seesit figure its fish, hangsit areca nut
ka to'ta smart kekena hvtona maa‘i, kairia, “ Noko
angsit here at alongside it ghost sacred, saysit, “I

604 W. G. IVENS—

ha‘aoho ahuiau ana nau raa ha‘alau™. Mane
make offering protecting myself because I went far off’. (A) man

ka asumia ‘ai ka konia pauna amana, pauna
carves it piece of wood putsit head his father his, head his
asind, warina, ka koni(a) ra(ojna i‘a, ka iria:

brother his, mother’s brother his, puts it inside it fish SAYS :
“ H'ona ikoru nena, ka rauhikoru nena”, Sasana i‘a mora,
“Ghost our that, abides with us that”, Name its fish merely,
hi‘ona ne‘ia iraoi. Pa‘ewa hi‘ona ro‘u, maa hi‘ona ro‘u, Auasa
ghost he inside. Shark ghost also, snake ghost also, crocodile
hi‘ona ro'u, purupuru i Oru marau ka to‘o ana mane, ka mae,
ghost also, firefly at Oru marau hits against person, (he) dies,
kairia hi‘ona. Huasa kav'o i asi, kai‘o i hanua: ta‘e
considers it (a) ghost. Crocodile lives in sea, lives on land; one
waarowaare rua mane oru poo rua kui ka ani‘ ‘ato. Ka
month two men three pigs two dogs eats them completely. (He)
reesia mane ka araia, ka pora haania ralonaasi. Huasa ka
sees man bites him, jumps with him intoit sea. Crocodile goes
thanua, karairahi ai, ka tora n(tjui, karairahi apota; taa‘i
on land, lays (eggs) there, builds nest, lays eggs; one
huasa moramora apota, rua awdra, apolana ka urihana goose ;
crocodile countless eggs, two ten, eggs its like goose eggs ;
huasa = ka i‘o aroha‘ kekeni, ke'e apa haahia urihana
erocodile sits crouching beside them, not squat onit like
hua; mane kareesia, kira ka pania huasa, ka naa
ahen; aperson seesit, they drive it away crocodile, eats
potara apota ni huasa,
breaks it eggs of crocodile.
2. Eru kairia una: “ Kira karaohia, kira ka na‘isae
2. We speak it thus: “They think about it, they reflect
‘ohia, kira ka nahu uring” Waraimori nena, rua pune, reesia
aboutit, they speak thus,” True that, two men, seeit
hanua = ais @_ hanua nena, reesia kau, kira katoia haka, kia
(the) land there the land that, see it please, they build ships, we
kee rio setia, riiu kira

A STUDY OF THE OROHA LANGUAGE 605

wai, kia ke'e rio saia, kira kato suna, pana,
water (medicine), we not see know it, they make it fire, sails,
kia ke‘e manata‘inia,
we not know it.
%. Mane wru ka pu(u) (i) ta(ajtara, ke'e saia ire, mane
3. Man blind treads on path, not know it precipice, man
sient kato‘o 1 kaikaina, kairia: “Tre nena ‘oko hu”:
good takes hold on hand his, says it: “ Precipice that you fall”:
ine'ia kanahu: “‘Oko nahu ruwiau ainta ta? Noko
he says: “You speak forbidding me for what? I
raa mora.” Mane marai ka iria: “ Suwi
am going just (as I please).” Man another saysit: “ Don't
roronoa warana, mane ka kaekae nena, ire mau ai, ‘oko
listen to it word his, man deceiving that, precipice not there, you
ra”: mane uru ka iria: “Mane sient nena, ke'e nahu
go”: man blind says it: “Man good that, not speak
rutuiau, ke'e urihana mane wouna.” Mane uru fke'e rio
forbidding me, not like man over there.” Man blind not see
saia mane ka koesia nena, mane ka ha‘amaesia, mane wuru
know him man deceive him that, man kills him, man blind

ka raa, ka raa, ka hu, ba mae.

goes, goes, falls, dies.
4, Noko peria poo ‘oe, noko hiria huni‘o ana
4. 1 stealit pig yours, I paya fine forit to you with
ha‘a, a, ka i‘o tarakoni ro'u. Mane

shell money, porpoise teeth, live collected together again. Man
ka raa mai ka peria keni inau, noko raa noko horoia, — ka toto
comes here steals her wife my, I go I kill him, makeitup
huniau, ha‘a ia, ka io tarakont ro'u.
to me, shell money, porpoise teeth, live collected together again.
5, Nemo paina, mane ka ma‘uma'u uli ine‘ia ka ta’a, ke iria
5. Rain great, man fears yams his are spoilt, says
huni mane saier : “ Noko = waar'o ana ha‘a,
to man (that) knows: “T reward you with shell money,

§06 W. G. WERS—

“ Siena,
“ Good,

poo, oko ha‘asaso ro‘u."’ Mane saia ka iria:
pigs, you make sun again.” Man (that) knows says;
ne ia hoa‘, key pay rou.

wait awhile, fine (weather) again,”

A VocanuLary or Orowa Laneuace

i=noun; v.i. = intransitive verb, i.e. a verb to which the
pronoun of the object cannot be attached; v.t. = transitive verb,
Le. a verb to which the pronoun of the object can be attached ;
partic. = participle ; (ku) written after a noun denotes that the
possessive pronoun can be attached, a hyphen at the end of such nouns

denotes that they are only used with the pronoun attached,

A
aharota n., kinsman.
ahune-(ku), a man’s sister, a
woman's brother,
‘al, tree,
ama-(ku), father.
‘ant ¥.t., to eat.
apa v.1., to squat, to crouch.
aperea n., commoners, the people
belonging to a chief.
apola (na, ni), epg.
ara v.i., to bite:
poisonous snake,
arai vt. to bite a person.
araha, a chief,
arahu partic., come out of its
socket.
asa v.1., to be difficult. —
asat-v.t., to be too difficult for
a person.
as}, Sea.
asi-(ku), a man’s brother, a
woman's sister.
asu v.i., to work with an adze,
to carve,
asume v.t.

mide area,

ala ~rumu, large frog, Rana
Guppyu. |

E
‘ere, “ereere (na, ni) mn. tip, top
shoots of branches.
eri v.t., to dig.

H
ha‘a, shell money,
ha‘aaraha v.t., to conduct the
ceremonies for the son or the
daughter of a chief; to
ennoble.
ha‘amaesi vt., to kill.
ha‘amauri v.t., to restore to
health ; to save.
ha‘aoho v.i., to make an offering
of areca nuts or money to a
family ghost on returning
from a voyage.
ha‘asaso ¥.;.. to make fine weather.
ha‘asiena, ha‘asienj v.t., to put
right, rectify.
ha‘atau v.i., to he far off.
ha‘atauri v.t. to be far off a

place or thing or person,

A STUDY OF- THE OROHA LANGUAGE

haharisi, grass.
hana v.i., to shoot with an arrow.
hanasi v.t.
hana 2 v.., to eat.
honaraa n., food.
hane v.i., to climb.
hanena‘ina v.t., to climb, hold-
hanua, land, island, people.
haoru, new.
hara v.1., to attempt.
hii v.i., to feel, perceive.
ivina‘ine v.t.
hi‘ona, a ghost.
hiri v.t., to pay a fine for.
hoowa, morning, between 8 a.m.
and 10 a.m.; 1 foowa, to-
morrow morming.
heraa v.i., to be calm.
hort v.t., to buy, to pay.
hore, horohoro v.i., to kill, to hit.
horow v.t. |
horoa, a day.
Au v.i., to fall.
Awa, ground, the earth, as opposed
to saro, the sky.
hu‘a, woman, wife. ~
hui, taro.
huno-(ku), father-in-law, son-in-
law, mother-in-law, daughter-
in-law.
hufa v.i., to be born.
I
ia, fish, porpoise tooth.
iha-(ku), brothers-in-law, sisters-
in-law.
ieiiki, a land frog.
inoni, a human being.
inu v.t., to drink.
mui v.t.

— — . . e
i - A 7 =
a! — ee F
- rr ~~) =
= > 4 oe

lo v.t., to sit, to stay.

ord, canoe, —

wa, a stone axe-head.

ire, & precipice.

iri, irttri v.t., to say, to consider,
iru, above, on top of,

iwera, all.
K
kae v.i.,.to deceive,
iiest vt.

Katkai(tu), hand, arm.
kare(de), child.
keni, woman, female, wife.
kera, slightly, a little, just now.
ke'ike'i(ku), finger.
koe, a frog.
koni v.t., to put, to place,
Kua, fowl.
kui, dog.
M
maa(iu), eye.
mad, snake; maa ara, poisonous
snake.
ma'ahu v.i., to sleép.
maa‘t, sacred, holy,
mae v.1., to die, to be ill.
maena, death.
maerda, sickness.
maesi V.t., to die of, to be ill of,
maeta(tu), death feast.
mavnai, little, small,
manana, a few.
mandala‘ v.t., to know,
perceive by intuition.
mane 1, man, male,
mane 2, lest. |
mano, finished, completely.
mara, like, as.
marat, other, different.

Maio
hie,

ev,

At i i

re |
rk

a a
’

= —— = = =. °° °° ° ° ° ° °°} } =

608 W. G. IVENs—

marau, island ; Oru marau, Three
Sisters islands: warwmarau
the world.

masike, small, little.

mato, earth, dirt.

matora-(ku), middle.

ma‘u, ma‘uma‘u v.i., to fear.

ma unt V.t.

ma‘usu, bush, forest.

mera, child ; meramera, children,

mora 1, only, merely.

mora 2, 1,000 of men; moramora,
countless, numerous,

mu‘u, person, fellow, man.

naa v.1., to eat.

nahu v.1., to speak, to say.

nai v.i., to put; na‘i sae, to
think.

naponi, yesterday.

nani, canarium nut,

neu v.t. to put, put down;
ne‘ia ka‘, wait-a-while.

nemo N., Tan; V.1., to rain.

nima, dwelling-house.

niu, a coconut-tree; wari ni,
a coconut,

niwi, a nest; tora niui, to make
a nest.

nunu(ku), figure, shape.

0)
oha, canoe house,
‘oha v.t., to fetch, go for.
ono v.1., to swallow.
onoma'ini ¥.t.

ora, thing; a ora, So-and-so.
ore, oroore V.1., to Swim.
oroha‘ini v.t., to swim with a
thing.
oroha-(ku), underneath.
ore v.i., to lean over,
oroha’t partic., crouching.
oroma’i partic,, slanting.
ofe, otoote, straight.

paapaa(ku), grandmother, grand-
child.

pa'ewa, shark,

paina, paipaina, big.

pani v.t., to drive away.

papahe v.i., to walk about, to
Visit.

pau(ku), head.

pau v.i., to smoke, of fire.

pa'ura i suna, smoke of fire.

peri, periperi v.t., to steal,

pu, piipi v.i., to boil with hot
stones,

poe, a day; poe ni oruna, ete.,
ef. Ulawa poe danita‘i, next
morning.

pont, night.

po'o, a part.

pora v.1., to jump.

poeta v.i., to break, crack ; pota
niu, to crack coconuts.

potari v.t.

Pud, areca nut.

puri(ku), behind a person ; i puri,
at the. rear.

Purupuru, firefly.

A STUDY OF THE OROHA LANGUAGE

R
raa, raaraa 1, v.i., to go; raa mai,
to come here; raa wou,
go there.
raqa 2, v.i., to shine, of sun.
raani v.t., to shine upon.
rahi, ratrahi v.i., to lay eggs.
rani, i rani, sky, heaven.
rao-(ireu), inside ; 7 raor, the inside,
ta ras, inside them.
raohki v.t., to think
meditate.
rapu v.i., to strike, to hit.
rapust v.t.
rarawa v.i., to be slothful, to be
lazy, to be unwilling.
rarawasi v.t., to neglect through
rate, a reel.
rau na‘o v.i1.,to do for the first time.
rauhki v.t., to abide with a person,
of spiritual influence.
reesi v.t., to see.
rereho v.i., to speak, to say.
riiu, custom, manner.
rio v.i,, to see.
rono, rorono v.t., to hear ; rono sai,
to understand wpon hearing.
roona'ini v.t., to meditate upon.
room, to awalt.
roto 1, v.i., to be dark.
roto 2, piece, part.
ruAa v.i., to loose.
ruhasi ¥.t.
ruhata’i partic, loosed,
ruut v.t., to forbid ; nalu ruwt.

S
sae(ku), heart, mind; na‘i sae,

VOL. TV. PART U1.

upon,

A.
a7 Oe a.
wr
fa,
=
sai v.t., to know, to have know- a
ledge of; rio sai v.t., to |
perceive,
saikuni v.i., to be concealed,
hidden.
sanite, a hand of bananas.
sape(tu), body; to « sapena,
to be along with a person.
saro, cloud, sky.
saruhe, centipede.
gasa(ku), name.
saso, sun, fine weather.
sasoa'i v.t., to shine upon, of
the sun. =
sasu V.i., to smoke.
sasua’y v.t.

seni, seseni, good,
senina n., goodness,

siho v.i., to go down.

Siena, siénl, a8 sent.

sviri, stirini, to-day; 4 si‘irt,
i ar arene.

sinehi, outside; i sinehi,

suri, susuri v.t., to follow, go
after.

fa v.i., to give, to take; fa mai,
give it here !
ta‘a, tata‘ara, bad.
fa’e v.1., to go on board, to go up.
taera’i partic., risen.
fa‘ert v.t., to go on board a
canoe.
tahe, to ascend.
fala ¥.1., to flee.
fahisi v.t., to flee from.
tani, wind.
fanuma-(ku), middle, waist.
fara, taafara, path.
40

610 4 STUDY OF THE

lara v.i., to be lost at sea, to drift.

larahuni, place; « tarahwri ana,
in its place.

tarakoni, gathered together; i‘o
tarakoni, to be at peace.

farei, merely, wantonly, precedes
the verb.

lau v.t., to do; v.i. to say;
ka tau witaa, saya what ?

fauna, to desire.

fautaunire, echo.

teifer, vocative, mother !

fo‘o vii., to hit; used with

esessive 3.

toi v.t., to do, to make, to act.
to's v.t., to hang up.

fora v.1., to carry.

foto v.t., to pay a fine for, atone.
fooru ¥.1., to sit.

U
uhi, yam.
ua v.t., to aim at and hit, to
hammer.
upu v.1., to swell,
ura 1, v.i., to stand; wrai hei,
whence ?

OROHA LANGUAGE

wra-(ku), 2, ortho-cousins, children
of two brothers or two sisters;
rua maurand.

urowro v.i., to howl, to yell.

ur, uruure v.1., to be blind.

uruha, kindred; wruha ni inoni.

waa's v.t., to reward, to give
payment to.

waarowaare, Moon.

wai, water.

wara(ku) 1, word,

wara 2, v.1., to speak.

waradimori v.i., to be true.

wari(<u), mother’s brother, sister's
son.

warita, three days ago, time past
or future.

warumarau, the world; waru,
eight.

wale v.t., to apportion the food
at a feast; v.i., to make a
speech at a feast.

wauwa(ku), grandfather, grand-
child.

wert V.t., to split with the nails.

SOME READINGS OF JANAKIHARANA XVI
By 5. K. De

HE text of Janaki-harana xvi, published by Dr. L. D. Barnett
in BSOS., vol. iv, pt. ii, pp. 285 f., from an old Malayalam MS.,
gives me an opportunity of furnishing readings of the same text from
another MS. recently acquired by the Madras Government Oriental
Manuscripts Library, of which a certified transcript exists in the
Dacca University Library. The acquisition of this MS. by the Madras
Library was reported in their Report of the Working of the Peripatetic
Party, during the Triennium 1916-17-18-19. I had an opportunity
of examining it during my visit to Madrasin 1924. It contains twenty
cantos ; but I was disappointed to find that it is only a transeript from
an original, which, I was informed, was discovered somewhere on the
Malabar Coast. As such, the value of its readings may not be superior
to those given by Dr. Barnett; but Dr. Barnett’s text, based that
it is on a single MS., is admittedly unsatisfactory in some places.
On comparing it with the text, as given in the Madras MS., I find
that it happily fills up the lacun® in Dr. Barnett’s text, and in
some Cases gives, in my opinion, better readings. I propose to notice
these below. It is possible that the archetypes of the two MSS. were
not the same, as my MS. omits several verses given by Dr. Barnett’s
(the authenticity of which cannot be finally decided without the
help of a third MS,); and the sequence and arrangement of some
of the verses are not identical.

I notice, first of all, the discrepancies in the order of verses.
The figures refer to the numbering of verses in Dr. Barnett’s text,
which for the sake of abbreviation, will be indicated by the letter B ;
while the Madras MS. will be referred to as M.

After B 11, M reads B 16-20, then 15, 13, 12, 14, and 21, after
which there is agreement. M omits altogether 44. Again, after 56
M reads 62, 60, 64, 61, 70, 71, 58, 72, omitting altogether 57, 59, 63,
65-69. After 72, there is agreement up to the end of the canto.

With reference to the differences of readings, the following are
the more important :—

Si. 2. aruna-kara-dpdhdvakrsta-rasmi-pranamita-kandhara’ (M).
Here “rasmi-pranamita-kandhara’ 1s preferable to B's “rasmi-vranam
iva kandhara’, for in the latter reading vranam iva is difficult to construe
and does not give good sense.

Hl? & EK. DE—

Sl. 3. avalupya (M), for anulipya; preferable.

Sl. 6. apasaratiti (M), for apasarataiti, would give better sense.

SL. 7. namita-capala-mastaka (M) ; samupahata (M) better, for
somu papald,

SL. 9. ravir apacalito (M) for ravir atha calito.

Si. 19. For the lacuna in the second line, M. reads: atipatu-
patalam vipatya viseam vivara-ga’.

SI. 20. nyadhatta (M), better for nvathaiva.

SI. 13. hytah (M), for jitah, It avoids repetition of jitah, already
used (avajitah) in the first line.

Sl. 12. atha mano (M), for adhamano, gives better sense.

Sl. 21. It should be read thus :—
gagana-saras: candra-riipyakumbhe vyapasarati sma nipatite rajanyi
tadupahita-taranga-dhita-nili-nikara ivati-ghanas tamah-pravahahl

Sl. 25, °avakunthanena (M), for ‘°avakunthaneva, seems pre-
ferable.

SI. 29. rdgah (M), better than ragaih.

Si. 31. vasana-samudiidnga-sangr (M) for madana-samucitdiga-
sarge.

Sl. 32. priyd-nirasta-éravana” (M), preferable to priya nirasya
sravana” ; for in the latter reading priya and nirasya are difficult to

St, 34. tva@m (M) for team, and priya hi kope (M) for priydtikope,
seem better readings. In the next line, M reads parama-nigraha-
prasade as one compound word.

Sl. 35. nigificasi (M) better, for nisiieats.

SI. 36. tirayasi (M) better, for tirayati.

Sl. 38. °parimantharah (M) better, for “paripanthikah,

Sl. 40. sakhi-gira nirise (M) better, for sakhibhir dnirdse.
Similarly, I think, we should read phala-cywld nirdse in the second
line of SL. 28.

Sl. 42. °bhaga (M) better, for “bhava®. We should read, with M,
vidaréi, and not °vidarsita’, which is contrary to metre.

Sl. 43. dastavan (M) certainly better than drstavin, which gives
no sense.

Sl. 45. For the lacuna, M reads: svayam akhilam mama.

Si. 50. The last line is read as follows in M: tava capala nirdipita

SI. 51. nayana-sravo'si jatah (M) seems preferable to éravo'pi
jitah; for api has no force here.

=
aS
a ~ a
_ F L
= ve
=

SOME READINGS OF JANARIHARANA XVI

SI. 53. mitra-kptye (M) for s@dhu-kriye. Supply eva (M) for the
lacuna,

Sl. 54. ksatam (M) for kyrtam.

SI. 55. madhu papuwh (M) certainly better than madhuvapud.
Also M reads “kuntalipamuktam for “kuntalipayuktam. |

Sl. 64. “jarjaréva (M) is certainly preferable to °jarjaraiva, for
the figure appears to be utpreksa and requires wa. M also reads
partbhogavatsu for paripilavatsu.

Sl. 61. ‘lohinibhir (M) for °vahinibhir.

SI. 71. perikyta® (M) for anugata’.

Sl. 72. anartayat (M) for aharsayat.

SL. 74. °sitkrtih (M) for °sitkptah ; and priyabhih (M) for samabhih.

Sl. 77. °dhatu-vibhiisanah (M) for °dhatu-vibhigitah,

Sl. 79. We should read, with M, vyaktam (= “ clearly”) for
ryastam, and samasfah for tamastah. The word sasifah in the first
line must be construed as éasi + itah (= gatah); while the last line
should be read as s@rasan tam rasanfam (= rasantam tam sarasam).

Si. 80. We should read, with M, wdaka-hrasa-velém for wdaka-
hrdsa-celam both for the sake of the yamaka and the sense. The
word virdmah must be construed as vi -}- rd@mah (“* wives of birds”) ;
while néfan should be taken as na +- tam (= gatam). In the last
line the reading vigata-kiranddbhasam of M (for vigata-caranéllasam)
seems to be better.

Sl. 81. wvihita’ (M) for pihita’, and para-bhatam (M) for vara-
bhatah.

Si. 82. The last line is somewhat obscure; for aérudapurd is
irregular, if construed with séyam, while @hrosdyid is unintelligible.
The reading of M asrutavarakosayika sayiki is equally puzzling, and
does not throw any light on the question.

SI. 83. Naktam is apparently a noun (and not an adverb here),
in apposition to nakrddhivasam.

613

este 7
a 'te » od | i
in “4 LA ge! . a

‘i ‘ a

Side LF eset fie

en eel) s
an

- 1 -
v
> =
i & “ »
— *y ~ —_
a aa hi
oF,
} 7
@ , - |
a” a7 «

i vs -
4 ~ mw :
ie We : |
‘ » 7? 4 . ¥.
¢ “~ iad ae: v ie 4 | x => J ; ay
«| ee " ; A os .* it Pa Ali wy mp
+> ot i 4 & ae i es a " w . te
4 pa , ‘ ,
i, fi ) > ae ; 2 “a | ;
j - ; . ry
- 6 a | as” 7 é . 7
‘ som A
“ : , . :
_ ‘ . > ~wla* é "al ae a 7 - 74 } 7 ‘ ; be
es pe » =, a ‘
< a + ; ; |
- : sn - eo | |
, or? | . ;

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

Tue SarararHa BrAumana rv THE KAayviva Recension. Edited
by Dr. W. Caranp, Professor of Sanskrit at the University of
Utrecht. Vol. i (containing full Introduction and part of the
Text). iv+4+120+96 pp. Lahore: Moti Lal Banarsi
Das, 1926.

Students of Vedic literature know already the importance of the
Kanva text of the (atapatha Brahmaya from the use made of the
portions available to him by Professor Eggeling in his translation
of that text. It was his intention to publish the Kanva recension,
but with his usual critical acumen he came eventually to the con-
clusion—fully justified by the facts—that the manuscript material
available to him was inadequate to permit of a scholarly edition,
and accordingly he transferred the extracts which he had made to
Professor Caland, in the hope that the latter might be able to secure
the necessary additional material to permit of an edition, Through
the instrumentality of Dr. F. W. Thomas, fresh manuscripts were
ultimately procured, and the first seven books of the text have been
prepared for press by Professor Caland. For the rest of the work
it has proved sufficient to draw up a statement of the differences of
reading between the two texts, so that, when the printing is complete,
we shall have available in effect all that we can desire to know of the
Kinva recension. One regret only is possible, that the work has not
had the advantage of the admirable typography of the Harvard
Oriental Series. Despite the endeavours of the author and Pandit
Bhagavaddatta, there are regrettably many misprints, of which
only a modest selection is dealt with in the Corrigenda. But in
view of the difficulty of securing the publication in Europe of really
solid and valuable work, it would be ungrateful not to appreciate
the enterprise of the publisher in undertaking the production of the
text. The present instalment contains the introduction and the
Brihmana up to IT, 2, 4, 16; the early completion of the work is
greatly to be desired.

Though the manuscript tradition is far from satisfactory, Professor
Caland’s long familiarity with the Brahmana and Sitra texts, his
profound knowledge of the intricacies of the ritual, and his sound
judgment have enabled him to prepare a text which is a remarkably

616 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

creditable achievement. There are, inevitably, points of reading
on which divergence of view is possible, but they are comparatively
negligible and the only prospect of any substantial improvement
of the text becoming possible is through the discovery of additional
manuscript material, Nor in any case are minutiw of this kind of
sufficient general interest to deserve inclusion in a review,

The introduction also is masterly ; it makes available a wealth
of precise information regarding the Kanva recension, and, if it is
possible to question certain of the results of the author, that is mainly
due to his candour in presenting the facts in full detail, and without
attempt to suppress ur pass over what makes against his own theories.
As the questions raised are of general interest, they may here be
briefly considered. Professor Caland start from the supposition
(p. 87) that the Sarhitas of the White Yajurveda are prior to the
Brahmanas which presuppose them, though he hazards the suggestion
that parts of the Sarihitas did not pass through their final redaction’
until after the Brahmanas. But in the case of the White Yajurveda
everything points to the simultaneous redaction of Sarhhité and
Brahmana, in conscious opposition to the texts of the Black Yajurveda
in which the Mantras and the Brihmanas were handed down in
confusion, As regards the Madhyandina, books I-V and VI-IX and
the corresponding Adhyayas I-XVIII of the Samhita, show so marked
an adaptation to each other that one cannot well suppose that there
elapsed any time between the redaction of the Samhita and that of
the Brihmana. But we can carry the matter further than that.
Both in the Madhyandina and in the Kanva recensions a portion of
the Brihmana (II, 6, 2, 17; TE, 6, 1) has found its way into the
Samhita. It is impossible to suppose that such a curious accident
could happen independently in the case of both Sambhitas after the
redaction of their Brahmanas as suggested by the author: the error
must have been made in the original Vajasaneyi Bréhmana and
Sarihitd whence it was taken over by both recensions, This considera-
tion disposes of the only ground adduced for suggesting any difference
in time between the redaction of the two portions of the Madhyandina
text, and, however we explain the original error, it does not support
the production of the Brahmana after the text of the Samhita had
been settled upon. Nor is there the slightest doubt as to the existence
for a prolonged period of the original Brahmana, quite distinct from
either of our recensions. That is proved by the citations from a
Vajasaneyaka by Baudhiyana, Apastamba, and other writers, which

SATAPATHA BRAHMANA IN THE EANVIVYA RECENSION 617

are not found in the text of the (atepatha in either recension, and by
the absence from it of the rules of ritual usage among the Vajasaneyins
which are recorded by Apastamba. Professor Caland indeed (p. 108)
seems to suggest that the proper inference to be drawn is that the
Brahmanas in the two extant recensions do not represent their original
forms, but the view taken here seems infinitely simpler and far more
probable.

There is in fact no evidence that the Madhyandina recension, as
we have it, is a worked over version as far as concerns its essential
parts (I-IX). The evidence, on the contrary, suggests strongly that
it was a text which came gradually into being, under conditions
which prevented the working over of the earlier part. It is admitted
that the kern of the work is made up of two sections, the non-CVandilya
books, I-V, and the Candilya books, VI-IX, which were brought
together in one whole. Professor Caland’s arguments that books I-V
have been worked over appear to me to prove the reverse. They are
as follows :—(1) The discussion of the Adabhya cup is not given in
these books but in XI, 5, 9, which is a manifest borrowing from the
Kinva text, V, 8, 2. (2) The text omits rules for the use of two
formule which are supposed in XII, 4, 2, 8, to have been given above.
(3) There is lack of uniformity in grammar and style. But, surely,
the omission of the account of the Adabhya cup is a striking proof
that the text had become so fixed that it was not possible to take the
obvious course of inserting it at its proper place. Moreover, the author
himself points out the source of the version in XI, 5, 9: it is un-
questionably borrowed from the Kinva school; and he also himself
gives the true explanation of the reference in XII, 4, 2, 8. It is
clearly a reference to the formule given in the Kanva text, ILI,
1, 3, 2, 3, and, like XI, 5, 9, is a borrowing from the Kanva. Whether
we agree with the author that books XJ-XIIT were originally KRanva
pure and simple, and then were taken over by the Madhyandina,
or whether more prudently we content ourselves with saying that they
were strongly influenced by the Kanva, is of no consequence ; there
is no doubt that Dr. Caland has shown at least that Kanva influence
is strong. But that influence was unable to interpolate the original
five books. The arguments from grammar and style as regards these
five books are in no way sufficient to suggest working over. On the
contrary the five books present a marked individuality as opposed
to VI-IX, and the variations in them are certainly no greater than are
found in homogeneous passages of other Brihmana texts, e.g. in the

Hs REVIEWS OF BOOKS

Taittiriya Samhita, or the Brahmanas of the Rigveda, It must be
remembered that a Brahmana is never the work of an individual
stylist ; it is the redaction of floating doctrines, and phrases of older
origin are worked in without cautious adaptation.

As regards Madhyandina VI-IX there is also no evidence of working
over. The corresponding Kanva books VILI—X1I are clearly unoriginal
and do not contain a doctrine which in Madhyandina VIII, 5, 3, 8, is
plainly indicated as held by the Kanvas. Books I-VII of the Kanva
version are more independent, but the discrepancies between them
and the Kanva Samhita have been definitely shown to be derived
from use of the Madhyandina, though there remains a substantial
body of distinction between the two texts,

With books VI-IX Dr. Caland classes Book X (Kanva VIII-X1
and XIT). Now it is true that Book A, the Agnirahasya, is closely
bound up in subject matter with the preceding books, as it develops
mystical speculations on the fire cult and advances to a position
reminiscent of the Upanisads. But that is no ground for assuming
contemporaneity of production, and two facts tell seriously against
it. In the first place, there is the testimony of the Madras manuscript
of the Brihmana which expressly places the Agnirahasya after the
Agvamedha and before the Aranyaka, instead of after the group of
Vindilya books. Dr, Caland suggests that the Pravargya may be
meant by Agnirahasya, but this js obviously implausible, for the
Pravargya is essentially the Aranyaka as opposed to the Upanigad ;
the author himself rightly insists that this is the relation of the two
texts. Secondly, a Varttika on Panini IV, 2, 60, has the terms Sasti-
patha and (atapatha, and these terms suit precisely the hundred
chapters of the (atapatha Brahmana and the sixty of the first nine
books. It is really impossible to ignore the significance of this fact ;
nothing can be made out of the Kanva for the number 60 ; it is true
that the first seven books make up 40 chapters, but the total is 104,
and there is no plausible way of reducing it to 100, apart from the fact
that the books after the first seven are admittedly a congeries. ‘The
fact that there are 104 chapters is merely one more proof of the late
character of the Kanva recension. We may, therefore, confidently
accept Eggeling’s view that book X is an early addition to the text.
Books XI-XIII may, though this is unlikely, have been originally
proper to the Kanva ; in any case they are essentially supplementary
to the main text. There can be little doubt that these three books
were early recognized as a distinct whole, for the second bears the

SATAPATHA BRAHMANA IN THE KANVIYA RECENSION 619

term Madhyama and the same feature is to be seen in the case of
Kanva XITI-XV. Distinct again is Book XIV (XVI) which contains
the Pravargya and the Upanisad, the latter being doubtless of composite
character. Whether, as Dr. Caland suggests, this 1s due to confusion
of Madhyandina and Kanva versions is uncertain, but it is noteworthy
that the Paraskara Grhyasitra, which normally follows the Madhyan-
dina Brihmana, in one passage (I, 11, 6) refers to the Aa@nea U panigad
(XVI, 8, 4, 12).

On one other point it is doubtful if Dr. Caland’s tentative view
should be adopted. He is inclined to place the Baudhdyana Sutra
in its older parts before the Brahmana on the strength of a few passages
in which the Brihmana refers to usages of the Carakas which are only
recorded in Baudhiyana. But this conclusion is clearly imvalid ;
to be cogent we should have to be in a position to say that we had
all the Brahmana literature of the Black Yajurveda before us, and
obviously this is not the case." There seems, therefore, no reason to
doubt that Baudhayana is, like Apastamba, later than the Brahmanas,
as is suggested by much other evidence adduced by Dr. Caland, and
as he admits (p. 98) is prima facie probable. The conjecture that we
are to hold that the original Baudhayana was a Kanva who abandoned
his school and went over to the Black Yajurveda may safely be dis-
missed as wholly unproved. It has no sanction of any kind in the
Crautasiitra and the fact that late passages in the Grhyasiitra and
the Dharmasiitra call him Kanva or Kanva do nothing to render
it plausible. Nor is this act of renegation at all necessary to explain
the hostility of the White Yajurveda to a Kanva; the Atharvaveda
(II, 25, 3) and the Kathaka Samhita (XXVIII, 4) are alike unsym-
pathetic, and no question of a renegade arises in their case.

Certain difficulties present themselves as to the relationship
between the Catapatha and the Jaiminiya Brahmanas, as conceived
by Dr. Caland.? He holds (p. 101) that the authors of the oldest part of
the Catapatha must have known the Jaiminiya, because both texts
(IIL, 3, 4, 19; IV, 3, 4, 15) adopt the attitude of the Jaiminiya (I,
79, 80) on the subject of the Subrahmanya formula as against the
Kauthuma-Ranayaniya doctrine. But there is no such correspondence
in form or substance as to suggest actual borrowing from our Jaimeniya,

1 See Dr. Caland’s own proof from the Vadhila Siira in Acta Orientalia, ii, 145,
1 doubt if his view of that Sitra a4 pricr to Baudhiyana can be maintained; it
seoms later.

? See also hia Over en wit het Jatminiya-bridmana, pp. 36 ff.

620 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

which alone would establish this doctrine. It is admitted (p. 102)
that Jaiminiya I, 51-65, is borrowed from the CVatapatha (XII, 4, 1;
AIV, 7, 1), and the admission is necessary, because the passages exactly
correspond and borrowing must be assumed, while the source is
sufficiently indicated by the fact that there is a polemic in the usual
manner of the Catapatha against the Carakas, which would be out of
place in the Jatminiya. This conclusion is confirmed by the fact that
in Jaiminiya II, 228, there is quoted verbatim an explanation of a
verge in the form in which it is given in the Madhyandina I, 5, 1, and
it is ascribed to Vajasaneya. There is nothing to suggest anywhere
in the two texts that the Jaiminiya is other than a borrower from the
Madhyandina, not merely from the source of that text. In the case
of the Kanva, however, we have a clear piece of evidence showing
that it had the Jaiminiya before it: in Il, 5, 2, which corresponds
with Madhyandina I, 5, 4, and Jaiminiya TI, 291, 292, we find an
addition of a paragraph which is palpably taken from the Jaiminiya ;
the question is one of a dialogue between the gods and the Asuras
in the Jaiminiya, while Indra is the interlocutor in both Catapatha
texts, until the Kanva at the end inserts a reference to the gods.
We may, of course, resort to the view that the Kanva is interpolated,
but there is really no ground for refusing the prima facie conclusion
that it used the Jaiminiya ; if so, however, it must be noted that we
have an argument against the theory of Dr. Caland that XI-XIII
of the Madhyandina are derived from the Kanva, a conclusion in
itself not very probable, influence being far more plausible, Dr. Caland!
is inclined to suggest that the episode of Bhrgu as told in the Jaiminiya
is more natural than as recounted in the Vatapatha. The two versions
seem to me clearly to be ultimately derived from a common source,
but to be independent of each other. That the Kanva is later than the
J aiminiya, though probably at no great difference in time, is suggested
also by the tendency of the text to use the narrative perfect; it is a
feature of the Jaiminiya that it sins in this regard, and this fact seems
to me far to outweigh the view of Dr. Caland 2 which would put the
Jaiminiya before the Paiicaviica on the strength of other, but, in my
view, much less significant grammatical facts, and of the omission
in the latter of mention of repulsive rites known from the
former.

' Thid., p. 28.

* Ibid., pp. 20 ff. The Jaimintya (ii, 112) quotes Tindya, and there is strong

similarity with Faicaviien, xx, 3, 2, It need not have known the Padernrs iaga, but
certainly it knew an allied text,

SATAPATHA BRAHMANA IN THE KANVIYA RECENSION 621

The vexed question of the mode of denotation of the accent of the
Catapatha has been reconsidered (pp. T-11) by the author: he has
succeeded, not indeed, in proving that Weber's snibrunetaticn 18 the
correct view, but in rehabilitating its plausibility, and his discussion
must be carefully considered in any investigation of the Sanskrit accent.
Valuable also are the contributions made to Vedic grammar, syntax,
and lexicology. Here and there a different view may be taken;
the quaint yady enar nidra&syat seems clearly! a slip for nidrdyédt
in the Madhyandina, and it in turn seems best taken not as animpersonal
verb but as nidra dyat, The suggestion that the crux diditydanimani
cuklina yapiingi Vajasaneyena Ydajiavalkyendkhyayante (XIV, 9, 4, 33)
should be rendered“ these formule . . . are named after Yajiavalkya”
is hardly plausible; the two passages cited as parallel have dcaks as
the verb, which is by no means the same thing, and in each the sense
of the instrumental is natural ; the traditional rendering which makes
Yajiavalkya proclaim the formule is far more probable. The
instrumental in IT], 2, 10, 10: efena ha sma vai tad Arunir dha is
hardly inexplicable ; it may rather be deemed one of the signs of the
posteriority of the Kanva version, for which also its neglect (p. 59)
of the strict placing of the enclitic pronoun is characteristic. Another
significant fact in the same direction is the obvious increase in the
frequency of the use of the narrative perfect ; of all the criteria of
age in the Brahmanas this has proved itself the most satisfactory,
contrasting strongly with the use of the ai form of the genitive. The
Kanva rejects this usage, but it is clear, as Dr. Caland in a valuable
note ® on the subject in Acta Orientalia (v, 49 ff.) admits, that it is not
possible, as formerly he was inclined to do, to hold that the use of
ds is a sign of superior age. The use of ai was clearly a stylistic
peculiarity, which is not helpful as regards dating. The dative tasmai
followed by a yad clause is already discussed in Rij-Veda Brahmanas,
p. 82. In I, 6,1, 26: samiddhahoma u hy eva sampddha dhutindm
is perhaps not so much a case of the encroachment of the genitive
on the dative—which is still in the main, when not specially motived,
alien to the Brahmana, but is comparable with the Catapatha use of
purna with the genitive, Nor can one well explainthe phrase prajabhyah
ahinsayai in the Madhyandina, as opposed to prajandm in the Kanva,
as a case of carrying into the plural (p. 65) the use of the ablative form,

1 An optative of the 2 aorist in the active, suggested by Dr. Caland, would be

a unique form, and is out of the question.
* The reading ritriga in TS. vi, 1, 3, 2, is plainly a mere MS, blunder.

22 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

for it is much easier to take the dative (not ablative) as a dativus
commodi, or even to recognize another instance of attraction; the
Kinva itself uses attraction regularly in such cases as a tisrbhyo
dogdhoh, where the Midhyandina has the regular fispnam. The
genitives in V,4, 4,12: ned asya hatasya nirastasya pratyupahvayai
and kish tasya na pratyupahvayeta are odd, but perhaps not inexplicable ;
the first may be taken as genitive absolute, the second explamed
through the presence of Litt as a motived transition tothe usurpation of
the functions of the dative by the genitive. In I, 3, 1,2: visrjyante
yatharthandm is indeed a crux ; conceivably it may go back to a
correction of yathdrthan to the normal yathartham. There are, as usual,
a few cases ' of imperfects for aorists, but I doubt if the Madhyandina
passage I, 6, 2, 2, is really to be regarded in this light. It seems as
if there a definite nuance justifies the use of perfect and imperfect
in leu of aorist. The deplorable form samacnuvigata one would like
to excuse the Kanva, but is supported by the monstrous acgnuvis-
yamahe of both recensions elsewhere. The attempt to differentiate
the imperfect, when used in co-ordination with the perfect, as suggesting
a plusquam perfect (p. 71) is not, I think, supported by the instances
cited, and in other texts also it is dubious if any real distinction can
normally be discovered; an occasional nuance js unquestionably
present, but it is a distinctive feature of the development of Sanskrit
style that the sense of distinction died out. Dr. Caland is inclined to
hold (p. 46) that the form wisakse in H, 3, 2, 13, supports the sikge
of the Atharvaveda (II, 27, 5) but this is not probable ; the evidence
for the confusion in MSS. of ks and ky is overwhelming, and isolated
forms in texts, admittedly badly handed down, cannot be permitted
prevail over grammar and constant usage. Similarly adarisma
in V, 1, 5, 4, is a most dubious form, and it is doubtful whether it is
wise to restore by conjecture in VII, 5, 1, 6, such a form as samardh-
ayistim. A curious double use of va is seen (p. 78) in IV, 1, 1,4:
atha yeyam pratici sarpaindri vais dig yatra wa devah praiica udak-
ramans tad dhaisahiyata hina vodici manusyanam; Dr. Caland seems
to take the wd as the ordinary disjunctive, but that isout of the question,
for there is no disjunction present ; we are merely told of the southern
quarter (atha yeyara daksina sit pitindm),then of the western, then of the
northern. We must in fact recognize here the use of e@ as a particle

' In Midhyandina iii, 2, 3, 1, the perfect is doubtless a more blunder of the MS.
in view of the repetition of o long passage in identic terme.
* See my Aitareya Arapyaka, p, 254, n. Ot,

OVER HET VAIKHANASASUTRA 623

of assertion much in the sense of vai; there are elsewhere also indubit-
able cases (Rig-Veda Brahmanas, p. 89); the Midhyandina III, 6, 2,
20, cited as parallel, is totally different, vd being there plainly disjunc-
tive and being merely repeated with the main clause, thus, as was
inevitable, appearing immediately after the relative clause preceding
(tam agnir vabhidahed yo vdyam devas . . . sa vd hainam abhimanyeta).
The cases of ea . . . caare again quite different, they fall under the
type of yad u ca or yac ca, The use in the Madhyandina III, 1, 1, 11
of yad aha . . . tad aha is doubted by Dr. Caland (p. 80). It appears
that in the Kanva the reading is yad aha . . . tad u ha; the original
Brahmana clearly must have had one or other of these readings, and
on the whole the double aha seems the more probable ; it is easier
to explain « Aa being substituted for aha than the reverse. In Madh-
yandina I, 2, 4,3, we have na va tha mad anyad annam asti yar va
ayamn nadydat, for which the Kanva offers merely the aid of omitting
the mad, a decidedly inferior reading. Dr. Caland suggests (p. 82)
that the relative clause should be regarded as an attracted clause
of fear (yad va mdyam nadyat), “ quem hic (vereor) ne devoret ",
but this is perhaps rather strained. Eggeling’s version “ whom,
surely, he would not eat”, though not quite satisfactory in sense,
suggests that na@dydat should simply be rendered “ whom may he not
devour ”, the ordinary optative of wish, without any irregularity of
construction whatever and excellent sense. But these must suffice
to indicate the many points of interest raised by the new text, edited
with a skill and learning worthy of such predecessors as Weber and
Eggeling.
A. B. K.

Over HET VaIKHANASASUTRA. By W. CaLanp. Mededeelingen der
Koninklikje Akademie van Wetenschappen, Afdeeling Letter-
kunde, Dee] 61, Serie A, No. 8 Amsterdam, 1926.

This short paper by Dr. Caland is of special interest because he
first brings evidence which clearly shows that the Vaithdnasa Grhya-
sitra was written by an author who was saturated with the idiom
of a Dravidian language, and, secondly, he seeks to prove that the
current dating of the Manava Dharmagastra may be too early. In this
suggestion two points are involved, the knowledge of the Vaikhanasa
in the Manava, and the date of the Varkhdnasa. Now the Manava
(III, 21, 37, 38) has a list of forms of marriage which runs as regards
its first four members brahma, daiva, argsa, and priajdpatya, and the

624 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

number of ancestors and descendants, who are purified by marriage
in these several forms, is given as 20, 14, 6 and 12 respectively, to whom
must be added the individual married. There is no doubt that this
is @ curious order as regards the last two forms, the break in the rule
of descending order of effectiveness being prima facie odd. Now in the
Vaikhanasa (III, 1) we find the order brihma, daiva, prajapalya
and drsa, with the proper numbers in descending order. In Acva-
liyana, Gautama, and Visnu the numbers definitely differ, so that
it may be argued that the Vaikhdnasa is the source of Manu, who may
possibly have borrowed his order from Gautama or Visnu. It seems
to me that this is quite inconclusive, and that it is natural to suppose
that the borrowing was the other way. It is true that Manu knows
(VI, 21) the Vaikhinasamata, but there is no reason to suppose that
this is a reference to our late text : Baudhéyana and Gautama clearly
knew a Vaikhdnasacistra, which no one imagines to be our text.
Moreover, there appears to be no ground for laying any stress on the
order of Manu as irregular. Gautama has the order drsa and daiva,
and the numbers for the two are three and ten. It seems to me,
therefore, much more probable that the borrowing is from Manu,
with which accords well the very local character of the Vaikhanasa
text. In these circumstances it is hardly necessary to investigate the
date of the Vaikhdnasa. The references to the Greek order of the
planets and the use of tambiila are held by Dr. Caland to place the
text not before the fourth century a.p. It may fairly be doubted
if they can be pressed to this extent, but at any rate it seems to me
that we need not feel that any ground to bring Manu down beyond
4.D. 200. The Vaikhdnasa itself, of course, must be left uncertain
as regards the lower limit, until some allusion to the present work
actually is found in a text earlier than the late commentaries in which
it is known. Of special interest is the reference it contains to the
curious Totenhochzeit, which is recorded of the Nambadrj Brahmins.
A. B. K,

A Consrrvuctive Survey or Upanispanic PHILosoruy, By R. D.
Rawabe, M.A., Director, Academy of Philosophy and Religion.
d1 + 439 pp. Poona: Oriental Book Agency, 1926.

The Academy of Philosophy and Religion has undertaken the
publication of an Encyclopedic History of Indian Philosophy, and
vol. II of the History affords an interesting sample of what may be

from this great effort, to which contributions have been

UPANISHADIC PHILOSOPHY 625

promised from most of the leading writers in India on philosophical
topics. Indian philosophy is to be enabled to exercise its due influence
on the west by its presentation in modern form, and by the comparison
of its doctrines with those of European thinkers of the past and present
alike. In such attempts there are patent advantages; the Western
philosopher may well be induced to study Indian thought more closely
when he is reminded of Plato, Aristotle, Kant, Bradley and Bosanquet.
On the other hand there is the disadvantage that in discovering
similarities we may be led to ignore what is characteristically Indian
or specifically individual. Doubtless all philosophies are directed to
one end, and their results have frequently a remarkable similarity ;
what, however, is really important is their methods, and nothing can
be less like Berkeley than the mere assertions of the Aitareya U panisad
(LIL. 3) regarding the primacy of the intellect, for we can hardly accept
the author's doctrine (p. 118) that we have in that Upanisad (ITT, 2
a serious classification of mental states. Still less convincing is the
suggestion (p. 275) that the doctrine of Yajiavalkya that the self
alone is its light is equivalent to the * theoria ” of Aristotle. Oldenberg
was right in his insistence on the essential affinity of the thought of
the Upanigads with that of mystics like Plotinus.

The same tendency to obliterate distinctions appears in Mr, Ranade’s
treatment of matters purely Indian. If he will not believe in the
different character of Greek, Egyptian, and Indian views of trans-
migration, so also he will not permit any suggestion of borrowing from
the aborigines even of the elements of the idea, but claims it as Aryan
and clearly present in germ in the Rgveda (pp. 145 ff.). But he adduces
no fresh evidence, and we are left, as before, with mere possibilities.
What is certain is that in certain Upanisads we find a quite clear and
definite doctrine of transmigration and that what really counts in
philosophy is the distinct formulation of any doctrine, not the fact
that it is a natural deduction from early ideas.

Apart, however, from these tendencies there is much of interest
in the work, which represents the synthetic side of a study of the
Upanisads, which in its analytic aspect is to appear as a separate
volume. Thismodeoftreatment is justified by the author whocompares
(p. 19) Gomperz’s analytical survey of Plato with Zeller's synthetic
presentation. There is here an obvious flaw in the comparison, for,
though Plato’s mind passed through more than one stage, his thought
presents a whole quite incomparable with that of the many authors
of the Upanigads. But, admitting the legitimacy of the plan, the work

VOL. IV. PART Itt. 41

626 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

is of value as an attempt to establish a constructive view of the world,
based on the Upanigads but reinterpreted in the light of western
philosophy. The author ingeniously completes his scheme by pointing
out that in the Bhagavadgita we find the doctrine of duty for its own
sake, which is necessary to supplement the deficiencies of the ethical
doctrines of the Upanisads themselves. Not the least interesting
section of his work is Chap. IV in which he explains his views of the
development of later philosophies from the Upanisads ; the case made
out for Cankara’s doctrine as a legitimate development is moderate
and reasonable, Mr. Ranade rejects (p. 201) the identification of the
Krsna of the Upanigad and him of the epic, declines (p. 187) to believe
In the historical reality of the Kapila of the (velaevatara Upanisad,
and recognizes (pp. 101-5) that not borrowing but parallelism is the
true view of the similarities between early Greek and Indian
thought.

On matters in the sphere of philology the author is an unsafe guide.
His description of the close of the Taittiriya Upanizad as of “ un-

‘surpassed grandeur” is as untenable as two passages in his rendering

of it (pp. 352, 353). The argument regarding the Aitareya Aranyaka,
(p. 15) is wholly misconceived ; no doubt can exist as to the existence
of different: strata in the Ailareya Aranyaka, and it is significant
that in what are clearly the older passages, as other grounds show,
transmigration isnot mentioned. Nor is it the case that in the Upanigad
(IT, 4) there is a clear statement of the doctrine of transmigration in the
principle of the three births of man. On the contrary, the third
birth is best taken as birth into the world of death, a conception which
does not carry us beyond the ideas of the Brahmanas. The order
of the Upanisads accepted (p. 16) is not based on any cogent reasoning,
and disagrees with the praise given (p. 433) to Wecker's researches,
which, though that author fully recognized that they rested on far
too limited a base to be in any way conclusive, point strongly to placing
the Kena and the Tea after the Aitareya, Taittiriya, Katha, and
Kausitaki, But the adduction after each chapter of the sources relied
on is a convenience, and the book forms a distinctly useful addition
to the already large literature on the Upanisads.
A. B. K.

LA THEORIE DE LA CONNAISSANCE 627

La Taékorre pe ta Connaissancrk ET La LociqgUe CHEZ LES
Bouppujsres tarpirs. By Tu. Srcnersarsky. Translated by
Mme I. pe Manziarty and Pavi Masson-Ovrset. pp. xi -+
250. Paris: Paul Geuthner, 1926. 50 fr.

The originality and acumen of Professor Stcherbatsky’s thought
have somewhat tardily brought his introduction to his Russian
translation of the Nyayabindw the merited honour of renderings into
German (Munich, 1924) and into French. The new translation, we
learn, was ready in 1914, but some consolation for the delay is afforded
by the fact that the author has revised in certain details his treatise
and that it thus presents his mature views. The accuracy of the trans-
lation, which is due mainly to Mme I. de Manziarly, is assured by the
supervision of M. P. Masson-Oursel, whose Esquisse d'une Histoire
de la Philosophie Indienne (1923) attests his competence as an inter-
preter of the obscure fields of Indian philosophy.

It is interesting to note that Professor Stcherbatsky has not
changed in any essential point the views which he has so long pro-
pounded, and we may readily concede with M. Masson-Oursel that his
work proves that India in the seventh century a.p. possessed “ une
logique aussi puissante que celle d'Aristote et une épistémologie assez
originale pour faire penser au kantisme”. Without stressing the
parallelism with European thought, it is clear that the most valuable
contribution of Buddhism to Indian philosophy is presented by the
school of thought which is best represented by Dharmakirti, and which
the author traces (pp. 160 ff) to a combination of the Yogacara and
Sautrantika schools. It is more difficult to be certain of the precise
character of the view held by Dharmakirti regarding the real element
in perception. An interesting attempt has been made by Professor
Dasgupta (Indian Philosophy, i, 409 f.) to claim for Dharmakirti the
position that in perception we have as the element of validity “ the
pure sensation of the moment presenting the specific features of the
object ’, as opposed to Professor Stcherbatsky’s view that the reality
is the incognizable foundation of our knowledge, a thing-in-itself
which 18 utterly unknowable. Either view can be made consistent
with the expressions of the Nydyabindu, but the latter. explanation
may be preferred on the score that, on the whole, it better fits in
with the trend of the doctrine of Dharmakirti. But the divergence
of view on the part of two competent interpreters is a significant
reminder of the obscurities of Indian logical texts and the difficulty
of transferring the ideas of their authors into modern terminology

628 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

without altering their meaning by recalling associations in reality

alien to the Sanskrit terms.

Special attention is due to the light often thrown on other philoso-
phical systems by Professor Stcherbatsky’s discussions; the Vedanta
of Cankara gains in clearness when considered in the light of the
Madhyamika and of Dharmakirti and it is impossible to refuse
validity to his arguments (e.g. pp. 88, 183 f.) in favour of the great debt
of the Nyaya and Vaicesika schools to Buddhist logicians. His effort
to connect Dharmakirti’s view of reality with the fundamental doctrine
of Avidya in early Buddhist thought (p. 163) is ingeniousand attractive.
Moreover, his work has the great merit of clear statement of the views
which he holds, though it is probable that in seeking for definiteness
he sometimes gives to Indian theory a precision and completeness
foreign to the schools, It would perhaps have added to the authority
of the work, had the author in his revision definitely replied to some
of the criticisms directed against his theories, and there seems no good
reason for insisting on placing not only Digniga but Vasubandhu
in the fifth century a.p.

A. BerriepaLe Kerrua.

Asoka. By James M. Macrnar, M.A., M.D. Second edition.
(The Heritage of India.) 12mo- pp. 97; 1 plate, Calcutta:
Mysore printed, 1926,

Hansoa. By Rapyakumup Mookers, M.A., Ph.D. (Calcutta
University Readership Lectures, 1925.) 12mo; pp. 203, 3
plates. London, Oxford: (University Press) printed, 1926,

Dr. Macphail's monograph on the great Maurya appears here in a
second edition, It deserves this success, for although it does not present
the fruit of original researches or the solution of any problem, it is
a well composed summary of the main facts known to us concerning
Asoka set forth in a style calculated to interest the general reader
without sacrificing truth to 76 784. In a popular book of this kind
there are almost inevitably some minor points to which the professional
historian or philologist will take exception; and in this connexion
we may remark that “ Amitraghatta” (p. 16) should be
“ Amitraghata ”, that the name Rahula does not really mean “* bond ”
(p. 32 f.), that Gautama is not the name of the clan but js a patronymic
taken by a Sakya Ksatriya from a Brahman Purdhita (p. 32), that the
description of the Buddha's teaching given on p. 34 f. is really inade-
quate, that the crypto-Buddhism that still survives in Orissa is very

ASOKA: HARSHA 629

imperfectly described on p. 66, and that “ Omar Khaliff"” (p. 85) is
grammatically and phonetically incorrect. It may be added that the
chronology of Aséka is even more uncertain than Dr. Macphail seems
prepared to admit. But these after all are minor details, On the whole
the book is a really good and well-documented estimate of the character
of Asoka as a man and a seeker after righteousness. As such he was
great. But of religion, as a relation of the human soul to God, he could
have little, for he was a Buddhist. The Dhamma which he strove in
all earnestness to realize was not merely moral righteousness and
legal rule, but also and pre-eminently the Law of Nature and the
preaching of Gotama Buddha in which that law was believed to be
revealed. Early Buddhism contained a cold doctrine of psychology
and nature, some warmth of sympathy for living beings, and a big
Wellschmerz ; but religion was not in it.

The amazing career of Harsavardhana of Kanauj 1s one of the most
intriguing riddles of history, and will remain so even after Professor
Mookerji’s thoughtful and careful monograph. The author here studies
the life of Harsa and his historical setting in seven chapters, with
plates depicting the coins ascribed to him, the Banskhera inscription
which seems to reproduce his handwriting, and a map of India as
it was divided in his reign. It is a piece of good and scholarly work-
manship, in which nearly all the relevant facts of historical and
cultural interest are carefully presented. Isay “ nearly all’, for owing
to no fault of Professor Mookerji he has not been able to make use
of Mr. Aravamuthan’s recent monograph on the Maukharis or the
Vappaghdsavita grant of the Maharijadhiraja Jayanaga of Karna-
suvarna, published by me in Ep. Ind. XVIII, p. 60 f. The book,
however, brings no solution to the puzzle: how did Harsa do it,
and when? We know that he was born about a.p. 590; we know
the vague account given by Bana of the circumstances of his early
years and the equally vague references to his victories given by the
Chinese sources. But what we long to know is: what was the real
political position of our hero at the beginning of his career as regards
his paternal kingdom and that of the Maukharis / Did he start as king
or as kumadra after Rajyavardhana’s death? By what methods was
he able to create in a few years an empire which comprised almost
the whole of Northern India? And what is the chronology of this
chapter of marvels? To these questions Professor Mookerji brings
no certain answer.

From his view on a part at least of the last question I venture to

630 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

dissent. Hiuen T‘sang tells us that Harsa “ waged incessant warfare
until in six years he had brought the Five Indias under allegiance ” ;
and we know he came to the throne about 605-6. Accordingly
Professor Mookerji writes (p. 36) “* we may assume that all his conquests
were over by about a.p. 612”, In other words, Harsa had built up
a colossal empire, strong enough to last for over thirty years and to
survive the disaster of Pulakési’s victory, before he was more than
twenty-two years of age! This would bea miracle, if true. But the
hypothesis is gratuitous: it is quite needless to suppose that Hinen
T'sang’s “ six years’ began in 606 and ended in 612.

A few minor points may be mentioned, The coins figured on
the frontispiece are ascribed by Professor Mookerji to Harsa, but they
are almost certainly not his. They bear the name Sildditya, and may be
assigned to an earlier king of that ilk, possibly Siliditya of Malwa.
It is stated (p. 61) that Bhandi isa Hunje rather than a Sanskrit name ;
but no evidence is given for this assertion, which is contrary to what we
know of Indian onomatology. The statement on p. 136 that the
Chinese Pei-na represents probabl y Sanskrit Beda or Veda is incorrect,
and the alleged Sanskrit words seem to be voces nihili. On p-. liza
generalization of Hiuen Tsang is made the basis of an assertion that
in the days of Harsa “ there were no intercaste marriages *, which is
far too sweeping. Finally, we may remark that the transcription of
names is sometimes inconsistent, and in a few cases incorrect. On
the whole, however, the work is careful and accurate, and will be really
helpful for the study of a most interesting person and his age. ;

L. D. B.

Micwa’s S18vritavapna. Nach den Kommentaren des Valla-
bhadéva und des Mallinithasfiri ins Deutsche libertragen von

E. Huurzscu. pp. vii + 249. Leipzig, 1926. vo.
The fact that Migha's poetry is heavily clogged with punditry
has always rendered him a darling of the learned, and led many of

in India—an amazing skill for versifying erudition, which peculiarly
fits his stanzas for quotation in the schools. Possibl ) |
have other qualities less obvious : one suspects in him a vein of irony,
since he gravely says that “ mon of nobler sort are naturally brief of
speech” (II, 13), and then continues his poem for twenty cantos.

ASCARYACUDAMANT

But however we may estimate his merits, his importance in Sanskrit
literature is very great, and Professor Hultzsch deserves the thanks of
teachers and students for this scholarly translation, in which are also
included notes and a critical appendix giving the textual readings
in which Vallabhadéva’s recension differs from that of Mallinatha.
As Vallabhadéva wrote his commentary early in the tenth century,
about three hundred years only from Magha’s date, the critical value
of the text preserved by him ts obviously much greater than that of
Mallinatha, who is comparatively modern.
L. D. B.

Ascarvacdpamanr. A Drama by Saxripnapra.... With an
Introduction by S. Kopevswami Sastre, M.A., LES, (Sr
Balamanorama Series, No. 9.) 8vo: pp. 28 + 238 + i.
Mylapore (Madras), 1926.

This drama has a special interest for the Bulletin, as it furnished
Mr. Kama Pisharoti with a strong argument for his thesis in his
important paper on the Bhasa-problem published in this journal,
Vol, IL, p. 111. The publication of it was begun, but apparently was
never completed, in the Aérafla-grantha-mald, a literary magazine
printed at Kottakal which began its career in 1906. The enterprise
of the Balamandrama Press has now given us a well-printed edition
of the text with a commentary by an anonymous scholar of much
learning, though of somewhat late date.

The play is of farly high antiquity (according to tradition, Its
author was a disciple of the great Sankara), and of considerable merit ;
indeed, Mr. Kuppuswami Sastri, whose learning and critical acumen
place him in the foremost rank of Indian scholars, suggests that “ it
is the best of the Rama plays, pockinps barring Bhavabhiti’s Uttara-
ramacarita in certain respects". As I have already noticed some of
its features in the JRAS. of 1927, p. 352, I may be pardoned for
abstaining from repetition ; but I would call attention to the weighty
evidence that is borne by this play against the Bhasa-hypothesis,
as Mr. Kuppuswami Sastri effectively shows in his introduction.
In fact, it kills * Bhasa *’."

L. D. B.

1 How deadly ite evidence and the statement of the case by Mr. Kuppuswami
Sastri are may be seen from the review in the Madras Journal of Oriental Research,
I, i, p. 103.

632 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

GaeKwap's Orrenran Serres. Edited under the supervision of the
Curator of State Libraries, Baroda. 8vo. Central Library :
Baroda; Baroda and Bombay printed, 1916, etc,

This series having now passed its tenth anniversary, it is a fitting
time to survey its output.

Its first volume (1916) was Rajasékhara's Kavya-mimamsa, on
the art of poetry and the poet's craft, a very valuable and interesting
work (pp. xxix, vi, 112, 27, 3, xiv). No. 2 (1916) was Vastupiila's
Nara-ndrdyandnanda, a poem of sixteen cantos on the sports of Krana
and Arjuna on Girnar and the rape of Subhadra, with a Jain hymn
by the same writer, ete. (pp. x, i, 92, xii): No. 3 (1917) was Ananda-
jiana’s Tarka-samgraha, criticising and refuti ng the Vaisésika system
(pp. 6, xxii, 142, xvii, vill); No. 4 ( 1917) was Prahlidana’s P4artha-
perdkrama, a play in one act on an epic theme (pp. viii, 29) ; and No.5
(also 1917) was Rudra’s Rastréudha-vamsa-maha-kavya, a poem of
fwenty cantos. on the history of the Bagula dynasty of Mayiira-giri
(pp. xxiv, 118, iv, 1). In 1918 appeared No, 6, Vimana’s Livigdnu-
sdsana with his own commentary (pp. ix, 21, ii): No, 7, Balacandra’s
Vasanta-vilésa, a poem of fourteen cantos containing a life of the
famous Vastupala, minister of Viradhavala of Dholka (pp. xvi, 114,
vi); No. 8, six dramas by Vatsarija, a minister of Paramardi of
Kalaijara (pp. x, ii, 191); and No. 9, Yagahpala’s MW éha-rdja-parajaya,
a drama on the conversion to Jainism of the Caulukya king Kumara-
pala (pp. xiv, xvii, 135, xvii, ii). In 1920 appeared No. 10, Jaya-
simbha's Hammira-mada-mardana, an historical drama on the repulse
of a Moslem army by Viradhavala of Dholka and his ministers Téjah-
pala and Lavanyasimha, with some panegyrical poems (pp. viii, 0),
vill); No. 11, Soddhala’s Udayasundari-kathd, a romance in prose
and verse (pp. viii, ii, 158); No, 12, Mahidéva Vadindra’s Maha-
vidyd-vidambana, on the maha-wd ya syllogism, with commentaries
(pp. xliv, 189, viii) ; No. 13, part 1 of J racina-gurjara-k@vya-samgraha,

and practice of Jamism, in Sanskrit and Prakrit (pp. xv, xvi, 39, ii,
478, vil); No, 15, Bhasarvajiia’s Gana-karika, eight verses summarizing
the doctrines of Pagupata Yogis, with the commentary Ratna-tika,
etc. (pp. x, 57); and No. 16, the Samgita-makaranda, & manual of
music, ascribed to the mythical Narada (pp. xi, iv, 64). In 192] were

FURTHER DIALOGUES OF THE BUDDHA 633

issued No. 17, the Catalogue of the Library of Kavindracarya Sarasvati,
written about a.p. 1650 (pp. xv, 3, 2, 34). and No. 18, the Varaha-
grhya-sitra (pp. v, 24). In 1923 appeared No. 20, Dhanapala’s Bhavi-
sayatta-katha, a Jain legend in Apabhramésa verse (pp. 69, 148, 174) ;
No. 21, Mr. C. D. Dalal’s Catalogue of Manuscripts in the Jain Bhandars
at Jesalmere (pp. 70, 101); Nos. 22 and 23, the Parasu-rdma-kalpa-
stifra, on the Sri-vidya system, with commentary of Ramésvara, ete. ;
and No, 24, the introductory part of Ramanujacarya’s Tantra-rahasya,
a commentary on the Piirva-mimamsa (pp.-15, 84). The first volume
of Samardigana-sttradhara, a copious treatise on the rules of building
and statuary, appeared as No. 25 in 1924; the second part, No. 32,
was issued in 1925. In 1925 also were published No. 19, the Lékha-
paddhati, a collection of model documents and letters for use in
Government offices (pp. x1, 130); No, 26, vol. i of the Sadhana-mala,
a collection of formule of Buddhist worship (pp. xxiii, 342); No. 27,
vol, i of a Descriptive Catalogue of Manuscripts in the Central Library,
Baroda, by G. K. Shrigondekar and K. 8. Ramaswami Shastri (pp. 28,
264); and No. 28, vol.iof the Mé@naséllisa or Abhilagitdrtha-cintamami
ascribed to S6mé4vara III, an important work on polity and economics
(pp. xviii, 146). The present year has produced as No. 29 Rama-
eandra’s Nala-vilasa, «a drama on the epic tale of Nala (pp. xl, 91).
The record of the Series is, as is patent to all, an extremely creditable
one. Nearly all the texts issued in it were hitherto unpublished ;
some are of outstanding value, and none are without merit or interest.
As is to be expected, a considerable number of them are concerned
with the history and literature of Gujarat and the West, which lends
an attractive touch of local colour to the collection. But almost every
branch of Sanskrit literature is here represented, and congratulations
are due to the editors (the first of whom, unfortunately, is no more)
and to the enlightened Government of Baroda for the services that
they have rendered to the classical literature of India.
L. D. Barnerrt.
FurruHer DraLoeves or THE Buppua. Translated from the Pah of
the Massuima NikAiva. By Lorp Cuaumers, G.C.B. Sometime
Governor of Ceylon. In two volumes. Vol. ii. (Printed for the
Pali Text Society.) Oxford University Press, 1927.
Of this long-needed work, and its many excellencies I have already
written an appreciation in a previous number of this Journal. The
second and concluding volume is now in our hands; for it all that

God REVIEWS OF BOOKS

was said of the first holds good. Of the doctrinal contents long known
to the very little world of Pali readers—how many Buddhists are
fonversant with the Pali scriptures ?—it is not here the occasion to
speak. But English readers of the “ Dialogues” can now for the
first time compare a complete translation of the second group (Nikava)
of Suttas with that of the first group. They will need to be reminded
that each Group is the final derivative and outcome of a special and
distinct school of repeaters :—“ Digha-repeaters ” and “ Majjhima-
repeaters “ (-bhdnakd)—appointed, it js alleged, at the first Council at
Rajagaha, to concentrate separately on the recensions of the oral
sayings which had been as yet collected and put into standard verbal
(not scriptural) form. As might be expected, they will find, with much
mutual agreement, interesting differences in doctrinal selections
and emphasis. And they may also note, in the present volume,
the emergence of the Sutta, here and there, in uddesa, rendered
“summary”, eg. No. exxxvii, and niddesa, or detailed exposition.
It is not a far fetch of imagination to see, in the former, the brief
“argument ” as written on a metal plate, long before the advent
of the date-palm leaves made the writing of the whole record a much
easier matter,

Equally important perhaps are the lessons subsequent translators
from the Pali should learn from this notable essay in their craft,
Lord Chalmers has raised so fine a standard here of English style
48 to queer the pitch for any more of the somewhat poor specimens
of it that have found publishers’ suffrages in translations from the
Pali, not only by Europeans and Asiatics, but also by Englishmen
and Americans. I spoke of this before. But translators can also
learn what to avoid. And that is, (i) not to place, by never so slight
a twist of language, ideas in the mouth of these olden time speakers
which they never intended to say. And (ii) secondly, not to give
them words, the equivalents of which did not exist in the speaker's
tongue. For all its high level of excellence I cannot five to either
volume, in this respect, a clean bill of health. Time and space are
both very limited. I can only sample,

(i) If the reader will turn to Sutta viii (vol, i), p. 29, he will find
the translator making the founder of Buddhism say, what, to the best
of my knowledge, is not to he paralleled in an other canonical passage
treating of the same subject, Now, in that the Buddhist Order adopted
a standardized wording to an extent that impairs most Suttas as
literature, such a unique rendering looks at once fishy. Here it is -—

os ——— |
* a ae
a" 1% oe +
a = a
- . - ot ‘a | €
4 rT
. g a,
- + »
® * % \
-_. “

FURTHER DIALOGUES OF THE BUDDHA

“The way to get quit... of those false views . .. is by seeing with
right comprehension that there is no ‘mine’, no * this is I’, no * this
is omy self’,”

I have yet to find anything quite so wild as this universal
negative attributed to the Sakyamuni. Had the Pali meant to say
this, the wording would have heen natthi Kivici mamati, natthi koci
dham asmiti, natthi koct me attati. But the text runs thus :—Vd
ima .. . ditthiyo loke wppajjanti .. . tam: n’etam mama, n’eso "ham
asmi, na meso atta ti evam etam . . . passato, etc. That is :—‘* The
opinions which arise in the world . . to one who sees with true wisdom
that saying: it is not mine, it is not what ‘I* am, it is not the
‘man * in me—those opinions are got rid of.”

The early Buddhists liked to quote the Sankhva academic wordings,
of which this is one. But the Sankhya was emphatic that the man
_ (puruga) exists, only he must not be identified with either body or

mind in any of its phases. Is it likely that, aware of these implications,
they would have used a formula in which these were involved, if they
held “there is no ‘this is [’?” But Buddhists, and European
writers, not discerning what Buddhism started withal, as different
from what it grew to be, all too glibly maintain that the denial of
the ‘I’ was perpetrated from the beginning. It is more likely that,
if the Founder had taught that denial, he would have been considered,
not a wise teacher but an idiot !

However that may be, my point is, that the Pali here cannot rightly
be rendered by a categorical negation. They who do not hold, as |
do, that Pali literature can be shown to betray a history in this doctrine
of “ no-self”, they who overlook the ambiguity in the word alman
(atfan), and its uses, they who do not see that a side-issue of early
Buddhism was a protest against the self-in-man, that is, the man-as-
God, of inner brahmin teaching, a side-issue which degenerated
into a nihilistic view on the very man, or self—these will not see in
this misrendering any distortion of historical fact. To me it is a
buttressing of error, which European Buddhists will bring forward
to support that nihilistic view; it is a set-back to that historical
grasp which better knowledge will yet one day make general. I only
wish that these lines of criticism were likely to have any fraction of the
influence which the rendering in the translation will have. I gladly
add, that the care bestowed in general in the renderings reveals so
far no other slip so breeding bane.

(ii) Translators, especially of an ancient tongue, have two special

636 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

difficulties to cope withal: words the tongue had, but their own has
not, and words which their own tongue can supply better than the
ancient tongue of their text. In either case, their rendering will be
misleading if special care, special training, and the history of their
subject be not ever mounting guard. For the most part the present
work is a model of care in these respects. For instance, it improves
on the Dialogues in not calling bhikkhave “ brethren", No man
deserves that name of honour who is not a brother to all men. The
monks were brothers more or less to each other. They did not look
upon the laity as their brothers: por did they ever speak of men,
lay or religious, as brothers. It was a mistake on our part so to call
them. The word was there if the will had arisen. The monk was to
consider women as “sisters”. This was the limit of his progress,
Lord Chalmers (and I) chose “ almsmen ", a literal rendering.

But in other terms he is less literal - e.g. in Tathagata “ trath-finder"”.
dev “ gods", dhamma “ doctrine ”’, wmriya “ will, resolution "| tuland
“ cogitation "". In the first three we have no fit word. The originals
should have been left in, with an explanatory footnote, “ Truth-
finder ” looks forward : Tathagata looks back; so much in Buddhism
does. It smells of tradition: “he who has thus come ", namely,
by the ancient Buddha-way. Deva, devata had ceased to mean
~ gods”’. Yes, they existed right enough, but any king was so
addressed : “ sire”, and all inmates of other, happier worlds and those
too of earth, if unseen, were so called. We do not consider our fellow-
men, hosts in other worlds, as “ gods". We have no word—as yet.
Deod should “stand”, Dhamma does not mean just fixed teaching,
save in a quite secondary sense, It is what we try to express in what
ought, what may be, the better, the ideal. « Norm ” has points, but it
is rather “ good average "; not“ the better”. We have no fit word.
Let it stand. So shall we do better service to truth. India has some
words which we have not, which we ought to have.

But in “ will’ we have a word which India had not, has not.
Ours is the wealth, not the poverty. Viriya is only effort, energizing,
a mode of using will. Will reaches-out-after, but it is self-directed,
it seeks this, not that. The very choosing, here implied, India cannot
word in a general way. Tuland : (scale-) “ weighing ”, is an effort
after such a word, yet the translator, not wary psychologically,
renders it by “ cogitation ” (ii, p. 99), in which is no need for choosing,
willing, acting, doing, or not doing.

A translation can throw much light on man’s growth or want of it,

SAMASLOKI GITA 637

in values, in will, in wording, if only it will not put in what is not in
the original. In the present work there is as a rule little of this
undeserved enrichment. In either case, we could have done with
more guidance in the steering that brief judicious footnotes give the
English reader.

C. A. F. Ruys Davinps.

SaMastoki Gira. By Muxunpa Gases Miraskar. pp. 205.
Poona City: Ganesh Printing Works, 1926.

A splendid contribution to Marathi literature in verse. The
Bhagawadgité enjoys universal popularity. It has been translated
into every modern language of the world. It contains a practical
philosophy of life. It has eighteen chapters each bearing a different
title according to the subject treated in it. Sanskrit commentaries
on it can be reckoned by scores. In all the vernacular languages of
India, there are translations, renderings, expositions, dissertations.
lectures, theses, essays, written on this wonderful book. It is
regarded as Smrti. The Bhagawadpita offers a great field to authors,
to orators, to preachers to exhibit their marvellous powers. The
original text has been committed to memory by millions of Hindus.
Thousands of individuals have taken a kind of vow of reciting the
Bhagawadgita in its entirety once ina day. Hardly two years pass

without something being published on the Bhagawadgité. And still -

there 1s scope for every talented man to write on it. The material
of it is inexhaustible. The present rendering of the Gité is in verse
and in the same metre—samaéloki—as the original. It has a fine
Marathi tone. If we compare this work with that of Waman Pandit,
the latter has the greatercharm. There is nothing amiss in the present
work, however, but Waman’s rendering has something that catches
life, that fascinates the mind. The present attempt, however, is
quite successful. Some of the verses, the sixteenth chapter for example,
will serve as a fine specimen of excellent Marathi. The book will
repay perusal.
5. G. Kannere.

Bindrit Rarnakar. By Jacannato Das Rarnaxar. 9} x 7;
32 + 296+ 46 pp. Lucknow: Ganga Pustak Mala, 1926.
Rs. 5.

The author's reappearance in the field of literature is most welcome.

For years the pressure of business prevented him from devoting

38 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

attention to the subjects which he loves, and it was feared that he
was lost to literature. Happily, this fear is not to be realized. He
has long been a student of Bihari's Sateai, and has specially taken
up the question of the true text and correct sequence of verses.

This volume gives the result of his investigations. The body
of the work contains the text of the Satsai, dohd by doha, with transla-
tion and commentary. The meaning of difficult words is inserted
in brackets. In an animated introduction he tells of his search for
MSS. and the difficulties which had to be overcome. There is a
description of six MSS. dating from the seventeenth and early
eighteenth centuries, including one erroneously thought by some to be
in Biharfs handwriting. These have all been carefully compared
and collated. When the author was unable to get access to a MS.
he had a special copy made, A remarkable fact emerged from the
comparison. It was found that all the MSS, followed either wholiy
or almost wholly the same order, and Jagannath Dias concludes that
this is undoubtedly the order preferred by Bihari himself, exhibiting
in fact the authentic sequence of the couplets.

The author accepts 713 dohds as genuine, but he adds in an
appendix without commentary 143 more which are found in other
editions of the Safsai. Another appendix gives in alphabetical order
the first lines of all the dohds here accepted, with a table showing
their position not only in this but in seven other recensions. There
are four full-page illustrations, three of which are coloured.

Altogether, it is a fine piece of work, a worthy testimony to the
good taste and industry of this scholar and poet.

T. G. B.

Jaraskpw Vann Mawakavya. Pt. i. By Grerpuar Das, edited by
Vray Ratw Das. 7} x 5: 24+ 174 pp. Benares: Kamalmani
Granth Mala, 1926. Re. 1/4.

Vraj Ratn Das is already well known for his work on Hindi
literature. To speak only of recent publications, he brought out not
long ago an excellent edition of the Prem Sdgar, followed by one of
Bhasa Bhigan, and now we have this edition of a fine poem hardly
ever heard of. It contains the text with numerous footnotes and two
introductions, one on the poet and one on the poem.

Gopal Candr, better known by his upandm of Giridhar Das, the
father of Bharaténdu Haris Candr, was the author of many works,
perhaps forty im all, hardly any of which are obtainable. He died

See
. * ent
AKBAR AXD THE JESUITS : 639 —

sixty-seven years ago at the early age of 26.
corresponding to the strict Sanskrit conception of mahdhkarya are
rare in Hindi, though if one strips the idea of purely arbitrary con-
comitants, there are many. The poem before us has a right to the
name even in its narrowest sense.

The editor, m introducing to us this epic written by a man (I
almost said a boy) who ranks among the foremost Hindi poets, and
yet is almost unknown, has done a great service to the cause of the
literature of his country.

T. Gravame Bal.ey.

AKBAR AND THE Jesuits. An Account of the Jesuit Missions to the
Court of Akbar. By Father Pierre Dv Jarric, 5.J. Translated
with Introduction and Notes by C. H. Payne. (The Broadway
Travellers. Edited by Sir E. Denison Ross and Eileen Power.)
xlviii + 288 pp., 8 plates. London: Routledge, 1926.

Mr. C. H. Payne has translated from Du Jarric’s Histoire des choses
plus memorables advenues ... aux Indes Orientales the chapters relating
to the three Jesuit missions sent from Goa (in 1580, 1590, and 1594)
to Akbar’s court at Lahore. Du Jarric, as his editor points out,
cannot rank as an original authority, but his work has a high value,
first, as a convenient summary of all available published material,
and, secondly, as preserving for us the contents of documents either
no longer in existence or otherwise inaccessible. His narrative is
clear and extremely readable, and he seems to have made a very
conscientious use of his authorities. They, and not he, are résponsible
for the curious ignorance of Moslem religion and local customs—
as Mr. Payne says, “ these alien creeds were,” to the Jesuit Fathers,
* things to be uprooted rather than studied ‘’—shown, inter alia, in the
use of the term aleoran for a minaret, and the assertion (p. 60) that
unmarried women who wish to make the Mecca pilgrimage “ all get
married beforehand so as not to break the law. After their return
* they are free to part from their husbands if they have a mind to do so "’,
The character of Akbar is not unsympathetically described, though
a quite natural bias leads the writer to take the most pessimistic
view of his ultimate destiny and to account for the misfortunes which
befel him m 1596 and 1597 os judgments on him for his “ foolish
worship of the sun ™.

The translation reads so easily that it must have involved no
ordinary amount of care and labour, and furnishes a good illustration

Poetical works

A40 REVIEWS OF HOOKS

of ars est celare artem. One may be permitted to wonder, however,
why the translator should invariably have written “ Noel" for
“ Christmas"; “ emersed on p, 206 is probably a printer's error—
the only one noticed, with the exception of the perplexing reversal
of two notes to Chapter CX, on page 251, where 12 should have been
numbered 13 and vice versa. The typography is otherwise unexception-
able, and the general appearance of the volume on a par with the rest
of this most attractive series. It is illustrated with eight reproduc-
tions of Persian paintings, including Manohar’s portrait of Akbar
from the group picture in the Wantage Collection.

A. W.

Le Kovu-wen Curyois. Recueil de textes avec introduction et notes.
Par Georces Marcouiies, Docteur és-lettres, ete. pp. ¢xxvil +-
464. Paris: Paul Geuthner, 1926.

Le “Fou” pans Le Wen-siuan. Etude et textes. Par Groraes
Marcouuies. pp. 138. Paris: Paul Geuthner, 1926.

M. Georges Margouliés makes an effective entrance into the sino-
logical world with the simultaneous publication of these two volumes.
The first contains 120 pieces of ku-wén (the exact significance of which
term will be found carefully explained in the introduction); the
second, three typical specimens of the fu, a prose-poem of a kind that
is peculiar to Chinese literature. The mere bulk of the work, and the
great labour of translation that it must have involved, cannot but
compel our admiration. It is true that the great majority of the
pieces selected have already been translated either by Professor H. A.
Giles in his “Gems of Chinese Literature” or by Pére Zottoli into
dog-Latin; a few have also been done by Grube in his “‘ Geschichte
der Chinesischen Litteratur”; but it is evident that M. Margouliés
has struck out am independent line, and is little indebted to the
renderings of his predecessors, He is too much obsessed with the ideal
of absolute ancl literal fidelity to his text: in his Opinion, it would be
waste of time to attempt to present the artistic side of Chinese literary -
productions to a public that is not yet capable of appreciating
it; and therefore, rather than “ glide over difficulties and offer
a Frenchified imitation of Chinese authors”, he has preferred to make
“an almost literal version ” which will at any rate convey the thought,
though doing scant justice to the elegance of the form. Here he
would seem to be the victim of an illusion which is not uncommon
among translators; for, indeed, the possibility of thus separating

LE KOU-WEN CHINOIS 641

the thought from the form, the matter from the manner, is more than
questionable.

Most of the essays, prefaces, notices, dissertations, and what
not that come under the general head of ku-ién, are delicate blooms
which will hardly bear transplantation into another language ; only
the most svmpathetic handling enables them to retain a little of their
original perfume, Now, to judge from his long and well-written
introduction, M. Margouliés has a nice appreciation of Chinese literary
composition which is remarkable in a foreigner; he can savour the
fine points of style that distinguish authors of different dynasties and
different schools; yet apparently he cannot see that a rigidly literal
translation of these same authors must almost necessarily obliterate
the style which is of their very essence, and reduce them all to a dead
level devoid of inspiration. Let us see how he treats Liu Ling’s
sparkling little eulogy of wine :—‘ Il y a un maitre, homme supérieur,
qui considére le ciel et la terre [l'éternité] comme un moment, le soleil
et la lune comme des fenétres, les huit cétés du monde comme sa
cour et ses avenues. Il marche sans orniéres ni traces, il reste sans
demeure mi chaumiére, il fait sa tente du ciel ect sa natte de la terre,
il va li of le méne sa volonté. Quand il s’arréte, il prend une
bouteille, il tient une coupe. Quand il est en mouvement, il porte
une cruche et il a une pot A boire avec lui. Il n’y a que le vin dont
il s’occupe, comment connaitrait-il le reste ?

“Tl y a un jeune noble et un lettré notable qni ont entendu ma
réputation et qui ont critiqué ce quien est. Ils agitent leurs manches,
ils arrachent leurs cols, leurs yeux sont furieux et leurs dents grincent.
Ils font des exposés des rites et des lois, le bien et le mal se léve
fconfusément] comme un essaim d’abeilles [dans leurs discours].”

This is certainly more literal, but is it not a hundred times further
from the spirit of the Chinese than the version in “ Gems" ?—* An
old gentleman, a friend of mine (sc, himself), regards eternity as but
a single day, and whole centuries as but an instant of time. The sun
and moon are the windows of his house ; the cardinal points are the
boundaries of his domain. He wanders unrestrained and free: he
dwells within no walls. The canopy of Heaven ts his roof ; his resting-
place is the lap of earth. He follows his fancy in all things. He
is never for a moment without a wine-flask in one hand, a goblet in
the other. His only thought is wine: he knows of naught beyond,

“ Two respectable philanthropists, hearing of my friend's weakness,
proceeded to tax him on the subject; and with many gestures of

VOL. IV. PART II, 42

42 REVIEWS OF hOOKS

dizapprobation, fierce scowls, and gnashing of teeth, preached him
quite a sermon on the rules of propriety, and sent his faults buzzing
round his head like a swarm of bees.”

The piece ends with a humorous simile, the point of which has
been entirely missed by M. Margoulids : “ Quand il écoute avec calme,
i n’entend pas le bruit du tonnerre, quand il regarde attentivement
il ne remarque pas aspect du T’ai-chan. Tl ne sent ni le froid ni
le chaud qui touchent son corps, ni les troubles de la joie et du désir.
Baissé, il contemple le tumulte des dix mille choses qui lui sont comme
des algues qui flottent sur le Kiang ou la Han, et Jes deux héros 4 ses
cotés Ini sont comme des abeilles ou des perasites de miirier,”’

There is a serious mistranslation here which ought to have been
avoided, seeing that a correct rendering is given in “ Gems” -—

“ His ears were beyond the reach of thunder; he could not have

en a mountain. Heat and cold existed for him no more, He knew
not even the workings of his own mind. To him, the affairs of this
world appeared but as so much duckweed on a river; while the two
philanthropists at his side looked like two wasps trying to convert
a caterpillar (into a wasp, as the Chinese believe js done),”’

The last clause rung thus in the original: — 2% fe i
mike me fi. The French translator wrongly takes
fi as a conjunction, and ignores the seemingly unimportant character
~. which really gives the key to the meaning : “* like Wasps associating
with a caterpillar.” The sphex or solitary wasp is in the habit of
keeping caterpillars in its nest as food for its young, a fact of natural
history which is noted jn one of the Odes (see Shih Ching, II, 5, ii, 5).
This gave rise to the legend that caterpillars were reared by wasps,
and in time actually became wasps themselves. In the present
passage, of course, the caterpillar stands for the old gentleman
who is suffering from the attentions of the philanthropic
rT wasps a

In justice to M. Margouliés as a translator, it must be added

t such mistakes do not often occur in his work. His general
familiarity with Chinese idiom is not to be denied, but he fails in the
art of expression. It is a pity, because good French prose, with its
grace, flexibility and lightness of touch, is precisely the medium
which would appear best suited for the rendering of iu-wén. As it is,
we have glimpses of what he may yet be capable of in a few pieces
such as the touching appeal to the Throne made by the sister of the
great general Pan Ch‘ao (here translated for the first time), or the soher

NATURAL MAN 645

and well-reasoned dissertations of Han Yu, where less demand 1s made
on the translator's imaginative faculty:

A feature of both these volumes that will bring’ joy to the heart
of the serious student is the provision of exhaustive geographical
and historical indexes giving all proper names in Chinese.

LioweL Gres,
Natura Man: A Kecorp From Borneo. By Cuartes Hose.
With a Preface by G. Ettior Sarre. pp. xvi + 284, 126 illustra-
tions, and | map. Macmillan & Co., Ltd., 1926. 30s.

Having read every word of this very interesting and readable
book, I feel that my first duty is to thank its author for the pleasure
he has given me. The work, as regards about nine-tenths of it, is
a delightfully written piece of descriptive ethnography which it
would be hard to excel. It is true that it is largely, and perhaps
mainly, a revised abndgement of Hose and McDougall’s The Pagan
Tribes of Borneo, which was issued in 1912 by the same publishers.
Many passages are textually identical, and a number of others are
paraphrases based on the earlier work. Without a collation of the
two books, page by page, for which I cannot spare the time, it is not
possible for me to make a more precise statement on the matter.
At any rate, the work under review, though not entirely new either
in substance or in form, contains a verv vivid account of the life and
habits, arts and crafts, customs and beliefs, and general mentality
of the Bornean tribes, with which its author has been intimately
acquainted for a great number of vears. His earlier work set him
in the front rank of descriptive ethnographers, and the present one,
if it does nothing else, will confirm that position, and make it more
widely known among the general public.

My own view, which I give for whatever it may be worth, ts that
descriptive ethnography should be entirely dissociated from all
speculations and disquisitions regarding the causes and origins of
its subject matter and should confine itself to a statement of facts.
I conceive that there is a distinct danger that an ethnographer's
mind may be unconsciously warped, and his descriptions more or less
distorted, by the influence of theories. A great part of the present
work is taken up with an important section of the population of
Borneo known as Kayan. I have already expressed elsewhere
(JRAS, (1926), p. 745-6) my disbelief in the theory that the Kayans
are identical with, or at all closely related to, the Karens (or alterna-

Hdd REVIEWS OF BOOKS

tively, the Chins or the Kachins) of Burma. There are serious
difficulties in the way of accepting it, and not many cogent arguments
in its support. Such general agreement as exists between the customs
of Kayans and Karens is by no means confined to them but extends
to many other uncivilized tribes of Indonesia on the one hand, and
Indo-China on the other. Whether such cases of agreement are to be
attributed to the coincidence of adaptation, on more or less paralle!
lines, of entirely unconnected tribes to more or less similar environ-
ments; or to direct diffusion through some geographically inter-
mediate link, which is now lost or has yet to be discovered: or to
former close contact between some of the ancestors of the one tribe
and some of the ancestors of the other: or to a genuine racial descent
from one common stock, are matters which will long be debated by
anthropologists. The various schools will continue to arrive at the
several conclusions which best fit in with their individual theories.
But, to my mind, it will be a long time before anything approaching
to certainty will be attained.

So far as I am able to judge from the descriptions given, the
Kayans are as typically Indonesian as need be, and fit quite well
into the general framework of Bornean ethnography, There is not
the slightest need to drag in, on their behalf, any hypothesis of a
comparatively recent emigration from Indo-China. That at some
remote age the coasts of Eastern and Southern Indo-China were
in part at least occupied by Indonesians, js a very generally accepted
and highly probable view. But it is altogether another matter to
suggest that the Kayans have come from there, and particularly
from the Irawadi valley, in the last millennium or 80. The history
and general conditions of Indo-China during that period are fairly
well known ; and it may safely be said that within that time there
is no trace of Indonesians in the Karen country,

I cannot help thinking that a slight similarity between the various
tribal names has (perhaps subconsciously) contributed to the forma-
tion of this theory ; and my opinion is shared by a recent writer on
the Karens, who has expressed his view of the matter in the following
terms : “It seems fairly clear that if this accidental similarity of name
did not exist, the Kayans would not have been considered closer
than the Dyaks in kinship to the Karen ” (H. I. Marshall, «* The Karen
People of Burma” in The Ohio State University Bulletin (1922), vol. xxvi,
No. 13, p. 15). It should be remembered that as regards language
Kayans, Karens, and Chins (with Kachins) belong to three quite

NATURAL MAN 645

distinct groups. It seems to be characteristic of certain schools of
comparative ethnology to undervalue, or even neglect entirely, the
evidence of language, which is, after all, an important element to be
considered. While it can give us no certain evidence of racial con-
nexion or common descent, it can tell us a great deal about historical
contact in the past, whether recent or more remote. Moreover,
comparative philologists have by this time developed a fairly sound
method, while comparative ethnologists are still engaged in groping
for one and disputing among themselves over its technique.

Before any really satisfactory and final grouping of the tribes of
Borneo can be made, a thorough classification of their languages
must be undertaken. In that respect Borneo is still, having regard
to its size, the most neglected area of Indonesia. As a rule it has been
represented, in works on Indonesian linguistics, solely by the Ngaju
dialect. As there are in S. H. Ray’s “The Languages of Borneo” (in The
Sarawak Museum Journal (1913), vol. i, No. 4) vocabularies of about
a hundred dialects and sub-dialects, often differing very much from
one another, it is obvious that to pick out the one that happens to be
the best documented as representative of the whole group is a quite
inadequate way of dealing with the languages of Borneo. I have not
the time, nor would this be the place, to go into the details of this
question at any length, but must confine myself to a somewhat super-
ficial test to illustrate my meaning. On the basis of the Bornean

numeral systems, Ray’s languages can be roughly divided into four |

groups, of which one is anomalous. It consists of a single language
using peculiar words for 7, 8, and 9. Of the rest, a large majority,
much the biggest of the four groups, uses the words félu and toh
(or variants of them) for 3 and 7 respectively, and into this group
fall the Kayan dialects, which to that extent, therefore, are typically
Bornean. They also agree with about a dozen Kenyah and other
non-Kayan dialects in the numbers 8 and 9. Of the remaining two,
much smaller, groups one has the Common Indonesian télu and pitu
for 3 and 7, respectively. The other, which eludes the Iban (or
Sea Dayak) dialects has ¢iga for 3 and variants of tujoh for T.

This last point serves to support Dr. Hose’s view that the [ban
language is more closely related to Malay than the other Bornean
languages and dialects are. But it is quite impossible to regard Iban
as having been, or being, “a tongue out of which Malay, as spoken
to-day, has been evolved under Arab influence” (pp. 6-7). The
differences between the two are more deep-seated than that; we

646 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

have-ample records of the Malay language going back continuously
for more than three centuries, and a few inscriptions even as far back
as the fourteenth century, which are quite inconsistent with such a
view. If, indeed, the Iban entered Borneo less than three hundred
years ago from Sumatra, it is pretty certain that they did not come
from any part of Sumatra where Malay was the language generally
spoken. But that theory, again, is quite unsupported by historical
evidence at present.

The first thirty pages of the book contain a sort of historical
introduction (taken over from The Pagan Tribes of Borneo without
much alteration) on which something must be said. Its arrangement
is not all that could be desired, e.g. pages 10-13 are substantially
a repetition of pp. 3-5. I must leave it to geologists to decide
the probable date when the island of Borneo was last united with the
continent of Asia, and whether there is any likelihood that the
ancestors of any of the existing Bornean trihea had reached their
present homes before that somewhat doubtful and remote time
(pp. 3, 4, 10). To me it seems rather unlikely. For the rest, I can
only regret that this portion of the work, which is not essential to it,
was not subjected to some revision. The Indonesian alphabets are
not from the Tamil (p. 15) but from the Telugu-Canarese group.
To say that the exact locality of Champa (in the period of the Sung
dynasty of China) is doubtful (p. 17) is to ignore all that has been done
_ In the last twenty years or more by French scholars to determine
the extent and boundaries of Champa and the position of its successive
capitals, all of which matters are now pretty definitely ascertained.
For “ Hianzta " (p. 18), a misprint that did not occur in the earlier
work, read “ Hiang-ta”. There are no historical grounds for the
statement that Malacca was founded in the thirteenth century (p. 19) ;
at any rate there is no certain mention of its existence before the early
years of the fifteenth.

Majapahit, on the other hand, was founded about 1294 and during
a portion of the fourteenth century it certainly exercised a general
supremacy over the Archipelago, including a good part of the coast
of Borneo. The account given on p. 19, and based on Chinese sources,
of the repulse from Brunei ‘by Javanese forces of raiders (from Sulu,
according to the Chinese chronicle), is worthy of credit, But it
happened during the reign of the Javanese king Hayam Wuruk.
not of the purely legendary Angka Wijaya. It isa great pity that,

* Assuming that Brunei is meant by the P*o-ni ia TE of the Chinese SOnroes.

BRITISH MALAYA 647

instead of continually citing Raffles’s out-of-date History of Java
about such matters, English readers do not refer to the reliable sources,
such as the Pararaton and the Nagarakrétagama, which have now been
accessible for many years past.

Further the statement that a few vears later the Brunei kmg paid
tribute to Mansur Shah of Malacca is patently absurd, seeing that
the latter, so far from succeeding to the throne in 1374, was not even
born at that date and did not in fact succeed (as reported in the History
of the Ming Dynasty) till 1459. The old erroneous Malacca chronology
was rectified thirty years ago, and it is unsatisfactory to find it restated
in a work published in 1926. To make matters worse, this impossible
statement has been taken over from The Pagan Tribes of Borneo
into the official report on the Census of British Malaya of 1921, p. 3.
Thus is history made. The date given on p. 25 of the work under
review of the founding of Singapore by a purely legendary personage
is equally baseless. It is a pity that such a good book as this contains
such blemishes.

C. O. B.

British Matava, 1824-67. By L. A. Mitts. (Journal of the Malayan

Branch, Royal Asiatic Society, vol. ili, pt. ii.) Singapore, 1925.

This is a conscientiously documented and well-written historv,
containing even more than its title foreshadows. Several of its
chapters considerably transcend the nominal limits of the work.
We get sections dealing with the English and Dutch in the East
(1579-1786), Penang (1786-1830), Singapore (1819-1826), the Civil
Service in the Straits Settlements (1786-1867), the Malacca Land
Problem (1825-1884), and the Malayan Policy of the East India
Company (1786-1867), which are very welcome, though they do not
confine themselves within the period specified in the title. For the
rest, the contents of the work can be best indicated by giving the
remaining chapter headings, viz. the Anglo-Dutch Treaty of 1824,
the Naning War (1831-32), Anglo-Siamese Relations (1824-1867),
Trade and Agriculture in British Malaya, the Chinese in British
Malaya, Piracy and the Straits Settlements, Rajah Brooke and the
Suppression of Piracy in Brunei, and the Transfer (of the Straits
Settlements from the India Office to the Colonial Office).

Many of the above are matters of more than purely local interest,
and the author's treatment is characterized by sober judgment and
great fairness, though he is perhaps rather hard on the Dutch, whose

648 REVIEWS OF BROOKS

policy in those days certainly lays them open to criticism. The
bibliography is very valuable, particularly as giving the unpublished
sources on which Dr. Mills has mainly relied, There are unfortunately
a good many misprints, due apparently to the fact that he was not
given an opportunity of finally revising the proofs of his work.

C. O. Buagpen.

A Year Amonost THE Persrans. By Eowarp Granvinte Browne,
with a memoir by Sir E. Denrsox Ross. pp. xxii + 650.
Frontispiece and 1 map. Cambridge University Press, 1926,

Few Europeans who, during the last forty or fifty years have taken

the trouble to travel extensively in Persia have spared the public a
recital of their experiences, their impressions, and their views, but
few indeed of their works merit a Permanent place on our shelves.
From all such records of travel the late Professor E. G. Browne’s
account of a year spent by him among the Perisans stands apart, and
it will certainly, now that it has at leneth been presented to the public
as the Cambridge University Press can present a book, take its place,
as the author of the memoir hopes, amongst the great classics of
travel.

None who knew the author will be surprised at the excellence of his
work, for no European traveller in Persia has been so well equipped
as he was for the task which he undertook. Starting with a warm
enthusiasm for the people and the country, he sedulously prepared
himself, by conscientious and laborious study of the language, the
literature, the philosophy and the religion of the Persians, for his endea-

to all who would learn anvthing of Persia and the Persians. Such
a book, for instance, as Pierre Loti’s insufferable Vers Isfahan, with
its words strung together, like onions, for sale, conveys to the reader
little beyond the traveller's impressions

The book is as attractive as it is instructive, and it is largely in
the author's generous enthusiasm that its attraction lies. His was,
indeed, the charity which thinketh no evil, and although those who
have lived long amongst the Persians may occasionally reflect that the

A YEAR AMONGST THE PERSIANS * 649

charity which believeth all things and hopeth all things is not always
marked by discrimination, they will appreciate the author none the
less. Rather will they be grateful to him for encouragement in the
frequent disappointments which beset them, and for reminding them
that though there may be something to deprecate there is also much to
love in the Persian.

Even in those in whom he found most to condemn, the oppressive
governor, the drunken libertine, the inquisitive, meddlesome, self-
conceited bore, he finds some good. The gracious manners and fine
library of the first, the readiness of the second to die for his faith,
are redeeming traits, and even the last seemed, during a second visit,
“ less disagreeable’. It may, however, be doubted whether Browne
saw the bore, who in later years was known as “ Hajji Excellence ”,
from his habit of airing his French by addressing all and sundry by
this honorific title, at his best. His mendacity, his garrulity, and his
conceit could transcend anything recorded of him in this book. He
once informed the present writer that the lateQueen Victoria had, during
his sojourn in Europe, offered him the Garter, and when asked why
he never wore the insignia he gravely replied that he had not
thought it politic to accept the Order. He was at this time the
nuisance which Browne found him, but he was also the cause of
much murth.

The author is perhaps hardly fair to the Persian authorities in respect
of their treatment of the Babis, the sufferers among whom are all
“martyrs”. The persecution of this sect was, of course, revolting,
as all religious persecution must be ; but the persecutors must not be
judged by the standards of modern Europe, The sectaries placed them-
selves in opposition to the established religion of the country, the
recognized punishment for apostasy from which is death, and were
undoubtedly implicated both in rebellion and in attempted assassina-
tion, punished in most lands with death. It is hardly reasonable to
expect an Oriental ruler to require absolute proof of the personal
participation of the founder and leader of such a sect in the crimes
of his followers, The sect as a whole was associated with rebellion
and assassination, and the removal of its leader would be regarded
in Persia as an ordinary measure of precaution. The persecution
was impolitic, as all persecutions are ; but it was not unnatural.

Nor do the sectaries appear to have merited the great interest
which Browne displayed in them. Bali “ martyrs” ate bewailed,
but the unedifying disputes between Shaykhis and Babis and Babis

iM) ; REVIEWS OF BOOKS

and Bahais, and the murderous feud between Bahiis and Ezelis are
insufficiently condemned.

A minor slip which grates on the ear is the repeated description
of the British Legation as the “ English Embassy ", but when the
hook was written the habit of regarding the Treaty of Union as a
scrap of paper was more general than it is to-day,

All who have travelled much in Persia will endorse the author's
favourable estimate of the character of its muleteers, as a class.
The chareadar, exasperating at times, is always interesting, and can
be a most entertaining companion on the road. Even his “ grousing ",
if taken in the right spirit will be found to contain the element of
good humour which characterizes the same failing in the British
soldier.

Most of those who have visited Qum and Kishan will envy the
author his pleasant recollections of those towns and will be inclined
to agree rather with the anonymous authors of the uncomplimentary
verses on their inhabitants than with him. The people of Qum are
usually surly and hostile, and those of Mahan are so accustomed
to the fleecing of pilgrims that they are prone to regard all visitors
as their prey, but Browne was evidently fortunate, as he was in his
experience of servants who declined to accept vails, Such events
happen in Persia, but they are rare.

The enumeration of the bridges over the Zayanda Rid at Isfahan
is confusing. There are in fact five, not three only, but a traveller
may be pardoned for disregarding one of them, which is rather an
aqueduct than a bridge, though it is used by foot passengers. It is
in, the names of the others that the confusion occurs The bridge of
“ thirty-three arches” is not given its usual name, Allah-Vardi,
and there is nothing to indicate that the Pul-i-Hasandbad mentioned
on one page is identical with the Pul-i-Khaji (the more usual name),
as itis. The Chihil Sutin (‘ Forty Columns) ” palace, again, is
not so called from the plane-trees in its garden, but from the twenty
columns supporting its portico, doubled in number by their reflection
in the water. The remarks on the virtues of the woodlouse are
interesting, but the author might have added the name by which it is
known in Kirmin—giv-i-khuda, “the ox of God,” which he must
have heard while there. The kangar, which he compares to celery,
is really a thistle, the stalks of which are eaten in the same manner
as chard, the stalks of the globe-artichoke, The word salt, in the
verses in the Kashani dialect, does not mean “ basket", but is a

A YEAR AMONGST THE PERSIANS 65]

corruption of the word sal, “a bucket’, just as hafr is the Kashi
corruption of barf. The “dismal spot" mentioned on page 462,
in the description of which the present writer heartily concurs, should
be Shims, not Shemsh, and ashkalak, not el-chek, is the usual name of
the Persian pilniewinks. The tyrant Zahhik is imprisoned in a cavern
beneath Damavand, not on the summit of the mountain, and it 1s
hardly just to blame the grandees for the misery inflicted on the
wretched children employed in shawl-weaving, for those who were
responsible for the sufferings of these poor little drudges were their
parents, whom their toil supplied with opium.

Those who wish to learn something of Persia are often advised
to read Morier’s delightful book, and much can be learned from it,
but it must never be forgotten that it isa satire. Nobody who wishes
to learn the whole truth should fail to read Browne's book. Hajj
Baba, which has been translated, has probably given offence to many
Persians ; 4 Year amongst the Persians will be welcomed with gratitude
by all, and a good translation would be a signal service to Persia,
and also to Britain, for it would tend to promote a better understanding
between the two countries. Few who know the Persians will fail
to share the author's affection for them. though all will not share his
leniency to their failings. These, in his view, were due to one cause,
and to one cause alone, the corruption and oppression of the old
régime. The Constitution, when it came, was to heal all and to perfect
all.. This was the view of many among the Persians, to whom
Mashriita was a blessed word of comfort, Most have since learned the
truth embodied in Goldsmith's, or rather Johnson’s, lines :—

“ How small, of all that human hearts endure,
That part which laws or Kings can cause or cure!”
There is reason to believe that Browne himself was disillusioned in
his later years, and one could wish for his sake that it had not been so.

His great services to Persia, and to Oriental scholarship generally,
were recognized in more quarters than one, but the recognition which
he prized most came from Persia, in the form of a complimentary
address with beautiful presents. Accompanying the address was an
ode by a modern poet who complained that the bird who sang so
sweetly was singing from a cage, in which he had been confined at
the instance of the great scholar’s countrymen. Browne's compassion
was aroused, and his generous appeal was the cause of some embarrass-
ment to the British Legation, for the poet's offence had been his
membership of a “ Committee of Reprisals ", having for its object the

fo? REVIEWS OF BOOKS

assassination of British and Russian officials, and of those Persians
who had sympathized with the Allied cause during the war, and its
labours had not been entirely fruitless,
In honouring Browne Persia honoured herself, and did much to
justify the high opinion which he entertained of the Persian character.
W. H.

Tayyieit, THE Opes or SHAIKH Musiinv-'p-prw Sa‘pt Sniizt.
Translated by the late Sir Lucas Wuire Kine, Kt., CS.1.,
LL.D., with an Introduction by Reynotp A. Nicno.son.
London: Luzac & Co., 1996,

This translation of the Tayyihat of Sa‘di is a worthy memorial
of the scholar who died before it could be published. The translation
of the Odes, which contain many obscure passages, is close and exact,
and the commentary on the terminology of the Siifis contained in the
notes will be of much value to the student of Persian mysticism,

Opinions will always differ on the extent to which the works of
Persian poets classed as Siifis or mystics are to be interpreted
figuratively or literally. The learned translator of these odes was of
those who believe that Sa‘di, at least, was consistent, and that love
and wine, drunkenness and its effects, wherever they are mentioned,
are to be interpreted figuratively, and he has very successfully applied
his learning to their interpretation in this sense. It was probably this
insistence on the esoteric signification of the poems that led him to
include in the text of his translation so much of his commentary, 50
many glosses and amplifications that might have been relegated to

of his own ability to supply comment ao obvious. For instance, in the
lines :

“Tam like a harp with my head bent down ( = bowed) in (abject)
submission and (fervent) love, so strike up any tune Thou pleasest
and play on me ”

it is difficult to justify the presence of the words in brackets which
might well have been supplied by the reader.

A defect which jars on the ear is the lack of consistency in the use
of the singular and the plural of the second personal pronoun. The
singular is so rare in modern English that the writer was probably
unequal to the strain of its sustained use and, as in the opening
couplet, of the beautiful ninety-fifth ode :—

TAYYIBAT 653

“Thy fascinating movements are symmetrical and harmonious :
but the words you address to us are inconsiderate,”
unconsciously slips into the plural. In this matter close adherence to
the original should surely be the rule, especially in translating such
poems as these. In this verse, too, the point of the antithesis has been
missed. Its true sense is “ Thy graceful movements are for all, but it
is for us, Thy lovers, that Thou reservest Thy harsh words.”

Exception may also be taken to the translation of the first couplet
of Ode 26. The poet describes his beloved's figure as a marvel as
great as the general Resurrection. This is not fitly translated by
“a nine days’ wonder "’—a contemptuous expression for a sight or
event which sets the mob gaping until some new wonder wipes it
from their minds.

No justification is apparent for the translation of the first couplet
of Ode 84: “ We engaged in love, etc.” for the verb is in the singular
in the original, and the plural would not scan.

I would also take exception to “ marsh-mallow ” as a translation
of Khatmi, used as a simile fora beautiful face. It is true that Lane,
Freytag, Steingass, and Belot give “marsh-mallow” for fhitmi
or khatmi, but surely no poet would compare a beautiful face to a
bright yellow flower. “ Marsh-mallow might describe Majniin’s
face, but not Laila’s. Gul-i-khatmi means, in Persia, the hollyhock,
a flower, with its pink and white petals, far more likely than the
marsh-mallow to be in the mind of a poet describing his mistress’s
face, and surely “ hollyhock ” is the correct translation here. In
note 4 on page 115 variant of the Zahhik legend is given, According
to Firdawsi, and all versions of the legend which I have heard.
Damavand, not Alvand, is the mountain beneath which the tyrant
isconfined. It is possible that the honour is locally claimed for Alvand.
but this is not the generally accepted version of the story. It is a
mistake, too, to say that smoke sometimes rises from Alvand. Both
Damavand and Alvand are volcanoes, but they have long been extinct.

In a quotation from Hafiz in note | on page 97, the word taghir
occurs. This is apparently intended for taghyir, but the reading in
five copies of Hafiz which I have consulted ts tafstr, which is in every
way preferable. I have not found faghyir even as a variant.

There is no special interest, as stated in note 3 on page 160, in
the fact that no chronological sequence can be observed in the arrange-
ment of the odes, for in no divan are the odes arranged in chronological
sequence. ‘The principle of arrangement is the alphabetical order

as ee

. i a z.. a - far? ——— a

6 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

of the letters with which the verses conclude. It was probably owing
to Sir Lucas King’s untimely and lamented death that the proofs
were not more carefully corrected and that the notes are disfigured
by typographical errors. Faquir for fagir, nuterah for mihrab, sahib-i-
nazar (which would not scan) for sdhih nazar, Ka‘abah for Ka‘ha,
mndt o galasht for gallashi va rindi, Zuleikhah for Zulaikha, nahi
munkar for nahy-i-munkar, nimak for namak, majnin for majmii’,
gashabe for giisha-yi, and Khizar (which would not sean) for Khizr,
are some examples. Sa‘di's verse, as quoted in note 3 on page 175
does not scan, and the quotation from the Mathnavi in note 1 on
page 161 is not intelligible.

The translation pretends to no graces of form, but is absolutely
literal. This method of treatment is undoubtedly the best in a first
translation of a Persian classic. Poets and littérateurs may embellish
as they will the master’s thoughts when the scholar has rendered them
intelligible, though it is to be hoped that none will emulate the
impudence of the poetaster who declared that the best interpreter
of a Persian poet is he who knows no Persian. The other method of
rendering a Persian poet has been tried, and though Fitzgerald's
beautiful paraphrase has delighted all none can contemplate without
a shudder the “ appalling mass of literature ” which it has produced.

Sir Lucas White King has laid students both of the language and
of the mysticism of the Persians under an obligation, and the minor
errors and imperfections in his work which have been noticed may be
easily amended in a later edition. It is for this purpose that they have
been enumerated,

W. H.
Dasr0r-t-Ususnig: “The Book of Lovers,” By Muhammad
YauvA pw Sipax, known as Fattahi of Nishapir. Edited by
R. 8. Greensmenns. London: Luzac & Co., 1926.

The works of Muhammad Yahya ibn Sibak, Fattabi, “a man of
learning, acquainted with most branches of knowledge,” are not 80
well known as they deserve to be, and even in his lifetime lacked the
publicity earned by the works of more courtly poets. It is well,
therefore, that this elaborate allegory should have been made
accessible to lovers of Persian poetry, for the only knowledge of it
which European scholars have hitherto possessed is contained in a
summary in rhymed prose, and this edition enables us for the first time
to study the poet's development of his theme. The poem is a good

THE ORTHODOX PATRIARCHATE OF JERUSALEM a)

example of the more artificial school of Persian poetry in the age of
the Timirids, and, though less sophisticated than the Shabistan-i-
Ahiyal exhibits those peculiarities of Fattahi's style which Dawlatshah
has noticed,

The diligent student may read the whole poem from beginning
to end, but the cadence of the metre will pall on many after an hour
or two, and these will take 1t in smaller doses, for 1t must be confessed
that the interest even of the double allegory is hardly sufficient to
relieve the monotony of the rhythm. All students should, however,
read the poem, for it is an excellent example of its class, and the
correspondence between the lovers is itself a fairly complete treatise
on Persian rhetoric.

The editing of a mathnavt poem of nearly 4,700 couplets is no light
task, but Mr. Greenshields has performed itadmirably. Ofthe very few
misprints one occurs in a heading on page 66, and a misplaced jamza
in the first hemistich of verse 230 mars the rhythm of the couplet.
A very few of the verses halt, but the errors here are clearly due to the
copyist, and are such as must always occur in an edition from a single
MS. The wonder is that there are so few.

The book has an excellent preface by the editor.

WoLseLey Hare.

THe Orrnopox PaTrRiaRcHaTe OF JERUSALEM. EKeport of the Com-
mission appointed by the Government of Palestine to inquire
and report upon certain controversies between the Orthodox
Patriarchate of Jerusalem and the Arab Orthodox Community.
By the Commissioners: Sir Axrow Bertram, Chief Justice of
Ceylon, sometime Puisne Judge of the Supreme Court of Cyprus ;
and J. W. A, Youne, sometime Financial Adviser to the Orthodox
Patriarchate of Jerusalem and previously Chief Inspector under the
Ministry of the Interior in Egypt. Milford, 1926, 12s. Gd. net.

This book is at once a practical illustration of the difficulties
attending the administration of the British mandate for Palestine,
and an illuminating study in the history of the Orthodox Church.

The Orthodox Patriarchate of Jerusalem has been an anxiety
to the mandatory government from the beginning. To start with,
it had got itself so deeply into debt that a financial commission of
inquiry (the Bertram-Luke commission) had to be appointed—as a
result of whose report the finances of the Patriarchate were placed
under official control in 1921. Thereafter, the standing quarrel between

fob REVIEWS OF BOOKS

the Orthodox Christian population of the country, who are Arab in
language and in national feeling, and the Patriarch and the Holy Synod,
who are Greeks, came to such a pass that a second commission had
to be appointed to inquire into this matter and suggest some solution.
The link between the two commissions was supplied by Sir Anton
Bertram, who in both cases was the senior member. The Commissioners
—whose difficult task was evidently rendered still more difficult
by systematic obstruction on the part of the Patriarchate—are to
be congratulated on the tact with which they have conducted the
practical part of their duties and upon the learning and lucidity of
their historical research.

The present feud between the central ecclesiastical authorities
and the rank and file of the clergy and the laity in the Jerusalem
Patriarchate is a consequence of the policy inaugurated by the
Ottoman Sultan Mehmed II Fatih in regard to the Orthodox Church
in his dominions. Sultan Mehmed’s conquest of Constantinople is
commonly regarded as having inflicted an almost mortal wound
upon the Greek people; but the medieval Greeks had been steadily
losing ground to the Franks, the Muslims and the non-Creek peoples
of Orthodox Christendom for four centuries before 1453 ; and Mehmed's
organization of the Millet-i-Riim, after his conquest of Constantinople,
really laid the foundations of a Greek revival. As is well known,
Mehmed created the Oecumenical Patriarch of Constantinople Millet-
Bashy, not merely of the Orthodox Christians within the ecclesiastical
domain of the Patriarchate (which corresponded approximately to the
comparatively modest frontiers of the East Roman Empire as they
had stood in the eighth century), but of all Orthodox Christians
within the frontiers of the Ottoman Empire. In one sense, this was
a continuation of the Orthodox ecclesiastical tradition, in which the
Church was a department of State and every sovereign independent
State containing an Orthodox population had an autocephalous
church of its own whose ecclesiastical domain coincided with the
state territory. In another sense, however, Mehmed’s organization
was an innovation in favour of the Greeks ; for the Oecumenical
Patriarchate at Constantinople was intrinsically a Greek national
institution, and, thanks to Mehmed, it found its jurisdiction extended
over the Bulgars and Serbs and Rumans—important Orthodox
peoples which had only fallen fitfully under Byzantine rule and which
had therefore possessed churches of their own independent of the
Constantinople Patriarchate. As the dominions of the Ottoman

THE ORTHODOX PATRIARCHATE OF JERUSALEM 657

Padishah continued to expand, the ecclesiastical domain of his servant
the millet-bashy of the Millet-i-Riim expanded with them, wherever
the conquered territories happened to contain Orthodox inhabitants ;
and the Ottoman conquest of Syria and Egypt in 1516-7 made the
Oecumenical Patriarch master—not as Patriarch but as millet-bashy—
of the Orthodox Christian flocks of the three older Patriarchates of
Antioch, Jerusalem and Alexandria. Now these three Patriarchates,
which had existed some centuries before the Oecumenical Patriarchate
had been created, had not only been independent of the Oecumenical
Patriarchate—as had been the Bulgarian Patriarchate, which had
come into existence later—but, during the eight and a half centuries
which had elapsed since the Arab conquest, Arabic had become the
national language of the people, and therefore (in accordance with
another Orthodox tradition) it had tended to become the ecclesiastical
language of those Churches, though in the Arab Orthodox commun-
rties, unlike the Slavonic Orthodox communities, Greek was never
ousted entirely. The political conquest of Syria and Egypt by the
Osmanlis involved, however (owing to Mehmed Fatih’s ordinance),
an ecclesiastical conquest of the Orthodox Churches in these countries
by the Greeks. This conquest was consummated during the
Patriarchate of Germanos (1543-1579)—a Greek from the Morea—
and thenceforth not only the Patriarchal office itself but the synod,
organized into a fraternity, became an institution staffed with Greeks,
whoee policy was directed from the Phanar in Stamboul, Thus the
Arab laity and parish clergy of the Jerusalem Patriarchate found
themselves excluded from the government of their local Church in
favour of Greeks, just as the Fallahin were excluded from the govern-
ment of the local Vilayets and Sanjaqs in favour of Osmanlis. Under-
neath, however, the Orthodox Arabs cherished their national con-
sciousness, symbolized in their national language, as pertinaciously
as the Bulgars, Serbs, Rumans and other non-Greeks over whom the
Greeks exercised ecclesiastical dominion by grace of the Osmanlis ;
and, as soon as the Ottoman Government reversed its ecclesiastical
policy, the Arabs of the Jerusalem Patriarchate raised their heads.
In 1870 the Porte created the Bulgarian Exarchate, and in 1872 a
synod at Constantinople excommunicated the exarchists for breaking
away from the Oecumenical Patriarchate, Cyril, the reigning Patriarch
of Jerusalem, “‘ who had intimate relations with the Russian Govern-
ment", refused to join in this excommunication, and on this account
he was high-handedly deposed by the Fraternity, who were Greeks of

VOL. IV. PART Ul, 43

5s REVIEWS OF BOOKS

4 strongly nationalist complexion. Thereupon, the Arab flock of
the Jerusalem Patriarchate, who were conscious that the cause of the
Bulgarians was their own, rose in tumult, and there was something
like war in heaven, until the Ottoman authorities restored order.
Thus the battle was joined between Arab nationalism and Greek
imperialism in the Jerusalem Patriarchate. It is still being fought,
hut all the omens indicate that nationalism will win the day.
AgsoLp J, Toynpee.

Peorte or tHe Vert. Being an Account of the Habits, Organiza-
tion, and History of the Wandering Tuareg Tribes which inhabit
the Mountains of Air or Asben in the Central Sahara. By Francis
Renxeut Ropp. 10 x 7, pp. xvi + 504. Macmillan, 1926.

We welcome any work on the Tuareg, as their mode of life attracts
us all, in the same way that the life of the Red Indian appealed to us
when we were younger. Mr. Rodd’s book isa scholarly and sympathetic
study of the Tuareg, with whom he came in contact in Air, and its
neighbourhood. It is strange that so little serious work on the manners
and customs of the Tuareg has been published. Barth is still the
great authority, although his journeys took place seventy years aro ;
we note that the author has visited one of Barth’s camps, which has
never been touched, for the Tuareg have not forgotten that Barth
eame to them as a friend.

We hope that a British official in Nigeria may let us have some more
information concerning the Tuareg, as so many are now under our
rule, and we feel sure that there is still plenty of room for some French
author, besides Duveyrier.

Mr. Rodd is particularly interested in the geography of the
district he visited, and in the divisions and sub-divisions
of the Tuareg, most valuable work. We notice that the White People
are called Ahamellen, the usual Berber word for white is from a root
MLL, possibly the H is due to Arabic influence.

Mr. Rodd only touches on the origin of the Tuareg, and does not
tell us whether he agrees with the fascinating theory that he is Cro-
Magnon man in the flesh; and, although we have some hints of the
Tuareg ability to go without food or water. for long periods, we should
have liked to hear more. It was Barth, we believe, who met a Tuareg
who had “ forgotten ” when he had eaten last. We notice with much
pleasure the author's account of his stay with the Tuareg as their
guest, on pages 210 and 211; we wish more travellers did the same

FROM THIBE TO EMPIRE 659

and in the same way, particularly those of us who agree with Mr. Rodd’s
remarks a page later. The author is very interested in the various
types of house; we think that his “Type A” may be found also
amongst the Beni Mzab, where the Tizefri, or weaving room, occupies
the same position as the inner room does in houses of that type.

The Tuareg measure of length, the amitral, of 10 culnts, must be
16 feet, or thereabouts, this seems a long unit for a primitive people ;
we wonder if amitral started life as metre and is considerably shorter.

Some interesting photographs, a bibliography, and a good and
careful index all add to the value of the book.

P. P. H. Hasivucr.

From Trise to Euprre. By A. Moret and G. Davy. Kegan Paul,
1926. lbs. net.

This interesting and suggestive volume aims at sketching the early
history of the Near East, Egypt, Asia Minor, and Mesopotamia.
However, it goes farther than this, for it also offers a theory of the
early development of eastern monarchy. About the first third of the
bogk deals with the totemic clans of Australia and North America,
seeking to trace thereby the steps by which political powers emerged
in primitive societies. The theory put forth is that power, which at
first was diffused through the clan, was gradually individualized,
in part by the transfer of succession from the female into the male
line, in part by the identification of the tribal chief thus produced
with the old clan totem. This, it is suggested, is what perhaps took
place in prehistoric Egypt and formed the basis from which the
monarchy of the Pharoahs sprang. This theory conflicts with the
views of many, though not of all, Egyptologists on the one side and
anthropologists on the other. It is at all events a bold collocation ;
and though no one can regard it as more than a highly interesting
speculation, there is a sufficient number of odd coincidences to make
it alike curious ancl stimulating.

H. D.
Tae Worsnip or Nature. By Sir James Georce Frazer. Vol. i.
Macmillan, 1926. 25s.

In this volume Sir James Frazer publishes with many additions
his Gifford Lectures delivered at Edinburgh in 1924-5, He deals with
the worships of the sky, the earth, and the sun—the last everywhere
but in Africa and America, which he reserves with the personification

660 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

and worship of other aspects of nature for his second volume. This
new work shows, a8 his earlier ones have done, the encyclopedic
range of his knowledge and his command of a singularly attractive
prose-style ; and if here, as elsewhere, the general effect is somewhat
misty and elusive, that is due to the nature of his subject, not to anv
lack of vigour or cloudiness of conception in his own mind. The work
when completed will be a complete survey of the worship of natural
objects and phenomena, classified by subject and geographical distribu-
tion, and ranging from savage and primitive beliefs to the elaborate
ideas of the civilized peoples of the ancient and the eastern worlds.
From the point of view of general interest, perhaps, something is
sacrificed by the length at which Sir James Frazer dwells upon the
former, for the endless variations in detail to which no special signifi-
eance can be attached are fatiguing in themselves and destructive
of any general conceptions. But at the present time, when there isa
strong tendency at work unduly to simplify our ideas of anthropological
origins, this endless diversity undoubtedly deserves to be put forward
and emphasized. The professed Orientalist will find much of interest
in these pages. The chapters devoted to Eastern religious ideas are
necessarily secondhand, and do not carry with them much of the
author's special authority; but the related chapters will be found
full of parallel illustrations of great suggestive interest and value.
H. D.

' Lea

Tut Mickation or Sympots. By Donaup A. Mackenzie. Kegan
Poul, 1926. 12s. Gd. net,

In this interesting volume Mr. Mackenzie deals with the occurrence
of certain widely spread symbols, such as the swastika and the spiral,
on the basis of the Diffusionist theory of a common origin, which seems
to him a far more plausible hypothesis than that of the “ psychic
unity of man”. He rejecta the latter mainly, it seems, because we
do not know enough about the workings of the primitive mind to
justify the assumption that different tribes and races will think alike
in like circumstances, His book is therefore mainly a contribution
to the attractive but still very speculative theory that the Diffusionist
school of anthropology has built up, He regards the “ winged-dise ”
of the Egyptians and the “ whirling-logs” of the American Indians
as identical in origin, and would trace to a common source all the
variations of the spiral ornament or symbol. This seems to be going
far beyond what is warranted by our present state of knowledge,

RELIGION AND FOLE-LORE OF NORTHERN INDIA 66]

But Mr. Mackenzie is on firmer ground when he argues that these
and other symbols were more probably magical than artistic in
origin and conception ; and that the migration of a symbol does
not necessarily imply the migration of the conceptions for which it
H. D.
Revicios AnD Fo.k-Lore or Norruern Inpra. By WILtram
Crooke. Oxford University Press, 1926.

Ever since this work first appeared at Allahabad, over thirty years
ago, it has been one of the classical manuals of North Indian Folklore ;
and a second edition was soon afterwards published in London in 1896,
The last years of Mr. Crooke’s life were engaged in revising it for
what may be called a definitive edition : and though he was not spared
to see it through the press, that task has been carmed out by
Mr. Enthoven, whose own labours in a cognate subject admirably fitted
him for the task. Since its first appearance the book has nearly doubled
in size, and has moreover been enriched by wide reading which had been
impossible during the author's official service in India far from the
libraries of Europe. It has long been, and we think it will long remain,
the standard exposition of popular religion in Northern and Central
India, invaluable alike to the student of folklore and to all engaged
in administrative work in that region.

H. Dopwe tt.

La Macre pans L'EGYPTE ANTIQUE, DE L’ANCIEN EMPIRE JUSQU'A
L Epoque corre. Tome I, Exposé. Tome II, Les Textes
Magiques. Tome III, Atlas. Par Pu. Dr. Francois Lexa,
Professeur 4 l'Université Charles de Prague. I, 220 pp; II, 235;
III, 71 plates. Paris: Geuthner, 1925.

Professor Lexa’s first volume gives a valuable summary of beliefs
and practices connected with Egyptian magic, a subject which he
considers of particular interest in view of the attention bestowed,
in recent times, on all occult subjects. His point of view is neither
that of Brugsch: “la non-valeur de la magie pour l’appréciation
de la culture nationale”; nor that of Budge, who thinks that every
Egyptian religious rite has a magical character. Under the heading
“Le but de la magie ”, he treats of magical practices designed (a)
to supply the wants of the present earthly life, (b) to provide for the

ae REVIEWS OF BOOKS

needs of the life after death, (¢) to facilitate communication with the
gxls or the spirits of the dead. His second chapter deals with
“moyens magiques "*, under which are included magical formule
(spoken incantations) in all their varieties, magical remedies, amulets,
magical ritual and the “ corps subsidiaire ’, a convenient designation
for uahabti (here spelt weshebt) and all similar symbolic figures, whether
painted or carved in relief or in the round.

Chapters iii and iv deal with the relations of magic to religion and
of magic to science, respectively. In connexion with the former, one
might have expected a reference to the work of Dr. Marett, but perhaps
this lav outside the scope of the author's design. The references to
magical practices contained in the scanty remnants of ancient
Egyptian literature have furnished a short but interesting chapter
and led the author to the following conclusions :—

“1. Comme la plupart des motifs des contes démotiques de
soncers se trouvent déji dans les contes du nouvel empire, il faut
vraisemblablement chercher dans une époque plus reculée lorigine
des motifs que nous trouvons dans les contes démotiques et qui ne
nous sont pas attestés par lea documents provenant des temps
antérieurs.

“2. Les buts et moyens des sorciers dans la littérature 8 accordent
avec les buts et moyens que nous connaissons de la production
magique, tant laique que religieuse; l'ancienne magie égyptienne
était done la seule source oi ils ont pu puiser.”

With the introduction of Christianity, during the second half
of the third century, the opposition between religion and magic,
which had hitherto been in alliance, began to show itself, At the
same time the Coptic documents (discussed jn chapter vi) exhibit a
curious mixture of Christian and Pagan material—the same miraculous
performances being attributed to saints which, in the older legends,
had been given to sorcerers.

The second volume contains a selection of magical texts illustrating
the various divisions of the subject already enumerated, while the third
consists of seventy-one plates, mostly reproduced by photographie
process, representing the various objects described in volume i. Thelast
of these depicts the common hieroglyphic signs (those for a man, a lion,
a crocodile, the horned viper, and other snakes, etc.) and, below,
the same signs used magically, to prevent the beings in question from
working mischief, i.e. the man js decapitated, the lion and the viper
cut in two, the crocodile has two arrows sticking in him—and so on.

STUDIES IN INDIAN PAINTING 663

Such “truncated signs” are common in the magical papyri. In
connexion with pp. 95 ef seq. (“Les Amulettes Nouées”) if 15
interesting to remark that a very common form of amulet in the
neighbourhood of Mombasa is a black woollen cord (kiqwe cha mafundo
sabe), in which seven knots have been made by a mu‘allim, who recited
the Stera Yd Sin over them.

A. WERNER.

Srupres us Inpran Parntinc. A Survey of some new material
ranging from the commencement of the seventh century to errea
ap. 1870. By NAnALit Cuamantit Meuta, Indian Civil
Service. With 17 plates in colour and 44 half-tone plates.
Bombay: D. B. Taraporevala, Sons & Co., 1926.

This attractive volume is a noteworthy addition to the literature
on Indian painting, and, apart from the beauty of its setting, has the
merit of presenting much new and hitherto unpublished material.
Mr. Mehta has had access to the private collections of the Maharajas
of Datia and Tehri-Garhwal, and on the basis of the paintings he has
found there has been able to devote two interesting chapters to Bundela
art of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, and to the Pahari
painting of the same period. Equally new are the secular paintings
of Gujarat about the middle of the fifteenth century, and the portraiture
of the Jaipur school at the close of the eighteenth, together with some
Vaishnava pictures illustrating the story of Krishna, which were
probably produced by the same artists. The author's account of
the frescoes in the temple of Sittannavasal, though not entirely new,
will probably come as a revelation to most English readers ; to these
frescoes, unlike most of those that have survived in India, a definite
date, the early part of the seventh century, can be assigned, and
Mr. Mehta gives ample reasons for his conclusion that they represent
the artistic side of the Shaivite reaction against the doctrines of
Jainism in Southern India during this period. Enough has been said
to show the freshness and the variety of the subject-matter of
Mr. Mehta's book, but his wide-flung net brings in still more treasures
of a later date, to all of which it is not possible here to make special
reference. A picture by Bichitr, representing the favourite subject
of a hunting scene by night, is of interest in this country, since so
many examples of this artist’s work have recently been acquired by
the Victoria and Albert Museum; Mr. Mehta reckons him among
the so-called Rajput painters, but, judging from the many times he

664 REVIEWS OF BROOKS

painted the portrait of Jahangir, he must have been one of the court-
painters of that emperor, and he certainly followed the traditional
methods of the Mughal painters.

The fine picture by Abul Hasan, the favourite painter of Jahangir,
(Plate 27) deserves the special notice that Mr. Mehta devotes to it,
for paintings by this famous artist are very rare. Mr. Mehta mentions
two others; a third, a portrait of Jahangir is in the collection of
Mr. Chester Beatty.

To many students of the work of Akhar’s painters, Mr. Mehta’s
judgment will appear rather severe and unsympathetic, when he writes,
“ Moghul painting under Akbar remained an art of servile imitation
and petty illustration: and barring some portraits and animal studies
it cannot be considered as anything beyond the tentative beginning
of a great revival” (p. 77). It is possible that Mr. Mehta has not
seen the finest examples of the work of these painters, for Nadir Shah
appears to have carried off into Persia these treasures of the imperial
library in Delhi, and these gradually drifted to Europe in the early
part of the present century, particularly during the reign of Shah
Muzaffar ud-Din. The work of Akbar's painters was certainly
unequal, but their illustrations of copies of the A’in-i-Akbari, Kalilah
wa Dimnah, and the Khamsah of Nizami, which they made for their
patron, are notable achievements in the history of pictorial art.

Herein lies one of the great obstacles in the way of the student
of Indian painting—that his materials are so scattered and often
difficult of access. Though many of these pictures have gone to
Europe or America, India has still retained a large number, and such
a work as Mr. Mehta’s is especially valuable as drawing attention to
such otherwise unknown treasures, and it is to be hoped that other
lovers of this art in India will follow his example. The present volume
is the finest book of the kind, in respect of paper, print, and illustra-
tions, that has hitherto been brought out by any Indian press, and
reflects great credit on the pu blishing firm that has produced it.

T. W. Arnoxp.

Dit SPRACHFAMILIEN UND SPRACHENKREISE DER Erpe. Von P. W.
Scumipt, §.V.D. Mit einem Atlas von 14 Karten in
Lithographie. 8x5}, pp. xvi + 596, Heidelberg ; Carl
Winter's Universititsbuchhandlung, 1926, |

It is difficult, for several reasons, to review this work,

: which is
really two books bound as one, besides the atlas.

After a short

DIE SPRACHFAMILIEN UND SPRACHENKREISE DER ERDE 665

Preface and an Introduction dealing with language and linguistics
in general, as well as with certain special problems, the first part of
the work (to p. 267) consists of an encyclopaedic account of the language
families of the world on the basis of genealogical classification, The
latest information is embodied, and the numerous bibliographical
references in the text give succinct histories of the study of the several
families and sub-groups. The most recent theories and speculations,
so far as they deserve special mention, are also critically reviewed.
But of course the extremely comprehensive nature of the subject-
matter precludes the possibility of devoting much space to details.
A full account of the special characteristics of individual languages
or families is not within the scope of the book. Students of the Indo-
European family of speech will no doubt be shocked to find only five
pages allotted to their particular subject (of which two are taken up
by a tabular classification of the sub-groups and languages concerned),
while about the same amount of total space is given to the Austro-
asiatic family, a little more to the Austronesian, and rather more
than double to the Ural-Altaic languages.

The whole of this part betrays extraordinarily wide reading and
a comprehensive grasp of the immense and varied mass of material
involved. A perusal of it leaves one amazed at the large number of
facts which have been assimilated and co-ordinated by the author ;
and it would require an almost equally encyclopedic knowledge to
deal with it adequately ina review. A few points in this part are open
to criticism. In the table (p. 140) of Austroasiatic languages, Sémang,
Bérsisi (or rather Bésisi) and Jakun should have been styled mixed
languages (as certain other languages in that table are). Jakun has
4 mere minimum of Austroasiatic in its composition. The Austro-
nesian table (p. 146) has gone wrong in its first section, Malagasy
appearing twice over and heading both the Northern and Southern
groups. ‘This classification is mainly a geographical one, and it is
difficult to understand why Makasar, Bugis, and Balinese should be
thrown into the Western sub-group of the Southern group, while
Javanese and Dayak are put into the Eastern one. If this line of
demarcation is based (as I rather suspect) onthetreatmentof the“ RGH
sound ", the position of Balinese in the Western sub-group is to me
sane plicable “Tettun ” (for which read Tettum) and “ Kupong”
(read Kupang) are assigned to West Flores, but belong to Timor ;
and the languages of Ceram are not represented in the table at all,

The second part of the work is a bold effort to transcend

biG REVIEWS OF BOOKS

the genealogical classification of languages and proceed to a higher
form of grouping based on the phenomena of phonetics, grammar,
and syntax. This is then made the basis for a still bolder attempt to
correlate these higher syntheses with culture areas. The idea is, I
believe, a novel one, and the treatment is exceedingly ingenious. While
full of admiration for the skill with which the author has presented
his thesis, I cannot honestly say that I am convinced by it. There seem
to me to be formidable difficulties over which he has passed rather
lightly. Not feeling competent to sit in judgment on such deep matters,
I will confine myself to noting down a few points that strike me. An
abler advocatus diaboli is welcome to embody them in his brief if he
has any use for them.

In the first place, the cultural side of the question is still more or
less of a battlefield between different schools of anthropology, and it
seems to me to be premature at present to attempt to correlate it with
the linguistic data. Even to speak of any actually living stage of culture
as an“ Urkultur ”, and to equate other existing types with some of the
palaeolithic cultures (p. 14) seems hardly safe, Who can say with
certainty that what we findin existence is alwaysa primary form, andnot
a case of degeneration ? Both in this part of the discussion and in the
linguistic portion leading up to it, I venture to think that the author
makes rather too free play with hypotheses of diffusion, the deus ex
machina of some anthropologists and linguists. Save for interference
of this sort, he seems to consider both culture and language as being
almost static entities. My own view is that both, but especially the
latter, are always in process of undergoing slow and subtle changes,
quite irrespective of any that ‘are fairly attributable to outside
influences. Now and then the author has a shrewd knock at the theory
of evolution. From his point of view that is quite natural, but I venture
to think that the theory has not yet said its last word ; it is still under-
going its own evolution, and is likely to survive the impact of many
such dialectic shocks. That question, however, is one which it would
be out of place to discuss here, and the evolutionists may well be left
to fight their own battles themselves.

My own concern is rather with the author's linguistic statements,
which, according to my judgment, sometimes stand in need of some
modification, In the phonetic section of his argument he speaks of the
“abnormal” vowels 6 and wi and their distribution as if they were
always homogeneous phenomena. “His definition of them (p. 275)
shows that he means what we call rounded front vowels (though he

DIE SPRACHFAMILIEN UND SPRACHENKREISE DER ERDE 667

would prefer “ with protruded lips” to “ rounded”). But in dealing
with their distribution area he includes such sounds as the Japanese w,
which, like the corresponding sound in Siamese, is an unrounded back
vowel, and the Indonesian neutral vowel, which is an unrounded
vowel in a central or mid position. He is far too learned a phonetician
not to be aware of these very fundamental differences of formation,
and should not, in my opinion, have put such distinct sounds under
the same rubric. Nor do I see how he can be justified in imputing them
to any particular stage or area of cultural development ; for who can
say that some of them, at any rate, are not secondary and even fairly
late formations, as, in fact, the real 6 and di sounds in French and
German are known to be? The same difficulty is, of course, involved
in all these deductions from linguistic data. Even when due weight has
been given to the necessarily hypothetical conclusions of comparative
philologists in reconstructing “ original mother-tongues ", we cannot
by means of the linguistic data be sure of getting back to the probably
very remote periods when the various more or less “ early cultures ”
severally began.

How, for example, can we feel certain that a system of final sounds
confined to vowels (p. 311 seg.), though not the most archaic system, is
a very old one, and specially associated with the totemistic and hunting
form of culture ? Apparently we are asked to believe that at the really
primitive stage of “ Urkultur” there were final consonants, that they
disappeared in the totemistic culture, and reappeared in the
matrilineal one. But we know, for example, that in Malagasy and
Bugis (p. 297) the preference for vowel endings is a secondary
phenomenon, just as it is in Italian, and that in Malagasy it 1s an even
more recent one. Bugis has dropped nearly all its former final con-
sonants, Malagasy, on the other hand, has tacked on vowels after them.
The two processes are fundamentally contrary to each other. And can
either of them be really correlated with a tendency to revert to
totemism or hunting ? It would certainly be difficult to prove that the
agricultural, seafaring, and trading Bugis are more totemistic than
the Malays, any more than are the Italians as compared with their
Roman predecessors.

It is hard to believe that the contact of various languages which
put the genitive before the word qualified by it should give rise to the
reverse position (pp. 465, 536), as is alleged to have happened in
connexion with the matrilineal stage of culture. To begin with, it
seems an improbable idea that men were commonly in the habit of

ite: REVIEWS OF BOOKS

marrying not merely outside their clan and dialectic group, but out-
side their own language group as well, and so had to learn a completely
foreign form of speech. Such a case can scarcely have been the normal
one. But, in any event, if one fact in linguistics is more positively
ascertained than another, it is that people tend to speak a newly
acquired language after the manner of their own mother-tongue,
particularly as regards phonetics and syntax. As, therefore, ez
hypothesi, the languages and dialects of all these communities at first
put the genitive before the word it qualified, it seems most unlikely that
a man of one tribe learning the language of another would proceed
to talk it in a way contrary to the received usage of both.

In regard to the whole question of the position of the genitive
and such other syntactic arrangements the author does not apparently
recognize the fundamental importance of the distinction between free
and fixed syntactical order. In inflected languages the order can be
free, and therefore I should be prepared to contend that the only
relevant evidence of order is to be found in bare collocation of words
and im word composition where no inflexions or particles (such as
prepositions and postpositions) come into play. It may be that in the
earliest Indo-European the genitive normally preceded the qualified
word. But as it was an inflected genitive, it could perfectly well have
its position reversed without altering the sense or giving rise to any
ambiguity. In Latin, for example, the genitive occurs quite normally
after the word qualified (e.g. the archaic pater familias) as well as before
it, and such old-fashioned proper namesas Maison Dieuand Port Vendres
(portus Veneris) illustrate the fact that colloquial Latin handeddownthe
postfixed genitivetomedimval French. Thesame argument, in inflected
languages, applies to the accusative as object of a verb, to the
nominative as subject, and to the attributive adjective: when there is
no pore for ambiguity, syntactical order can afford to be free and
can be modified at the taste and fancy of the speaker for reasons of
emphasis, thythm, euphony, prosody, ete. Even where there is no
inflection, as in Malay, the subject can follow an intransitive verb
without danger of ambiguity, for it cannot possibly be taken for the
object, inasmuch as such a verb cannot have a directobject, Theauthor
suggests (p. 471) that the position of the subject pronoun before the
verb in Batak, Malay, Dayak, and Javanese is to be connected with
their geographical position in relation to the lesser Sunda islands
(“die Kleinen Molukken "'), where there are languages which put the
genitive before the noun qualified. ‘This seems highly improbable

DIE SPRACHFAMILIEN UND SPRACHENKREISE DER ERDE 669

when one considers that these Eastern islands are more than 1,500
geographical miles from the nearest extremity of Sumatra, that the
- historic streams of culture have been going for at least two thousand
years not from them to the westward but in the opposite direction,
and that the position of the genitive in the Western islands has
for a thousand years or more remained firmly fixed after the
qualified word, '

There remain to be noticed a few misprints and errors of statement
occurring here and there in a work which (so far as [ am able to judge)
is, on the whole, commendably free from them. For “ Intigierung “
(p. 8) read Infigierung; “for “ Lingustik” (p. 28), Linguistik; for
“ Hindu” (p. 43), Hindi; for “ Berawick” (p. 80), Berwick; for
“JTAS.” (p. 137), JRAS.; for “ Panlohi” (p. 143), Paulohi; for
“ Amandanesischen " (p. 285), Andamanesischen. It is not the case,
as stated on p. 284, that Burmese and Siamese have no voiced con-
sonants. Siamese has / and d, to which Burmese adds g (besides two
fricatives and an affricate). Surely the double initial consonants of
Austroasiatic languages are due, not to a striving to maintain an ideal
monosyllabism (p. 295), but to the stress accent persisting on the final
root syllable and so tending to break down, by a quite unconscious
process, the old system of prefixes ancl infixes (the growth of which in
itself can hardly be considered compatible with adhesion to strict
monosyllabism). The Sénoi (or Sakai) should not have been styled
pygmoids, and they do possess a word for “three” (p. 363); for
* austronesischen "’ (p. 474) read austroasiatischen. On pp. 397, 480,
482, there are some erroneous statements with regard to the position of
the accusative in certain languages : in Chinese it normally comes after
the verb, and that is alsr | + case in Siamese and Annamese, but in
Burmese and other Tibe“ rman languages it precedes the verb.
On p. 432 there is a reference to p. 432, supra, which must, I think,
be corrected to p. 430.

The atlas accompanying the work ts well designed, though some of
the maps are rather overloaded with detail. On the whole they are,
however, very helpful. It strikes one as a little grotesque to find (on
maps I and IIT) the Malay Peninsula south of lat. 7° N. divided about
equally between the Thai-Chinese and Austroasiatic families, seeing
that the native-born population is overwhelmingly of Austronesian
stock. Mon is given an extension to latitude 20° N., whereas it barely
reaches 17°. Khmer is similarly and wrongly extended to the mouths
of the Mekhong on the China Sea, where Annamese has now been

670 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

predominant for about two hundred years, Palaung is indicated only
to the east of the Salween, but the Palaungs live largely to the west of
that river, and the one surviving Palaung state is in the latter region.
These points are, however, all of quite secondary importance, and do
not materially affect the general utility of the atlas.

The work as a whole will remain for many years a standard book of
reference on the subjects with which it deals.

C. O. Bragpen.

Tae Poonerics or tae Zunu Lancuace. By Cuemenr M. Doxe,
M.A., D.Litt. pp. 310. The University of the Witwatersrand
Press, 1926. lis. 6d.

Dr. Doke’s careful and minute study of the sounds and tones of
Zulu and of the part which these play in the grammar of Zulu is a very
valuable contribution to the science of phonetics.

Dr. Doke has recorded his observations with the utmost precision
by using an extremely “ narrow " phonetic transcription throughout: ;
and there is some justification for the adoption of such a transcription
for the purpose of a detailed scientific analysis. He has described
precisely and recorded unambiguously each sound of Zulu?: he haa
dealt with the occurrence of primary and secondary stress, of length
and half-length ; he has analysed the tone of each individual syllable
of every Zulu word he has transcribed. He has left no aspect of the
subject untouched : everything is noted and clearly labelled. There
are excellent diagrams, photographs, palatograms and kymograph
tracings, all of which make for the clearer understanding of the
descriptions given. There are six phonetic texts of which, by the Way,
it would be very helpful to have gramop..one records. The hook is
full of important matter which generously runs over into a number
of interesting appendices.

It may be argued that Dr. Doke has carried his enthusiasm for
precision too far. Ts it really necessary even for scientific accuracy to
add to an already long and difficult list of sounds the bi-lahial rolled
plosives p and b, the glottal nasal fi, and vowels with epiglottal
friction—sounds which are all interesting but so rare in Zulu that
to prove their existence the queerest examples of their use have been
hunted up? Dr, Doke’s passion for inventing symbols leads him to

* The symbols are those of the International Phonetic } inti Hk
addition of several others devises by Dr. Doke. etic Association with the

PHONETICS OF THE ZUI.U LANGUAGE H71

provide for sounds which do occur frequently in certain positions,
but which are not worthy of special signs. Such are the labio-dental
plosives @ and @ (excellent symbols) occurring in the groups m@f? and
mpv; t and 4 in the groups tf?, tfh, and dg; @ and 4, which
Dr. Doke terms “ lateral vowels",! and which take the place of li
and Iu in certain definita positions. Is there really “a sharp
distinction " between the Zulu nasal consonant transcribed p and the
French palatal nasal p? In any case, the symbol p would represent
quite adequately a sound articulated somewhat further forward, In
representing the clicks Dr. Doke uses, in addition to the symbols
1, 5, and ¢, a number of others of his own device, attractive enough in
outline, but calculated to daunt the bravest inquirer into the
formation of the sounds they represent.

This very minuteness is, however, in keeping with Dr. Doke's
aim, which is to provide a‘ scientific basis for all further research into
the comparative study of the phonetics of Bantu languages. Serious
students who recognize that this aim has been well achieved will
forgive a certain over-preciseness in the process.

Dr. Doke’s analysis of many sounds reveals new facts about their
formation. The nature of the voiced bi-labial implosive sound 6 is
now determined, and much light is thrown on the nature and
mechanism of clicks in the excellent chapter on that subject. The
chapter on Zulu Tone shows the complicated nature of tone in Zulu
and its extreme importance in the acquisition of the spoken language.
Dr. Doke’s careful investigations in this field and his recording of the
tone of each syllable may lead to the discovery of a rather simpler
tonal system than he deseribes.

This splendid book ought to be the forerunner of many practical
and reliable works on the phonetic structure of other African
languages.

Litias E. ARMSTRONG.

' fr. Doke suggests in Appendix [1] new definitions for vowel and consonant
by which syllabic m,n, 9), lare vowels. How would he define syllabic voiceless
sounds such as 8, f, ¢ which according to his definitions are neither vowels nor

consonants *

lies

62?

NOTES AND QUERIES
KERN INSTITUTE, LEIDEN

In April, 1925, a Research Institute for the study of Indian
archeology was founded at the University of Leiden, Holland. The
aim of the Institute (which has been named after the great Dutch
orientalist, Dr. Kern) is to promote the study of Indian archeology
in its widest sense, that is, the investigation of the antiquities, not only
of India proper, but of Further India, Indonesia, and Ceylon, and, in
fact, of all territories influenced by Indian civilization, as well as the
study of the ancient history of these countries, the history of their art,
their epigraphy, iconography, and numismatics.

The Kern Institute, which is now established in one of Leiden’s
historical buildings, is in possession of a library and of collections
of photographs, slides, casts of sculptures, rubbings of inscriptions,
and other materials connected with these studies. Studentsa from
abroad who wish to avail themselves of the facilities thus offered will
be cordially welcomed.

The Institute has further taken in hand the publication of an
* Annual Bibliography of Indian Archeology’, which will contain
the titles, systematically arranged, of all books and articles pertaining
to the field of studies outlined above. It is also proposed, in an
introductory note, to survey the chief archeological discoveries made
in the course of the year, with the addition, if funds permit, of a few
good illustrations. The endeavour will be to render this annual
bibliography as complete as possible, especially with regard to archwo-
logical publications appearing in India, which often, owing to their
being published in local periodicals, remain unnoticed by scholars in
Europe and America. Students of Indian archeology and allied
subjects are particularly requested to supply the Kern Institute
with copies of their publications. It will be possible to send copies
of the proposed “ Bibliography ” to members of the Institute regularly.

Those who are in sympathy with the objects of the Kern Institute
are invited to give their support by becoming members. Applications
and inquiries should be sent to the Honorary Secretary, The Kern
Institute, Leiden, Holland. The annual subscription is 5 guilders
for ordinary members and 25 guilders for patrons. The payment

VOL. IV, PART III. 44

aT4 NOTES AND QUERIES

of 100 guilders (or guilders for patrons) will entitle one to life-
membership.
The Committee :

J. Pa. Vocet, Ph.D., President.

N. J. Krom, Ph.D., Vice-President.

J. H. Kramers, LL.D., Hon. Secretary.

R. A. Kern, N.LCS. (ret.), Hon. Treasurer.

A. W. Byvaxck, Ph.D.

J. P. B. De Josseni~w De Jone, Ph.D.

M. W. De Visser, Ph.D.

We have been asked by the Secretary of the Indian Institute,
Oxford, to publish the following letter :—

AVIIru [xterxationa, Concress or ORteNTALISTs
Sin,—At the concluding meeting of the Sixteenth International
Congress of Orientalists, held in Athens in 1912, it was agreed that
the next Congress should be held in Oxford. Having obtained the
assent of the Vice-Chancellor of Oxford University, and the approval
of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, and of the
leading Oriental Societies in France, Italy, Germany, Holland, and in
America, the members of the Oriental Faculty of Oxford University
are making arrangements for holding the Seventeenth Congress

here during the week beginning Monday, 27th August, 1928.

Coming after so long an interval, it is hoped that the Seventeenth
Congress may be notable not only for its truly international character,
and the number of its participants, but also for the importance and
originality of the communications made to it,

T am desired to say that the Oriental Faculty of Oxford University
would be grateful for an assurance of public support, and for any
publicity which your Society can give to the proposals now made.
A Circular Bulletin with fuller information as to membership, arrange-

ment of sections, and other matters is being prepared, and will shortly
be issued.

C. N. Seppow,
Secretary.

Ixnpian Ixestirure, Oxrorp.
2iet April, 1997.

OBITUARY
Le Professeur Maurice Delafosse

Ie 13 Novembre dernier, le Professeur Maurice Delafosse est
mort & Paris, aprés une longue maladie, ’ l'age de 56 ans.

Savant éthnologue et linguiste distingué, il avait debuté en 1895
dans les Services Civils de l'Afrique Occidentale frangaise, et terminé
«a catriére administrative comme Gouvernenr des Colonies. Depuis
1909 il était professeur & l'Ecole des Langues Orientales Vivantes et A
I’Ecole Coloniale, Membre du Conseil Supérieur des Colonies, Membre
effectif de l'Institut Colonial International de Bruxelles, Membre de la
Commission de l’esclavage & Genéve, Vice-Président de la Société
de Linguistique de Paris.

On lui doit plusieurs travaux d’Ethnologie universellement
appreciés, notamment :

Essai sur le peuple et la langue Sara ;

Un état négre, la République de Libéria ;

Les frontiares de la Céte d'Ivoire, de la Cate d’Or et du Soudan ;

Le peuple Siéna ou Sénouto.

Haut-Sénégal-Niger (Le pays, les peuples, les langues, l'histoire,
les civilisations, 3 volumes) ;

Traditions historiques et légendaires du Soudan Occidental
(traduites d'un _manusecrit arabe inédit) ;

Chronique du Fouta Sénégalais.

Tarikh el Fettach ou Chronique du Chercheur traduite d'un
manuscrit arabe inédit en collaboration avec O. Houdas.

On peut considérer ces quatre derniers ouvrages comme particuliére-
ment importants pour l'histoire du Soudan Occidental, ils suffiraient
A eux seuls A assurer A leur auteur une notoriété de bon aloi.

Mais Maurice Delafosse ne s'est pas seulement attaché a l'histoire,
aux moours, aux coutumes des indigénes, parmi lesquels il a long-
temps vécu, il s'est encore passionnément interéssé aux idiomes
africains, et la partie la plus importante de son @uvre est certaine-
ment celle qui touche A la linguistique.

A peine diplémé de I'Ecole des Langues Orientales Vivantes il
publie en 1894 un Manuel Dahoméen consacré A la langue des Fou.
Il emploie ensuite tous les instants de liberté que Im laissent ses
fonctions administratives pour étudier les parlers des indigénes,

676 OBITUARY

et ses investigations dans ce domaine, encore si mal connu, lui
permettent bientét de réunir le résultat de ses enquétes dans une
premiére série de livres d’un grand interét :

Essai de Manuel de la langue agni (idiome parlé par les agni-
ashanti de la Céte d'Ivoire),

Manuel de Langue Haoussa.

Essai de Manuel pratique de la Langue Mandé.

Vocabulaires comparatifs de plus de 60 langues ou dialectes parlés
a la Céte d'Ivoire et dans les contrées vorsines,

Ce dernier ouvrage, publié en 14M, renferme tous les renseigne-
ments recueillis par Maurice Delafosse auprés des indigénes pendant
neuf années. I] porte sur de nombreux parlers jusqu’ alors inconnus,
compléte et confirme des observations faites par d'autres savanta, et
permet un premier groupement des familles d’aprés leur parenté. Le
Professeur Delafosse devait travailler jusqu’é la fin de sa vie A établir
une classification rationelle des idiomes négro-africains qui
n’appartiennent pas au rameau bantou.

Quelques années plus tard, en 1912, j] consacre une partie de son
livre sur le Haut-Sénégal-Niger & l’examen des langues en usage
dans le Soudan, et apres les avoir groupes suivant leurs affinités,
en compare la phonétique, la morphologie ct la grammaire. TI] est
ainsi amené & modifier son premier essai de classement. En méme
temps son attention est attirée par l'existences des classes nominales
en peul, wolof et s4rére d'une part, dans les parlers ewe étudiés par le
Professeur D. Westermann d’autre part. fait porter alors ses
recherches sur les langues voltaiques. Li encore les classes nominales
sont manifestes partout mais tantat elles ne se révélent plus que par
des suffixes de classes, qui semblent incorporés au radical sans accord
entre le substantif et l’adjectif sans pronoms spéciaux; tantét
elles comportent des préfixes, tantét A la fois préfixe et suffixe, tantat
enfin, il existe des pronoms distincts pour chaque classe, et l'indice
de classe s'accole a l'adjectif.

Affermi par ces constatations, Maurice Delafosse poursuit et
étend ses investigations pendant plusieurs années, En 1924, i] expose
dans un ouvrage écrit en collaboration avec un groupe de linguistes,?
les conclusions auxquelles il est Parvenu, et dont il ne dissimule pas
le caractére provisoire, Tl ptopose de considérer Jes langues négro-
africaines comme formant un ensemble caractérisé, dans lequel on |

_ Lee langues di monde par un groupe de linguistes ao In direction d
et M. Cohen. Paria, 1924, ae eh CIrEO © A. Meillot

LE FPROFESSEUR MAURICE DELAFOSSE 6717

peut distinguer la famille bantou de celle que forment les langues
du Soudan et de la Guinée septentrionale et moyenne. [1 considére
que dans ce dernier ensemble seize groupes peuvent étre identifiés,
et énumére les parlers de chacun de ces groupes en analysant les
phénoménes linguistiques qu'ils offrent.

Ce n'est pas ici le lieu de diseuter la théorie soutenue par Maurice
Delafosse, mais on peut rendre hommage 4 la simplicité et 4 la sincérite
avec lesquelles il expose son point de vue en insistant sur les difficultés
de la tache assumée. Un pareil travail prouve l'érudition solide et
étendue de l'auteur, il apporte une contribution précieuse pour la
solution d'un probléme qui préoccupe A juste titre les linguistes,
et nous a deja valu les études approfondies de R. N, Cust," du Professeur
D. Westermann,? de F. W. H. Migeod,* du Professeur Meinhof, *
de A. Drexel.*

Les hautes qualités de Maurice Delafosse l'avaient fait choisir
récemment pour diriger avec le Professeur D. Westermann le nouvel
Institut International pour l'étude des langues et des civilisations
africaines. Sa disparition affecte également les milieux coloniaux et
les milieux proprement scientifiques dans lesquels il laisse le souvenir
d’un esprit éminent, d'un savant érudit et modeste, d'un homme
d'une grande bonté.

Henk LABOURET.

' A sketch of the modern languages of Africa. Londres, 1883.

® Die Sudanaprachen. Hambourg, 1911.

2 The languages of West Africa, Londres, 1911-10913.

4 An introduction to the study of African languages. Londres, 1015.
* Gliederung der Afrikanischen Sprachen (Anthropoa, 1021-1022).

KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & Co., Ltd.
Specialists in Oriental and African Literature.
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PAPERS CONTRIBUTED

NOTES ON JAPANESE LITERATURE
By 5. YOsSHITAKE

[In April, 1927, the School received from Mrs. H. de Watteville
a large collection, comprising over 400 volumes, of Japanese books,
mostly of the nineteenth century. This gift was made in memory of
her brother, Lieut.-Col. E. F. Calthrop, who had during his residence
as Military Attaché at Tokyo formed this valuable collection, At
my request, Mr. Yoshitake has prepared the following description of
the books,—Enrror, |
i the history of Japanese literature the Heian epoch and the Yedo

period mark two golden ages with a comparatively dull and
decadent interval of about 400 years between them.

Literature in the Heian period was patronized entirely by the
upper classes of society who treated it merely as a means of beguiling
leisure hours, with the result that it is lacking in variety, having
developed scarcely beyond poems of thirty-one syllables and records
of court life rendered in the form of novels or diaries. The “ Kokinshi ”
(cf. A. Waley, Japanese Poetry), the “ Genji Monogatari ” (cf. A. Waley,
The Tale of Genji; The Sacred Tree), and the “Tosa Nikki” (cf.
W. Porter, The Tosa Diary) may be cited as representative master-
pieces of the age.

The Yedo period (a.p. 1603-1867), on the other hand, is indeed an
age of revival and innovation not only of literature, but also of art in

VOL, TV. FART IV, 45

heO &. YOSHITAKE—

general, People were inebriated with the joy of peace secured by the
sovernment of the Tokugawa Shogunate, and while the classics, both
native and Chinese, were much studied in cultivated circles, the
indifferently-educated masses enjoyed such popular works of art as
Ayoka (a common and vulgar variety of thirty-one-syllable poems),
Haikat (a seventeen-syllable poem), Jéruri (a sort of drama), and
Monogatari (tales or romances),

It was, however, not until the latter part of the seventeenth century
when the centre of literary culture had drifted from Kydto to Osaka,
that the Jéruri gained the popularity which it holds to this day.
While admitting that the Jéruri owes so much to the great Chikamatsu
Monzaemon (1653-1724) that the two are almost inseparable, the names
of others who rendered valuable service to the same cause, such, for
instance, as Takeda Idzgumo (1691-1756) and Ki-no-Kaion (1663-

1742), should on no account be forgotten.
: We are now fortunately in a position to appreciate certain of their
works which are contained in the donation, viz, :—

(1) Chikamatsu Jidai-Jéruri, Teikokubunko edition, dated 1905,
A selection of those of Chikamatsu’s dramas whose plots are taken from
historical events, comprising :-—

Gaijin Yashima, Tory Oguri-hangwan, Ohara-mondé Aoba-no-fue,
Harami Tokiwa, Daishoklkwan, Kokusenya Kassen,* Kokusenya
Groptsu-no-kassen, Heike Nydgo-ga-shima, Karafunebanashi Ima-
Kokusenya, Yukionna Gomai Hagoita,* and twelve others.. Those
marked with an asterisk are usually regarded as two of his three
masterpieces, the third being Soga Kwaikeizan (cf. A. Mivamori,
Masterpieces of Chikamatsu).

(2) Ai-no-Kaion Jérurishi, Teikokubunko edition, dated 1899,
A selection of Ki-no-Kaion’s works, comprising :—

Kamakura Sandaiki, Shia Futatsu Haraobi . Yaoya Oshichi, and
twenty others, including his last composition entitled Keisei Mugen-
no-Kane. Of these the first two are regarded as the most popular.

Some of these Joruri were then staged both in Osaka and in Yedo -
the Sewamono, “dramas of life and manners,’ in particular must
have pleased vulgar minds immensely. |

The popularity of the Ukiyo-Sdshi, romances which depicted freely
the lower stratum of contemporary society, was but a natural trend of
the times: Ihara Saikaku, the founder of this variety of fiction, is
to the Ukiyo-Sashi what Chikamatsu is to the Jérur;.

The Ukiyo-Séshi were followed first by the Hachimonjiya-bon of

Lt
4

NOTES ON JAPANESE LITERATURE

Yejima Kiseki and Hachimonjiya Jishé, thence by the appearance in
Yedo of the Kusazéshi, books dealing with strange incidents and brave
deeds, with numerous illustrations, with a view to imcreasing their
popularity with women and children. Indeed, the value of these books
is in the illustrations rather than in the writing itself.

The Kusazéshi appeared in three distinct forms: dAkahon (lit. red
book), Kurohon (lit. black book), and Aeon (lit. blue (or green) book,
but was actually covered in yellowish green). The colour of the last
named was later changed to yellow, and was called Aibydshi (lit. yellow
cover). This, with the Sharebon, another variety of Ausazoshi, formed
a new branch of fiction, i.e. the novelettes which openly exposed the
inner workings of human nature and which abound in humour and
sarcasm,

At the time when the Kusazdhi were entertaining the populace of
Yedo, the Yomihon made its appearance in Kydto and in Osaka, The
Yomihon, as the name suggests, is really a book to be read, and hence
does not contain so many illustrations as the Kusazdshi, In the earliest
stage of the Yomihon the authors copied the style of Chinese novels,
as may be seen in the preface to the Kokon Kidan Shigeshige-Yawa,
in which the author, Tsuga Teish6 (also known by the name of Kinro
Gydja), one of the pioneer writers of the Yomihon, declares that his
idea has been taken from the Pai yiian mei ling (QQ 4 He 3) and
the Tu shih niang (#| -+ 4).

(3) Kokon Kidan Shigeshige-Yawa, published in 1766. A collection
of strange and wonderful tales, being a sequel to the Kokon Kidan
Hanabusa-zéshi, written by the same author. Unfortunately the work
in our collection consists of five volumes only, the first volume of the
six, forming the complete work, being missing.

Later, with the activity of Santéan Kydden (1761-1816) and
Takizawa Bakin (1767-1848), came the most prosperous age of the
Yomihon. Chinese novels, first introduced to the public of Japan by
Tsuga Teishd and a few others, provoked general admiration for the
novel ideas and extravagant language of the Chinese ; contemporary
scribblers able to read Chinese ventured to read and translate the
fictional works of the Celestial Empire extensively as a means of
profit. The two cited above, however, stand high above the
common run.

Indeed, Bakin, a man of rare talents and untiring energy, is said
to have written altogether no fewer than 400 distinct stories in 1,400
volumes. The fluency of his style of writing and the extent of his

582 Ss. YOSHITAKE—

power of imagination may be seen in the two works of his which we
now possess,

(4) Shinhen Kimbeibat (New Chin Ping Mei), ten chapters in
twenty volumes, complete with illustrations by Kuniyasu, Kunisada,
and Toyokuni, dated 1831-47. Although the general structure of the
story has been modelled after the Chinese novel known as the Chin
Ping Mei (4> FR Hg), the earlier chapters are Bakin's own
composition. Throughout the work, such characters and actions as
would induce morality are substituted for the lewd figures and
unseemly conduct of the original.

(5) Keisei Suikoden (Shui huo chuan of Enchantresses), with
illustrations by Toyokuni; dated 1825,

Bakin, again in this novel, has, for moral purposes, substituted 108
wise and brave women for the same number of bad characters of the
Chinese original, the Shui huo chuan (3 #f {&), hence the title of
the story. Most unfortunately we possess only the first chapter,

These two works, along with the renownei Hakkenden, constitute
his three masterpieces composed when he was gradually losing the sight
of his eyes. In fact, the last two chapters of the Kimbeibai were
written down by a disciple to whom the story was dictated by the blind
novelist.

In addition to the above we are also in possession of the following
ghost story of his.

(6) Sesshdseki Gopitsu-no-Kwaidan, illustrated by Eisen. Four
chapters in eight books, complete; dated 1895-31,

Bakin also wrote some “ Kibydshi’, of which we have one, a story
of revenge, entitled :—

(7) Kataki-uchi Zakone-monogatari, with illustrations. Two
chapters, each in three books, complete; dated 1806.

The wide spread of artistic culture compelled the writers of the
Yomihon, books for reading containing comparatively few illustrations,
to seek artistic pictures for their books in order to satisfy the trained
eyes of contemporary readers. Thus Bakin, the leading light of the then
literary world, joined hands with Katsushika Hokusai, a distinguished
painter of Ukiyoe, while Kyiden went into partnership with Utagawa
Toyokuni. The literary style of Bakin, a style half-way between the
classical and the common with a well-balanced mixture of native and
Chinese vocables, may well be compared with Hokusai’s style of
painting, which reveals his introduction of the Ming and European
schools into Ukiyoe. The present donation includ |

cs —

NOTES ON JAPANESE LITERATURE 683.

(8) Hokusai Mangwa (miscellaneous sketches), dated 1819-34
Unfortunately our collection lacks the fifth and seventh of the complete
twelve volumes,

Of the contemporary literary works, we are in possession of the
following three stories by Santé Kydzan, the younger brother of
Kydden.

(9) Ninjé-Kydkun Chiritsuka-monogatari, illustrated by Toyokuni ;
dated 1850. Our collection wants the first book of the first chapter of

the three contained in the complete work.
* (10) Kikujudd Kasumi-no-Sakadzuki, illustrated by Toyokuni;
dated 1850. The plot has been taken from the stories in the Shokyaki,
an account of the rebellion in the Shikyi period (1219-21). The
collection lacks the tenth and last chapter.

(11) Oshiyegusa Nyobé-Katagi, illustrated by Toyokuni and
Kunisada, Twenty chapters; dated 1860. A collection of stories
dealing with wise and brave women.

The humorous and satiric variety of the Kusazdshi, Le. the
Kibysshi and the Sharebon, were later brought out in two
bindings: one called Chihon (lit. intermediate book), whose size lies
between those of the Sharebon and the Yomihon (the larger of the two),
and the other called Gakwan-mono (lit, those which are bound together),
six books of five sheets each forming two chapters bound together.

The Chihon, from the point of view of subject-matter, may be
divided into two classes: the first, the Kokkeibon, books of humour
represented by the Déchit Hizakurige (a journey on shanks’ mare),
by Jippensha Ikku, or by the Uhiyofuro (The World's Bath-house),
by Shikitei Samba, and the next, the Nunjébon (lit. sentiment book),
which ventured to depict the world of dissipation without the least
show of modesty.

The stories by Samba contained in the present donation, however,
are of a different type, viz. :—

(12) Kataki-uchi Yadoroku-no-Hajimari, illustrated by Toyokuni.
Ten chapters in one volume, complete; dated 1808. <A story of
revenge modelled after the fable known by “ Kondddon-no-Meiken ”.

(13) Kydkaku Konjin-Chégoré Chiké-Banashi, illustrated by
Kunisada, Complete, three chapters in one book; dated 1909 %

But, on the other hand, the nature of the Kokkeibon may be found
in the following book by Akatsuki-no-Kanenari, one of the followers
of Kydden.

(14) Akan Sanzai Zue. Six volumes, complete: dated 1821.

684 S. YOSHITAKE—

Akan (lit. untired), Sanzai (lit. spending money for pleasure), Zue
(lit. pictures), a book of humour and satire modelled after Terajima’s
Wakan (lit. Japan and China) Sansai (lit. the three forces) Aue (lit-
pictures), i.e. “* Sino-Japanese encyclopedia of universal knowledge "’,
which is an adaptation of the Chinese San ts‘ai ¢'u hui (= > Al fF)
by Wang Ch'i (= Hp).

The Ningobon attained the height of coarseness with the appearance
of Tamenaga Shunsui (1789-1842), whose best-known works may be
found in our present collection,

(15) Umegoyomi ; Harutsuge-dori, with illustrations. Teikoku-
bunko edition, dated 1906. Comprising: Shunshoku Umegoyome,
Shunshoku Tatsumi-no-Sono, Shunsholeu Eitaidango, Shunshoku Ume-
mibune, Harutsuge-dori, Shunshoku Magaki-no-Ume, Haru-no-Waka-
kusa, This almost exhausts Shunsui’s popular works.

We are also in possession of the following of his minor works :—

(16) Kwots Shinwa Tamausagi, with illustrations. Complete in

(17) Wégonsui Daijin-Sakadzuki, illustrated by Kuniteru,
Kunisada, Kuniyoshi, and Yoshiiku. First seventeen chapters ;
dated 1866, A biography of Kinokuniya Bunzaemon (1669-1734), a
man of speculative disposition, who is said to have made a large
fortune by first transporting the Kishi Mikan (tangerines produced in
his native province, Kii-no-kuni) to Yedo. |

(18) Usu-omokage Maboroshi Nikki, illustrated by Kunisada.
Chapters i and ii only of thirty chapters; dated 1864.

The Gékvan-mono, of which Samba is the founder, differ from the
Kibyéshi in that they are instructive and dramatic rather than
humorous and satirical like the Aibydshi. Consequently, for the plot
historical events are preferred to domestic affairs. The dramatic
touch with which the story was written made these contemporary
novels full of variety, Moreover, as might be expected from something

which was evolved from the Ezishj (picture books), the Gékwan-
-mono are much more beautifully got-up than the Yomihon, and are
provided with excellent illustrations, An easy but elaborate style of
writing was sought in order to make the book attractive for the women
of the time.

All these qualities are best exhibited by Ryiitei Tanehiko (1783-
1842), the author of the famous Nisemurasaly Inaka-Genji, an
adaptation of the Genji Monogatari. We possess the following works of
his, the first being one of his masterpieces,

NOTES ON JAPANESE LITERATURE 685

(19) Kantan Shokoku Monogatari: dated 1849-57. An adapta-
tion of dramas, consisting of Omi-no-maki, Dewa-no-maki (in four
books), Yamato-no-maki (in six books), Harima-no-maki (in 81x
books), illustrated by Kunisada ; continued by Rittei Senkwa: Ise-
no-maki, Tétémi-no-maki (in six books), illustrated by Toyokunt ;
Settsu-no-maki (in ten books), illustrated by Sadahide. A sequel to
the above in six books, illustrated by Kunisada.

(20) Midzuki-no-mai Ogi-no-Nekobone, illustrated by Kunisada.
Two chapters complete in one volume; dated 1823. The plot is
taken from the “ Nekomata ”, one of the older “ Jérun ”.

(21) Fude-no-Umai Shikoku-no-Kikigaki, illustrated by Kunisada.
Chapters i-x of the fifteen chapters forming the complete work,
dated 1866. An adaptation of stories told by a party of pilgrims
who made a tour round the island of Shikoku.

(22) Warabe-Uta Myémydguruma, illustrated by Kunisada.
Chapters i-xv of the thirty chapters forming the complete work ;
dated 1862. A book, written for young people, in which an endeavour
is made to expound the doctrine of the transmigration of the soul and
the certainty of retmbution.

(23) Nedzumi-no-Hokora Tsuya-monogratart, illustrated by
Kunisada. Chapters i-v of ten forming the whole ; dated 1874. An
adaptation of a strange tale told by a pilgrim.

We also have a collection of Tanehiko’s short stories, entitled :—

(24) Tanehiko Tampen Kessaku-shii, Teikokubunko edition, dated
1902, comprising :—

‘““Qnna-Gappd Tsujidangi,” “ Onna-Moyd Inadzuma-zome,”
“ Ukiyogata Rokumai-bySbu,” and twenty-seven others.

It is well to note here that the publication of the Teikokubunko
edition has long since come to an end, hence even second-hand copies
are not available now without difficulty.

Tanehiko also took over a number of works started by other writers,
and brought some of them to completion, as will be seen from the
following we now possess.

(25) Musume-Terkin Kogane-no-Niwatori, complete in five chapters,
of which chapters i-iii were written by Kydzan, chapter iv by Senkwa,
and chapter v by Tanehiko. The book is illustrated throughout by
Kunisada; dated 1861. It is a story of a love affair between the only
son of a rich father and a geisha girl. Santé Kydzan wrote the first
chapter of this story when he was 88 and the third chapter at the
age of 91.

HAG 5. YOSHITAKE—

(26) Akegarasu Sumie-no-Uchikake: dated 1861-8. Chapters i-iii
were written by Santei Shumba, and chapters iv—xii were written by
Tanehiko, The book is illustrated throughout by Kunisada, Owing to
the incompleteness of the work in our collection we cannot be certain
whether Tanehiko continued it further or not.

(27) Hanafiayi T'subomi-no-Tamadzusa, complete. Chapters i-v
by Santei Shumba, chapters vi-x by Tanehiko. The book is illustrated
throughout by Kunisada; dated 1874,

As will be seen from the above, Tanehiko joined hands with
Utagawa Kunisada, a pupil of Toyokuni.

Of all the followers of Tanchiko the most illustrious figure is
unquestionably Rittei Senkwa, the originator of the Shiranui
Monogatari.

(28) Shiranui Monogatari. The work was first taken over by
Tanekazu and then by Tanehiko and others, and it was not until 1883
that the book, consisting of ninety chapters, was brought to completion.
The present donation contains chapters 1-xxvii, xxx—part of XXXVI,
Xxxvill-xlii, and xlix-li; dated 1852-62, The illustrations are those
of Toyokuni, Kunisada, and Yoshiiku.

The plot has been taken from two historical events ; one the
Amakusa rising of the Catholic propagandists (1802-3), and the
other the strife of the Kuroda family.

(29) Makuragoto Yume-no-Kayoiji, illustrated by Sadahide, Three
chapters complete; dated 1835, A moral story whose plot is taken
from the traditions of China and Japan,

(30) Imose-no-Tsukiyama Nanatsugumi Treko-makura, illustrated
by Ichiydsai Kuniyoshi. First six chapters; dated 1853, This is
a moral tale of love.

(51) Shionoya Bunshd Kokon Séshiawase, illustrated by Toyokuni,
Sadahide, Kuniteru, and Kunisada. First thirteen chapters; dated
1856. The plot has been taken from the Bunshd, one of the tales
contained in the Otogisdshi (fairy tales),

Next come Ryikatei Tanckazu and Nisei Tamenaga Shunsui,
Of the former’s works we possess :—

(32) Kana-hogo Ikkyii-Séshi, illustrated by Kuniteru and
Kunisada, First twelve chapters only ; dated 1859-7. The excentric
exploits of Ikkya, a Zen priest, told in the form of a romance,

(33) Sono- Yukari Hina-no-Omokage ; dated 1851-5. Chapters i-vi,
written by Ippitsuan Shnujin and illustrated by Toyokuni;

NOTES ON JAPANESE LITERATURE HAT

chapters vii—xi, written by 'Tanekazu; chapters xii-xiv, written by
Senkwa, illustrated by Kunisada. A moral tale.

Of the Nisei Shunsui’s works we have the following two :—

(34) Shin-zdho Saikoku-Kidan, illustrated by Kunisada and
Yoshitora. Complete in twenty chapters ; dated 1867-76.

(35) Hokusetsu-Bidan Jidai-kagami, illustrated by Kunisada.
First twenty-nine chapters ; dated 1863. A collection of moral tales
for women and children.

We also have in our collection several of the contemporary minor
works, viz. :—

(36) Koiguruma Yodo-no-Kawasemi, by Ryisuite: Tanekiyo,
illustrated by Kunisada and Kunitsuna. First six chapters; dated
LS61.

(37) Kanadehon Chishingura, by Santei Shumba, illustrated by
Kunisada. Complete in one book; dated 1862.

(38) Takejo Ichidaiki (Kogane-no-Hana Sakuragi Soshi), by
Gyokuransai Shujin, illustrated by Sadahide. Four chapters, each in
two books, complete; dated 1848. A biography of a woman named
Take of the latter part of the sixteenth century, who was a devout
believer in Buddhism.

(99) Yumiharidzuki Haru-no-Yibae, by Rakutei Seiba, illustrated
by Kuniteru and Yoshitora. Twenty-four chapters, complete ; dated
1847-67. An adaptation of Bakin’s Yumiharidzuhi.

(40) Gosho-zakura Baishéroku, by Kwakutei Shiiga, illustrated by
Kunisada and Yoshitora. First eleven chapters; dated 1866. A
life of Sugawara Michizane, a loyalist and scholar of the ninth
century, told in the form of a romance.

(41) Kinkwa Shichi-henge, by Kwakutei Shiga, illustrated by
Kunisada and Toyokuni. First thirty-one chapters; dated 1870.

It will be seen from the above that the present donation comprises
almost all varieties of the popular literature of the Yedo period.
Popular as their nature is, the books mentioned above are more or
less valuable in view of the fact that millions of such works of literature,
if not the original wood-blocks, were undoubtedly destroyed by the
recent earthquake,

Besides those quoted above, we also have some interesting pieces
of literature, of which we may mention the following :—

(42) Tsuredzure-qusa, with illustrations. Complete in two volumes;
dated 1703. The famous work of the hermit Yoshida Kenkd
(1283-1350) ; a confession of his pessimistic view of life.

688 NOTES ON JAPANESE LITERATURE

(43) Tsuredzure-gusa Bundanshd, by Kitamura Kigin, revised by
Suzuki Kokyd. Complete in three volumes. A well-known com-
mentary on the Tsuredzure-gusa.

(44) Jokun Hyakunin-Isshu Kikan with Onna Daigaku and
Onna Imagawa; dated 1844. These are three important books on
culture for women of the last century: Hyakunin Ieshu, “ 100 poems
by 100 poets,” said to have been selected by Fujiwara Teika (807-86) :
Onna Daigaku, a book that teaches women manners and etiquette ;
and Onna Imagawa, a composition prepared for practice in hand-

(45) Hyakunin Isshu with Onna Imagawa and letter-writer for
women, dated 1850. A similar work to the above.

(46) Jécan Kidan, including Amayo-no-Tomoshibi, by Yuasa
Jézan. Complete in thirty volumes. A collection of anecdotes of
warriors in the period of the civil wars (circa 1490-1600).

(47) Shikigusa, by Ise Teijé. Complete in seven volumes, A
description of the manners and ancient practices of the older

(48) Nihon Gwaishi, by Rai Sanyé, Complete in six volumes;
dated 1864. Sanyé’s famous history of Japan, written in Chinese.

(49) Shichisho Seigi, by Seki Shigehide. Complete in four volumes:
dated 1842, Seven military works of China.

(50) Shogaku, Complete in two volumes; dated 1881. The lesser
learning (4. 4).

Iam indebted to Mr. H. J. Cant for his kind assistance in the
above investigation. )

SOME MONGOLIAN MAXIMS
By 5. YosHrrake

F all the literary languages of Asia, the one to which in this country
least attention has been paid is perhaps the language of the
Mongols, No grammar or dictionary of any importance has ever been
compiled in English; the study of the Mongolian language has in
fact been almost monopolized by Russian and Scandinavian scholars,
although some valuable contributions to the same cause have been
made also by French, German, and Japanese scholars, published,
however, in their own languages.

This is to be greatly regretted, for the Mongolian literature which
dates from the fourteenth century is not only invaluable from the
philological point of view, but is also full of literary interest.

With a view to fostering the study of the Mongolian language in
this country I here give a translation and transliteration of the opening
chapter of the first volume of J. 8. Kowalewski's Chrestomathy,!
with a brief explanation of the words contained in the text. In dealing
with the grammar, I have for the most part followed Schmidt * and
Kowalewski.*

§ 1. TRANSCRIPTION

We have as yet no accurate knowledge of the sounds of the letters
of the Mongol alphabet, and each scholar uses his own system of
transcription.*

In the present paper I have followed mainly the transcription
adopted by Dr. Ramstedt, one of the foremost authorities on the
Altaic languages. It must, however, be remembered that Dr. Ram-
stedt is in no way responsible for any inaccuracy found in the phonetic
equivalents to the transcription which I give below as a provisional

1. Komucverifi: Mouraicxs xpecromatia. Town l. Kasane, 1506.

2 1, J. Schmidt, Gremmatik der mongolischen Sprache, St. Peteraburg, 1831.

20. Konasenckift: Kparkan rpawmatiticl MoUroabckan KHInEHOrD santa. Hasanb,
18355.

‘G. J, Bamstedt, “Daa Schriftmongolische und die Urgamundart,” § 16.
Journal de la Sxciéidé Finno-owgrienné, xxi, 2. Helsingfors, 1902.

’ ‘The relation between this system of transcription and the modern pronunciation
in the eastern Khalkha dialect will be found throughout his paper “ Das Schrift-
mongolische ".

60 &. YOSHITAKE—

& = vowel sound heard in cart, heart.

¢ = initial vowel sound heard in there, air.

i = initial vowel sound heard in queen, meat.

o = vowel sound heard in all, board.

u = vowel sound heard in food, boot; but pronounced with less
rounding of lips.

6 = sound of 6 in German, schin, Hohe.

ti = sound of ii in German, tiber, Biicher.

q = sound of ¢ in cool, but with stronger aspiration.

g = North German pronunciation of gin Lage, Tage.

k = sound of & in king, kid.

g = sound of g in gift, give.

y = sound of ng in sing, long.

é = sound of ch in cheap, charge.

j = sound of j in joy, jar.

y = sound of y in yet, young.

t = sound of ¢ in table, talk.

d = sound of d in dark, door.

n = sound of n in nail, night.

r = Scottish trilled r.

s = sound of s in sit, sell.

b = sound of 4 in bargain, beat.

m = sound of m in men, mist,

In the present transliteration :—

(1) The final vowel a or e written separate from the main part of
a word is indicated by means of a dot placed before it.

(2) Particles are joined by means of a hyphen to the words whose
grammatical relations with other words they serve to show, as the
pronunciation of the former depends on Vowel Harmony! with the
latter. |

* In the Mongolian language words may be divided into two classes: front-vocali
words and back-vocalic words. To the latter belong the words which iuiaes sid g
least of the vowels, & 0, and u, and to the former all the remaining !
hg ee ean owe @, 6, and fi, never appear with the back
: &, 0, and a, in the same word. The consonants o a: foand only in t
back-vocalic words, ; blog to Gort

The accent.—According to L J. Schmidt the accent falls in general ve first
syllable of a word of two of three sylinbles (Grommatik, §§ 26, 27). This shisscy ke Geen
opposed by J. 3. Kowalewski (Kparma Tune, §§ 27, 28), A. Bobrovnikor
(A. God poumnnmors : I paseatiiea MOHTOARCHAMO HUBIED, §§ 20, 21,99, CITB. 1835), and
others (Ramstedt, Das Schrifimongolische, § 59), who maintain that it ig usually the

SOME MONGOLIAN MAXIMS 691

§2. TransLaTION AND TRANSLITERATION
l. ejen-ti jarlig-i buu daba,
Thou shalt not disobey the command of thy master.
2, ai jalagus buu tisti dayigsan 6tegiis-i eleglegttin.
Do not, young people, ridicule white-haired old men.
3. qamug éag-tur jirgagulqu masi berge buyu.

Always to please a person is extremely difficult.

4. qagan-u sakiqu anu albatu irgen biiltige, albatu irgen-il sakiqu
anu qagan-u éagaja biiliige.

The protector of the king was his taxed subject, while that
of the subject was the law granted by the king.

5. buyan kilinée qoyar-un ililes-iyer sayin magu torol-dtir toromiti.

Man is endowed with rebirth of bliss or of retribution according
to his actions, virtuous or sinful, in a previous life.

6. dber-i sayin kiimiin kemejii eremsigéin-ltige buu nokiiée.

Refrain thou from associating with a conceited man who
pretends to self-righteousness.

7. busu yara mergen eméi jasabasu anamui, magn tige-yin yara inu
ogta tilti biittimtii.

Injury inflicted by a slanderous tongue will never be completely
righted, while that sustained otherwise can be healed, if
treated by an able surgeon.

8. olan kiimtin nigen oyon neyileléebesii, kiiciin mekiis biigesti-ber
yeke kereg biittigem.

Many men, though impotent as individuals, if brought to one
mind, can accomplish a thing of great importance.

9. uqgagatai btiged surqui-dur duratai anu douratus-aéa asaguqui-ban
itikii tigei.

A man who has thirst for knowledge and learning is not
ashamed to ask questions of his subordinates.

last sylinble of the word that carries the accent. This offers us a very interesting
problem, particularly when we reflect upon Dr. Ramstedt's remark that there is hardly
another language in which the first syllable ia so strongly accented os present-day
Eastern Mongolian (Das Schriftmongolische, § 59). With him M. Rudnev is in entire
agreement (A. Jl. Pyanesn: Jlexnim no rpayuatark wonroabckaro machuenuaro
faiko, Tanna BE 1903-4 akagewmeckow, ray. Bamycers 1, erp. 24, CTIB.
1905 ; also A. Jl. Pyamepn: Marepiaant mo ropopawh noctounof wourosift, § 51,
cTp. 197, CITB. 1911).

While the first syllable seems to have always been accented a5 it is to-day, I would
reserve this question of the accent as open to further study.

692)

li).

Iz.

14.

14,

16,

17.

18.

3. YOSHITAKE—

keger-e-yin galagu nisjil tilii ktirkii gajar-tur ktimiin ner-e ba
asig-un tula odumui.

For fame and profit one rushes to a land which even wild-geese
do not visit.

ortisiyel bolsugai kemebesii bayan bolun tilti éidamui, bayan
bolsugai kemebesti ortisiyel bolun tilti éidamui.

If one wishes to be compassionate, one cannot remain rich,
and if one desires to become wealthy, one cannot remain
sympathetic,

arilugsan ediir-e usu urusqu jubag niiken-i selbin jasaju,
qorjikinaju oroqu éag-tur beledtiigei.

Let. us clear, while the weather is fine, the outfall of the
gutter, which carries the water so as to be ready for the
arrival of a heavy downpour of rain, |

ebesii kiragun-dur darugdaqu, kiragu naran-dur darugdaqu-lug-a
adali, magu ktimlin obestiben magu kiimiin-diir abtagdamui.

Just as the grass yields to the frost, and the frost to the sun,
30 is a bad man himself beaten by a bad man.

kiimtin tigekiirebesii oyon inu ogor bolumui, mori edingerebesii

When a man is impoverished his understanding fails him, when
a horse 1s emaciated its hair grows long.

tusatan-1 dayisun agsan biigesii-ber sitiigdekii, sadun agsan
biigesti-ber qourlabasu tebéigdektii.

Confide in those who are useful even though they be your
enemies, but forsake even a kinsman if he is harmful to you,
onéa gagéa qudal lige ogiilegsen kiimtin inu, iinen lige kelebedti

sejig sedkil torémiii.

A man who has but once lied raises suspicion even when he
speaks the truth.

sijir altan kedtii kercin sitagaqu bolbaén,

mon kii tere énge inu
ebderekti tigei bui. -

‘No matter how one may cut a plate of rolled gold or throw it

into the fire its natural colour is never destroyed.

ganga miiren usun inu amta sayitu atala, dalai-dur kiiréit
éidqubasu dabusutu bolumui. |

The water of the river Ganges is sweet and delicions, but once
it reaches and empties itself into the sea it becomes salty,

19.

21.

24.

SOME MONGOLIAN MAXIMS 693

galtu qoroqai-yin gerel-iyer yeke qarangus-i geyigiilkili-yi buu
sedk..

Do not attempt to illuminate black darkness with the glimmer
of a glow-worm.

er-e kiimiin bei-e-ben ed-iyer éimegsen-ede erdem-lyer ¢imegsen
degere bul.

It is greater for a man to adorn himself with virtue than to
bedeck his own body with riches.

sine debel-i kiijjitii saba-dur talbibasu, tere debel-ece kiijis-iin tiniir
tiniistemiii.

If a new skin-coat be kept in a scented coffer, it gives out not
the smell of the coat, but the odour of the scent,

jtigelen usun-u urusqal anu nasuda bagubasu, éag-tagan gabtagai
éilagun-i niikelen ¢idayu, sirgiin sirgiitele modun-aéa gal garqu
bolugad, maltan maltatala gajar-aéa usun garqu boluyn, kiimiin
kitiyegsen-iyer ili blittikti yagum-a tigei, kitiyekii-yin jiiil-iyer
tugurbigsan btigiide tir-e-tii boluyu.

If water runs softly but continuously, it will in course of time
make a hole in a flat stone. <A piece of wood, if rubbed
repeatedly, will eventually catch fire. Further, if ground be
dug deeper and deeper, water will finally issue forth from the
earth. So also with man’s work. There is nothing that
cannot be accomplished with untiring labour, All the doings
of man are rewarded in proportion to his efforts.

dabasi tigei dabagan bui kemen sonustamui, ker dabaqu kemen
buu sedki, dabai-a kemen sedkibesii dabayu. getiillisi tigei
miiren bui kemen sonustamui, ker gettilkti kemen buu sedki,
getiiliii-e kemebesti getiiltiyil.

When you hear of the existence of an uncrossable mountain,
do not be lost in thinking how to go over it. You will succeed,
if you are determined to accomplish. When you hear of the
existence of an unfordable river, do not be lost in thinki
how tocrossit. You will succeed, if you are determined cs
accomplish.

modun-aéa unagsan nabéi qarin iilii buéayu, yeke usu-u urusqal
kiged, salkin-u jalgal éu angan-u orun-dagan iilii buéayu, tere
iiliger metii tikiigsen amitan nugud ¢éu urida-yin gajar-tagan
ton tilii ergikii biillige.

Fallen leaves will not return to the tree on which they grew.

694 5. YOSHITAKE—

Running water and blowing wind will not return to their
sources. So will the dead never return to life.

25, jJun-u éag-tur agulan-du mal-iyan otorlagéin nugud biigtin, tende
nigen kediin qunug nara gora-yi qalqalaqu-yin tedtiyiken nigen
éatar bariqui-aéa busu-yi iilii iiiledkii inu, tegtin-diir asida
saguqu sanag-a tigei-yin tula, olan tiibeg-iyer sayin bayisin tilt
bariqu bolai, tegiinéilen bide ¢u ab ali gajar-tur éu asida
saguqui-yi sanal tigei jil sar-a-yin qagas-tur tikikili-diir tusatu
nom-i tiiledkii kereg-tei.

The herdsmen who in summer tend their cattle on the mountain
each set up a tent which only suffices for a few days’ shelter
from sun and rain. The reason why they do not build a sub-
stantial house with greater pains is that they have no intention
of living there permanently. We, likewise, without hoping to
enjoy eternal life in any part of the present world, must
dedicate the half of our lives to the observance of Divine
teaching which brings us a great relief when we die.

$3. Nores

(1) ejen, master, owner, lord, is here used in the genitive case,
marked by the particle ii. jarlig, the words of one's superior, command,
is in the accusative case, indicated by the particle i. buu, negative
particle meaning lest, that . . . not, is used only in such context as
implies command or desire. daba! the imperative mood, 2nd person
singular, of the verb dabaqu, to go beyond, to qo over (a mountain, etc.).

(2) ai, interjection, Oh! Ah! is often used, as in the present case,
before a noun in the vocative case. jalagus, plural of jalagu, youth,
youthfulness, is in the vocative case, the case particle being suppressed.
listi, also written fistin, hair, is here in the genitive case, the case
particle being left out. éayigsan, the past participle of the verb
éayiqu to become white, to turn grey (of hair), is used as an adjective,
qualifying the noun étegiis. dtegiis, plural of dtegii, old man, is the
grammatical object of eleglegttin, the imperative mood, 2nd person
plural, of eleglekii, to laugh at, to mock. Notice that the negative
particle buu is, in the present construction, placed away from the
verb which it negates. Such separation, as found here, of the particle

* According to Dr. Ramstedt this imperative form is also used for a command

given to more than one person (G.J. Ramstedt : “ Uber die Konjugation des Khalkha-
mongolischen,” 5, 61. Journal de la Socidi Finno-ougrienne, xix. Helsingfors, 1903).

SS eS

goMF MONGOLIAN MAXIMS 695

buu is often met with in later compositions, particularly in translation
works from Manchu.

(3) qamug, all. éag, time, season, is in the dative case marked by
the particle tur; thus qamug éag-tur means at all times, hence always.
jirgagulqn, to please some one, the infinitive of the causative form of
jirgaqu to rejoice, to be glad, is used here as a noun in the nominative
case. masi, very, very much, berge, difficult. buyu, the indicative
present, 3rd person singular or plural, of the substantive verb biikii,
to be.

(4) qagan, king, Khan, used in the genitive case marked by the
particle u, serves here to qualify sakiqu, to defend, to protect, the infinitive
mood used as a noun in the nominative case, indicated by the particle
anu, with the meaning protection, protector, albatu, an adjective
derived from the noun alba or alban, duty, tax, tribute, is here made to
modify the noun irgen, people, subject. biiltige is the indicative perfect
of biikti, to be, for which see also (3). éagaja, law, rule, right.

(5) buyan, virtue, good turn, meritorious deeds, is contrasted with
kilinée,! sin, trespass, the conjunction and being understood between
the two nouns. qoyar, tivo, is here treated as a noun and is put, together
with the preceding nouns, in the genitive case marked by the particle
un. iiles, the plural form of tile, action, conduct, work, is in the instru-
mental case indicated by the particle iyer, by, with, according to.
Thus buyan .. itiles-iyer means literally in accordance with the actions,
both virtuous and sinful. sayin, good, and its antonym magu, bad,
correspond to the foregoing nouns, buyan and kilinée. torol, birth,
revival, used here in the dative case marked by the particle diir, 1s a
- verbal noun derived from the verb térdkti, to be born, to give birth to,
to generate, whose indicative present is toromitii, 1s (am, art, are) born.
After sayin is understood the word torél.

(6) ober? self, oneself. ktimiin, person, man. kemejii, saying,
calling, is one form of the gerund imperfective of the verb kemekii,*
to say, to call, to mean. eremsigtin, boaster, a noun derived from the
present participle eremsigéi, boasting, boaster, of the verb eremsikii,
to rely upon, to boast, is here in the co-operative (or sociative) case

1 For the final vowel of this word Kowalewski gives a, but I have hore followed
Schmidt and Dr. Ramstedt (G. J. Ramstedt, * Zur Verbstammbildungslehre der
mongolisch-tirkischen Sprachen,” 8. 65. Journal de la Socidté Finno-ongrienne,
xxviii. Helsingfors, 1912).

? This may be read fiber (Paul Pelliot: “ Les mots 4 H inttiale, aujourd'hui
amuie, dans le mongol des xili* et xiv? siécles, p. 241. Journal Asalique, tome covi, 2,
avril-juin, 1925. Paris; also A. JI. Pyanews.: Matepiaanm, erp. 117).

2 This may be read gemekti (Zur Verbstammbildwngslehre, 8, 32, 55).

VOL. IV. PART IV. 48

696 & YOSHITAKE—

marked by the particle ltige (together) with. nékliée, the stem of the
verb nokiiéekti, fo be wnited, to he in friendship, to accompany, is the
imperative mood, for which see (1).

(7) busu, other, otherwise, not. yara, strictly ulcer, is used here in
the sense of wound, injury. mergen, able, skilled, and eméi, physician.
jasabasu, the conditional imperfect of the verb jasaqu, to correct, to
take care of, to treat (disease). anamui, the indicative present of anaqu,
to be cured. tige, word, is in the genitive case marked by the particle
yin, qualifying the noun yara which is in the nominative case indicated
by the particle inu. ogta signifies quite, entirely, but with the following
word iilii, not, acquires the meaning not at all, by no means. Dbiittimitii,
the indicative present of the verb biitiikil, to be completed, is used here
in the sense of is healed, is cured.

(8) olan, many, several. nigen, one. oyon, uiderstanding, mind.
neyileléebesii, the conditional imperfect of neyileléekti, to he joined
together, to agree mutually, which is in its turn the co-operative form of
the verb neyilekii, to be joined, to agree. kitéin, power, strength,
mekiis, poor, needy, but in combination with kilétin means weak,
impotent. bligesti, the conditional imperfect of the verb bitkii, to be.
ber, the instrumental case particle used with a noun ending in a vowel,
serves also, as in the present case, to impart the concessive significa-
tion, though, to a verb in the conditional mood. yeke, great. kereg,
need, want, absolute necessity, means, with the preceding adjective
yeke, a thing of great importance. biittigem, a contracted form of
biittigemitti, the indicative present of biitiigekti, to accomplish, to prepare,
which is in its turn the causative form of the verb biitiikti, to he
accomplished, to be prepared ; cf. also (7).

(9) ugagatai, intelligent, sensible, is an adjective derived from
the noun uqagan, infellect, understanding, reason, knowledge. biiged,
being, having been, is in the gerund of biikit, to be, but is used here in
place of the conjunction and, surqui, learning, is a noun derived from
the verb surqu, fo learn, to study, used here in the dative case marked
by the particle dur, since the following word duratai governs the dative.
duratai,’ wishing, desirous of, hoping, is an adjectival counterpart of
the noun durasil, desire, wish, will, but is here used in the sense of
one who has a wish. douratus, the plural form of douratu, lower,
insignificant, which is an adjective derived from doura,? lower part,

' Schmidt reads this word doratai. I have here followed Kowalewski.

" Kowalewaki reads the diphthong in this word 00, but Dr. Ramstedt is inf
of on (Das Schriftmoangolische, § 58). 8 in favour

SOME MONGOLIAN MAXIMS 697

helow, under, is used here as a noun meaning inferiors, subordinates,
and is in the ablative case indicated by the particle ata. asaguqul, »
act of asking, a noun derived from the verb asaguqu, fo ask, to inquire,
is here in the possessive-accusative case; thus asaguqui-ban means
one’s own act of asking questions (accusative). idikii, also iéekil, to be
ashamed. tigei, no, not, without, is a negative adverb and is used always
after a verb or a nown.

(10) keger-e, wilderness, desert, is here in the genitive case. galagu,
goose. Hence keger-e-yin galagu means a wild-goose. nisju flying,
is the gerund imperfective of the verb niskil, fo fly. ktirkti, fo reach,
to arrive, here together with tlii means does not reach, gajar, ground,
land, place, province, is in the dative case and is modified by the
adjectival-clause keger-e-yin ... klirkii, ner-e, name. ba, and.
asig, gain, advantage. tula, ey reason of, for the sake of, requires the
genitive case before it. Thus ner-e ba asig-un tula means for the sake
of name and profit, odumui, the indicative present of odqu, fo go
(on a journey).

(11) driisiyel, mercy, compassion, affection, is a noun derived from
the verb oriisiyekti, to take pity on, to have mercy on. bolsugai, also
bolusugai, the indicative future, Ist pers. sing., of the verb bolqu, also
boluqu, fo be, to become, to be possible, stands also for the optative
mood, as in the present case. kemebestl, the conditional imperfect
of the verb kemekii, for which see (6). Thus oriisiyel . . . kemebesil,
literally means if one wishes that one would like to be compassionate.
bayan, rich. bolun, being, is the gerund imperfective of bolqu, for
which see above. éidamui, the indicative present of ¢idaqu, to be
able to, can, always follows the gerundial form of a verb.

(12) arilugsan, the past participle of the verb arilqu, fo be clear,
to be clean, to clear off (of weather). edtir, day, is here in the dative
case marked by the particle e. Thus arilugsan ediir-e means on a fine
and cloudless day, usu, also usun, water. urusqu, to flow. jubag,
quiter, conduit, ntike, also ntiken, hole, aperture. selbin and jasaju,
repairing, are the gerund imperfective of selbikiiand jasaqurespectively,
both meaning to repair, to improve, The gerund in Mongolian, as
in Japanese, often serves to replace the conjunction and, when it is
followed, as in the present case, by another verb, Hence selbin
jasaju means repair and put in order, and, qorjikinaju, or correctly (?)
qoréikinaju, the gerund imperfective of qoréikinaqu, to make a novse,
to rattle, signifies here patfering (of rain). oroqu, fo enter (upon), to
evchange blows. Thus qorjikinaju oroqu éag-tur means for the

AoA : 5. YOSHITAKE—

time when (the rain) comes down pattering. beledtiigei, may you be
prepared ! is the optative mood, used for all persons, sing. or plur.,
of the verb beledkti, to prepare.

(13) ebesii, also ebesiin, grass, herb, kiragun-dur, by the frost,
the dative case of kiragun, also kiragu, frost, denotes the agent of the
passive verb darugdaqu, to be oppressed, which is derived from daruqu,
fo press, to oppress, to vanquish. naran, also nara, sun. lug-a, with, as,
another form of liige explained in (6), is here used in a comparative
sense with the following word adali, same, similar, in the same manner.
obestiben,! self, of itself, willingly ; cf. also aber (6). abtagdamui, the
indicative passive present of abqu, to take, to seize, to take away, to
bring. The usual passive form of this verb is abtaqu or abugdaqu.

(14) tigektirebesti, the conditional imperfect of tigekiirekii, io
become poor. oqor, also agor, short. bolumui, the indicative present
of bolqu, for which see (11). Thus oyon . . . bolumnui literally means
the understanding becomes insufficient. mori, also morin, forse.
edingerebesti, the conditional imperfect of ecingerekii, correctly (7)
edengirekil or edingirekti, to be exhausted, to waste, fo grow thin. urtu,
long, should be distinguished from ordu, palace, camp, the two words
assuming the same form in Mongol writing. Observe the word-play
on oyon ; tisiin and ogor; urtu.

(15) tusatan is the plural form of the ad jective tusatu, advantageous
(one), beneficial (one), used as a noun. This adjective is derived from
the noun tusa, wility, advantage, benefit, - dayisun, enemy, hostility.
agsan, been, the past participle of the substantive verb aqu, to be,
forms with the following word biigesi the conditional perfect of the
same verb. For the use of ber after the conditional, see (8). sittigdektii,
the imperative mood, 2nd pers. plur. of sitiikii, fo support, to depend
upon, fofrust. sadun, kinsman. qourlabasu, the conditional imperfect
of qourlaqu, todo harm, tebéigdekiti, the imperative mood, 2nd pers.
plur. of tebéikti, to Let go, to abandon.

(16) Both onéa and gagéa mean single, sole, only. qudal, lie,
false. ogiilegsen, the past participle of sgilekit, tc speak, to talk. ‘tinen,
truth, true, kelebedti,! even if one speaks, the concessive gerund of
kelekti, to speak. sejig, doubt, suspicion. sedkil, thought, mind, opinion,
18 a verbal noun derived from sedkikil, to think.

(17) sijir, gold-leaf. altan, gold. kediti, also kedii; kedtin, how much
(many), 43 much (many) as. keréin, oxy up and, the gerund of keréikii,

"This may be read tibestiben,

SOME «MONGOLIAN MAXIMS 590

to cut into pieces; cf. also (12). sitagaqu, to set fire lo, to consume (by
fire), is the causative form of sitaqu, fo burn, to be burnt. bolbaéu,"
the concessive gerund of bolqu, fo be, to become ; cf. also kelebedti (16).
mon ki.? the same, also, so, like. tere, the demonstrative, that. onge,
colour. ebderekii, to fall to pieces, to perish, to be spoiled. bui, or biti,
is the indicative present of biikii, fo be.

(18) ganga miiren, the river Ganges, is here in the genitive case,
the particle ti being understood after mtiren, river. amta, also amtan,
taste, savour. sayitu, and sayitai, good, fine, are cognate with sayin,
for which see (5). atala is one of the gerundive forms of aqu, to be,
and has the meaning while . . . is, while. dalai, sea. ktiréti, the gerund
imperfective of ktirkti; cf. (10) and (12). éidqubasu is the conditional
imperfect of éidququ, to pour in, dabusutu, salted, salty, is an adjective
derived from the noun dabusun, salt.

(19) galtu, of fire, burning, glowing, ardent, is an adjective derived
from the noun gal, fre. qorogqai, worm, insect, Thus galtu qoroqgai
means a glow-worm. gerel, brightness, light, is here used in the instru-
mental case. qarangus, the plural form of qarangu, or qarangui,
obscurity, darkness. geyigtilkiti, the infinitive-noun derived from the
verb geyigtilki, fo illuminate, to lighten, is here in the accusative
case marked by the particle yi. sedki, the imperative mood of the
verb sedkikti, to think; cf. also (1) and (16).

(20) er-e, male, man. bei-e,* body, self, isin the possessive-accusative
case marked by the particle ben ; thus bei-e-ben means one's own body
(accusative case). ed, thing, goods, riches. éimegsen, the past participle
of éimekii, to adorn. The particle eée here denotes comparison, with
the meaning than. erdem, wirtwe, ability, knowledge, degere, above,

upon, beyond, superior.

1 No mention is made of this verb form either by Schmidt or by Kowalewski, but

A. Bobrovnikoy treats it, together with the -Dasu-form and several others, under the
* subjunctive mood " (Tpaumarica, § 65, 5, erp. 02). While giving it the name the

“ soncestive gerund “, M. Rudnev is of opinion that one should not regard it as an
individual and independent verb form (Matepiaam, erp. 225), since it also appears
in the unconnected form -ba (or -be) éu, which serves to show that the form in ques-
tion is nothing other than the indicative preterite in -ba (or -be) followed by the particle
éu. He also gives an example in which éU precedes the -ba-preterite (Jlemuis, erp. 49).

2 Following Kowalewski (Kpatrma rpaumtnea, ctp. 20) M. Rudnev reads this
miin kti (Jlexnim, erp. 73), but Dr. Ramstedt prefers mon to mntin (G. J. Ramstedt :
‘‘Mogholica. Beitrige zur kenntnia der Moghol-sprache in Afghanistan,” 5. 34.
Journal de la Socidié-Finno-ougrienne, xxiii, 4. Helsingfors, 1905).

100 5. YOSHITAKE—

(21) sine, new. debel, skin-coat, garment. kiijitii, odorous, is an
adjective derived from kiiji, scent, odowr. saba, vase, receptacle.
talbibasu, the conditional imperfect of talbiqu, to put, to leave. debel-
e¢e* means here debel-iin tintir-eée (more) than the smell of the coat.
kiijis, the plural form of ktiji, see above.. tiniir, smell, odour. tintistemtii,
i# smelt, is the indicative passive present of tintiskil, to smell,

(22) jtigelen, soft, mild, tranquil. urusqal, current, stream. nasuda,
during one’s life, incessantly. bagubasu, the conditional imperfect of
baguqu, to descend, to run (of fluid, time). éag, time, is in the possessive-
dative ease indicated by the particle tagan; thus éag-tagan means
in due time. qabtagai, plain, fat. dilagun, stone. nttkelen, the gerund
imperfective of niikelekii, to make a hole, to pierce through; cf. niiken
(12). éidayn is the indicative future, 3rd person, of cidaqu, for which
see (11). sirgiin and sirgtitele are the gerundive forms of sirgtiktl, to
rub (intr.); thus sirgiin sirgiitele means while it is being rubbed ; cf.
also selbin (12) and atala (18). modun, tree, wood, is here in the ablative
case; meaning from (a piece of) wood. garqu, to walk out, to sprout,
bolugad, the gerund perfective of bolqu, to become. maltan, maltatala
are both the gerund imperfective of maltaqu, fo dig; compare this
phrase with sirgiin sirgtitele explained above. boluyu is the indicative
future, 3rd person, of bolqu, to become, to be possible. kiéiyegsen, the
past participle of kidiyekii, to he zealous, to take to, is used here as a noun,
with the meaning ‘oil, effort, in the instrumental case. Thus kiimiin
kitiyegsen-iyer means with a man’s toil. biitiikti, to he accomplished ;
but with the preceding word ili it means not to be accomplished.
yagum-a, something, fact, means, in combination with the following
word tigei, nothing, there is nothing. jiiil, sort, quality, category. tugur-
bigsan, the past participle of tugurbiqn,? to plan, to undertake, to produce.
biigtide, all. tir-e-tti, fruitful, is an adjective derived from tir-e, Sri,
posterity, result,

(23) dabasi tigei, impracticable, is a negative adjective derived from
dabaqu, fo go over (a mountain), with which the following word dabagan,
mountain, 18 cognate, kemen, saying, the gerund imperfective of
kemekii, fo say, is here used in place of the conjunction that. sonus-

* Orh
Opinoriaanig, eTp. 259). This would make the
coat, if kept in a scented box, would equally

* Ido not agree with Kowalewski's interpretation of this phrase, viz.
. tated,” from the garment (Xpecromatia,
word sine lose its force, for even an old
give out the odour of the scent.

* Kowalewaki reads this word tog OFr-, but T have here followed re
(Zur Verbstammbildungslebre, S. 25, 69) Mihi ee wi

SOME MONGOLIAN MAXIMS TO]

tamui! is the indicative passive present of sonusqu, fo hear, to listen.
ker, how, is to be distinguished from ger, house, with which it is identical
in Mongol writing. dabai-a,* the indicative future, Ist pers. plur., of
the verb dabaqu, see above. sedkibesti is the conditional imperfect
of sedkikii, to think. dabayu? is the indicative future, 3rd pers. sing.
or plur., ofdabaqu, see above. getiiltisi tigei, impracticable, isa negative
adjective derived from gettilkii, to wade, to cross. The indicative future
of the same verb is found here in two forms, getiiltii-e * and gettiliiyii,*
the former being used for the Ist person plural and the latter for the
Srd person singular or plural. kemebesti is the conditional imperfect
of kemekti, to say, to mean, hence to think, to intend.

(24) unagsan, the past participle of unaqu, fo fall. nabéi, also
nabéin, leaf. qarin, the gerund imperfective of qariqu, to go (or come)
back. buéayu is the indicative future, 3rd person, of buéaqu, which has
the same meaning as qariqu. kiged, the gerund perfective of kiki,
to make, to do, is here used in place of the conjunction and; compare
this with Japanese shite, doing, and. salkin, wind. jalgal, strictly
row, range, succession, means here with the preceding word salkin-u,
blowing of the wind. éu, also, likewise. anqan, the beginning, initial.
orun, place, province, is here in the possessive-dative case marked by
the particle dagan. Thus ayqan-u orun-dagan means lo its original
place. tiliger, comparison, example, parable, proverb, tale, meti, as,
like, Hence tere tiliger metii means similarly. tiktigsen, the past
participle of tikiikii, to die. amitan, the living being. nugud, a plural
particle. urida, before, former. toy, completely, entirely, but in com-
hination with ili it means not at all, by no means, ergikti, fo turn
(intrans.), fo turn round, hence to come hack. biiliige, the indicative
perfect of the substantive verb biikti, fo be, serves, as in the present
case, to form the subjunctive imperfect of a verb, when the latter
is put in the infinitive mood. Thus ergikii biiltige means they would
come back (to live).

1 According to Kowalewski the first sentence ends with this word which he considers
to mean CIMINO ; TOMOPATL, if iv said, they eay (Xpecrowatia, opmorkyania, crp. 261),
and rightly it should be so treated. But I venture to regard the word sonustamul
in the present context as a sort of gerund hanging on the following passage
ker... sedki, An interesting observation by Dr. Ramstedt bearing on the
-mui-ending will be found in his paper“ Uber die Konjugation ", pp. 76, 77.

2 The verb endings -yu (or -yti) and -ya (or -ye) (in the present transliteration
~iva (-iv@), see (20)) have been considered by most grammarians as independent forms,
but Dr. Ramstedt feels inclined to treat them as one, under the name of * Voluntativ op
their primary meaning being that of the German auxiliary verb “ sollen " (Uber die
Konjugation, 8. 73).

702 SOME MONGOLIAK MAXIMS

(25) jun, summer; hence jun-u éag-tur, in summer time, in summer.
agulan, also agula, mountain, is here in the dative case marked by the
particle du, which is an abbreviated form of dur. mal, cattle, is in the
possessive-accusative case indicated by the particle iyan. otorlagéin,
hunter, a verbal noun derived from otorlaqu, to go a hunding (on a small
scale), is used here in the sense of herdsman. btigiin, all. tende, there.
nigen keditin, a little, a few, some. qunug, sitting up all night, a day and
a might. nara, usually naran, sun, gora, rain. qalqalaqu, fo protect,
fo defend, is here treated as a noun and is used in the genitive case,
followed by tedtiyiken, only so much, which is a diminutive form of
tediii, so much, as much. Thus qalqalaqu-yin tediiyiken means just
enough to protect. éaéar, tent. bariqui, setting up, a noun derived from
bariqu, to hold, to set up a tent, to build, is here used in the ablative case
with the signification of comparison. tiiledkif, fo do, is used as a noun
in the nominative case; thus nigen éatar . .. tliledkii inu means
that they do not do anything but to set wp a tent. tegiin-diir, in that,
is the dative case of the demonstrative tere, that. asida, always ;
compare this with nasuda (22). saguqu, to sil, to dwell. sanag-a,
also sanagan, thought, intention. Thus teglin-diir ... figei-yin tula
means because they have no intention of living there permanently. olan
tiibeg-iyer means literally with much agitation (or embarrassment),
bayisin, a building, house. bolai is the indicative imperfect of btikii,
to be. tegtinéilen, in that manner, thus, bide, we. ab ali, whosoever
it be, every one, wherever it be, anywhere, saguqui, the infinitive-noun
derived from saguqu ; see above. sanal, act of thinking, a verbal noun
derived from the verb sanaqu, fo think, is cognate with sanagan, for
which see above, jil sar-a-yin, year (and) month (the accusative case).
qagas, Aalf. tiktkiii is the infinitive-noun derived from tikiiki. to die.
nom, teaching, doctrine, law, hence tusatu nom, comforting law. kereg-
tei, also keregtei ; keregti, necessary, if 1s necessary, is an adjectival
form of kereg, need, want.

YAMA, GANDHARVA, AND GLAUCUS
By L. D. Barnett

i ids: purpose of these notes is to review the Vedic and Avestic
data relating to Yama and the Gandharva and to consider the
possibility of connecting them with the Glaucus-saga. Without
neglecting the works of predecessors in this field, I have re-examined
to the best of my ability the Vedic and Avestic material, but have
abstained from drawing to any great extent upon the later literatures.

A. Tre Re-vepa

I. Yama. The main facts are well known. The father of Y. is
Vivasvant (Valakh. iv. 1, [X. exiii. 8, exiv. 1, X. xiv. 1, xvu. 1, Ivin.
1, lx. 10, elxiv. 2), an Aditya, whois also father of the Asvins and Manu,
and thus ancestor of mankind (and of gods also, in one passage, X.
lxiii. 1). Vivasvant is especially connected with the rituals of fire and
Sima, and Agni is his messenger (I. lviii. 1, IV. vn. 4, VIII. xxxix.
$, X. xxi. 5). In post-Vedie times he was regarded as the sun, and this
identification may have begun even before the end of the Vedic age.
RV. L. lxxxiii. 4 says: “ Atharvan (the mythical fire-priest) first with
sacrifices laid out the ways ; then was born Siirya Véna ; Uganda Kavya
drave home the kine; we worship Yama’s immortal birth.” This
passage seemingly represents Sirya Véna, the “ Watcher Sun”, as
Yama’s father; we shall speak of Véna again, in connexion with
RV. IX. lxxxv. 9-12 and X. exxiti. On the other hand, X. x. 4 definitely
states that Yama’s parents were the Gandharva in the Waters and
the Water-Lady (gandharvé apsv dpyd ca yisd af né ndbhih paramam
jami tdn nau). The Gandharva, from his association with the celestial
Sima, and perhaps for some other reasons (e.g. he travels through
space, dwells in the heaven, and is “ sun-skinned ”, siiryateac, in AV.
II. ii. 2), is sometimes connected with the sun (Macdonell, Ved. Myth.,
p. 136), and perhaps may have even been provisionally identified with
it by some poets. Thus the tendency to find a solar meaning for
Vivasvant is perhaps Vedic. There is, however, no reason to believe
that this conception goes back to Indo-Iranian times. As the Avesta
shows, he was originally a godly king and teacher of primitive mankind,
traditionally connected with the cult of the sun, fire, and Sima, who
in course of time was identified by Indian priests with the sun-god,
and perhaps in a few cases also with the Gandharva.

TO4 L. D. BARNETT—

Yama in RY. is chiefly worshipped as the king of the blessed dead,
who led the souls of the Fathers into Paradise (for details see Macdonell,
V.M., pp. 167, 171), where he reigns in bliss among them, together
with Varuna (of whom we shall speak later), Agni, and other gods, the
company including Vivasvant, This paradise of Yama is the third and
highest heaven, a place of unfading light and unfailing waters (I. xxxv.
6, IX. exiil. 7-9, X. xiv. 8, etc.), which seems to be identical with the
third abode of Vignu “ where godly men revel, for there, akin (bandh)
to the Wide-Strider, is a spring of honey [the celestial Soma] in Visnu’s
highest realm ” (I. cliv, 5; ef, X, xv. 3)... This localisation, however,
18 not primitive: originally Yama’s realm lay outside heaven, though
not very far, as we shall see,

The later hymns of RV. show Yama’s character in course of change
to his post-Vedic réle as the horrific judge of the dead; but with this
we are not now concerned.

Primarily, then, Yama was a erendary king, who by his holiness
was enabled to establish a realm of immortal life and bliss for the
righteous of olden time, to which good men of all generations have the
right of entry. The outlines of this Indo-Iranian myth have been ably
sketched by Hertel in Die Himmelstore ; we shall return to it anon.
The immortality thus won was believed to be due to the magic powers
of the 5dma, according to RV. J. xci, 1, 6, VIM. xlvii. 3, IX. xevi.
H, xevii. 39, evi. 8, eviii. 3, exiii, 7 f., etc.: and this idea was probably
Indo-Iranian.

I]. Gandharva. The Gandharva in RV. is a primitive sort of
Kros, a spirit of generation, res venerea, and fertility, and chiefly
connected with waters and Sama.’ Originally there was but one
Gandharva ; the plural is a later development, like the Greek Erotes,
He is a mighty and mysterious being (AV. IT. i. 1-2). He is mated
with an Apsaras, the Water-Lady or dpyd yisa (RV. X. x. 4), and
they dwell in heaven with Yama and the blessed dead (AV. IV.
xxxiv. 3; ef. below) ; once, as we saw, they are said to be the parents

_ * With this compare the phrase bradhndsya vigtipam (LX. oxiii, 10) applied to
Yamua’s realm; bradhad may equally denote the sun and the Sdma ; spe
brandt, Ved. Myth. I. pp. 322 f., 304 ff, IIT. 417,
* This ancient conception seems to have survived oddly in the name Keondary

a classical title of the god of love, Kiama. I would iuciai Kandarpa aa © nonhaiy
form of Gandharva, In some of the vernaculars classed together by the grammarion
rs . Aen abet caarier ve the Dravidi, the word gandharra might either become
rectly & rpa, or first change to kandappa and thence by fi ymology r
dorpe be sanakritised into bandaryies, spt si a

YAMA, GANDHARVA, AND GLAUCUS TOS

of Yama, but this affiliation does not seem to be originally Indo-
Tranian. |
The Gandharva in RV. is the guardian of the Séma in heaven
(IX. lxxxiii. 4, lxxxv. 12, exiii. 3; cf. AV. VIL Ixxii. 3, SBr. III.
2 9, etc.). To the ancient Aryans “ heaven” was a dome or
vault, néka, As Hertel has shown, this néka was primitively conceived
as a vast mountain, within which the gods dwelt ; it may be added in
support of this view that ndka seems to have originally meant “ moun-
tain ’’, and to be connected with naku “ a hill’ (particularly an anthill).
In classical literature it appears as Mount Méru, the residence of
the gods, surdlaya (Amara-k. I. i, 1, v. 45). Even in Vedic times this
conception is still to some degree preserved in phrases such as ndkasya
prethé, “ on the back (i.e. ridge) of heaven", and rtdsya sdnau ~ on the
ridge of holiness”, i.e, of the heavenly world. Here, or close
by, was the fountain of the celestial Soma watched by the
Gandharva!: and hither came the Eagle (4yé@nd), or in other
versions Indra himself, to carry away Sima (IV. xxvii. 3,
ete. ; of. Macdonell, V.Mf., p. 136 f., Hillebrandt, V.M., I. p. 278 f.).
Borrowing imagery from this legend, the poets represent Véna, the
Watcher (i.e. the sun, who as it were brings the Sima to the earthly
sacrifice: cf. véndh CX, Ixxxv. 10, véndnam ib. 11), as a golden bird,
Varuna’s messenger, flying up to the ridge of heaven, rldsya sénau
(X. exxiii, 1 £.), to fetch the immortal waters, i.e. the 85ma, which the
Gandharva found (ib. 4.) ; here, in highest heaven, paramé vyoman,
the home of Yama, yamdsya yinih, where the Apsaras and her gallant
(scil. the dpya@ yis@ and Gandharva) embrace, Véna rests, a friend in
a friend's home (ib. 5-6); and the Gandharva rises up on the heavenly
saring weapons diverse of hue, ete. (ib, 7; ef. DX.
ixxxv. 12) 2 ‘The pith of this is that the S6ma used in daily sacrifice is

1 Tt should be observed that in RV. the celestial Soma is imagined (a) some-
times, and most commonly, as a spring or stream, on which cf. above, p. 704, and
Hillebrandt, V.Mf. I. p. 319 i., (5) sometimes os a plant of paradise, and (c) perhaps
in some places of RV., and usually in later Vedic and post-Vedic writings, as being
contained ina bowl or pitcher, But evenin the tale of the Rape of 8Gma in Mahibh. 1.
the ideas seem confused: Garuda is said to pluck it up, samulpifya, as if it were o
plant, xxxiii. 10 (cf. Charpentier, Die Suparpasage, p. 182, n. 1),

* Verse § refers to oma descending into the water in the earthly vat. “ Gazing
with a vulture’s eye,” pdéyan gfdhrasya cdbeqed, is o proverbial phrase for keen
aight : of, Aiwparnam cabsuh in Suparpidhyaiya I. 5; for the thought of. X. xxx. 2,
where the priests are bidden to come to the waters (in the Séma-vats) upon which
the ruddy Bird (the spirit of Bima) is gating. Hillebrandt, Ved. Myth, I, p, 430 f7.,
interprets this hymn as a Moon-psalm.

TOG L. D. BARNETT—

freely granted by Yama and the gods to men, and the Gandharva does
not fight to retain it,

The connexion with waters js fundamental (RV. I. xxii. 14: gan-
dharva apsi, X. x. 4, ut sup.; apdm g., IX. Ixxxvi. 36, applied to
Sima; cf. X. exxxix. 4, AV. IL i 3). The Gandharvas are the folk
of Varuna (SBr. XIII. iv. 3, 7); the relation is again obscurely
indicated in Katha Up. Il. vi. 5, yathipsu pariva dadréé tatha
gandharvaloké. Water to the ancient Hindu represented life, animal
and vegetable, fertility, health, generative power: Sdma was its
quintessence, the elixir of immortal life and vigour.! Both the waters
and the Sima are in the highest heaven, the dwelling of Yama; and
thence the waters, divine life-saps, are brought to earth by Gandharvas
and Apsarases, who therewith impregnate men, animals, and
vegetation? The Gandharva was thus constantly travelling from
heaven to earth (rdjasé bimdnah, RV. X, oxxxix. 5) for the benefit of
the world ; and this trait of wandering has persisted in his tribe even

Equally important is the association with Séma. The Gandharva
is the guardian of the S5ma in heaven, and vainly strove to prevent
Indra or Indra's messenger-bird from carrying away Sdma. From this
attitude towards Indra, the popular national god, the Gandharvas

Waters are the foundations of the whole world, SBr. VI, viii, 2, 2, XU1. v. =, 14;
Hiranyakédigrhya-s, II. iv, 10, 7. they are the elixir of immortality, SBr. IV. iv.
®. 15, SUL. viii. 1, 9; they are the same as amyia, ib, I. ix. 3,7. Xi « 4, 5; the
wives of Amrta (= Séma), amjtasya patnih, ib. IIL in: 4, 16. They are the body
a vita, in Smrti quoted in Sribhigya on Védintastira TI. i. 9; their presiding
deity is Soma, Mahabhar. XIV, sli, 22 (Anupitay They form the essence of
vegetation, SEr. III. vi. 1,7. They are the healing principle in nature, and give
long life and generative power, RV. T. xxiii, 19 ff. X. ic] ff. (where note 3, jandyathd
ca nad,“ give us generative power,” and 6, an allusion to Sdma), AV, VI. xci. 3;
Macdonell, FM, p. a5; Bloomfield, Ath, Veda, Pp. 62, ete,

coanitit the meaning of the prayer for offspring addremed to G. Kia ages
Paiieav. Br. XIX. iii, 2, and the belief that every bride belonged first to S6ma, next
to the G. Viévivasu, and next to Agni, and that in the early days o
G. was a rival of the husband, RV. X. lxxxv. 29. 49 f. (of. AV, XIV. ii, $1.): Soma
is the prime spirit and source of life, the G. his minister who brings the life to earth,

is conveyed into its mother's womb as o lharva :

Notea sur le Pratityosomuipida, Actes du XIV® Congrés Intern. d. Oriental., tom. I
P. 200, and A. Hillebrandt, Ved. Myth., I. p, 426, and id. Zur Be, Bas :
Jahresber. d. Schles. Gestllech. f. vaterland Cultur, IV. Abteil, 1906 (the latter twe
articles unconvincing). The G. digs up for Varuna an aphrodisiac plant, AV. IV,
t¥. 1. On the residence of G. and A. in trees soe Macdonell }

YAMA, GANDHARVA, AND GLAUCUS TOT

began later to fall into some disrepute, and in some quarters to be
classed among noxious demons (AV. IV. xxxvii. 8 ff., XII. 1. 50, etc.) -
and this is perhaps the reason for the tales of the G, Vidvavasu stealing
the Sima from Gayatri (TS. VI. i. 6, 5, MS. IIT. wii. 3, Kath. XXTIT. 10,
SBr. DL. ui. 4, 1 f., vi. 2, 2£., ete.). In general belief, however, they
became amorous and graceful demigods of no particular importance,
inhabiting a world of their own, and noteworthy only because of their
practice of music, a trait derived from the Vedic conception of Yama’s
world (RV. X. cexxxv. 7).
B. THe AVEesta

I. Yima. In Avesta and post-Avestic literature Yima (Yima
Xéaéta, later Jam, Jamshéd) has stubbornly preserved the heroic
character which he has lost in RV. He is the second or third king of
the PéSdatian dynasty, of which the first monarchs are given in Yasts
XV and XIX as successively Haosyanha, Taxma Urupa, and Yima,
Yast XIII omitting Taxma Urupa.’’ His father is Vivahvant (the
Vedic Vivasvant), who was the first mortal (maéya) that pressed the
Haoma (= Sima), as a reward for which a son was born to him,
Yima XAéaéta, the man of goodly herds (Ava @wa, a standing epithet
of ¥.), most glorious of them that are born, radiant with heavenly
light (Avaredaresa: cf. Hertel, Die Arische Feuerlehre, I, p. 32 f.),
who by his rule on earth made men and cattle undying, waters and
meadows undrying, so that there was unfailing food to eat, and in
whose reign there was not cold or heat, nor age or death, nor envy
demon-wrought, so that fathers and sons walked together as fifteen-
yearlings (Yasna IX. §§ 4-5). The same idyllic picture of Yima’s
reign is painted in other texts. Yast V.§ 25 f. relates that he sacrificed
to the goddess Aradvi Sira Anahité on Hukairya,* the peak of the
mountain Hara or Haraiti from which the waters sent by her flow
down into the lake Vourukasa, whence they fertilise the whole earth
(cf. Yast XIT. § 24), and that he prayed that he might become sovereign
lord over all countries, over daéras and men, sorcerers (atu) and witches
(pairika), rulers, kavis, and karapans, and that he might take from the
daévas wealth and welfare, riches and flocks, comfort and fame: and
the goddess granted his request (cf. Yast XIX. § 31f.). Similarly

' Tradition has been very tenacious of this succession, which is preserved even
in Firdansi and subsequent literature. Cf. Windischmann, Zoroastriache Studien
(Berlin, 1863), pp. 32 ff., 190, 197.

® Huknirydt pai barszareha, lit." from the mountain H."": V_ stood on or beside
the mountain and invoked the goddess within it.

708 L. D, BARNETT—

Yast IX. 8f. tells that he sacrificed on Hukairya to Drvispa with
the prayer that he might bring prosperity, wealth of cattle, and
freedom from death into the world, and remove thence hunger and
thirst, age and death, hot and cold winds, for a thousand years; and
his prayer was fulfilled (ef. Yast XIII. § 130).- The same prayer was
offered by him to ASi Vanuhi, Yast XVII. 28f. Yast XV. § 15f.
(modelled apparently on Yasna IX) records his prayer to Vayu that
he might become most glorious and make men and cattle undying,
waters and plants undrying, and food unfailing, with the same result
asin Yasna DX.

It may here be remarked that the mountain Hara or Haraiti, from
whose peak Hukairya the heavenly river descends into the lake
Vourukasa,’ seems to correspond to the celestial ‘ mountain ", ndka,
of the Veda, beside or upon which the poets locate the realm of Yama,
with its abounding streams of water and its fountain of Sima. Yast
VIII. § 32, which speaks of a “ mountain beyond India ” (or perhaps
“north of India”), ushandavat paiti gardit, as lying in the midst of
Vourukaéa, suggests that popular imagination assigned to it a southerly
location; but originally both lake and mountain were probably
mythical.?

Yasna X, after referring in §§ 3-4 to the earthly Haoma that grows
on the mountains, states that the God originally placed it on or beside
Mount Haraiti, bayd nidafat haraifya paiti barazayé (§ 10), and thence
sacred birds taught for the purpose carried it to various mountains
of the earth (§ 11), This version seemingly regards the celestial Haoma
placed on Mount Haraiti as a plant: but we may perhaps see a trace
of an earlier conception of it as a fountain in the words of § 4, “and
verily thou art a fountain of holiness,” haifimea agahe xa ahi.
This phrase is too striking to be merely figurative: in origin at any rate
it may well have been meant to be taken literally, if, as I believe, the
celestial Haoma was in the first instance regarded as a fountain.
Exactly the same phrase occurs in RV, II, xxviii 5, which prays to
Varuna for pardon of sin and attainment of length of life, and in this
connexion says rdhydma t# varuna kham rlasya “ may we succeed in
winning" thy fount of holiness, O Varnna |”

We may most

' The attempts to identify thi with tha , —— |
Ne See eg identify is nko with the Sea of Aral or the Caspian seem

ua around Harait: ; -
of. Vend. XXI.§54f.). Yat XIX. § 1 wildly d hes ioe (Yast XID § 25;

, 1 ng ' he
western and the eastern lands (like the Jabal Kas of the Arabs), te

x. 1, 16, tad adyit tad dys,

YAMA, GANDHARVA, AND GLAUCUS TO9

naturally explain this khd ptisya of Varuna as the Séma,
and primarily the celestial Séma, the fount of life, comparing
passages like RV. IX. viii. 9 and xeviii. 12. For as god of
the cosmic waters Varuna also is connected with the Sdma:
its heavenly fount is, as we saw, in the Paradise where
he dwells with Yama (X. xiv. 7; cf. X. cxxiii. 6), and it was he who
“ placed it on (or in) the Mountain ”’, adhat smam ddrau (V.lxxxv. 2),
precisely as the Avesta tells us that “the God", bays, placed it on
Mount Haraiti. In this last passage of RV. the context (“ Varuna hath
spread the air amidst the trees, placed speed in horses, milk in kine,
wisdom in hearts, fire in the waters, the sun in the heaven, 56ma . . .”)
suggests that the poet here conceived the Sma rather as a spring than
as a plant, while on the other hand the statement of Yasna X. § 11
that sacred birds carried away the Haoma from Haraiti to the mountains
of the earth looks like a rather dull modification of the old Indo-
Tranian myth of the Rape of the Sima by Garuda. We may then
tentatively conjecture that the latter legend in its oldest form ran
somewhat as follows: The Great God created a fount of Sima, the
Water of Immortal Life, for his own use, on or beside the Heavenly
Mountain, and a Good Spirit—the Vedic Visnu, the Spirit of Sacrifice !
—wishing to get a share thereof for other gods and mankind, sent
thither his eagle, who carried away some of the S6ma in a jar, and by
this celestial liquor were fertilised plants on divers mountains of the
earth, which thus became the 50ma-plants used by men in their rites.

A question now arises: was the immunity from death which was
gained by Yima and his subjects conceived in the original version of
the legend as bemg directly due to Haoma as elixir of immortality ?
The Avesta does not say 30 much; but its references to the White
Haoma distinctly suggest this belief. It distinguishes the yellow
Haoma known on earth from the celestial H. or gaokarana, a tree which,
according to Mazdayasnian tradition, gives immortality ; the gaokerana
grows at the source of the waters of Aradvi Siira, on an island in lake
Vourukasa, amidst myriads of healing plants (Vend. XX. § 4, Bunda-
hién XXVIL.§ 4: SBE. IV. p. 227, V. p. 100), and when the world
is renewed it will be used to make the elixir which is to give eternal
life to living beings (Bund. A XIV. § 27, XXVIT. § 4, AACN. 25, Zas-
sparam VIII. § 5, Dadistan-i Dink XXXVIT.§ 101; SBE, V. p. 100,

' 7 have touched on this fundamental feature of Visnu's character in Hindu
Gods and Heroes, p. 37 ff., and must refrain from enlarging on the point here,

710 L. D. BARNETT—

126, 176 f., VILL, p. 112).1 Here we see the operation of the same
mythopeic fancy which in India has planted in heaven the earthly
vegetable S6ma, and forgotten its old tradition of the celestial fountain.
Zarathustrianism similarly gives us instead of the celestial fountain
a celestial tree, the glorified wapddeyua ev ovpava of the earthly
Sdma-plant, and places it in the midst of the lake VourukaSa True,
Zarathustrianism did not directly associate the gaokerana with Yima ;
but it had its reasons for leaving him out of the picture, of which we
shall speak anon ; and it is significant that the Shahnamah, representing
popular tradition, makes Jamshéd (i.e. Yima Xéaéta) boast: “ By
medicines and remedies I have saved the world, so that sickness and
death have fallen upon none ; except me, who of all kings that be on
earth could remove death from any?” (I. xxi., ed, Vullera),

MGA Sicd os cele Sly le ies ssl

ce, Ah Lt sj si ois Scat, Sy >

As Haoma is said to be pre-eminently medicinal, bagéazya (Yasna
TX. § 16, ete.), and the White Haoma is said to give immortality, it
may be inferred that in popular legend it was by means of Haoma
that Yima freed himself and others from death—for a time.

The next feature in the saga is the legend of Yima's Close, the Vara,
narrated in Vend. IT. §§ 143. It may be thus summarised,

Yima, the man of goodly herds (hv @wa), Vivahvant’s son, was the
first mortal with whom Ahura Mazdah held converse. Ahura urged
Yima to bear in mind and support the Faith (marate berataca da&nayai) ;
but he declined, saying that he was not made or trained for that part.
Ahura then bade him make his world thrive by his rule over it. Yima
assented, promising that under his rule there should be no cold or hot
winds, no sickness, and no death. Ahura gave him as tokens a golden
suwrd (arrow ?) and a gold-inlaid astra (whip or goad). For 300
winters Yima reigned, and the earth grew full, and Ahura warned him
that there was no more room to move about (atu) on it. Then Yima
stepped forward, radiant, towards the south (lit. towards midday,
d upa rapiGwom) on the way of the sun (hi pai adwanam); he

* Cf. Windischmann, Zor, Stud., pp. 166,171 f. It is possible that the Eagle's
Tree“ of Yast XIT. § 17 is the gaokersna. | pn :
* It may be suspected that the Babylonian Tree of Life (on which see A. Wiinsche
Die Sagen vom Lebensboum w. Lebennoasser, Leipzig, 1905) had a considera ble influence
on the evolution of the idea of the White Haoma tree. |

YAMA, GANDHARVA, AND GLAUCUS a1)

pressed the swwrd on the earth and pierced it with the aétra, and bade
it open so as to give room for flocks and herds and men. The earth
thereupon grew one-third larger. Six hundred winters passed, and
again the earth grew full; advised by Ahura, he again made it open,
and it increased by two-thirds. So nine hundred winters went by, and
again the earth became full, and Yima widened it by three-thirds."

Ahura Mazdih summoned the gods, and Yima summoned the best
of mankind in Airyana Vaé@jah. Ahura warned Yima that cold deadly
winters were about to come, so he must make a Close, vara, and put
into it the best specimens of mankind, beasts, fires, plants, ete., with
houses and streets. It was to be sealed with the golden suwrd, and was
to have a door and window. The sun, moon, and stars were not to
shine in it: it was to have its own light.2 And Yima did so, and they
dwelt in the Close; thither the religion of Ahura was brought by the
bird Karsiptar, and there they still dwell, under the rule of Urvatat-
nara and ZarafuStra, But Yima, according to other legends, was
expelled from 1t.

This story has been well studied by Hertel in Die Himmelstore.
In its main features it is certainly Indo-Iranian, though it has been
modified and abridged. Yima's Close is the same as the Vedic realm
of Yama, the land of the Blessed Fathers ; and the myth was primarily
designed to explain how and why this realm was first established. The
Close is conceived as a great town cut off on all sides from the outer
world; the details as to door and window, however, are possibly
borrowed from the Semitic (or Sumerian ?) Deluge-saga, and the motive
assigned for constructing it, the coming of deadly winter, may also be
a later addition. It has its own light: the sun, moon, and stars do not
shine in it, As we shall see, this is a primitive trait, of which perhaps
we may trace a distant echo in Katha Upanigad V. 15, which says the
same of the world of Brahma, The mention of Yima as stepping
southwards suggests a possibility that the Close also was imagined to
lie in the south ; if it be so, it will be parallel to the later Hindu belief

1 According to later tradition, Yima made the world enjoy immortality for
1,000 years, vic. 900 as above and 100 spent in the Close.

2 ‘The Close had o door “luminous, self-luminous on the inner side", dearam
raccangm zvdrcordnom aniors-nadmadt (§ ii. 00). Reichelt 1 probably right i in aay ing
that this door “is to be understood os the heaven with sun, moon, and stars”
(Ac. Reader, p. 141), i.e. as serving to give light to the Close in lieu of the natural
aky with sun, ete.; the connected passage (31-41)is obscure, and may be o Inter
addition.

VOL. IV. PART fv. 47

112 L. D. BARNETT—

that Yama’s world lies in the south.’ The story was put into its present
form by a writer who was conscious of some opposition between the
Yima-legend and Zarathustrian orthodoxy; for he assigns as motive
for Yima’s blessedreign on earth his refusal to supportthe Mazdayasnian
religion, which is absurd, and as he relates that the religion was brought
into the Close by the bird Karésiptar, he implies that the dwellers in
the Close were previously pagans.

“arathustrianism, then, regarded Yima as a relic of Magian-daévic
paganism, and deprived him of his former rank. It openly charged
him with heathenism. Yast XIX. § 28 f,, relates that the divine
kingly glory (hvaranah) which had belonged to his brother Taxma
Urupa passed away from the latter, who was killed and devoured by
the Evil Spirit, Anra Mainyu, and descended upon Yima, who reigned
blessedly (his reign is described in terms almost identical with Yadt V.
§ 25 f) until he began to delight in evil and untrue words, dracyam
vacim awhaifim, and then the glory departed from him thrice, in the
form of a bird, and was seized successively by Mifra, @raétaona, and
Karesispa. Then the Good Spirit and the Evil Spirit contended for it,
and the Evil Spirit sent messengers to claim it, among them being the
dragon Azi Dahaka and Spityura, Yima’s brother, who cut Yima in
twain (Yimd-kerantam).? A more specific charge was laid against him :
it was said that he supported the Daévas and gave men the flesh of kine
to eat (Yasna XXXIT.§ 8; ‘cf. Windischmann, Zor. Stud. p. 37).
Through sin he lost his immortality (SBE. IV, p. 262). Elsewhere we
read that after preserving the world for many years from age and
death he at last died (SBE. IV, pp. 263 f., 384). The meaning of all
this is clear. The primitive legend represented Yima as ruling for
ever over the Blessed Dead, and therefore as being himself in a sense
one of the dead; and then orthodox Zarathustrianism. disliking him
because of his daévic connexions and his association with the Haoma-
cult, to which the Gaé@is never refer except in terms of hostility
(Yasna XXXII. 10, 12, 14,32, XLVIIL. 10), seized upon the latter idea
and made capital out of it: Yima died—and he died because of his sins
of paganism in word, thought, and deed. The tradition of his blessed
reign was too deeply rooted in the heart of the people to be extirpated ;
but as far as possible his legendary glories were belittled, his whilom

' It is from the south that the fragrant breezs blows whic ean
for Paradise (HaBOxt Nask ii. 7), ‘The ancient Iranieos voter gene aoe

* See further SBE. XXII. p. 60, n. 9. p. 259. n. 1.

YAMA, GANDHARVA, AND GLAUCUS TIS

association with Haoma almost effaced, and he himself ejected from
his paradise! The Magian reaction that took possession of the Church
after Zara@uStra’s death and revived the Haoma-cult, with many other
pagan practices, endeavoured to rehabilitate him, but achieved only
a partial success ; an example of this is to be seen in Vend. IT. § i ff.,
which we have discussed.

II. Gandarawa, In India the mythical resistance of the Gan-
dharva to the attempt of a popular god to seize the S6ma under his
charge, as we have seen, caused his tribe to be regarded in some
quarters as demons ; in Iran the same cause, strengthened by the anti-
daévic preaching of Zarathustrianism, produced similar but far more
radical effects. The Avestic Gandarowa is simply a demon dwelling
beneath the waters of Vourukada, “ sole lord of the depths,’ who was
slain by Karasispa (Yast V. § 38, XV. § 28: cf. Windischmann,
Zor, Stud., p. 401.) when he sought to destroy the “ bodied beings of
Righteousness ” (XTX. § 41). Karesispa’s victory over him is an echo
of the same myth that meets us in the Vedic Rape of S86ma, and his
residence in the waters recalls the Vedic “ Gandharva in the Waters ".
Later tradition had a dim memory of his primitive connexion with
Yima, as a Pahlavi text (SBE. XVIII. p. 419; cf. Windischmann,
Zor. Stud., p. 31) represents him as son of Yima by a witch. On the
other hand, Yast XV. § 28 calls him the son of Ahura, and the litany
in Yaat XIII worships the fravasi of Gandarawa’s son the holy
Parganta, two facts which look like survivals from an earlier time,
before he had become a devil.

His standing epithet zairipdina is obscure It may mean “ having
yellow or golden-coloured heels’, which recalls the epithet siryateac
in AV. II. ii. 2. But zairi in Avestic, and its analogue Aart in Sansknit,
both mean also green.*, Hence we may with some probability translate
zairipiéng as“ green-heeled ", and see in it an allusion, albeit obscure,
to Gandarewa’s aquatic connexions, or to his germane quality as spirit
of vegetable fertility.

We may then venture to draw the conclusion that the early Indo-
Iranians believed that from the Mountain of Heaven a stream descended
which debouched into a great lake, whence fertilising waters spread

1 On the legends of Vima's fall cf. Windisehmonn, Zor. Siwd., p. 31 f.

* Cf. sairigaona “ green-hued "; see Bartholomae, Worferbuch, s.v., and on the
confusion of colours L. Geiger, Contributions to the History of the Development af the
Human Race (London, 1880), p. 56 1. The point is overlooked by Hillebrandt,

Vea. Myth. I. p. 25 f,

114 L. D. BARNETT—

over the whole earth ; that near this lake lay the Spring of Immortality,
the divine Séma-fount; that the Gandharva, the guardian of the
Spring, dwelt in this region of waters; and that Yama's realm, the land
of the Blessed Fathers, lay some distance beyond it.

B. THe Griavevs-Saca

A series of popular legends floating in Hellenistic lands and the
Near East, which for convenience we may call the Glaucus-saga,
has been ably collected and examined by my lamented friend Israel
Friedlaender in his Die Chadhirlegende und der Alexanderroman
(Leipzig, 1913). They consist primarily of the narrative of Pseudo-
Callisthenes, and secondarily of germane legends from Semitic and
Persian sources. The chief materials contained in them which bear
upon our subject may be thus summarised :—

Ps.-Call, relates (p. 7 ff.) that (a) Alexander in his expedition to
find the Spring of Immortality marched through a land of darkness,
and arrived at a region very full of water, Here, in a spot where the
air was sweetly scented, was a fountain with brightly shining water,
and this was the Spring which he was seeking, but he did not know it.
His cook, Andreas, recognising it because a dried fish which he washed
in it was restored by its water to life, bathed himself in it and thus
became immortal ; but he concealed this from Alexander ; (4) Andreas
debauched Alexander's daughter, and for this crime was cast into the
sea, where he became a sea-damon from whom the Adriatic Sea took

* To these hypotheses I venture to add a small epicycle of speculations on the
so-called caitya-aymbol found om many Indian coins from the earliest times,

As is now generally admitted, this symbol represents not a coilya but a mownfain,
At its base is normally a waved pattern which is most naturally to be interpreted
as signifying o river or lake, This at once Stiggests the Mountain of Heaven—the
Mount Méru of classical literatare—and the divine Lake at its base. The mountain
i8 aseociated on coins with other symbols—sun, moon, a tree, and on punch-marked
coins also a bird and a beast, possibly an antelope. ‘The sun and moorare obvious.
The tree, however, demands explanation, Sometimes it stands on the ground at
the side of the mountain, sometimes upon the mountain, and sometimes it is absent.
Either then it originally formed an integral part of the design, or else it was added
later to the mountain, which is equally possible: the separate and solitary AE
enclosed in a square paling is a common device on coins. On cither view the tree
may be compared to the Iranian White Hooma of which ae

Su parnddh yiya xiii. 5, p. 283 in Charpentior’s sdtuinay On othe y |

coins we find a huge bird on a tree, which reminds us of Garuda on Gas enka,
a well-known mythic trait, on which see Charpentier, Die Suparnasage, pp. 176 268.
The Rauhipa may be the “ Eagle's ‘Tree of Yait XII. § 17, which may possibly
be the same ns the Gaokorona. | *"

YAMA, GANDHARVA, AND GLAUCUS 715

its name: (ce) from the region of the Spring Alexander marched
onwards 30 schoinoi to the boundary of the Land of the Blest, paxd pew
«pa, upon which shines a light that isnot that of the sun or the moon
(cf. ibid. p. 203); but he did not enter here, for two birds with human
faces and voices bade him retire, and he obeyed.

To these outlines the other versions, chiefly from Muslim sources,
make some important additions. Firstly, (d) we find the cook who
became a sea-demon identified with KAidr, or, as the name should be
grammatically spelt, Ahadir, “ Green Man,” one of the most popular
figures of Oriental legend, and (e) Khadir is identical with the Greek sea-
god Glaucus (pp. 108 f., 242, 253, etc.). Further, (f) they definitively
locate the Spring either beside a rock at the Junction of two seas
(p. 88; ef. pp. 78, $1, 85, 112), or by a rock on the seashore (p. 95),
or on the top of a white rock (p. 198). They also assert (g) that its
waters issue from Paradise (pp. 39, 45 ff., 112, 135, 150, 198, 205, 501).

Khadir, who belongs to the Wandering Jew type, appears in a host
of legends as (1) a mysterious helper and counsellor of mankind in
all kinds of trouble and difficulty, a messenger of God by sea and
land; sometimes he is said to have been an angel of God in human
form, even the fourth archangel (p. 274). (2) He is constantly roaming
about over the Muslim world, but (3) he is especially associated with
seas, lakes, and underground waters (pp. 123, 184, 305, ete.) (4)
The reason for his name Khadir or Khidr, “Green,” is variously
explained: in ‘Umarah’s version he is so called because the earth
becomes green wherever his feet touch it (p. 145; cf. p. 111). Aufond
he is the same as Glaucus of Anthedon. Both obtain immortality
by chance; to both it becomes a weary burden, and they find comfort
in helping mankind; both are wanderers, associated with the sea ;
and both have the same name, for Khadir practically = yAavxos.
We may add that both have erotic associations, since in (@) we find
Andreas seducing a princess, and the amours of Glancus were many
and notorious,

Now in these stories we may see some main points agreeing with
those of the Gandharva-saga. In (a) we have as motif: a great king
seeks the Water of Life, but is forestalled and baulked by a servant,
who appears in (5) in an erotic réle and again in (¢) as a wandering
divine benefactor of mankind, especially connected with waters and
lakes named “Green Man”. This is surely an echo of the legend

2 Soin the Arabian Nights the Water of Life is on a mountain; of. A. Winache,
Die Sagen com Lebensbaum und Lebenswasser, p. 100 f.

116 YAMA, GANDHARVA, AND GLAUCUS

of the Gandharva, on the one hand as guarding the S6ma against the
God, and on the other hand as a generally benevolent but erotic
spirit of fertility associated with waters and travelling to and fro for
the welfare of the world. It may be objected that there is a wide gulf
between the story of the servant appropriating the Water of Life,
as told in the Glaucus-saga, and the Vedic legend, which makes the
Grandharva the keeper of the SGma; but, as we have seen, the chasm
was already crossed in India by the authors of the later Sambitas
and SBr., who represent the Gandharva as stealing Sima. Perhaps
also we may connect the green colour indicated in the name Ahadir
with the epithet cairipasna, “ green-heeled,” given in the Avesta
to Gandarawa, of which we have spoken above. It is even conceivable
that the “green heel’ may be the fish-tail with which Glaucus is
sometimes represented in art.

But there are more points of contact. The Spring lies in a well-
watered spot or by the sea, beside a rock (a, f,), not far from the Land
of the Blest, where there is a light that is not of the sun or moon (ec).
All these traits we have found, with slight variations, in the Vedic
and Avestic pictures of the site of the celestial Sdma and Yama's
realm. Finally, we may see in (q) a late form of statement for the old
doctrine that the Sima is from Heaven, and its fount isin Heaven.

It is obvious that the group of legends which I call the Glaucus-
saga 18, In the form in which it has reached us, removed longo intervallo
from the primitive Indo-Iranian story. But between the two cycles
there are s0 many points of likeness that it seems hecessary to conclude
that they were originally identical, Folktales strangely change ;
characters assume new colours and are moved by new motives; a wide
Gandarowa, between the debauched Andreas and the saintly Khadir.
It may well be that in the Glaucus-saga the motif of the weariness of
immortality is an adventitious trait, which was borrowed by it from
the Wandering Jew legend, and by which it has been profoundly
modified. It is, moreover, fairly certain that around the personality
of Khadir there have gathered many legends of help in distress and
al-faray ba‘d al-shiddah which previously had been floating throughout
the eastern world, and of which we have early examples in the Vedic
tales of Indra and the A4dvins. Making therefore due deduction for

FRESH LIGHT ON KHAWASS KAMAN
By E. Denison Ross

HE events following the death of Shir Shah in a.w. 952 (a.p, 145),
which led to the succession of his younger son, Jalal Khan, and
the ousting of his elder son, ‘Adil Khan, are related, with more or less of
consistency though with a good deal of confusion, by the principal
historians of the period, Out of the narratives of the Ta’rikh-i-Nizami,
the Tabagat-i-Akbari, the Akbar Nama, and the Nisatnama, Erskine
has compiled a connected story (see his History of India, 11, pp. 485 seq.),
which has been accepted by all later writers on the subject. Seeing
that Jalal Khan was in the capital and that his brother was away at
Kalanjar fighting by his father’s side, the nobles of Delhi decided to
place Jalal Khan on the throne with the title of Salim (or Islam) Shah.
Four of the leading nobles including Khawass Khan were deputed to
wait on ‘Adil Khan and to guarantee his personal safety if he would
come and visit the king, after which he would be allowed to go to
. whatever jagir he might chose. The meeting took place in Agra, and
ended in ‘Adil Khan's making a public renunciation of his rights to the
throne. ‘Adil Khan then withdrew to Biana. Shortly after Salim Shah,
by an attempt to make ‘Adil Khan.a prisoner, stirred up discontent
among his nobles, many of whom went over to his brother, including
Khawiss Khan. Ina battle which ensued in sight of Agra, all the nobles
save Khawass Khan deserted ‘Adil Khan, who fled from the field
and was never heard of again... Khawas3 Khan in the following year
took part in a revolt under A‘zam Humiyiin, the Governor of the
Panjab, and was finally captured and put to death by Taj Khan
Kirani, the Governor of Samkhal, who sent his head as an offering to
Salim Shah.

The author of the Arabic History of Gujarat, Hajji ad-Dabir, on
the authority of a personal narrative gives a very different story, which,
for what it is worth, seems deserving of record.

On p. 1001, 1. 15 seq., of the printed text we read :—

_ “ A certain Afghan who lived in Mahpiir in Gujarat used to relate
that when Shir Shih died [a.n. 952] Salim Shah was in Delhi,
and because his elder brother, ‘Adil Khan, was with his father in
Kalanjar, the Delhi nobles agreed to put Salim on the throne, which
they did. When ‘Adil Khan heard of this he said to Khawiiss Khan,

118 E. DENISON ROSS—

who was in his suite: ‘Is it fitting that the younger brother should
take precedence of the elder?’ [Khawass Khan] replied ; ‘ Both of
you are to me as my two eyes—but at the moment it is your stirrup
Tam holding.’ (‘Adil Khan] then said: ‘ In that case I will dispose of
him.” Now [‘Adil Khan] had a very strong force with him, and after
he had captured [Kalanjar] he returned to Delhi. He had planned
that when he met his brother he would embrace him like one returning
after a long absence ['ala ‘dat il-gha'ib], but would press him so
closely that his breath would be squeezed out of him and he would
leave him [dead] without a blow or a wound, and then ascend the
throne. But when he halted on the outskirts of Delhi, Salim took fright,
and out of fear of his brother he abdicated. Thereupon the Delhi
amirs [p. 1002] addressed [Salim] saying: “How can you have any
anxiety in regard to us who have taken you by the hand?’ He replied :
‘The only thing that would comfort me would be for one of you to
take my sword and gird it on me.’ The leading amir thereupon rose and
girded his sword on the prince, who, no longer feeling apprehensive,
set out to encounter his brother, who was very much on his guard
against him. ‘Adil Khin did not find an opportunity of carrying out
his intention, though he sought many times to find his brother. Most
of his father’s amirs now deserted him and joined Salim. He,therefore,
became apprehensive and left Delhi, with those who remained faithful
to him, among them Khawass Khin. Salim set out in pursuit with a
aumber of amirs following his footsteps, until they met in an encounter
in which ‘Adil Khan was taken prisoner, Khawiss Khan, however,
did not take part in the fighting, but turned in another direction, where
he captured the caravan carrying the treasure, which he drove before
him as far as Sikri. At that time Shaykh Salim was living there, and
Khawiss Khan called on him and presented him with the treasure-
caravan and begged for his blessing. He then proceeded on his journey,
but was overtaken by the troops of Salim Shah, whom he engaged and
defeated, so that he was able to halt wherever he wished, A number of
the amirs now threw off their allegiance and joined Khawiss Khan,
and they resolved to depose Salim. He then said to them: ‘ If you
seize him, who will sit on his throne 2° They replied: ‘ Either the man
himself who has triumphed over him and gains the victory will sit on
the throne, or he whom that man takes by the hand (i.e, swears

ll not try to get it for
all I tolerate the passing

FRESH LIGHT ON KHAWASS KHAN 719

of the throne from one who isa son of Shir Shih to one who is not?’
Khawiiss Khan then left them, and Salim Shah cametothemand ordered
Hajji Khan Ahmad (one of his father’s slave-kings) who had married the
sister of Khawiiss Khan, that he should take the offensive, and he
encountered the amirs and drove them off. Khawiss Khan, however,
turned away from Hiajji Khan and said: * I will not cause my sister
to grieve for her man, nor will I make her put on mourning for him.’
Hajji Khan drew rein and Khawass Khan shut himself up in the fort of
Kama’on. Salim Shih now sent some amirs to try and win over
Khawiss Khan to his side, taking the treaty with them. Khawags
Khan consented, and assembling his companions, took leave of them,
and asking their blessing, left the fort with a few of his following, and
set out with the amirs to visit Salim Shah. While they were on the way
he fancied he noticed a change in their manner towards him, and he
said to some of his attendants: ‘ ] am as good as killed without doubt, -
I have surrendered myself to them, it is not they who have brought
me by force; only I don’t know how my death will come about, and
I am frightened of nothing but the humiliation of Schadenfreude,
which my eye beholds. I make my blood legal to you [you may take
away my life], and when I make my prostrations in prayer, take my
sword and sever my head from my body.’ He then performed his
ablutions and declared his repentence of his sins (andba). And when he
knelt down on his mat to pray and called upon his Lord, his request
was carried out. When the news of this was spread abroad, the amurs
were full of regrets, and, leaving his body, they carried his head to the
court of the Sultan, who ordered it to be suspended from the gate of
Delhi. He then ordered the head to be joined to the body, and buried
them. His tomb is visited and blessings are derived from such visits.
Even to this day men sing his praises, He was lavish in the distribution
of alms, and devoted to pious men ; he helped the needy, was generous
to the poor, and adopted orphans. He fed the hungry, giving them
the choicest foods and plenty of sweets, so that he distributed every
night to people of that class and those who came with them a share of
the various kinds of sweets, of which there were a hundred qintars
every night, and the qintar is one hundred rutls; and other forms of
food in proportion. It happened one night that there was a shortage of
firewood, and it was a cold, wet night, so the cook was in difficulties.
He made inquiries about the sweets for the poor, and was told that
they had not been prepared owing to the lack of firewood. So he ordered
fire to be made with the shirts of the bodyguard instead of with wood,

720 FRESH LIGHT ON KHAWASS KHAN

and the fire to be kept alight by soaking them with olive oil,
which was done, And anyone who pictures to himself the prepara-
tion of 100 qintars with the use of fine shirts in order to satisty
the hunger of poor men, on a rainy cold night like this, will
realize the pious intentions of this man in performing good works in
the name of God. He was also famous for his military gifts, and in the
movement of troops and so forth, so that Shir Shih was indeed
fortunate to have the services of such a man.

“ When Shir Shah was encamped opposite Humayan, and Khawiss
Khan was at one stage distant from him, he refrained from fighting
and said: ‘ No banner shall be unfurled for me until I see him on the
right and left wing.’ An example of his justice was his saying to
‘Adil Khan : ‘ Both of you are as my two eyes to me.’ So that when the
two brothers fought, he withdrew from the battle. And what the
historian of Akbar Nama says, namely that he used to try and impose
on the people by distributing treasure he had taken from others, in
order to deceive high and low into regarding him as a man of piety,
is totally unfounded.”

AMAH TO THE EMPE

THE AKBAR-N

=
¥

ABU'L-FAZL PRESEN’ ING

A PORTRAIT OF ABU'L FAAL
Communicated by T. W. Arnoup

N° authentic portrait of Abu’l Fazl, the accomplished minister and

panegyrist of the emperor Akbar, has yet been published ; yet
he was one of the most prominent: figures at the court of one of the
greatest sovereigns known to history, and the long portrait gallery of
the dignitaries of the Mughal Empire in the period of its zenith 1s
incomplete without him. Mr. Vincent A. Smith, in his life of Akbar
(Oxford, 1917), included a picture of Abu'l Faz! from the Delhi Museum
(p. 306), but the Catalogue of the Loan Exhibition of Antiquities,
Coronation Durbar, 1911 (Archeological Survey of India), p. 100,
assigns it to the early part of the nineteenth century, and declares
that it is almost certainly not a portrait of Abu'l Fazl—a judgment
with which any one acquainted with Mughal portraiture can have no
hesitation in concurring.

Through the courtesy of Mr. A. Chester Beatty, we are permitted
to publish here a portrait of this distinguished statesman and man
of letters, taken from a MS. of the Akbar Namah (fol. 177), which,
though undated, must have been completed some time between 1602
and 1605, The picture shows Abu'l Faz! presenting the second volume
of his work to the Emperor, an event which probably occurred some
time in March, 1602 (see Mr. H. Beveridge’s translation, ii, pp. 576-7).
The name of the painter is given as Govardhan ; we have thus in this
picture a contemporary representation by one of the best-known
of Akbar’s court painters. No description of Abu’'l Fazl’s personal
appearance is available, whereby the accuracy of the portrait can be
tested, but the fleshy cheeks and neck are such as might be expected
from the account given in the Ma‘dthir al-Umara, where it is stated
that his daily ration weighed twenty-two sirs, or more than thirty
pounds of food, and his housekeeping was on a very lavish scale. It is
also noticeable that he imitates his royal master (as he might have
been expected to do) in wearing a small moustache, after the Hindu
fashion, and short whiskers.

TAXATION IN PERSIA

A Sywopsrs rrom THE EarLy Times To THE CoNQUEST OF THE
Moncots

By Mosrara Kuan Faten

OR some time past the writer has been endeavouring to collect -

material for the writing of an Economic History of Persia from
the earliest times to the present. He has found himself greatly
handicapped by the lack of accurate information respecting the
earlier epochs of Persian history, and his researches in this direction
are by no means complete.

He has nevertheless made extracts from such books and manu-
scripts as have been hitherto accessible to him in the hope that he
may be able to make use of information at some later date.

In the course of his reading, he has come across frequent references
to the systems of taxation in use in Persia at different times, and it
has occurred to him that it might be of interest to give in brief outline
some idea of these systems.

Before starting on this attempt it should be pointed out that
the geographical and climatic conditions of Persia have made great
continuity in revenue systems possible from the very earliest times.
Thé discoveries at Susa (the capital of Elam) in South-West Persia
have thrown much light on the economic conditions of that part of
the world, and show that the extremely fertile nature of the alluvial
soil of the Susanian plain led to the early development of agri-
culture. Among the inscriptions discovered at Susa by M. de Morgan
is a large granite obelisk covered on all four sides with ancient and
archaic writings dating back to nearly 4000 B.c. It gives an account
of money and objects given in payment by the King for certain estates,
it shows a complete system of agriculture and commerce, and explains
that land was estimated at its corn value. There is no doubt that
land-tax was known then, and its origin in Persia dates back to this
period, if not before.

The major part of taxation in Persia has always been the land-
tax, and it has increased or degreased according to the area under
cultivation. With the exception of brief periods during the foreign
invasions, the land at present under cultivation has probably been
under cultivation almost continuously from the earliest historical

or St? ee

ni ios =o ae

SS SS ms SC rh CC = oe
,

74 MOSTAFA KHAN FATEH—

times and probably much earlier, There was great increase in the
area under cultivation during the reign of Shahpur I and Anushirwan,
due to the extension of irrigation and other important public works
such as roads through the Zagros range, which had the effect of
encouraging settlements in land previously inhabited only by nomads.
It is probable that many areas thus colonized fell out of cultivation in
Luristan, Bakhtiari, and Fars, for instance, as a result of the disorder
following on the Arab invasion, and further very large areas went out
of cultivation in Khuzistan asa result of the breakdown and destruction
of the canal system in the fourteenth and subsequent centuries.
There is reason to believe that practically all available land was under
cultivation in the time of Anushirwan, an area probably three or
four times as great as that now cultivated.

It is impossible to travel anywhere in the Zagros Mountains,
from Sauj Bulag to Lar, without coming across great areas of terraced
cultivation with ruins, which must have once contained a large
population, The Zagros Mountains over their whole length, but
particularly between Kermanshah and Shiraz. are seamed with good
roads traversing the numerous rivers by means of beautifully con-
structed solid stone bridges, demonstrating an extensive traffic from
south to north, i.e. of sugar and silk, which were produced in Khuzistan
in quantities sufficient to supply the whole of Persia and to provide
a balance for export to Mesopotamia and further west. There is,
for example, evidence that the silk fabrics in use in E rypt in the
fourth century B.c. were made in Persia in the province of Khuzistan,
which was then, as now, the most highly industrialized part of Persia.

All this goes to show a continuity of the agricultural system with
the consequent system of the land-tax, and it ig interesting to note
that until the beginning of the present century the land-tax formed
about two-thirds of the total revenues,

The extremely scanty information jn regard to the periods
preceding the Achemenian times has obliged me to begin this paper
from the Achwmenians or Kianians, as it is called in Persian.

Tae ACHAMENIAN Pepjop (558 To 330 B.c.)

The fundamental features of _the State organization of the
Achamenids were due to Cyrus, the founder of the first

Cambyses and Darius followed in his footsteps and completed the

vast structure of the Empire, Daring’ task was particularly that of

TAXATION IN PERSIA 720

consolidating and perfecting the work of his predecessors, and it
was during his reign that the famous Satraps were appointed for each
province. These Satraps combined in themselves the functions of
civil as well as military governors; and were furthermore the
collectors of state revenues.

The inhabitants of Persia proper, the home district or satrapy of
the king, were exempt from taxation, Instead, they brought the
best of their possessions as a gift to their king on festival days (Plut.
Artax, 4-5). In return for this, he distributed rich presents to every
Persian man and women—the women of Pasargadw, who were
members of the king's tribe, each received a piece of gold (Plut.

' Alex. 69).

The other satrapies, which for the most part had been added
to the king's dominions by conquest, each had to contribute certain
taxes to the State. Before the time of Darius there was no system
of equitable taxation based on the fertility of the soil or its produce,
and each province of the Empire had to contribute a certain sum
which was fixed without any regard being paid as to whether it was
able to do so or not. Herodotus (Book III, 89) writes: “In the
reigns of Cyrus and Cambyses after him there was no fixed tribute,
but payment was made in gifts,”

In the reign of Darius a regular and more or less equitable distribu-
tion of taxation came into force which was based on an exact measure-
ment of the Empire in respect of the varying fertility of the land.
The State received a proportion of the produce fixed according to
the richness of the soil, and ranging from one-tenth to as much as
one-half; and the crops could not be reaped or the fruit collected
until the tax-collector was ready to take the share due to the State.

According to Herodotus (Book III, 95) the total cash amount
raised annually from the twenty satrapies, into which the Empire
was divided, amounted to 14,560 Euboeic talents (approximately
£5,500,000). The heaviest contribution was the gold-dust of India
amounting to 4,680 talents, Next to this came Assyria and Babylon
which contrilmted 1,000 talents; the next largest were Egypt and
the African dominions with 700 talents ; the provinces of Asia Minor
paid 1,760 talents; Syria, Cyprus, and Phoenicia 350 talents; Bactria
360; Susiana 300. Some of the less thickly populated satrapies
paid less, and it is therefore clear that the system was more or less
equitable,

The proceeds of this taxation were forwarded annually by the

_ eo, Ane «

126 MOSTAFA KHAN FATEH—

satraps to Susa. After defraying the annual expenditure, there
always remained a surplus which was placed in the king's treasury
as a reserve fund.

This reserve fund grew to be considerable later on, and Darius III
drew on it heavily to finance the war with Alexander the Great.
Notwithstanding this heavy expenditure, and the gold talents that
Darius took with him in his flight, there remained in the State
treasuries of Susa and Persepolis coined metal and bullion to the value
of 180,000 talents, the greater part of which was in bullion and gold
and silver wrought into vessels,

In the book of Ezra (chapter iv) it is mentioned that tolls were
also levied and paid. These tolls were probably occasional rather
than regular payments, and were therefore more in the nature of a
levy than a tax.

The greater part of the cash payments must have been derived
from a fixed annual land-tax (Neh. v, 4) which was based on the fertility
of the soil. There is a passage in Herodotus (Book vi, 42) relating
to the Persian administration of Ionia which says: “ And he measured
their lands by parasangs, which is the Persian name for a distance
of thirty furlongs, and appointed that each people should, according
to this measurement, pay a tribute which has remained fixed ever
since that time to this day.” This passage conveys the idea that
land-taxes were imposed regardless of the quality of the soil: and it
is not very clear whether this system held good all over Persia. But
it is evident from other available data that the thickly inhabited
satrapies with little territory paid more; it would therefore appear
that the fertility of the soil must to some extent have been taken
into account.

The contributions in kind were made particularly for the support
of the Army and the households of the kings, the satraps and the
officials under them. Herodotus mentions that for four months in
the year, the king and his Army were supported from the taxes in
kind paid by Babylon, and for the remainder of the year by the rest
of Asia. These contributions in kind consisted of all sorts of com-
modities such as horses and cattle, grain, clothing and its materials,
furniture, and all articles of industry.

When the Army was engaged in warfare, it maintained itself on
the country through which it passed or was quartered in. In time of
peace garrisons stationed in each sutrapy were maintained by that
province, while the Imperial Army stationed in the capital was partly

TAXATION IN PERSIA 27

maintained by cash payments from the Royal exchequer and partly
by contribution in kind.

The household of each satrap was provided for by his own province
and that of each subordinate official by the district under his charge.
These satraps and sub-satraps lived on a large scale and entertained
large numbers of people. The king had the largest household and
more than 15,000 men daily drew their sustenance from his table
The satraps’ and sub-satraps’ households varied according to the
district, but in all cases were considerable. In Nehemiah (chapter v)
we see that the cost of such entertainments was burdensome and
often was a heavy burden on the poorer communities.

The extent and value of these contributions in kind cannot be
accurately estimated; but from the figures given by Herodotus,
one may assume that they amounted to two or three times as much
as the cash payments. For example, Cappadocia, besides supporting
and maintaining the officials and its garrison, contributed every year
1,500 horses, 50,000 sheep, and 2,000 mules, while Media contributed
nearly double this number. Three hundred and sixty white horses
came from Cilicia; 1,000 talents of incense from Arabia; ebony
and ivory from Ethiopia; some precious stones from India; camels
from Babylon; foals from Armenia, ete.

From the fragmentary information available regarding this epoch
of Persian history it is not possible to define the precise burden of
taxation imposed, and the value received in return by the subjects
of the Empire in the form of peace, security, justice, administration,
public works, etc.

To summarize the system of taxation during this period, which
takes us to 330 B.c., we see that it was based on a cash payment as
well as a contribution in kind.

THE SELEUCID AND ParToian Empires (330 B.c. To a.p. 226)

The conquest of Persia by Alexander the Great, the subsequent
disintegration of his Empire, and the annexation of Persia by Seleucus
Nicator, brought about a diffusion of Hellenism resulting in the
introduction and spread of the Greek language, the establishment
of Greek cities, and Greek administration and civilization all over
Persia. There are very few data available to show that this Greek
domination introduced a new system of taxation, and that it radically
changed the character of the State administration. It is, however,

WoL. [V. PFAakT 1¥, 45

= ae

ee -

(pes. : MOSTAFA KHAN FATEH—

certain that cash and payments in kind continued as before; and
the continual wars waged by the different Greek armies considerably
added to the taxpayers’ burden. At this period we see that the Greek
rulers adopted the plan of securing their dominions by building Greek
cities in several parts of Persia. These cities were peopled by Greek
and Macedonian colonists and enjoyed civic independence with laws,
officials, councils, and assemblies of their own. They became the
main factors in the diffusion of Hellenism and were the centres of
commerce and industrial life ; and this, in conjunction with the Royal
favour and privileges accorded to them, continually attracted new
settlers and added to their population.

The establishment of these cities and the consequent growth
of commerce and trade introduced the origins of a new factor into
the economic life of Persia which later on reflected on the taxation.

The Parthian Empire which succeeded the Seleucids was totally
different from that of the Achwmenians as far as the powers of the
Central Government were concerned. The Parthian kings came
from a predatory nomad tribe who had partly adopted the Greek
civilization and partly had to base their system of Government on
what was left to them by the Achwmenians. They made no attempt
to incorporate or to weld the conquered states into a unified nation.
They were content to possess the open country and their capitals ;
and so long as their orders were obeyed and the customary tribute
paid, they allowed the subject people to develop on their own lines.
The feudalism based on tribal property attained a large measure
of success and resembled closely the feudal system of Kurope during
the Middle Ages,

The system of land taxation probably remained the same as
before, and cash tributes were received by the Parthian kings when-
ever they were strong enough to exact them from the provinces.

The Greek cities which, as we have seen, were scattered through-
out the Empire, enjoyed their municipal government, and paid an
annual fixed tribute which was assessed by their own local govern-
ments in the form of a poll-tax.

Besides the great families of nobles, who owned large estates
and paid very little in the form of taxation, there were the “ Magi”
priests who owned much of the best land, were granted special privileges
and paid no taxes. .

From the writings of certain Persian historians we gather that a
certain form of duty was levied on foreign goods entering the country.

TAXATION IN PERSIA : 729

In the description of trade routes given by these authors we see
customs houses established at the frontiers where duty was collected.

Commerce and industry grew during this period and the
first trade relations between China and Persia were established during
the period of the Arsacids, which is called by the Chinese An-Sih.
Trade between Persia and Rome also flourished through the agency
of Greeks and Jews, and on the whole certain marked improvements
were noticeable in the economic conditions of the people.

The large number of silver coins discovered, which belong to
the Parthian period, shows that the volume of trade was considerable,
and we read of silk goods manufactured in Babylon and other goods
which were exchanged for Roman goods.

The State expenditure consisted of the upkeep of the Royal house-
hold and the Royal guard, and very little was spent by the Parthian
kings on public works or national monuments. Fergusson, in his
History of Architecture, writes that Oriental architecture is practically
a blank from the conquests of Alexander the Great to the rise of the
Sassanian dynasty, and this shows that Parthian kings left very little
behind them in this respect.

With the exception of the Royal Guard, there was no standing
army ; and similarly to the Achwmenians, when war was declared
the monarch issued orders to his vassal-kings and satraps, who
brought their levies to an appointed centre on a fixed day. The
expenses of these levies were borne by the respective provinces.

Although very little is known about the Parthian Empire and
its organization, it can be safely said that they inherited the traditions
of the Persians, and all their external institutions were borrowed
from the Seleucid Empire. It can therefore be assumed that the
system of taxation remained much the same as it was in the time of
the Ach#menians,

Tue Sassanian Empire (a.p. 226 To 641) !

The system of taxation during the early Sassanian period was
divided into two main categories, namely (1) the land-tax, and (2)
the personal or poll-tax. The land-tax was called ‘‘ Kharagh ” and
the personal tax “ Gesith”. Later on the Arabs used the same terms
and pronounced them “ Kharaj * and * Jiziah ”.

+ With regard to this section I have consulted L'Empire dea Sassanides, by
A. Christenson G. Rawlineon's The Seventh Great Oriental Monarchy, the works of
Masudi, Tabari, and Firclwsi,

Teh MOSTAFA KHAN FATEH—

The annual amount of the poll-tax was fixed once and forall. This
tax may have had its origin in the cash payments levied by the
Achemenians, and its development into a fixed annual payment
may have been influenced largely by the tribute in cash paid by the
Greeks and Jews residing within the Parthian Empire.

The land-tax was based on an assessment of the produce, each
district or locality paying from one-sixth to one-third of the produce
according to the productivity of the land, and its proximity to the
town. The method of assessment of this tax often gave rise to
exactions by the officials, and discouraged the cultivator from
increasing his production. Also the varying conditions of the crop
caused the State's revenue to vary from year to year, thus making
it impossible for the Government to make an estimate of its revenues
beforehand. It often happened that the revenues did not meet
the expenditure, and resort was made to special assessment which
was a compulsory contribution to defray the costs of a special

The abuses and disadvantages of this system soon gave rise to
a good deal of discontent, and to a certain extent contributed toward
the rising of the Mazdakites, who believed in an early form of
communism.

Kobad (Kawadh I), who reigned from a.p. 488 to 531, and was
at first a disciple of Mazdak, saw the evils of this system of taxation
and decided to change and reviseit. But it was KhosrauI (Anushirvan
the Just) who set himself to the task of introducing the new system
which remained in force for a number of centuries, In this new
system a fixed amount, payable either in cash or in kind, was sub-
stituted for the fluctuating tax hitherto in force ; this change had the
great advantage of defining the respective positions of the taxpayer
and the Government in their relations towards each other, |

Every jarib of wheat or barley paid one dirham (7d.) per annum,
8 dirhams was paid for every jarib of vineyard, 7 dirhams for every
jarib of alfalfa, five-sixths of a dirham for every jarib of rice, one
dirham for every four Persian palm-trees, or for six Aramman palm-
trees, or for six olive-trees, - In addition to this one-tenth of the produce
was also collected in kind. All other products of the land were exempt
from taxation.

These payments applied only to the sown land, and tax assessors
had to ascertain every year which lands had been cultivated during
that year and which had been left uncultivated. This system of

TAXATION IN PERSIA Tal

annual survey involved the employment of a large staff, but 1t was
a great improvement on the past and facilitated matters considerably.
As a result of this method of assessment the cultivator was free to
work for his own benefit, select the land which gave him the best
return, and in short could be certain of reaping what he had sown.

On the face of it, this tax does not seem to have been heavy or
burdensome, but a good deal depended on the method of collection.
We have no information as to how this was done, and there is no
doubt that at times, when there was a bad crop, reductions were made.
But on the whole the new system greatly alleviated the condition of
the taxpayer and also brought in regular and at the same time larger
contributions to the Royal Exchequer.

The poll-tax was also reformed by Khosrau [. All males between
the ages of 20 and 50, except the nobles, dignatories, soldiers, priests,
and Government employees, invalids, and servants, were lable to
this tax. They were divided into various classes according to their
ability to pay, and payments varied from 4 to 48 dirhams per head per

Khosrau had copies of the new tax regulations sent to the tax-
collectors and judges, and also had copies posted in all the provinces
for the information of the public. He also entrusted the judges with
the duty of seeing that justice was rendered to the taxpayers. The
judges of the different districts had to render an account of exemptions
and reductions allowable in each case, and the central Government,
after considering these recommendations, confirmed them when
necessary by issuing instructions to the local tax-collectora.

To these regular taxes is to be added a property tax called “ Ayin”
which took the form of presents or donations to the king. These
presents were sent to the king on the occasion of the feasts of “ NoRuz”
and “* Mihrgan *’.

Additions to the revenue were furnished by the income from the
Royal domains and the royalties payable to the king, which amounted
to a considerable sum every year. The royalties were derived from
the mines, etc., amongst which mention must be made of the gold
mines of Pharangion.

Booty obtained in the course of the numerous wars formed an
irregular revenue which at times amounted to considerable sums
of cash, large quantities of jewellery and commodities, and even slaves.

The customs duties were also another item of revenue which
was paid into the Royal Exchequer.

Toe MOSTAFA KHAN FATEH—

The king’s treasury in the year a.p. 607 contained about
468,000,000 misqals of specie, amounting to about £13,500,000—
each misqal being equal to one dirham. [Besides this cash, there
were large quantities of jewels and other precious stones, which
probably were worth an equal amount. Notwithstanding the
incessant and costly wars in which Khosrau II was engaged in, we
learn from Tabari that in the thirtieth year of his reign he had collected
in his treasury 1,600,000,000 misqals of specie or nearly £46,500,000,
On the accession of the king all the money in the treasury was recoined
in the name of the new king, and all the archives of the Government
were recopied in the name of the new monarch. :

During the Sasanian period there were frequent remissions of
taxes In arrears, particularly on the accession of a king, in order
to make him popular. For example, Bahram V on the occasion of his
coronation ordered that tax arrears amounting to 70 million dirhams
should not be paid and that the land-tax of the first year of his reign
should be reduced by a third. During the famine in the reign of
Piruz, he exempted his subjects from the land as well as the poll-
tax, and even paid certain sums from his treasury to ameliorate the
condition of his people.

The average amount of taxation during the Sassanid epoch was
600,000,000 to 800,000,000 dirhams per annum.

The state expenditure consisted of the cost of wars, the upkeep
of the Court, the salaries of the Government employees, the cost of
constructing dams, encouraging agriculture, developing Irrigation, ete.
We read in Tabari that Khosrau I was constantly improving the
water supply, constructing dams, promoting the growth of the popula-
tion by dowering the poor and introducing the system of compulsory
marriage for all, providing guards and posts on all the chief arteries
of trade, improving the means of communication, building bridges, ete.
In the aggregate the State expenditure must have amounted to a very
considerable figure. The system of cash payments to the soldiers
which was introduced by Khosrau I added to the efficiency of his
troops, but was a drain upon the exchequer, as was also the cost of
providing them with arms,

From rae Aras Conquest to THe Moncor INVASION (4.p, 641-1230)
during the early years of Islam there was no regular system of
taxation except Zakat or alms, which consisted

ne ; : of certain voluntary
contributions by the rich and their division amo

ng the poor.

TAXATION IN PERSIA 733

Muhammad, imbued with a loftiness of purpose and permeated
by a deep sincerity and conviction in his mission, preached the equality
and brotherhood of man. One of the first means employed to achieve
this equality was the asking of voluntary contributions from the
rich, which later on developed into an income tax.

At the beginning of Muhammad's mission, Islam was purely a
religious movement, commenced with the sole purpose of propagating
the new teaching. Later on, however, when success and power came
to him, Muhammad was the ruler of Arabia and as such dealt with
laws, ordinances, and manifestos which laid the foundations of Islam
as a political power.

In the second year of Muhammad's flight from Mecea to Medina °
(a.p. 624) two new sources of revenue were tapped; one was
the booty gained in war, and the other the jizya, which consisted
of tribute or rent paid to the State by tolerated communities for the
right to work their land. This later on developed into a poll-tax.
The booty was divided equally amongst the warriors, while four-fifths
of the Zakat and jizya were divided among the poor people, the
remaining fifth going to the Prophet. There were no books or records
kept of this revenue, and people simply gathered together in the
mosque and received their share.

The holy war against the border countries, which Muhammad
inaugurated, was the best means for making the new religion popular
among the Arabs, for opportunity was thereby afforded for gaining
rich booty. The movement was organized by Islam for religious
purposes and the propagation of Muhammad's teachings, but the

asses were induced to join it for quite other than religious motives ;
and here we see that a religion was accepted and fostered by the Arabs
mainly for economic purposes.

Immense sums flowed into Medina as a result of the Arab conquests,
and as it became impossible for the Caliph personally to administer
the affairs of the State, the supreme office was gradually put into
commission, Omar, the second Caliph, was the first to establish
a proper system of accounts for the public revenues. He instituted
different Government offices called divans, one of which was concerned
with regulating and administering the public revenues, This divan
recorded all the revenues in books: and paid to each citizen a sum
commensurate with the service that he rendered to the State, which
in general was sufficient to meet his expenses.

The sources of revenue also became more elaborate and were based

744 MOSTAFA KHAN FATEH—

on five distinct lines, namely Zakat (alms or poor rate), booty, jizya
(poll-tax), Aharaj (land-tax), and other taxes.

Zakat was derived from the following sources: (a) Animals, (b)
cash, (c) fruit-trees, (d) cultivated land. As regards the first it was
levied on camels, oxen, sheep, horses, mules, and donkeys on a pro-
gressive scale. The Zakat on cash, in which category were classed
gold, silver, merchandise, etc., was about 2} per cent per annum.
The produce of fruit-trees exceeding a certain fixed weight was taxed
as follows: one-twentieth of the irrigated trees and one-tenth of the
non-irrigated trees, The cultivated lands paid the same as the fruit-
trees.

According to the laws prescribed in the Qur'an the Zakat revenues
were divided amongst those who had no means of subsistence, those
who did not have a sufficient income to meet their expenses, the
collectors of Zakat, those who were in debt, those who were fighting
for Islam, those travellers who lacked the necessary funds when
travelling, purchasing the freedom of slaves, and public works,

Those responsible for the collection of Zakat could distribute
it in such manner as they saw fit without authority from the Caliph.

Booty consisted of slaves, lands, cattle, merchandise, etc., captured
in war, and was divided amongst the warriors. As regards land
only that which was taken by force was seized and-divided up. If
the landowners were willing to accept Islam, they were allowed to
retain their land and pay the usual taxes. One-fifth of all the booty
was the Prophet's share as long as he lived: this he divided among
his family and the poor, ete. After his death this fifth went to the
State’s Treasury.

/izya.—Under this heading came annual tributes paid by different
countries to the Arab conquerors, and poll-taxes collected from the
non-Moslems, For example, in Egypt eve 7a]
two dinars per annum ; in other countries Omar introduced a system
on a sliding scale whereby the rich paid 48 dirhams per annum, the
middle classes 24, and the poorer people 12,

Like the booty, jizya was also divided up in
one-fifth went to the Prophet, and four-fifths w
the Army, and those who fought for Islam.
pay for the Army, after which the four-
State's Treasury.

Kharaj was the land-tax, the basis of
country which the Arabs conquered, the

such manner that
ere divided amongst
Omar instituted a regular
fifths were also paid into the

which remained in each
same as before,

TAXATION IN PERSIA Te?

Omar, after the conquest of Persia, retained the tithe system of
taxation which had long been in force. He divided all lands into
three classes: (1) land cultivated by Moslems, which paid one-tenth
of their product ; (2) lands taken by force of arms from the infidels and
cultivated by Moslems, which also paid one-tenth; and (3) lands
cultivated by non-Moslems, which were taxed at a higher rate.

On the whole every jarib of land paid one-tenth of its produce
in kind, and in addition there was a cash payment which differed
according to the product of land, e.g. every jarib of fruit-trees paid
1 dirham, palm-trees 8 dirhams, cane sugar 6 dirhams, alfalfa 5 dirhams
wheat 4 dirhams, barley 2 dirhams, etc. In certain cases the land-tax
in kind was increased whenever there was a good crop, and reduced
proportionately when the crops fell below the average.

In principle Aharaj was only levied on non-Moslems, but in practice
only Arab Moslems were exempt. In the twentieth year of the
Hijrah, the total amount of Kharaj collected in Persia was approxt-
mately 63 million dirhams, and in a.n. 85 this had increased to nearly
double that amount.

Other taxes in addition to the above were one-fifth of the produce
of mines worked, and one-tenth a transit tax or duty on all the
merchandise transported from one country to another for trade
purposes, which amounted in fact to a customs duty.

During the early years of Arab conquests, unbelievers were invited
to embrace Islam. If they followed a recognized sacred book such
as the Bible and were not idolators, they were given the choice between
becoming Moslems or submitting to the Moslems and paying the
jizya, in return for protection and their personal safety, If they
accepted Islam, their lives, families, and property were secure, and
they became henceforth part of the Moslem community. If they
refused these conditions and elected to fight their lives became forfeit ;
if they were defeated, their families were liable to slavery and all
their goods were seized.

The Persians, however, when they were attacked by the Arabs,
chose to fight them instead of submitting to their conditions. They
had a vigorous feeling of national pride, based upon glorious memories
of the past; and notwithstanding the internal disturbances and
external disasters which had shattered their Empire, they had not
yet lost their patriotiam. They fought against the Arabs in defence
of their holiest possessions, their nationality and their faith, but they
were defeated. The result was confiscation of their property, seizure

Tob MOSTAFA KHAN FATEH—

of their land, and many other hardships. Persia was reduced to
the position of a conquered state, its economic life was paralysed,
and consequently the ability of its inhabitants to pay taxes was
lessened,

Islam did not succeed in assimilating the Persians, and it took
a long time before the new religion was generall y accepted. Con-
sequently the Persians were made to pay very heavy taxes.

The first period of Arab conquest, which brought the conquerors
unearned wealth, placed the Moslems in a privileged position. They
were a ruling caste and the non-Moslems had to pay the land and
poll-taxes to support them. In order to restrain the Moslems from
engaging in any other occupation except the war, and defending the
newly-won territories, the early Caliphs and especia y Omar took great
care that Moslems should not be engaged in any occupation. As soon as
a non-Moslem embraced Islam, his land was distributed among his
non-Moslem relatives, and he lived on the support he received from the
public funds. Such a system led to wholesale conversions to Islam ;
and consequently a large number of producers were changed into
consumers, and the revenues began to decline.

Then came the Omayyad dynasty, and soon after the reconstruction
by Abdul Malik Marwan of the Administration of the Empire on
Arab principles, In Persia, Persian up till that time had remained
the official language, but henceforth all officials were compelled
to know Arabic and to conduct their administration in that language.
The religious motives of the Arab conquerors had undergone a change
and an Arab Empire was established, in which the Arab element
ruled for the benefit of the Absolute monarchs of the Omayyad family.
A regular postal service was instituted for Government dispatches,
and the postmasters were charged with the task of informing the
Caliph of all important news, Oppressions and exactions increased
in Persia under the Omayyad rule and various imposts were levied to
satisfy the ever-growing greed of the conquerors. They forbade the
newly-converted Persians to leave their land and enter the ruling class,
and forced them to undergo the treatment accorded to non-Moslems.
The Noruz tax was revived and amounted to nearly ten million dirhams
every year; & marriage tax was imposed on all those who wanted to
get married ; a sort of stamp tax was introduced for all those who
submitted petitions; all the expenses of the Arab officials were borne
by the people ; and besides the usual taxes collected during the early
period which were mentioned under the heading of Mohammedan

pag ® f

TAXATION IN PERSIA Tan

taxes, numerous other imposts were established which absolutely
drained the resources of ruined Persia.

During the reign of Abdul Malik, a uniform coinage was instituted
for the Arab dominions. The legal unit of weight was the “ dirham ”,
weighing 47°5 grains, and the dirham of silver became the unit of the
coinage. The gold coinage was the “ dinar ’’, equivalent to 12 dirham,
The coinage was supposed to be based on this legal standard but very
soon, owing to a reduction in the weight of coins and alloying the
precious metals, it fell away from it and dinars became nominal values
for purposes of accounts and the computation of various taxes. The
taxes were at first based on the legal standards, but when the current
com varied from the standards, the constantly fluctuating difference
between the value of the coin and that of the standards had to be
calculated. This system of coinage was also responsible for a good
deal of abuse on the part of the tax-collectors who demanded gold
dinars and fixed the ratio between dirhams and dinars as they pleased.
It often happened that the total taxes of a province were doubled or
trebled by this vicious method of calculation and brought some
provinces to the verge of ruin.

During the reign of Omar IT part of these exactions which had
resulted in certain rebellions were suppressed, and Persian Moslems
were allowed to benefit from the ordinary privileges granted to Arabs.
But his reign was a short one and the Arab officials who saw in him
an obstacle in their way of collecting wealth killed him, and his reforms
did not long survive him.

Under Yazid Il, these extortions increased more than before.
For example, we read that a certain official called Maslama had
pocketed the revenues of Khorasan and had failed to forward them to
Damascus. Instead of recovering these, his successor named Hobaira
levied another tax and ordered his successor to extort further large
sums of money from a number of the rich people of Khorasan,

Conditions in Persia improved, however, during the Governorships
of Khalid and Nasr. The latter instituted a fairly moderate system
of taxation whereby both Moslems and non-Moslems paid a fixed
tithe-tax, while non-Moslems paid a poll-tax in addition. This poll-
tax ceased to be levied on anyone as soon as he embraced Islam.
The average annual taxes collected in Persia (the provinces which
cover the present kingdom of Persia) during the Omayyads amounted
to about 130 million dirhams.

The injustices of the Omayyads, however, the luxury and wanton-

Too MOSTAFA KHAN FATEH—

ness of their court, as contrasted with the misery of their subjects,
and their frequent extortions from Persians resulted in the overthrow
of this dynasty by the Abbasids who owed their success almost entirely
to the help of the Persians.

The system of collecting the taxes during the highly centralized
Umayyad was that the Governor of each district collected
the taxes. After deducting the cost of collection, the Governors
paid the salaries of the Army, spent whatever was approved on public
works, and then remitted the balance to Dasmacus where the Caliph
resided. This was, however, changed afterwards, as will be seen
later.

Under the Abbasids the barrier that separated the Arabs from the
conquered nations crumbled away, chiefly owing to the fact that the
Arabic language, religion, and civilization were universally adopted
by, or rather forced upon, the subject races,

The heavy taxes imposed by the Umayyads had considerably
decreased the area of cultivation in Persia - and one of the first acts of
the Abbasids was to encourage cultivation, cause the return of peasants
to the land; improve the system of irrigation, reduce the taxes and
abolish the inequitable imposts.

_ The main sources of revenue accruing to the Abbasid Caliphs
were the following :—

1. A great number of villages which had been confiscated by the
Umayyad officials became the property of the new rulers, and the
system of confiscating the properties of their own officials, who were
also in the habit of making such exactions, considerably added to the
properties of the Abbasid State, Furthermore, a large number of
landowners in Persia who had been suffering under the Umayyads
had nominally made over their titles to important Arab officials in
order to escape the heavy exactions of the State officials, For example,
a good number of people in Azarbaijan had their lands registered under
the name of Marvan-ibn-Muhammed, Governor of Armenia, in Zanjan
under the name of Qasim-ibn-Rashid and so on. All these lands
became later the property of the Umayyad officials and were con-
sequently acquired by the Abbasid Caliphs. So that the Abbasids
owned a large number of villages in Persia when they assumed
power, and the existence of the Crown Lands in a large scale dates

This fact has been mentioned for the purpose of specifying that the
tax on Crown Lands, which was in fact the revenue accruing to the

TAXATION IN PERSIA 739

State, amounted in certain cases to as much as the land-tax collected
on privately owned lands.

2. The land-tax on privately owned lands varied in different
localities. In some provinces the State received a certain portion
of the produce, in others a fixed tax was levied in cash and in kind
according to the measurement, e.g. s0 much per acre ; again, in other
districts, the State and the taxpayer entered into a fixed arrangement
based on the survey of the land and its productivity. On the whole,
the second system was in vogue in most districts of Persia, and the
province of Fars was the most heavily taxed ; for example, 95 dirhams
was paid for every jarib of wheat, 118 dirhams fora jarib of palm-
trees or vegetables, 712 for a jarib of fruit-trees, and 123 dirhams
for a jamb of cotton.

3. The poll-tax was another source of revenue which was collected
from the non-Moslems. This had, however, considerably decreased
owing to the fact that most Persians had by this time accepted Islam.

4. Zakat or alms.—This tax, which m the early days of Islam
had amounted to a large sum, had been more or less replaced by
the land-tax and was a sort of voluntary contribution which later on
lapsed altogether.

5. All surface mines, which required no exploitation such as salt, ’
oil, etc., were exempt; but other mines which had to be worked
according to the then prevailing system were liable to a tax equalling
one-fifth of the product. In Khorasan, gold, silver, turquoise, mercury
were mined; in Fars and Kirman silver, iron, lead, sulphur, all of
which paid this tax.

6. Road Tolls and Customs Duty.—These were not fully developed
under the early Abbasids, but amounted to a considerable sum in
the ninth and tenth centuries. All commercial goods transported
one province to another for purposes of trade were subject
toa tithe tax. Such goods were not allowed to be sold before payment
of such duty, and then only through specially designated brokers
and under the supervision of the Government officials. Road tolls
were also collected on all merchandise passing between certain points.
One of the Arab writers (Ibn Hauqal) has stated that 1,000,000 dirhams
were alone collected during one year on goods sent from Azarbaijan
to Rei (Tehran).

7. Real Estate Tax.—This was a sort of ground rent which was
levied on those persons who had built shops, caravanserais, public
baths, etc., on State land.

740 MOSTAFA KHAN FATEH—

8. Royalty on Minting Coins.—There was no central mint for
the whole Empire, but local mints were established by authorized
private individuals who paid a fixed royalty to the State.

#. Other miscellaneous taxes, such as one-tenth of goods trans-
ported by ships in inland waters, a fishing tax, a poll-tax on artisans,
etc. These were not considerable and very little information is
available as to their basis, incidence, etc,

The security and good Government established by the early
Abbasids, whose power depended mostly on the Persian element,
and in whose administration Persians held important posts, went a
long way to revive the economic life of Persia and brought them
handsome revenues from the Persian dominions. Notwithstanding
this, there were often the heavy exactions which exist under absolute
monarchy, especially in large empires (which hold under their dominions
such wide territories). For example, it is related that Harun ur-
Rashid was once passing through Hamadan, and was struck by the
poverty of the inhabitants. He questioned the judge of the district,
who said that all was due to heavy taxation which amounted every
year to about six million dirhams. The Caliph suggested a reduction
of 20 per cent, and the judge replied that this would only relieve the
people from starvation, and should the Caliph wish to see his subjects
in a better condition he must reduce the total amount of taxes hy
50 per cent.

The greater part of the exactions, however, arose from the difference
in the weight of coinage, of which the tax-collector took advantage.
The latter usually demanded the heaviest coins in payment of taxes,
which often amounted in fact to something like a double taxation.
This injustice was to a certain extent remedied by Muhtadi, who
fixed an average weight for the coins collected as taxes,

Other exactions not sanctioned by the Caliphs, yet collected by
the Governors, were defraying the cost of entertaining the Caliph’s
officials when passing through a district, presents to the Governors
of the district on festival days, 5 per cent additional land-tax imposed
on those who refused to obey the orders of the Governors, extra
payments once made to the tax-collector which later took on the form
of regular annual payments, and all sorts of other petty exactions.

As regards the system of collecting the taxes, it was usual for the
Abbasid Caliphs to farm the taxes to tho Governors, who in their
turn leased them to their subordinates, The latter also held the heads
of tribes or a few of the most influential people of each distri

TAXATION IN PERSIA T41

responsible for the actual collection. These people entered into a kind
of official agreement by which they undertook to collect the usual
taxes, thus saving the Governor of the district all the trouble and
expense connected with such collection and at the same time
guaranteeing the payment of the amount due. A few of these agree-
ments or letters of guarantee, which make excellent readings, are
quoted in full in a rare and unpublished manuscript called “ Kitab-i-

This system of farming the taxes to Governors of provinces was
mostly responsible for the semi-independent character of such
Governors at a later period, and constituted the net income of the
Caliphs from these provinces after allowing due provision for the
defraying of the cost of garrisons, the salaries of local officials, etc.

As an example of what Persia paid to the early Abbasid Caliphs,
I quote here from Ibn Khaldun the revenues of those provinces which
were included in the present territories of Persia during the reign
of Caliph Mamun :—

Province. Cash. Kind.
Dirhame.
Ahwaz 25,000,000 30,000 ratls of sugar.
Fars 27,000,000 30,000 ratls of rose water and
20,000 ratls of black olives.
Kirman 4,200,000 Cloth material for 500 suits of

clothes and 20,000 ratls of dates.

Kara} 800,000
Makran 400,000
Gilan 5,000,000)
Khorasan 28,000,000 2.000 bars of silver, 4,000 horses,

1,000 slaves, 20,000 suits of
clothes and 1,000 bundles of

silk.

Jorjan 12,000,000

Qumas 1,500,000 1,000 bars of silver.

Tabaristan 6,300,000 600 carpets, 200 cloaks, 500 suits
of clothes, 300 handkerchiefs,
300 brass bowls.

Ray 12,000,000 20,000 ratls of honey.

Hamadan 11,300,000 12,000 ratls of honey and 1,000

ratls of pomegranate juice,

742 MOSTAFA KHAN FATEH—
Province. Cash.
Dirhame.

Dinur and Nihavand 10,700,000
Masbazan and Reyan 4,000,000
Zour 6,700,000
Azarbaijan 4,000,000

In a.p. 873 the greater part of Persia fell into the hands of the
Saffarids, who are said to have exacted large sums of money from
the people. The ambitions of Yaqub ibn Laith and the wars waged
by his brother Amr must have cost the country considerable sums
of money. There are no records of any changes in the system of
taxation during their reigns but it can be assumed that their exactions
were heavy.

During the tenth century two semi-independent dynasties ruled
in Persia, the Samanids and the Dailamites. The Samanids are
on the whole noted for their good treatment of their subjects. The
Dailamites were nominally obedient to the Caliph, and Ali Bin Buya
paid for some years a sum of 600,000gold dinars to the Caliph’s treasury.
During the reign of Azud-ud-Dawleh he increased the land-tax, levied
a tax on animals and introduced a state monopoly of all the ice and
snow in the country. Vassaf says that the Kharaj of the territory
under Azud-ud-Dowleh’s rule was 2,000,000 gold dinars,

There is very scanty information about the system of taxation
during the Ghaznavids who ruled in Persia in the tenth and eleventh
centuries. It can be assumed, however, that owing to the Ghaznavid
conquests of northern India and the immense riches that resulted
from these, the Persians were not oppressed and the usual taxes were
collected on a fair basis.

Then came the Seljuks, during the reign of whom we read of the
extension of Justice and the prosperity of the people. Many new
lands came under cultivation, large numbers of dams were built,
numerous irrigation canals constructed, all of which are evidence
of the security which was prevalent at that time : consequently the
burden of taxation cannot have been heavy or inequitable,

The Seljuks were succeeded by the Mongols, who overran Persia,
MAssAcring vast numbers of its inhabitants, The eSCOnOmMITe life of
the country was virtually destroyed and many areas which then went
out of cultivation have never since been under the plough. The
result was that the whole official class was w; out, the
records were destroyed, the system of communications was rendered

TASATION [IN PERSIA 743

impossible, and the currency disappeared to be replaced by their
own crude system which was wholly inadequate to the requirements
of a highly organized and prosperous state such as Persia had been.

It was left to the Safavi dynasty after a lapse of nearly 150 years
to restore the national spirit and administrative organization of the
Empire, upon the memory rather than upon the foundations left
by their Seljuk predecessors.

That they were able to do so and that they succeeded in restoring
within a few decades the unity and the prestige which the country
had enjoyed under the Seljuks is due to the fact that during the
previous 150 years of anarchy the Mongols had not only failed to
devise any system of their own, but had been virtually absorbed by
the more intelligent and more virile race whom they had overwhelmed
and massacred but never governed. The Mongol Empire in fact
shared the same weaknesses and suffered the same fate as that of their
Greek and Arab predecessors and of their Afghan and Turkish

VOL [V. PART IV, 49

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STUDIES IN CONTEMPORARY ARABIC LITERATURE
By H. A. R, Grae
I. THe Nixetreextu Century

)F the modern literatures of the East, that of the Arabic-speaking
peoples has received singularly little attention in Europe. The
most probable explanation is that the small body of Europeans who
read Arabic with any ease are so occupied with researches into the
rich historic past of Islam and the Islamic peoples, that the present
holds no interest, or possibly no attraction, for them. But the fact,
whatever its cause, is regrettable. It creates a misunders‘anding
in the minds of less qualified but more interested persons, a
misunderstanding which even years of residence in the East may
do nothing to remove. There is prevalent, indeed, in France and
Germany, no less than in England, a markedly negative attitude
towards neo-Arabic literature, which reaches its absolute point in the
dictum of a recent writer that “ Modern Egypt has no language, no
literature, no legends of tts own".! As it stands the statement is
untrue; but for the tag it would be grotesque. Modern Egypt
has not yet indeed severed its connexion with the Ambic and the
Islamic world. Yet in the same work it is recorded * that “ Cairo
has two hundred and seventeen printing presses, which turn out on
an average one book or brochurea day ”. Even granting the addendum
that “ Much of this is translation into Arabic of western fiction”;
there is a substantial residue, to some part of which no unbiassed
eritic would deny without examination the status of literature,

In face of this no apology is required for some attempt to describe
the character and tendencies of a number of works by recent and
contemporary writers in Egypt and Syria.* It is obvious that no study
of the social phenomena of any country can possibly be complete
without some understanding of the literature produced and read in it.
In the case of the Arabic-speaking countries their present literature

1 George Young, Egypt (London, 1927), p. x.

* Thid., p. 234.

* Except for a few scattered articles, the only European sources of reference are o
number of studies in various Russian journals by Professor I. Kratchkowsky (whose
personal encouragement I would here gratefully acknowledge), and the review pages

of recent numbers of the Mittheilungen of the Berlin Oriental Eceminary (MSO8.),
due to Profesor G. Kampfimeyer. See alao MSOS., xxviii (1925), 249-02.

746 H. A. R. GIBB—

serves with special force as a criterion of the intellectual movements
now agitating them ; indeed there is no other by which the real can
be distinguished from the artificial so clearly and decisively. The field
is already so large that it can be covered only by long and intensive
study, and the present series of articles must be confined in the first
instance to modern prose writing. Modern Arabic poetry, like classical,
is a subject sue generis, A still more promising field of study which
awaits investigation is modern Arabic drama, especially the plays
written in the colloquial speech of Egypt, but such a study, if it is
to be anything but a theoretical exercise, demands a wider acquaintance
with the Egyptian stage than falls to the lot of most European students.
Even within the sphere of prose literature certain limits must be
fixed. It is fully justifiable to include in a “ classical” literature
technical and scientific works, since it is only as books that they
survive. In dealing with recent and contemporary literature, on the
other hand, all considerations demand the exclusion of technical
matter, unless, indeed, it possesses a literary value by reason cither
of its style or of the influence it exerts. Nevertheless in a young
literature, standing often in close dependence on foreign models, these
limits must not be so strictly enforced as where a definite tradition
has been established. Arabic literature in particular must take into
account much that would not come within the scope of literature,
as it is understood in Western Europe.

It may be asked at this point by what right Arabic literature
is called a young literature. To all appearances it is entitled to claim
a history of thirteen centuries, a longer period of continuous literary
activity than any living European language can boast. But beneath
the apparent linguistic continuity Arabic literature js undergoing
an evolution comparable in some respects to the substitution of
Patristic for Classical Greek literuture and idiom. Neo-Arabic
literature is only to a limited extent the heir of the old “ classical ”
Arabic literature, and even shows a tendency to repudiate its
inheritance entirely. Its leaders are for the most; part men who have
drunk from other springs and look at the world with different eyes.
Yet the past still plays a part in their intellectual background, and
there is a section amongst them upon whom that past retains a hold
scarcely shaken by newer influences, For many decades the partisans

1 For this ser Zaydin iv, 152-7; Muhammad Bey Taymar «%,2]) (iL (Cairo,
1022), esp. 22-6, 47-112; al-Aggid Dlallle, 259-99; ol r Bayt!

STUDIES [IN CONTEMPORARY ARABIC LITERATURE T47

of the “ old” and the “ new ” have engaged in a struggle for the soul
of the Arabic world, a struggle in which the victory of one side over the
other is even yet not assured. The protagonists are (to classify them
roughly for practical purposes) the European-educated classes of
Egyptians and Syrians on the one hand, and those in Egypt and the
less advanced Arabic lands whose education has followed traditional
lines on the other. Whatever the ultimate result may be, however,
there can be no question that the conflict has torn the Arabic world
from its ancient moorings, and that the contemporary literature of
Egypt and Syria breathes, in its more recent developments, a spirit
foreign to the old traditions.

It is indispensable to examine in some detail the genesis of these
modern movements. During the nineteenth century, which found,
at its opening, the Arabic world still slowly recovering from the nervous
exhaustion that followed its brilliant medieval career, and still closely
tied to its old traditions, there was a progressive infiltration of Western
ideas.t While the literary activities of the early part of the century
were thus merely a continuation of those of the preceding centuries,
a steady current of European, and more particularly French, thought
was being simultaneously injected into the minds of two different
sections of the community, in two different centres, and from two
sources differing widely in their aims and methods.

1 ‘The most complete account of Arabic literature in the nineteenth century is
Pére Louis Cheikho's al- Adah al-‘arabiya fi'l-garn at-fam*-ashar (2 vols., second edition,
Beyrouth, 1924-6—a supplementary volume including writers who died between
1901 and 1026 is in course of republication from al-Machrig, 1025-7). This work is
quoted below as Cheikho. The fourth volume of Gurgi Zaydin's Ta'rikh adab al-
laghah al-‘arabiya (Cairo, 1014) devotes the greater part of ite space to the literary
organizations of the nineteenth century, schools, libraries, societies, etc. Neither
of these works offers a general study and analysis of the various movements. More,
detailed accounts of the principal writers are given in Gurgi Zaydin's collection of
biographies (mainly reprinted from the journal al- Hilal) entitled Mashihir ash-Sharg
(second ed., Cairo, 1911), quoted below as M.SA. Similar biographies are scattered
through various Arabic periodical publications, complete sets of any of which are
searcely to be found in London.

There are no European studies of comparable scope. The sections devoted to
nineteenth century literature in ©. Huart’s Litférafure Arabe (pp. 404-35) and C.
Brockelmann’s Geschichte der Arabischen Litteratur (vol. ii, 460-06; pp. 241-60 of his
handbook) are little more than random catalogues of names and books, meaningless
when divorced from the movements that alone give them significance. English
works on Arabic literature treat exclusively of classical literature. A series of
articles from the pen of my honoured teacher, Shaykh M. H. ‘Abd ar-Raziq, in this
Bulletin (Vol. Ul, pp. 249-65, 755-62) has unfortunately remained uncompleted. An
excellent general analysis by Professor Kratchkowsky appeared in Vostok, vol. 1
(Peterburg, 1922), pp. 87-73.

148 H. A. R. GIBB—

In Egypt the principal sources from which European thought
was radiated were the technical schools founded by Muhammad
(Mehemet) ‘Ali, and the educational missions which he despatched
to Europe. These schools, modelled on European lines, often under
European supervision, had as their first aim the training of doctors.
administrators, lawyers and technical experts of all kinds, who were
necessary for the carrying out of the Pasha’s ambitious projects, It was
inevitable that many of the graduates should be attracted towards
other sides of Western culture than those which they were primarily
studying, more especially towards French literature. Particularly
was this the case in the School of Languages, under the guidance of
the gifted Rifa‘ah Bey at-Tahtawi (1801-73),1 whose students trans-
lated in all more than two thousand works into Arabic and Turkish.
The effect on Arabic literature in Egypt was not immediate, but bore
fruit in the second wave of Occidentalism under Khedive Isma‘il.
As a typical product of the advanced wing of this movement we may
take Rifa‘ah Bey'’s pupil, ‘Osmin Galil (1829-98).* His principal
literary works were all translations of famous French books, Paul et
Virgime, the fables of Lafontaine, and a few of Moliére’s comedies.
The remarkable feature of his work, however, was not the fact of
the translations, but their modernist spirit. Lafontaine he translated
into simple, unaffected Arabic verse, but Moliére into colloquial
Egyptian, The time was scarcely ripe for a step so decisive, but
the complete breach with the past which it illustrated was an indication
of the spirit of the age. “ Egypt,’ said her Khedive, “has become
a part of Europe’; Egyptian literature should show its independence
of Asiatic and African traditions.

In Syria the westernizing movement was more rapid and thorough
among the Christian communities, particularly of the Lebanon.
~ Its agents were the missionaries and their schools, where the younger
generation came under direct European influence, strengthened in
many cases by subsequent study in the West, chiefly in France. In
its early stages the movement went rather too far in the direction of
westernization, and tended to produce a loss of balance? The most

‘ M.Sh,, ii, 19-24; Cheikho ij*, 8, An excellent study of him from the pen of
Mub. a9-Sidiq Husayn Bey appeared in as-Siassa, weekly edition, 28th May, 1927.

* Eheikho, ii, 100-2; Zaydin, iv, 245; BSNS, jj. 256-7: Brockelmann, ii,
476-7; esp. Vollors, ZDMG., xlv (1891), 36 ff |
* Asa figure typical of many we may take Fransis Marrish of Aleppo (1836-73)
(Cheikho, ii*, 45-8; MSA. ii, 285-8), His works, which are chiefly on social and
philosaphical subjects, bet include one novel, were inspired by his studies, not in
mia but in French literature, Cf. Qustaki al-Himsi, daa’ Halah (Aleppo, 1925),
PP- HO,

STUDIES IN CONTEMPORARY ARABIC LITERATURE 749

remarkable Syrian figure of this early period was the celebrated
(Ahmad) Faris ash-Shidyagq (1804-87). Only his early education was
obtained in Syria, and it is probable that a stronger influence was
exerted on him by the westernizing movement in Egypt, where he
worked for a time on the staff of the Official Gazette, afterwards spending
several years in various European countries. He was converted to
Islam in the fifties, while in the service of the Bey of Tunis, and settled
finally in Constantinople, where the erstwhile modernist became one
of the champions of Islamic orthodoxy.

The break thus suddenly created between the old and the new
in both the principal centres of Arabic literature seemed to be complete.
The Arabic literary world was split into two hostile camps, each
bitterly contemptuous of the other. On both sides, indeed, the
protagonists were in an artificial position. The adherents of the old
tradition were out of touch with the developments which were
revolutionizing contemporary thought; they appealed only to a
_ narrowing circle of kindred spirits, and in so far as they remained
tenaciously conservative they were fighting a losing battle. The
protagonists of the new movement, on the other hand, as 1s often the
way with small groups, had run or been thrust too far ahead, and in
cutting themselves adrift from the past they were hacking at their
own roots. At this stage no original literary creation could be expected
of them: they were still suffering from the bewilderment and lack of
mental adjustment caused by the suddenness of the revolution.
Western ideas had been too rapidly acquired to have penetrated more
than skin-deep.

After the Reformation, the Counter-Reformation. The more
far-seeing conservatives realized that simple immobility meant
ultimate defeat, and that if their old traditions were to count for
anything in the lives of their people, the past must be restudied at
its sources, and its values reaffirmed in living terms, adequate to the
needs of the age. The cobwebs spun by generations of imitative
writers during the last few centuries of stagnation and decay must
be cleared away. This revivalist movement also showed itself in both
Syria and Egypt, but again in different fashions. In Syria it took the
form of an Arab revival—a throw-back to the historic Weltanschauwng
and methods of the first Arab centuries: This school is linked with the

1 MSA. ii, 81-02; Cheikho, i*, 86-8; Huart, Litdrafure arabe, 408-9.

750 H. A. E. GIBE—

name of Nasif al-Yaziji (1800-71), its founder and inspiration. The
purpose to which he dedicated his life was to restore pure classical
Arabic to its old status, and sweep out all disfiguring modernisms in
style and thought. He stands out as indisputably the greatest Arabic
scholar of his time, and his influence extended far beyond the limits
of Syria. Nevertheless his work was a tour de force in so far as he rejected
all accommodation to the circumstances of his age, and his school,
continued after his death by many of his pupils, notably his son
Ibrahim (1847-1906),? was unable to maintain a standard henceforth
impracticable, Nagif was indeed one of the “ pillars’ of the modern
Arabic renaissance, but not in the sense that he determined the
direction which it was to follow ; rather that it was largely due to his
lifework that the Syrian school, which played so great a part in the
following decades, was saved from the danger that. threatened it of
declining into a pale reflection of a culture foreign to its nature and
traditions, and recalled to a better appreciation of its own history
and literature.

While Yaziji was thus striving to stem the tide of modernism,
there was growing around him in Bayriit itself another school of writers,
whose influence eventually outweighed his and gave to Syria the pre-
dominant position in Arabic letters which it enjoyed in the latter
half of the century, While associating itself with his aim of reviving
the ancient learning of the Arabs, it sought also to assimilate the
elements of value in Western literature and literary technique? The
principal leader of this school was Butrus al-Bustani (1819-83), a
pioneer in many branches of literary activity, and founder of the first
Syrian “ National School”. The breadth of his interests, visible even

_A.Sh., i, 9-18; Cheikho, ii*, 27-85. See also Chenery, The Assemblies of
al-Hartri (London, 1867), 98-101; Kratchkowsky, Vostok. ii, 91.

* M.3h., ti, 119-36; Cheikho, ii* 39-49. To the works there enumerated there
is now to be added the selection from his letters, ete., published in Cairo in 1920 under
thetitleof > 5L!] L,. |

* OF the many institutions which contributed to the spread of Western studies
in Bayrit, the Syrian Protestant College (now the American University), founded in
1866, stood in the closest relation with the leaders of the literary movement and
exercised the moat far-reaching influence. In ite early years it was directed by a
group of notable scholars, the most remarkable of whom was Dr. Cornelius van Dyck
(1818-95; see MSh., ii, 40-4; Cheikho, ii, 4), a close friend of Butrus al-Bustani,
and author of a number of educational works in Arabic, chiefly in the physical
sciences. For the American Press (1834), the Catholic Preas (1848), and other
printing presses in Syria prior to 1870 sec Cheikho, i?, 48, 74-8,

* M.Sh., ii, 25-32; Cheikho, ii?, 196-7,

STUDIES IX CONTEMPORARY ARABIC LITERATURE TOL

in his comprehensive (and clearly-arranged) dictionary of classical
and modern usage (Lae 42+), found a field of expression in his
Encyclopedia ( s,lal) s_Jls), the first of its kind in Arabic.
It was left unfinished at his death, four additional volumes, bringing
the total up to eleven, being afterwards added by his literary heirs
and executors, his son Salim (1848—-84),? and distant cousin Sulayman
(1856-1925).4 Sulayman al-Bustani is the outstanding representative
of the Christian Syrian community in the last decades of the century,
with all its eager, many-sided activities and restless wanderings.4 A
successful journalist, merchant, statesman (he was for a time Minister
of Commerce in the Turkish Government), poet, and inventor, his
supreme service to Arabic literature was the translation of the Ziad
from the original into Arabic verse—the first sustained attempt to
present a masterpiece of classical literature in a form which the Arabic
world could assimilate.®

Yet another great service to Arabic, perhaps the greatest of all,
was rendered by the Syrians of this intermediate period. While
Egypt had had its Journal Officiel (4_-<l) 28 )) since 1828, it
could boast of no non-official journal until 1866, when Shaykh Abu’s-
Sa‘iid founded the bi-weekly Wadi'n-Nil at Cairo. The earliest news-
papers due to private enterprise appear to have been a number of
ephemeral journals which appeared in Syria between 1855 and 1860,
but the distinction of being the first regular non-official journal of
standing issued in the Arabic language belongs to al-Jawé ib, founded
at Constantinople in 1860 by Ahmad Faris.

The example once set was not long in finding imitators. Under the
favourable conditions of Isma‘il’s reign a host of journals sprang
up in Egypt, most of them doomed to early extinction. With few
exceptions the proprietors and editors of these journals were Syrian

1 See on this Dozy, Supplément aux Dictionnaires arabes, p. xi.

? Cheikho, ii, 127-8; Zaydiin, iv, 274.

4 Kratchkowsky in the Bagaly-Featechrift of the Ukrainian Academy of Eciencea
(Kiev, 1027); al-Machriq, xxiii (1925), 7178 ff.

« The social and intellectual effervescence of the Lebanon between the sixtics
and nineties, which is one of the most remarkable phenomena in modern Arabic
history, still awaits a historian.

* On this see Kratchkowsky in article cited above (note 3), and review by Prof.
Margoliouth in J RAS,, 1905, 417-23.

* Zaydin, iv, 64-5. For a list of works dealing with Arabic journalism see BSOS.,
ii, 257-8.

TH? H. A, BR. GIBE—

Christians, graduates of the schools of Bayrit.! The part played by
journalism in the development of modern Arabic literature is almost
impossible to over-estimate. The journals not only supplied a school
for the training of young writers, but impelled Arabic style along a
line of evolution to meet the daily needs of the press. The old literary
style, the creation of a small élite, involved, periphrastic, and laden
with obscurities, was out of touch with modern needs and expression,
and unfitted to serve as a medium for organs whose existence depended
on obtaining the widest possible range of readers. Even the less stilted,
but still severely academic style of Bustani and his school, was
impossible. Something else was needed. By tradition and all the
inherited instincts of the Arab writer, the colloquial was ruled out ;
moreover it would have placed a fatal obstacle to the expansion
of their area of influence outside the narrowest local zone, The task
which lay before the journalists was not an easy one, and their problem
could not be solved ina day. In its earlier stages the language of the
journals was, in the eyes of Arabic critics, a very model of poverty
(rakakah). Syrian writers showed a tendency to cultivate fluency at
the expense of style, and incurred the reproach (still laid at their door)
of using unduly European turns of phrase. But as the press developed
it began to acquire a power of expression and a flexibility that Arabic
has scarcely known in its long literary history. For this cradual
improvement journalism was greatly indebted to the growing strength
of the new literary movement in Egypt, to which we must now turn.

_ The revivalist activities of the conservative leaders in Egypt were
timid and hesitating when compared with the bold antiquarianism
of Yazyi. The principal reason for this was undoubtedly that, whereas
the Syrian movement was almost entirely the work of Christians
stressing the Arab element in their history,? the Egyptian movement
was the work of Muslims. The former could throw off the incubus

hak

ome! 2 >! ue es ms 3 ae 4 al! 43 \>=_all =k Mandr
xvi (1391), 875). See also the chapter La Presse by Achille Sékaly Bey in the volame
entitled L' Egypte (Cairo, 1926), especially pp. 431-2; “ Tl ext génécralement admis
que l'elément syrien a joué un réle prépondérant dans la création et le développement
de la presse périodique aussi bien que dans la renaissance dea Lettres arabes en Eevote-
Jusqu’a cea derniéres années, ses journeaux ont montré le plus de vitalite, d'initiative,
Cesprit d'organisation et de progrés. Mais, aprés la guerre surtout, ces qualités ont
commencé a se manifester parmi l'élément purement égyptien.” |

* The fact may be accepted without prejudice to the ultimate results of ethno-
graphical research into the population of the Lebanon.

STUDIES IN CONTEMPORARY ARABIC LITERATURE 753

of five or (if they liked) ten centuries with light hearte ; to their Muslim
contemporaries there were theological reasons for walking more
warily. When taglid is erected into a dogma, only the boldest spirits
dare pry into what lies behind. The classical revival found its most
prominent representatives in the field of education. The analogue
of Nasif al-Yaziji was Shaykh Hamza Fathallah (1849-1915), for many
years chief inspector of Arabic in the Government schools, who “ loved
the Arabs and the Arabic tongue, and considered that God had endowed
it with every distinction (maziyah), that every form of modern civiliza-
tion which was now being revived had been anticipated by the Arabs,
and that its name had a synonym in their language.” He was one of
the delegates from the Egyptian government to the congress of
orientalists at Stockholm in 1888.2 The delegation was headed by
‘Abdallah Pasha Fikri (1834-90), the Egyptian Minister of Education,
whose literary style is sufficiently indicated by a current saying
comparing him with the famous Badi az-Zaman of Hamadhan, the
popularizer of rhymed prose.“ Nevertheless, Fikri Pashi was a man
of more enlightened views than Shaykh Hamza, and ranks justly as
one of the “ pillars" of the revival, together with his colleague and
successor in office, the more famous ‘Ali Pasha Mubarak (1825—93).°
The reputation of both ministers rests, in fact, less on their literary
works than on their activities as educational reformers. By their
joint efforts the Khedivial Library was brought into being, while
‘Ali Pasha Mubarak was the founder of the Dér al-‘ultim, the first
higher training college in Egypt outside al-Azhar. It is not a little
due to the influence of these three scholars that the teaching of Arabic
in the Government schools has retained to this day a strongly con-
servative character, in striking contrast to the curricula in other
departments. A very considerable part of their work, however,
would not have been possible without the aid of the printing-presses,
which from the time of Isma‘il began to publish the great medieval

1 See al-Wasit by Shaykh Abmad al-Iskandari, pp. 339-42.

2 Qn his gasida see Goldziher’s remarks in Abh. Arab. Phil., i, 173.

2 MSA., ii, 306-10; Cheikho, ii", 05-6; al-Wasil, 333-6.

«UIAP Gre Call Ag aoe by Ok <8 OW Dll a psy

MSA. ii, 33-0; al-Wasit, 335-7 ; Cheikho, 1*, 07; BSOS., i, 755-6; LD AG.
xlvii (1893), 720-2; and review by Goldziher in WZKM., iv, 347-52. .

* See on this subject the pungent criticiems of Dr. Tahi Husayn eb wo! 3
(Cairo, 1927) pp. 2-13.

- = t
ty.
’ J a" ;

“ Djamil ad-Din” in Eneye.

Todt H. A. R. GIBB—

dictionaries and to broadcast the works of medieval Arabic
writers."

The movement of revival found its way even into al-Azhar,?
where it was to gain a strong adherent in the person of Muhammad
‘Abduh (1849-1905),? freshly up from his village of Mahallet Nasr
im the Delta. The young shaykh would probably have been a notable
personality even if he had gone no farther, but the course of his life
and interests was radically changed by his contact with the fiery-
spirited Jamal ad-Din “ al-Afghani".4 Under his influence Muhammad
‘Abduh began to study modern European works, and the mystic in
him gave place to the reformer. He combined in himself, as none of
his predecessors had done for many centuries, the Muslim and the
rationalist ; the aim which he set before his eyes was to restate the
truths of Islim in terms of modern thought, and to recharge the moral,
social, and intellectual life of Egypt with fresh energy, derived not from
vain efforts to uproot the past, still less from attempts to restore the
past, but by fully accepting the past as the foundation of national life
and thought, and building upon it by the aid of the vivifying elements
in the rationalistic and progressive culture of the West. These ideas
he expounded in a long series of treatises and articles, the language
and style of which sounded a new note in journalism by their masterly
blend of the strength and colour of the old idiom with the flexibility
of the new.

Another factor which contributed greatly to the elevation and
modernizing of Arabic style was the establishment of learned and

* The Arabic writers themselves have not been slow to recognize the debt which
the classical movement in the East owes to European Orientalists during the nineteenth
century, by their editions of classical Arabic texts and their researches into the history
and literature of the Middle Ages. It is not too much to say that, but for the facilities
they placed within the reach of all (aided by the piratical activities of Egyptian
publishers) a great part of classical Arabic literature would still be a closed book to
the majority of modern Arabic intellectuals. See also Cheikho, ii*, 72; and especially
M. Kurd ‘Ali in Mijallah al. majma’ alsitmi al-arabi (Damascus), vol. viii (1027),

* Aissalat al Tawhid (see note 3), PP- XViii-xix,

| considerable literature has already arisen round Muhammad ‘Abduh. both in
Arabic and in European languages. The principal biography in Arabie is in vol. viii

* MSA, ii, 55-66: M. ‘Abduh in al-Jimi‘ah, vol, ¥, 122-0; I. Goldziher, art.
id. Din * . of Istam, with citations of authorities, See also an
article by Shaykh Mustafa‘ Abd ar-Raziq in «Jigen, weekly edition, 4th June, 1927.

STUDIES IX CONTEMPORARY ARABIC LITERATURE 750

literary societies, both in Syria and in Egypt,’ followed in Egypt by
the establishment of political societies, as a result of the impetus
given by Jamal ad-Din to the movement for “freedom”. The
political societies especially, inaccordance withtheir founder's methods,
served as training grounds for journalism and public speaking. Their
members not only took leading parts in the constitutional agitation
which accompanied the ‘Arabist movement between 1880 and 1882,
but also introduced into Arabic journalism a new and fruitful principle.
This principle was to appeal to and stir up the masses, in order to
enlist their support for the aims of the agitators. The outstanding
figures were the Christian Adib Ishaq of Damascus (1856-85) * and
the Muslim ‘Abdallah Nadim (1833/4—96),2 both disciples of Jamal
ad-Din. The former in his journals Misr and At-tagaddum created
a style based on French rather than on Arabic models (he had received
his early education at the famous Lazarist school in Damascus),
which by its vigour, simplicity, and avoidance of all affectation,
speedily gained an admiring audience. Nadim was more remarkable
for his talents as an orator and poet. He was the Tyrtaeus of the
movement. Yet he too made his mark as a journalist, both in the
humorous journal Al-ankit wa't-tabkit (“ Raillery and Reproof’’)
of the ‘Arabi days and the short-lived Al-ustadh in 1892-3. In these,
as in his orations, he relied not so much on a simplified literary style
as on the ordinary colloquial language. No further evidence is
needed for the influence and efficacy of this new weapon than the
abrupt termination of both journals by the arrest and expulsion
of their editor.

The thirty years which followed the British occupation were
marked by an amazingly rapid development of the material basis of
literature. The restoration and expansion of its commercial prosperity
and the relative freedom of expression which Egypt enjoyed, contrasted
with the increasingly repressive regime in Syria, gave to Egypt an
uncontested primacy in the Arabic world. Scholars, men of letters,

1 Zaydin, iv, 78-104.
2 M.Sh., ii, 75-80; Cheikho, u*, 133-5.
a MS, ii, tian ua en i=, &9-100.
by the Jewish eae ae ae “gla nies author of the notorious

Travels of Aba Naddara (5555 sls JI 415-7) —wie), a weekly broadsheet

lithographed in Paris between August, 1878, and March, 1879, and of its con-
tinuation, the monthly broadsheet Aba Naddaira.

T56 H. A. R. GIBB—

journalists, all flocked out of Syria into Egypt, and with the union of
the two parent stocks thus consummated, there is no cause for wonder
that a plentiful progeny of journals, societies, and printing-presses
should have sprung up everywhere, and have everywhere found material
to keep them in constant activity. The British connexion, moreover,
introduced a new element into the ferment of ideas. The study of
English literature, both in the higher schools and by students in this
country, did much to widen the Egyptian outlook, and has had in
particular a marked influence on several outstanding figures in con-
temporary letters.

Of the many scores of writers of this period there are few who need
detain us by reason of their services to Arabic literature or the influence
which they exerted on their contemporaries or their successors.
The first decade, in the literary as in the political field, formed a period
of recovery and stocktaking after the fevers of the preceding years.
In the second there was a renewal of energy and of controversy, The
third was marked by the rise of a new generation, with whom begins
contemporary Arabic literature in the strict sense. There was not at
first any change in the relative positions and activities of the parties,
The uncompromising conservatives had their Shaykh Hamza, with his
Azhar-trained shaykhs or Dar al-‘uliim graduates supporting, by
conviction or opportunism, his educational policy. The reform
movement, though led by Shaykh Muhammad ‘Abduh, had to face
the hitter opposition of the “ orthodox ", who were supported by the
Khedive,? and the Mw'ayyad under the editorship of Shaykh ‘Ali
Yisuf (1865-1913),* an attempt to organize world-wide Muslim
opinion in support of the religious and political aims of its promoters.*

* Cromer, Modern Egypt, ii, 180 note (ane-vol. ed., p. 600, n. 1).

* Hilal, xxii (1014), 148-151; Mandr, xvi (1331), 873-8, 947-56; Machrig, 1926,
225-6; al-‘Aqgiid, al-Fugil, 207-18.

a There is an interesting passage in the long decree of judgment given by Shaykh
Abmad Abu'l-Khatwah (a leading modernist, d. 1906; see Mandir, ix, 880) against
Shaykh ‘Ali Yiisuf, in a suit brought against him by Shaykh ‘Abd al-Khiliq Sidit
(on whom see Cromer, ibid. 178, one-vol..ed., 598). ‘The Passage deserves to be cited
in its entirety, not for its severe castigation of Shaykh ‘Ali, but as an ex cathedra
statement of the attitude of the Shar* to the Press. (Quoted from al-Liwd, 1904, No. 3,
ee Y penill Ling le AG gad conte 52 hae Usps vin,

SE) Oe De yy eee 6 post Get V ody etd ae cull

STUDIES IN CONTEMPORARY ARABIC LITERATURE THT

The name of Shaykh Muhammad ‘Abduh has acquired among the
present generation a prestige so great, that it is of some importance ~
to gain a precise idea of the results of his lifework. In his own view,
as we have seen, the principal object of his endeavours was to modernize
Muslim religious thought. In so far as Muslim religious thought is
to be judged by the teachings of its authoritative representatives,
the body of Azhar-trained shaykhs, it must be admitted that as yet
(for things may be vastly changed in a few years) there is little sign
of his success. His real disciples were found among the laymen,
more especially the European-educated classes, and that in two
directions. In the first place he and his writings formed, and still form,

clin! Lally Olly oL SV) obey) MLL cl GY! pee GS Ge
kta, WU ply WE! GUY olhY bee os UCL,
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Mloenal) rhe diby 3) CUS Je dal bly Ul, GUUaly pettl AL pe
Yi le ela) 3S Vy foe Sle LS ny ate Tatty lal ol) Ue
Gelng Pailgey (lll GHEI Llyay WU, Uptl Ley GeV
sted) Le GS Spay ee really dle FAS pent OL SH
ly, lal Wo ol MN phy DEM ote UY Gr 9 hy GS,
toes oO) ME ge bY OVT! Ue Mle Ul 121
Ne KF hI es ik uy! 3 oly sel
8 SS OE ie 5 HN Ue al
ce ae cp ays ‘hail part cin 3 ly
Cliadetll Ae iy em pil Goll G ae OY daloccl) ote aa)
cm DLEY ST poh Ga Ge Gy UL LLY OS
ple 5 8) A Ol ay xe Lal pan ns oy

Fae) Mloenall wig plall sgea Cpe dal by me

1 Few would subscribe to Cromer’s dictum: “ I suspect that my friend Aldu . .

was in reality an Agnostic" (op. cit., i, 180; one-vol. ed., 509). He wae rather o

Mu‘tazilite; cf. Rizsalat al-Tawhed, xlviii, lxii, Ixiv, lxviti, Ixxxiv; and Goldziher,
Die Richtungen der islamischen Koranauslegung (Leiden, 1920), 322 ff.

758 H. A. R. GIEB—

a shield, a support, and a weapon for those social and political reformers
* of whom Qasin Bey Amin was the chief. By the authority of his name
“they were able to gain acceptance among the people for those of
the new principles for which they could not have gained a hearing
before’. In the second place he bridged, at least temporarily,
the widening gap between the traditional learning and the new
rationalism introduced from the West, and made it possible for the
Muslim graduate of the Western universities to prosecute his studies
without being conscious of a fear, or incurring the reproach, that he
had abjured his faith. With the removal of this inhibition Muslim
Egypt seemed to win a release of energy. Between the opposition
parties of modernists and conservatives there came into existence
a new third party, to which the majority of present-day writers
of standing belong. All of them are in varying degrees the heirs of
Muhammad ‘Abduh ; he, more than any other single man, gave modern
Egyptian thought a centre of gravity, and created, in place of a mass
of disconnected writings, a literature inspired by definite ideals of
progress within an Islamic framework.

The Muslim community produced in the nineties two other re-
formers whose work was destined to have a great influence on Egyptian
thought. It isa melancholy reflection that political intrigue, by setting
these two men in antagonism, did much to weaken the force they might
have exerted on their contemporaries, The Kurd Qasim Bey Amin
(1865-1908),* the champion of women’s rights, seemed to have accom-
plished but little at his death, but his work has lived after him.
Mustafa Pashia Kamil (1874-1908)? the reorganizer of Egyptian
nationalism, gained a greater immediate success, though the movement
eventually flowed into other channels than those he dug. Both earned
a place in literature as the continuators of the direct style, initiated
by the journalists of the ‘Arabist movement. The influence of
Mustafa Kamil’s “ tearing prose”’,* in his journal al-Liwd, can still be
traced in the Egyptian press. Qasim Amin has a stronger ¢laim still.
His limpid, effortless style has all the simplicity of great art. He
sought solely to convey his feelings and descriptions to the reader's
mind in the most natural and appropriate terms, without sacrificing

* Dr. Husayn Bey Haykal, Fi angat al-farigh, p. 116,

5 M.Sh.., i, 435-417 ; Haykal, op. cit,, 0-148; Machri7, 1926, 224-5 + Krateh-
kovaky, Kasim Amin, Novaya shenschina, suppl. to Mir Islama, j (St. Pet., 1012).

* M-Sh., i, 310-925 ; Haykal in as-Siassa, weekly ed. 18th Juee Joon

* ‘The phrase is C. H. Becker's (Der Islam, ii, 408) iat

STUDIES IN CONTEMPORARY ARABIC LITERATURE Tao

elegance and grace, and there are passages in his works that take their
place among the masterpieces of modern Arabic writing.

Side by side with these movements the old activity in the work
of translation continued with redoubled vigour, strengthening the
hands of the reformers by carrying the new ideas of Europe ever deeper
into the mind of Egypt. Of the many translators of this period the
one whose work was most effective in opening up new vistas to the
Arabic world was Fathi Pasha Zaghlil (1863-1914). Himself a lawyer,
his earliest translation was Bentham’s Principles of Legislation,
followed in later years by translations of the sociological works of
Desmoulins and le Bon, to each of which he added a preface applying
their principles to Egyptian conditions and urging his fellow-country-
men to measures of reform.

Meanwhile the Syrian colony too continued to exercise a considerable
influence, especially on journalism. The services rendered to scientific
education in Egypt by Ya‘qib Sarriif (1852-1927) through his journal
al-Mugtataf received universal recognition on the jubilee celebrations
of that journal in 1926.2 As a formative influence on Egyptian
thought and literature, however, he yields to his fellow-countryman
Gurgi Zaydan (1861-1914).? A self-made man, Gurgi Zaydan represents
the inexhaustible capacity of the Syrian for study and assimilation
at its best. The list of his works, and the variety of subjects of which
they treated, is not likely to find a match in any modern literature.
He did more than any other writer to spread a knowledge of Western
ideas and history, but was withal a devoted student and admirer
of old Arabic history and literature. However superficial some of his
works may appear to specialists, they cannot but admire his general
grasp and wide knowledge, and must admit that none was better fitted
to present it in a form acceptable to a society so constituted as that
of Egypt, Syrian though he was. By his score of historical romances,*

1 Hilal, xxii (1914), 628-32. MSOS., xxix (1026), 240-51. A collection of his
articles, mostly of the clasa called ble (* Reflections "'), on aspects of social life,
was issued under the title of (otal) b'Y1, |

= Tt was founded at Bayrilt in 1876 and transferred to Cairo in 1555, on socount
of the Turkish censorship. On Sarriif see now Prof. Margolicuth in J RAS, 1027,
997-8,
| Pras iv, 223-6 (appended by hia son); FLAMLM,, iv, 837-45,

* Two have been translated into French, one into German, and several into other
oriental languages (sce gles wi als + Pp. 1-2). A detailed account of
these and other contemporary Egyptian novels is given by Kratchkowsky, Tatoricheakti
roman, efe., in Journal of Russian Miniatry of Education, June, 1911, 260-83,

VOL. IV. PART IV. a0

5
i.
re 4

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it a

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4
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/” [Eee ee os Cd i eee Co

760) STUDIES IN CONTEMPORARY ARABIC LITERATURE

his five-volume history of Islamic civilization, his four-volume history
of Arabic literature * (to mention but the principal of his many works),
above all by his monthly journal al-Hilal,? he was Egypt's school-
master out of school. Coinciding with the third, and most intense,
period of national awakening and assimilation, it is fully open to
question whether his activity was not even more effectual than
Muhammad “Abduh’s in leading contemporary Egyptian literature
along the path which it has followed.

While the Syrians in Egypt thus continued to play a decisive
part in the moulding of neo-Arabic literature, in Syria itself the
creative impulse was all but extinguished. The later years of Sultan
‘Abd al-Hamid and the rule of the “Committee of Union and Progress”
allowed no scope for independence of thought, and kept all publica-
tion under a remorseless censorship.‘ Egypt's gain is the measure
of Syria's loss.

Yet Syria was still to enrich Arabic literature from a direction
entirely new and unexpected. Egypt was not the only, nor even
the principal, centre of the Syrian diaspora. For the hundreds of
Lebanese emigrants that settled in Europe and the thousands in
Egypt, tens of thousands settled in the United States and in Brazil.*
In the New World too, Arabic newspapers and Arabic literary circles
were founded. The new conditions of life inevitably roused new
interests and aptitudes, which endeavoured to find expression in new
literary forms. It was not until the early years of the twentieth
century that the Syro-American school found itself, and began a
literary activity that could not fail, in view of the close relations
maintained between the emigrants and their native land, to attract
attention and find an echo in both Syria and Egypt. In their case
the break with the past was complete and irrevocable, and they and
their followers form the most distinctive school in contemporary
Arabic letters. |
eRe AEGh Of {his into Persian, Turkish, Urdu, French and English, see

* Cnticwms by Haykal, Fi aweat al-farigh. 221-47 - al. Macke:, 82-05 ;
s018, S97 #5. 1008, To2-4 faragh, ; al-Machrig, 1911, 582-05 ;
" First published in 1802. A selection from his articles in this journal was published
under the title of {jl} ve OlCS in 3 vols, (Cairo, 1919-21); review
by Cheikho, al-Machrig, 1921, 157, 715-6.
* There were also seattered colonies in other parts, ¢ 5 [ete |
. Pee lon 0 » &g- in Bantiago (Chile), For
Syrian emigration see aleo Cheikho in al-Machrig, 1910, 996 @ ‘The ‘aera now
resident in the United States alone number, at the lowes! estimate, 200,000

THE AGASTYA SELECTION OF TAMIL SAIVITE
HYMNS

By M. 8. H. Tompson

YIYEVARAM (@gaurmih), a condensed and figurative expression,

’ means “a garland of verse addressed to God "’, with the added
idea that devotion is the “ thread” on which the several “* flowers "
or verses are strung. It thus formsa very fitting title for the devotional
songs of the three saints, Appar, Sundarar, and Sambandar, the
greatest of the sixty-three exponents of the Saivite religion in the
Tamil country.

The traditional accounts of the poet-saints state that Sambandar
composed his first verses at the age of three, and was only sixteen
at the time of his death, that Sundarar was eighteen at the time of
his translation to heaven, and that only Appar, who is said to have been
a great traveller, lived to a good old age—eighty-one.

The songs of the T'evaram are for the most part grouped in hymns
of ten verses each, called padigams, and except for about 6 per cent
of them there is a refrain which gives the name of the temple at
which each was sung. The number of temples mentioned in this way
is 274, of which no less than 190 were in the Chola Kingdom, with
two in Ceylon.

The authoritative version of the padigams, the traditional account
states, was preserved in a cell at the temple at Chidambaram, When
the king, Abhaya-kulagekhara Chola (sjuw GaCear Cemp
Loarmrsor), had the cell opened, the cadjan was found to be
covered with white ants. By careful treatment with oil the padigams
we have at the present day were rescued. The priest Nambi Andar
Nambi (g¢éoulwretreoe mou), to whom the padigams were entrusted,
arranged them in seven groups, and provided metrical lives
of the authors, while a woman of the minstrel caste and the
descendant of the musician who had accompanied Sambandar on
some of his tours noted the chant to which each padigam was to be
sung. This is the Adangal-murai (sjLtaei (Lpanm), that is “ the
works comprising the Canon ".

The Tevaram is said to have been compiled in the eleventh
century. It was at any rate during a period of Saivite revival, for we
afterwards hear of a set-back to the Saivite cause. This was during

ee
| a!
sae 4

Michi ba

*
~s

762 M. 8. H. THOMPSON—

the reign of King Anapaya Chola (2jpuTw Gemp wares).
This king showed a leaning towards Jainism in his study of the Jain
work Jivaka-chintamani (@cueS)ta7.ne7!). His Prime Minister,
a Vellala by caste, a devout Saivite and the builder of a temple,
took him to task, when the king, to justify himself, said that he had
turned to the Jivaka-chintamani because there were no Saivite books
in Tamil. The Prime Minister had then to tell him of the Tevaram
and of the metrical lives of the priest Nambi Andar Nambi, which he
read and expounded to the king. The king was converted, and the
Prime Minister, retiring to the temple at Chidambaram, wrote elaborate
lives of the saints to serve as a background to the Tevaram. These
lives form the Periya-puranam, and are in pleasant verse, An abstract
of the work was later made by one of the learned Brahmans of the
temple, but the compression is ruthless, and the book provides
little more than a “ table of contents ” to prefix to the larger work.
Perhaps one of the most interesting works compiled for the
popularization of the study of the Tevaram is what is known as the
Agastya Selection. This selection consists of only twenty-five
padigams, but it is claimed for it that he who recites it
gains the same merit as is gained by reciting the whole of
the 8,000 stanzas of the Tevaram. The sage Agastya, who, says
tradition, learned Tamil from one of the sons of iva, is
venerated as the “father of Tamil " and the inclusion of
his name in the title of the work was no doubt intended
merely to disarm criticism—the criticism of the orthodox, whom
any attempt at curtailment of a work of such sanctity as the Tevaram
would naturally revolt and antagonize, The following account is,
however, usually given of the circumstances that led to the compila-
tion of the work. Sage Sivalaya* was as good as he was learned,
and long he laboured to master the Tevaram. Tt was, however, a
task beyond his powers. Though it was with sorrow in his heart,
he repaired to the temple at Chidambaram, and there he spent many

The following table may be of interest -—

No, of No. of No, included
Author, potigams in the poadigamas in the
original Teraram., extant. Aguatya Selection.
1. Appar, . . 49,000 312 ep <a

2. Sundarar . ‘ 37 000

jundaa 101 |
3. Sambandar. . 16,000 384 ‘0
102,000 797 95

* Lit, The Temple of Siva.

THE AGASTYA SELECTION OF TAMIL SAIVITE HYMNS 763

days in prayer and meditation before the mystic Hall of Gold. Then
one day it was revealed to him that if he went to Sage Agastya, in the
Podiya Hills (in Travancore), the great longing of his heart would
be satisfied. To the hills he went, and after three years spent in
prayer and penance, the sage appeared to him, taught him the whole
of the Tevaram, and selecting twenty-five padigams from it for
particular attention, assured him that in them were found all the
essentials of the Saivite religion.

Unlike most other works in»Tamil, the selection does not begin
with an invocation, but with a metrical table of contents, followed by
an introduction, also in verse, in which the following analysis of the
selection is given (here tabulated) :—

No, of

Section. Subject. padigama,
I. Siva's Grace . ‘ « oo ees : 1-3
Il. Spiritual Aid t “+
Ill. The Truth of the Five Letters 2 (pune S-8
IV. The Sanctity of the Temple . : 11
V. Siva’s Form : : : : : . 12-16
VI. The Sacred Feet . : : , a . I-19
VO. Worship . . " : : ‘ - 20-22
VIII. Humility . : 23-25

The illustrative verses ooeiied | to this paper may, in some
measure, explain the purpose of this eightfold division, Here, however,
it may be stated that the purpose of Sec. Il is to emphasize the “ inward
grace’ bestowed by an outward sign, viz. the Sacred Ash of Saivism,
while Sec, III emphasizes the power of the ejaculatory prayer. The
Periya-puranam account states that fourteen of the sixty-three Saints
attained salvation through grace, thirty through worship, and nineteen
by loving service to the devout.

The last padigam in the selection is the Tirw-tonda-togai
(14 Canetti 2 Caen, lit. “The sum of holy service ") of Sundarar.
It begins: “I am the servant of the servants of the Brahmans who
live at Tillai” (—Chidambaram), and gives the names, with
appropriate epithets, of sixty-two of the sixty-three samts. Devout
Saivites recite this hymn before sunrise every morning.

The Agastya Selection contains most of the best known hymns,
though in the selection made for the “ Heritage of India” series only
eighteen of the seventy-nine verses selected are from this selection.
It cannot, however, be denied that the compiler of the Agastya
Selection, whoever he may be, had a keen critical sense, and was justified

! Translated “A bow to Siva” and “* Hail, Siva”,

764 M. &. H. THOMPSON—

in stating in his introduction that “those who recrte the Agastya
Selection will be as those who recite the whole of the Tevaram, sung
throughout the wide world by the matchless Three ”.

The illustrative verses that follow are a fresh selection, and are not —
found in the selection made for the “ Heritage of India” series by
Messrs. Kingsbury and Phillips.

| ILLUSTRATIVE VERSES

The sacred ash and the beads worn round the neck and the head
are the outward signs of Saivism or the religion of Siva. In Saivism
Siva is the supreme God; in Vaishnavism or the religion of Vishnu
he is only one person of the triad Brahma, Vishnu, Siva. Siva is
worshipped under twenty-five forms, each manifestation having its
own devotional aspect. In the verses that follow he is referred to under
some eight of these manifestations. There is besides reference to what
are known as “ the eight deeds of prowess”, commemorated at eight
famous temples in South India, two of which are mentioned in verses
Nos. 6 and 8,

Siva is worshipped both as having a form and as not having one.
The “ form of grace " depicts him as riding on his bull Nandi with his
consort Uma at his left side. As Nataraja (lit. “ Lord of the dance ")
he is represented as dancing. He has three eyes, the right eye being the
sun, the left the moon, and the one in the middle of his forehead fire.
His hair is matted in the ascetic way, and on it are the crescent moon,
the Ganges, and one or more cobras. He wears a garland of konrai
(cassia) on his head, and round his neck, which is dark, hangs a garland
of skulls, At his waist he wears either an clephant’s hide, a tiger's
skin, or a very scanty loin-cloth. |

$1. @@cugr, Tux Lorv’s Grace
These two verses are from Sundarar's hymn of self-surrender. The
padigam was sung at the temple of Tiruvenneynallur, where Siva
manifested himself to him under “ the form of grace ”.

1. stremt wslGle sip) Curgubsle Cue
Cumremtymipat py Cio) usttent pene Gewgrws
iarenpt Cusmierd Cacrumed ComnGenniimcbquir

O, thou who wearest the cool garlands and the crescent moon !
0, thou who hast a form like fire! O, thou who didst laugh so

THE AGASTYA SELECTION OF TAMIL SAIVITE HYMNS 765

that the fire burnt the enemies’ three cities! O, Master, who

dwellest at the abode of grace, Venneynallur, south of Pennai, where

the sand-banks are—being thy slave, can I still say Iam not thine !

(The “three cities’ were the three castles of three vainglorious
Asuras, which Siva reduced to ashes by merely laughing. ]

2. ert unGowiglé aco aol é Sloord awry
ur? yaC pigs Slaw utriotioe! wb sls
#@t Gurnfen4 Cacruréa GoenGenwt sequel sleopuy
orr@r Garis GuGiors arenes CovGorarcor@ i.

Can I say that I am not the slave of my Lord of Arur, dwelling at
Venneynallur, south of Pennaithe beautiful, which, having received
the water that falls from the clouds, with its waves for hands digs
a course for itself through the land, hurling around many great
and sparkling gems, praised by all.

§ 2. umguler cursory), Srreitvuat Armes
This verse is from a hymn of praise sung at the temple at Madura
by Sambandar. |
3. (psMsGus Soipetley reMug sly

séRuutalg éoaé Carty apug fp

ussaGag So ura alleflug Boy

HAisGug fo PGure cururcrg*EsCs).

What gives heaven is the ash, what is put on by the sages 1s
the ash, ash is the truth, what the great ones praise is the ash,
what bestows devotion is the ash, what is sweet to praise is the
ash, what gives all enlightenment is the ash—the sacred ash
of Him of holy Alavai [Madura].

§ 3. s21Ceipégermu, THe Trot or THE Five Letrers
The first verse is from a hymn by Appar, the second verse from a
hymn by Sundarar.

4. Ddmaeciongag Alien CaGoug

Gerda alndzag Gera) usrorg

ue hide g uevgwaratrug,

peooenilndaeg suéslomuGa,

The light in the house destroys darkness; the light in the
word brings enlightenment ; the light in many places is for many
people to see ; the light of the pure in heart is “ Hail, Siva ! ”

T66

M. &. H. THOMPSOK—

5, GetnGurGert sm. wrwalrl yrss Curpesiter Carlen
eulbysordetpeuriond urauunthay eval Cariincs
Garbuldr Cid Gul) s.cuoruuileor(h} ures arG (py
miouGer ular prt iupéSlgo es Cerevgy praussleurwed.,
©, thou whose tresses shine like pure gold, who bentest thy

bow that fire might rise in the three cities, who placedst on thy

left side her of the sweet tresses—O, Siva of Pandikkodimudi,
where the peacocks dance while the cuckoo sings on the branches
above, even if I should forget thee, my tongue would say “ Hail,

Siva |”

§4. Garulpplpcs, Toe Sancriry or THE Temple
No verses need be quoted; it may merely be stated that one of

the padigams (by Appar) given in the selection consists of stanzas
in which the names of the famous temples of South India are skilfully
woven into song, and have the refrain, “‘ There we may see the Lord
of Kailasa " [Siva’s abode in the Himalayas].

§5. SlugaGeud, THe Form or Siva

The verses are by Sambandar and Appar respectively.

§. Gaknion Gugdgin Ulrnewrt all GarGiurG@gaesiumad
gresuleriores wlwrt aut Gur son. abeutiad
actor pSGcutriteunt slo,t ower ithert
Uren g wip utr nb CuguorarasGe,

He who is on the white bull, with a large ear-ring shining in
one ear, He who holds the jumping fawn while his radiant locks
shine, He of the white skull with its furtive grin, He who lives
at the burning-ground at Kadavur, He who has the crescent moon—
He is our Lord God.

7. uTiotyen dé a(pCart S\oudrio7e CmGwaG wien
eUTeaTIWEnLOULperrep Us srleurtp cumprlePey sergp’
TTYL &a.pp Spnlbuvssreo.d adaurp
Rerun éactractr® Ulferts CuWs@ arent aretru

Geer,

If with His anklets and power to rule [the heart], they have
seen with clouded eyes the dance of the Siva of the mystic Hall
at Tillai [Chidambaram], where the areca palms with their shoots
stand high, houses stand close together, and where on all sides
stand the fields into which the water pours with its fish—what: is
there then for the lowly devotees yet to see ?

THE AGASTYA SELECTION OF TAMIL SAIVITE HYMNS T67

$6, i@eugesr, Toe Sacrep Feer

This verse, by Appar, is on the temple at which the poet-samt
received enlightenment as a result of the prayers of his sister, who

grieved to see him a Jain.
8. Si@ualasO shes tinmswrinip

Slpgautaad Coeow al@orunios

CGur@erutead Cumtoomsurd slarpeup
YS UTITSL SNSW cueveveuip

ugvlretn® CrorarCenG rar eocucuTcun
WGA MenTT ULTs cule

H®uslmas Cah Causey srustore
sigeSolurars CagsC ecveuctreriz.

The feet that are as the red lotus of the Goddess of Wealth,
the feet that become more and more like honey to the elect, the
feet that are to the wealthy as the touchstone of their gold, the
feet that are able to make worthy the praise of the devout, the
feet that in form do not match one another, the feet that indeed
have no form at all—the feet of Him of Tiruvadigai of the south
Kedilam country [South Arcot], the feet of our King of

87. .@4e28er, WorsHIP
The first of these verses is by Appar, the second by Sundarar.
Kalhukkunram (= the hill of the vulture) is not far from Chingleput.
9. curargart Curd weEtCs Curl
ubGsdrpa Rims yesard Curb)
Wnrsns PFSLprCrw Cupp
Curhwiypewrnds mLulthards Gumbo?

Gamtams aittas CatlGeu Curpy)

Csutées Coricow sled Curpol
aroraaguir_quagard: Gump)
eultes uteourGer Gurdol Gury.

Hail, ambrosia to which the dwellers of the skies bow !—hail,
thou who hast come and entered my heart !—hail, thou body
that takest sin away !—hail, thou that rosest high as fire !—hail,
thou that gavest enlightenment as sweet as honey !—hail, thou
that standest God even of gods !—hail, thou that desirest to dance
with the fire of the burning-ground !—hail, thou Lord of Mount
Kailasa !

T63 THE AGASTYA SELECTION OF TAMIL SAIVITE HYMNS

[Once Siva assumed the form of a pillar of fire, and not until
Brahma and Vishnu had prayed to it did they learn its depth and its
height—not until Siva had revealed himself to them.]

10. QpmelsC ech my Caraplallear elonsura@w
UlpieCarcrmpsemnuuG armastUlrrefiicy
slpwanCedisiom) amis good Caretriay
sphaCuminugaldsc sipsacrpC..

Bowing low and singing sweet songs, go worship at cool
Kazhukkunram, where the white waterfalls rush down with din and
roar, hurling precious stones of many colours and pearls, the
holy place of our Lord with the bright garlands of konrai (cassia)
and the head of matted hair.

$8. syigenu, Huminiry
These verses are from a padigam sung, by Appar, at Tiruvarur,
the modern Tiruvalur of the Tanjore District.
ll. GAebCurip gsenmuaLreunent Ss] munaecir my
UGEsa) Beers rCosr G'wactr my Ursa Cousaetr(hC arCeur
SIGss ur gurGt sg pot_ rang 4ee
oe SUPMLE Ceroit4esCgrefmcoma yer

May I hope for the blessedness of being the servant of the
servants who perform penance to reach the Holy God of Arur,
with its trim walls—I, who, withdrawing myself from the community
of the Jains, who do not speak at meals, grieving and meditating,
hailed Him as Lord ?

12, mauialG Germ bn mete at gcunernongalt
GimyC aS srrpdewwd Curt Cag 4a(ipan(hG arCaurt
Meee! wT ets Gp tog sets
Cumimariloreuips GarTenltaede Canctnurm Ljerat
enw,

May I hope for the blessedness of being the servant of the
servants of the Feet, (they) whose love for the Holy God of Arur,
surrounded by the fairest of fields, is not false—I who, having
left the community of the greedy Jains, who eat, standing, the
rice placed in their hands, have seen the way of life and have come
here to “ live” ?

DRAVIDIAN GENDER-WORDS

1 Be Les langues du monde Bloch describes the two genders of Gondi
as representing the oldest Dravidian gender-system. This idea
is wrong. Kanara and Tamil have three genders in the singular,
male-personal (masculine), female-personal (feminine), non-personal
(neuter); and two in the plural, personal and non-personal, The same
basis is implied by the other Dravidian gender-systems. “In Telugu
and northern Dravidian a formal confusion of masculine singular and
’ feminine singular, as explained below, led to the use of the neuter
to express the feminine singular. The eastern languages, Telugu and
Kurukh-Malto, keep the old plural-system, with masculine and
feminine alike ; but in Géndi and Kui the use of the neuter for the
feminine singular has resulted in the use of the neuter for the feminine
in the plural also. In the treatment of gender Géndi and Kui are the
least conservative of the Dravidian tongues, aside from Brahuwi,
which makes no distinction of gender in its demonstratives.
The five simple vowels, 1, ¢, a, o, vu, with the emphatic variants
i, @, a, 6, a, were apparently used in early Dravidian as demonstratives
and also as interrogatives, the latter being perhaps distinguished by
a high tone such as we employ to give an interrogative sense to isolated
words, The use of various vowels as interrogative bases is preserved
in Kui, and less perfectly in Tulu. The interrogative particles of the
literary Dravidian tongues, é, d, 6, are probably relics of the older
practice. European languages have an interrogative particle written
eh; similarly most of the Dravidian languages selected ¢ as the general
interrogative basis, The demonstrative o-basis is not represented
in many varieties of Dravidian. Latin weak o and weak w are widely
levelled in Romanic; perhaps a parallel development confused
Dravidian o and wu, used as adjectives with weak stress. Outside of
Kui we find two or three general demonstrative bases : 1 (this), a (that),
and less commonly wu."

17 use ¢ for a neutral vowel like that of English bakery; j = consonant-1 ;
£ = Bohemian d'; § = th in English thin; 1 = Arabio hamzah; N = voiceless n;
Ff == voiceless r.

OG. = Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian or South Indian Family of Languages,
by RK. Caldwell (1913, reprinted from 1875); US, = Ungarische Sprache, von 5.
Simonyi (17).

le hae

ee aay i
a. a". i

770 EDWIN H. TUTTLE—

The Kanara-Tamil demonstrative bases are 1, a, and obsolete
w, said to be intermediate to ¢ and a in sense. Gender-words are
made from each alike, the stems of the ordinary a-forms being avan-
_m., avel- f,, avar- m.f.pl., ad- n., av-n.pl. Kanara has the nominatives
avanu and ava for older avam; avalu for older aval; avaru for older
avar; adu; aeu; the double plurals avar(u)gal and avugal(u); the
obsolete plurals ava(n)dir, avaldir, formed with a suffix which, like
-gal, belongs properly to substantives ; and the doubled plural avaravar
(all of them). Tamil has the nominatives avan, aval, avar, adu, avai,
and the double plurals avargal, avaigal ; also a plural adugal from adu.

The development of the demonstratives involves the history of s.
Ancient s has been lost in southern Dravidian, and is partially lost
in the northern tongues ; existing # in the south, and sometimes in
the north, is a derivative of the palatal occlusive c¢. In borrowed
nouns Kanara has -e (< *-ai) and Tamil has -ai where the Aryan
nominative has -@. The apparent change of -d to -ai caused Caldwell
to assume that Telugu -a represents the oldest form of the native
ending seen in Kanara fale, Tamil talai, Telugu tala (head) and other
such words (C@., 136). But in loan-words -ai corresponds to the
Prikrit oblique -de or -di, not to the nominative -@; and native -ai
came from *-as, parallel with Italian poi = post. The « of *talas
is kept in the Dardic derivative thds (head), found in Garwi, a Dardic
tongue which has th <¢r in tha (three) and similarly th < dl in thas <
“los <*talos (JAOS., xlvi, 177). I formerly supposed that Kui
tlau (head) implied a development of Dravidian *talas from older
*talos. But Kui pra (rice), corresponding to Malay béras or bras,
indicates a change of -as through *-asu or *-dsu to -du in Kui, final u
being added and medial s lost as in Kui mrau < *mirau — *niaru <
*midr (daughter) beside Gindi miar and Brahui masiy. We may there-
fore assume a Kui development tlau < *talasu < *ialas; the plural
tlaka is analogic for *tliska, ancient « being normally kept before a
consonant in Kui, A normal / < s is seen in Géndi talahk, the plural
of tala = “falas, Dardic *talos came from Dravidian *falasu ; develop-
ments of the type “falos <“/alasu are common in Dardic, as in
_ Kashmiri bad- (big) with the nominative bod for *bardu.

Many of the Dravidian languages use v (= ) as a hiatus-filler :
some of them also use j, chiefly in connexion with palatal vowels,
In Kanara avam and Tamil avan, v has taken the place of a lost s.
Likewise aval represents *asal. The older form of avar was probably

i- r arg mn :
‘aher. Kanara ava and avam < *asd < *asan, with m for a nasalized

‘“DRAVIDIAN GENDER-WORDS T7l

hiatus-filling w, are normal developments; avanu and Tamil avan
are perhaps analogic forms based on the stem, though they may be
the continuants of prevocalic *asan. The Hungarian accusative-
ending -t represents a demonstrative (US., 387) ; likewise the accusa-

tive-endings of Kanara and Tamil seem to be reductions of “asan ;)

Kanara -a, older -am <*-ahn <*-asn, Tamil -ai < *-as < “asd.
Kanara -a and -am would thus represent an ancient contraction of
*asan before vowels, with further alteration before consonants, while
Tamil -ai apparently shows the pausal treatment. The Kanara
variant -an, from prevocalic *asn, has become -an(n)u before consonants
parallel with the change of avar to avaru.

An old variant of Tamil adu is ahtu, derived from *hatu or *hadu,
with A added as in the Kurukh and Kuvi words described below.
The basic consonant of the neuter singular seems to have been d;
but all occlusives became voiceless in early Tamil, and probably in
Kanara too. Afterward simple occlusives were voiced between voiced
sounds, so the basic quality is hard to make out. The stem of the
neuter plural seems to represent simply the demonstrative vowel ;
an uninflected a or av-(with hiatus-filling v) is used in early Tamil,
and the corresponding Tamil verb-ending is -a. It may be suspected
that after suffixes were added for the personal gender-forms and for
the neuter singular, the simple basic vowel was found sufhcient to
express the neuter plural. Kanara avu may thus preserve a record of a

period earlier than the distinction of pronouns and adjectives. Tamul

avait <*awas is the historic accusative used as a nominative ; it 15
not treated as an ordinary stem, but is replaced by an inflexional
stem avaRR-: acc. avaRRai, fen. avaRRin. The R of early Dravidian
seems to have come mainly from | or r in contact or in combination
with a voiceless sound; spoken Tamil has #r or {# corresponding to
what is written as RR. Apparently Tamil evaRR-, beside Kui avask-,
is derived from *awaskl-, the contracted form of *awaskal (pluralized
*awas) before vowels, Thus avalRai is made up of the same elements
as its equivalent avaigalai, the accusative of avaigal.

A root meaning “ look ” or “ see’, apparently of the form *snud,
is the source of Kanara néd-, Tamil nakk- (<*nddg-), southern Tulu
ti-, northern Tulu s@-, eastern Tulu Ad-, Telugu etio- (< *tide-), Malto
fund- (> *snund-), Kui sid-, Gondi hud-, huy-, suy-, Brahui Aur-.
Ancient initial en became sN outside of the Kanara-Tamil group.
Brahui has A= AN <sN beside s kept before a vowel in sal- =
Kurukh-Malto il- (stand), Elsewhere N became ¢ or zero. Most

"Se Baar a

ua!
' - s j

‘ ; 4 &
i a le) ee a ae Lia bed

liz EDWIN H. TUTTLE—

varieties of Gondi have changed ancient s (and s < sn) toh. Tulu
has pudar <*pitar (name) against Kanara-Tamil *necar < “picar <
*miar (BSOS,, TV, 575). Tulu shares the change of sn to sN, and
lacks that of *yutar to *picar. These two lines of development clearly
separate Tulu from Kanara-Tamil. So little is known of Kodagu
that it is hard to settle its position among the Dravidian tongues ;
its numerals seem to be mostly borrowed from Tamil or Kanara.
But from Kodagu peda (name), which has lost final r in accord with
ibba = Tamil iruvar (two persons), it appears that Kodagu stands
outside of the Kanara-Tamil group and may be closely related to
Tulu ; Kodagu néd- (see) is a loan-word from Kanara. Cole's grammar
tells us that animals are neuter in Kodagu and that neuters have no
plural, but muddles the matter by giving the declension of feminine
payu (cow), pl. paywea, and of masculine péri (buffalo), pl. porija.
If the names of animals have natural genders, contrary to ordinary
Dravidian principles, we may assume that Aryan influence produced
the change. The Kodagu demonstratives are given as avan-, nom.
avé m,; aval-, nom. ava f.; ajan-, nom. avu m.fpl.; adun.: and
parallel i-forms. The stems of the singular may have been borrowed
from Kanara, and ew from the Kanara neuter plural, as applied to
animals. The stem of the pural may be compared with Tulu ai- (n.),
or with Aryan {ana (folks).

In Tulu, as in Kodagu and modern Kanara, the demonstrative
adjectives are i and @; but the Tulu gender-forms include a derivative
of the u-basis, the sense, however, being confused with that of the
i-basis. The gender-words from the a-basia are dye for *a < *asan m.,
a] < *asal f., dr and akulu m.f.pl., avu or au n., aikulu n.pl. It is
remarkable that the masculine and feminine forms lack the hiatus-
filling v found in the other southern tongues. Hiatus-filling w was
evidently first used in contact with o-sounds and u-sounds, and
afterward in some of the Dravidian tongues extended to other vowels.
Tulu restricted the use of hiatus-filling w to its original position. It
developed *a from *asan, in accord with i for *in = Kui inu (thou) ;
but as it regularly has the masculine ending -- = Tamil -an after a

sonant, the absence of the usual ending made *4 seem abnormal.
The -e was therefore added, and produced aje with hiatus-filling j
before a palatal vowel. Apparently dkulu has k < rk, and thus
but has lost ancient din avw or au beside Tamil adu. ‘This word is
written as avu, but seems to be pronounced au (CG., 251); it has

DRAVIDIAN GENDER-WORDS 773

the inflexional stem ai-, perhaps corresponding to Tamil adin-, used as
a variant of ad-, the stem of adu.

The Tulu gender-words having the sense of the i-basis are tmbe m. ;
imbal, imbolu, and mél, or mélu f.; imber, mér, and mékulu m.f.pl. ;
indu and wndu n.; wndekulu n. pl. The other Dravidian tongues
show a general symmetry in the demonstratives formed from two or
more bases. The lack of symmetry in Tulu is connected with the use
o° hiatus-filling w. Tulu confused the meanings of the adjectives
*), 7, and *u, *@, and then formed a set of i-demonstratives parallel
with the normal w-forms: The masculine *usan became in one dialect
*ume, with m for nasalized hiatus-filling w; and in another *uve with
e<w. A blending of these forms produced *wmvre, which became
*umbe and developed analogic *umbal and *umber. The apparent °
root was no longer a simple vowel, but a vowel with a following nasal,
and “udu changed to undu before intervocalic d was lost, By a normal
development Tulu would have formed *7 < *isan, *i! < *i-al, Sir <
*ihar ; but because of the sense-confusion these words were adapted
to the w-series and became imbe, tmbal, imber. The variant imbolu
seems to have o because of the following wu, parallel with maronu,
a variant of the accusative maranu from mara (tree). The form wadw
produced analogic tndu for *idu, which would have made *iu and
perhaps “i by an independent development. Hesides its regular
forms, indu has shortened ones with initial n, as netta for the genitive
indetta or indeta. Evidently mol(u) could have come from a parallel
treatment of imbofu, and likewise mér from imber. It is also
possible that mél(u) and mér came from older forms having
simply m, instead of later ones with mb. The normal *ume may have
developed analogic *wmal and *wmer before it produced *umbe,
the basis of *umbal, *umber, and of imbe, imbal, imber. The plural
mékulu is based on mol, parallel with duu beside al.

In Telugu declension the genitive is commonly the same as the
inflexional stem, which may differ from the nominative. The modern
a-demonstratives are vadu, gen. vini m.; véru, gen. vari m.f.pl. ;
adi, gen. déni fn,; avi, gen. vafin.pl. A variant of vdru is vandlu,
gen. vandla, from vani treated like a substantive. The i-forms are
vidu, vini; viru, viri; adi, dint; ivi, vii; and vindlu, vindla. In
early Telugu the long vowels of the masculine nominative singular
were nasalized; the neuter had variants which will be considered in
connexion with the interrogatives. In Telugu, as in Kanara-Tamil,
medial consonants were lost and a biatus-filling w was added in the

i174 EDWIN H. TUTTLE—

derivatives of *asan, *asal, *isan, *isal, *ahar, *ihar. Stress-displace-
ment, accompanied by assimilation (1-1 for i-a), allowed the initial
vowels to disappear. A final w has been added after -r, as in modern
Kanara. But in the derivatives of *asan, *asal, *isan, *isal, the
final sounds tended to disappear, as they have done in the Kodagu
nominatives. The participle wadu (being) was added to form a
* nominative: *-anundu, *-alundu. A later assimilation or dissimilation
levelled these. Following a change of feminine *-a/undu to *-anundu,
or of masculine *-anungdu to *-alundu or *-arundu, the loss of weak u
caused the two endings to become a single form *-andu, or *-andru
which later changed to *-andu, Likewise *-inundu and *-ilundu, with
i as explained above, became *-indw. A permanent remedy for the
sense-confusion was evolved in Telugu as in northern Dravidian:
the neuter was used to express the feminine singular. The ¢ of vats and
vii corresponds to the RR of Tamil avaRRin, ivaRRin, as is shown
by Telugu &i = Tamil @RRin, the genitives of aru — adru (river).
The -i of adi and avi ia discussed below, in connexion with the Kui
neuter.

The northern Dravidian tongues have changed ancient » to n,
except in the groups nf and nd. From Kurukh asan = Tamil avan <
*asan (there) it appears that ancient ¢ is kept between vowels. in
Kurukh-Malto, Kurukh has the demonstratives de <—*gaqn m. :
dr <*ahar mf.pl.; dd f.n.; abra n.pl.; similarly is, ir, id, ibra,
beside the adjective 7; and hiis, har, hid, hubrd, beside the adjective
#, which indicates greater distance than 7. The added A came from
Kolarian influence: Santali has ni (this), ing (that near by), Aini (that
further away), and other sets of demonstratives with A marking
remoteness. The lack of h in the adjective @ may be explained by the
generally weaker stress of adjectives: or perhaps @ is a compromise
between weak-stressed *u and emphatic *hi, Initial » has been lost
in Kurukh-Malto; abrai came from Arvan sarva (all), combined with
native @; ibrd and hubyp@ are analogic forms, developed after *sabra
lost its s. Malto has ah-, nom, ah m.; @6-, nom. d@ f.n.: ar m.f,pl. ;
and parallel i-forms : the ancient medial s became j a8 a final, and by
analogy replaced medial s in the inflected forms. In Kurukh-Malto
apparently the masculine *asan and the feminine *asal became *asa ;
the neuter was then adopted for the feminine singular. The Malto
distinction of a@in (ace. f.) and ade (acc. n.) seems to he derived from
the declension of substantives, which have the accusative-ending
-n for persons beside -¢ for things,

DRAVIDIAN GENDER-WORDS 715

Gondi and Kui show developments essentially like those of the
Telugu demonstratives, followed by a disappearance of the feminine,
as explained above. Most varieties of Gondi have lost the basic
adjectives, and use the pronouns instead, in accord with the general
Dravidian method of forming English-like noun-compounds. In

prammar (1919) we find the Gondi forms én-, nom. 4! or
orm. ; ao tan- or addén-, nom. ad n.; avvén- or aveehk-,
nom. aw n.pl. ; , nom. é or érm.; é or érk mpl. ; tén- or iddén-,
nom. id n.; ievén- or irvehk-, nom. iu n.pl. Evidently the 6-forms
might se ie to Kanara avan-, aver, or wean-, uvar; but the a

rems to imply a Gondi change of *asan to *awan, *aun, dn-.

The cies. filler is, however, lacking in én- < *isan and ér < *ihar.
The -& of the plural, as in Gondi substantives, corresponds to Kanara-
Tamil -kal or -gal. The r of the plural represents ancient r, as in
mara = Tamil maram (tree). The r of the singular is derived from
dr or dr, as in ntir = Tamil nddru (hundred). The variant / is perhaps
derived from d/ through /, a sound now lacking in Gondi. Kanara
has generally lost checking nasals after weak vowels, as in eradu =
Tamil irandu (two) and in the plural avadir mentioned above, beside
analogic avandir with » restored under the influence of avan-. So
too in Gondi, after a suffix like the one used in Telugu was added to
masculine and feminine nominatives, *-anuadu and *-alundu developed
into a single form, *-andru or *-andru or *-and[u, and then lost the
nasal. In the forms ad and id the d is kept because of final position,
against the medial ! <d in parél < *polar < *pudar < *pitar (name).
The dd-forms may indicate a reaction, under the influence of the
nominative, against the normal change of medial d to/. Dravidian
tan (self) is perhaps represented in tan- and analogic tén-; if so, it
marks the partially feminine sense of the Gondi neuter. The forms
@u and ww agree with Kanara avw and ivu. The A&k-sutlix corresponds
to Kui sk,

From Friend-Pereira's grammar (1909) we learn that Kui has the
adjectives i (this), e¢ (that), a (that further away), o (that furthest
away), with the emphatic variants 7, ¢, 4,6. The gender-words based
on ¢€ are given as evandiu, genitive-accusative evan(n)i, possessive
evandi m.; evaru, gen.-acc. evar(n)i, poss. evardi mpl. ; ert, gen.-acc.
éra(n)i, poss. erandi n.; evi, evisha, eriska, gen.-acc. eva(n)i, evisha(n)i,
eriska(n)i, poss. evandi n.pl. The hiatus-filling » of the masculine may
be left out. If the of the neuter plural is a hiatus-filler, as I have
assumed for the Kanara-Tamil and Telugu forms, it must be an

VOL. IV. PART [¥. iD |

716 EDWIN H. TUTTLE—

older development than that of vr in the masculine. Kui -andiu,
in accord with mundii = Tamil mindru (three), represents *-andru
or *-andlu, developed as in Géndi from the masculine and feminine
endings. The nasal kept in Kui, contrary to Gondi, may imply an
early stress-displacement, or perhaps it was lost and then restored
from the general stem, parallel with the Kanara development of
avandir beside normal avadir.

Beside the regular intervocalic r <d in eri, Kui keeps d after a
consonant in the possessives, which have a sense corresponding to the
English distinction made in hers and theirs; the formal relation of
evand) to evan- is the same as that of eri (< *edi) toe. The form
eviska is a double plural like Tamil avaigal; the « may correspond
to that of Tamil *awas, explained above. In the grammar of Letch-
majee (1902) we find éi n., fei and évaska n-pl., with a distinction of
genders in the accusative: neuter éra, with the plural éea, and
femimine érani, with the plural raskini. Probably -iska came from
-aska under the influence of -i, If the accusative-ending -a corresponds
to Tamil -ai < *-as, we may assume that stress was displaced in sub-
stantives like *falas, but not in *edas and similar pronouns, where
the sense of the initial vowel tended to preserve its stress: main-
streased *-as kept » (and later became. *-asu), while weak *-as made
-a, just-as Latin dé post makes Italian dipoi with i for s after a main-
stressed vowel, and also dopo with stress-displacement and no trace of s.
The plural eriska from eri follows a regular type of substantive-
declension, that of female-personal names, which are neuter in Kui:
Letchmajee gives dja-ska (mothers), angi-ska (sisters), ango-ska (aunts).

Friend-Pereira tells us that Kui uses kogavi for small animals,
kogawt or kégau for small things, and kagawi or kigaska or kogaviska
for small female persons, This statement explains the neuter-ending
“found in Telugu and Kui, The same ending is common in Dravidian
animal-names: Tamil has eli (rat), kodri (sheep), kért (fowl), nart
(fox), pandri (swine), puli (tiger).- This -i of substantives was adopted
as a pronoun-ending in Telugu and Kui, and perhaps in Géndi, which
seems to have lost various final vowels. The historic meaning of
Telugu adi and Kui eri is“ that animal”: but as animals are regularly
neuter in Dravidian, the -i became simply a suffix of the neuter.
Kui-au, as in kégau, may correspond to Kanara avu.

Kuvi, as described in Schulze’s grammar (1911), is much like
Kui. Its verb-forms have a peculiar localizing suffix: hijadu (give
me), hottateri (they came running), beside the simple imperative

DRAVIDIAN GENDER-WORDS Tit

hidu (give) and the simple past hofferi (they ran away). The demon-
strative adjectives are 7 (this), @ (that), h@ (that further away), Ad
(that furthest away). The stems of the gender-forms agree with those
of Kui, except that d is kept in the neuter singular. The treatment
of the feminine shows a mixture of the Telugu and Kui systems:
the masculine plural and the neuter plural are both used for the
ferninine.

Brahui dé (this) is derived from Afghan da; the history of é (that)
and intermediate 6 is not clear. Afghan émay be the source of defective
i- (him, her, it). Genders are not distinguished.

Initial e¢ and @ interchange with je, 2, in southern Dravidian.
Lengthened ¢ sometimes becomes @, The interrogative basis e therefore
has the variants 7, je, 92, d, j@. Kanara uses a, dra, 34, java, for the
older adjective @. Gender-forms are old dvam and dvavam m., aval f.,
dr m.f.pL, deudu n., dewew n.pl.; modern javanu m., javalu f., pare
m.fpl.; old @ ém, é, modern éau n. The development of *ehar to
*?r and adr, without a hiatus-filler, broke up the usual symmetry of
gender-forms and allowed va to be considered radical instead of suffixal
In *@pan, dean-, javen-; va was added to the adjectives, and the ending
of *évadu became -udu, with a assimilated to the final vowel. The
forms with initial 7 have variants with initial d, apparently developed
from ad(u) in the question ad *éran (who is that ?): the neuter is
sometimes combined with a masculine in Dravidian, as in German
(wer ast das ?), The neuter énu looks like an accusative made from the
adjective € before the distinction of adjectives and substantives
became settled.

Corresponding to the adjective e¢, Tamil has evan, eval, evar, edu,
erai; a parallel ja-series with jar (often reduced to dr and used for
the singular) as a variant of javar; neuter édu, enna, evan, and en, .
These last two seem to be basic ¢e combined with *asn, the prevocalic
form of the accusative-ending.

Modern Telugu has the interrogative adjectives € and émi, with
the gender-forms evadu (gen. -ani) m., evaru (gen. -ari) m-f.pl., adi
(gen. déni) f.n., évi (gen. véli) n-pl.; also a feminine erate or evarte
and a neuter émi. In early Telugu the plural evarw has the variants
évaru, evvaru, evvdru, éru ; the masculine singular has parallel variants,
but with a nasalized vowel before d in the nominative; édi has the
variants edi, eddi, eyjadi, Sadi, with corresponding plurals, and similar
variants appear in the demonstratives : addi, ajjadi, djadi. The use of
¢d and ep came from emphasis, like parallel changes sometimes heard

118 DRAVIDIAN GENDER-WORDS

mi English (come mon! for come on). Perhaps emphasis also changed
&- to epja-, @ja-; or the j-forms may mean literally “what that".
The ending of evarte seems to be Aryan, like that of £ Telugu kuewaris or
komarte (daughter), connected with Sanskrit kumari. Probably &n:
came from *embi or *émii, in accord with } pamu = Tamil pambu
(snake), and is related to Tamil embar (where).

Tulu has the adjectives va, da, and the pronouns jér m.f., dane,
dadavu n., and another neuter written as orw or voww, Evidently
jer corresponds to Tamil jar; dane, with a dialectal variant didne <
*dja..., developed d as explained above, and produced da.
Apparently dadavu is a loan-word from Kanara davadu, conformed
to Tulu av, The o-basis is represented in va < *4, as ancient initial
w makes Tulu 6; and in (vjoww, which is inflected like avu.

Kodagu has the adjective j¢, with gender-forms corresponding
to those of the demonstratives, except for the plural dru ; and a neuter
jenné. All.of these may have been taken from Tamil.

Kurukh has the interrogative pronouns né@ (who) and endr (what).
The n of né seems to have come from a change of *asan *# to "asa né
(what is that person? = who is that ¢), when *asan became *asa.
Malto has né- (who), and indr- (what).

Kui has the interrogative adjectives ini, eni, ani, isti, esti, asti,
ost, and the pronouns imbaw, ombaw, umbare (who), ina, ena, ana
(what). The ending -a has the variant -ari, and forms its inflexional
stem by adding r. The mb-forms, used for both numbers, have the
plural-like inflexional stems imber-, omber-, wmber-; they seem to be
connected with the adverbs imba (here), emba (there). The same
mb-element, reduced to b, is seen in the interrogatives of Géndi, bal
or bor m., and bad n., which are inflected like the demonstratives
él, or, and nd.

Brahui has changed ancient short ¢ (and short 0) to a, and has #
for a recently shortened @. Thus it has three vowels for basic ¢ and @
in dér (who), gen. dinna < *dérna, and ant (what), The form dér,
used as singular and plural, corresponds to the southern plurals,
with d added as in Kanara: the Brihui demonstratives have the

variants dad, dd, ad, with -d keeping the form—though not the meaning
—of the old neuter.

THE GENDER OF ARABIC INFINITIVES IN URDU
A Complete Guide to the gender of nearly 1,000 nouns
By T. Graname BalLey

.ATTS'S Urdu Grammar contains rules to help in determining
the genders of nouns. As it was published in 1873 and has not

been revised since, one would expect that here and there some restate-
ment might be necessary. This short article deals with the Arabic
infinitives commonly used in Urdu. Platts gives seven forms (see
especially pp. 25-9), pointing out that six are generally masc. and one
fem. Inevery case but one there are exceptions. The student therefore
has an uneasy feeling that perhaps the exceptions are nearly as
numerous as the examples, and that in any case unless he knows all
the exceptions, the rules are of little value. These Arabic infinitives
give to Urdu between 900 and 1,000 nouns, It is impossible to say
exactly how many, for a hard and fast line cannot be drawn. Some
writers, like Abu’l Kalam Azad, overload their writings with little-
known Arabic words, others employ far fewer. I will here state the
rules and endeavour to give every exception. About some words

One broad rule to cover all others may be stated thus: nouns of
the form faf‘il are fem., and nouns of the following six forms are masc.,
if‘al, tafa‘‘ul, tafa'ul, infi'al, iftv'al, istif'al. Directly derived from these
and closely resembling them are some nouns ending in -a (i.e. -ah
with A not pronounced), which are mase., and in -dt which are fem.

Let us take them in detail.

(1) Form II, taf‘il. Approximately 230 of thisform are found in Urdu
literature in addition to forty which end in -a or -dt, such as tagfiya,
taqviyat. The 230 are all fem. except one, fa'viz, amulet, which is mase,
Most of them are abstract nouns, but even those which are not, with
the exception of ta‘viz, are fem. Thus Taglig, the Holy Trinity ;
tahsii, which often means a tahgildar’s house or court of justice ; tahuil,
capital, deposited funds ; fasnim, a fountain in Paradise (made masc,
by one poet, Shu‘iir), are fem.

About twenty-eight connected nouns end in -a. All are masc.,
but tahayya (for taliyya), salutation has both genders. The word
takhliya, letting go, evacuating, is wrongly given fem. by Platts’s Dict.
It is masc, Approximately twelve end in -df and are fem.

Quadriliteral words belonging to Form II are all masc. They
include words like tabakhtur, walking proudly, and fancy words like

TSO T. GRAHAME BAILEY—

takashmur, to act like or become a Kashmiri. There are about nine
of them.

tagayyad, fem., urging, insistence, is probably an alteration of
tagid < tagyid.

(2) Form IV, if‘al. About 13] words; all mase, except eight.

This number does not include about twenty-five derivatives in
-ai or -a; see below.

The eight exceptions are :—

ishih, correction, ifrat, abundance.

Whah, importunity. imddd, help,

imlak, property (rare). inghd, composition,

id, pain. ireal, rent remitted to headquarters.

_ When trsal means merely “ sending ”, it is not used as a noun; it
is then part of the verb irsal-karnd, send, or irsal-hond, be sent: imld,
dictation, 1s sometimes fem.

There are about seventeen derived nouns ending in -dt, all fem.,
e.g. ydzat, permission, and about eight in -a, all masec., as irdda, m.,
intention.

The following is a list of words to which Platts has given wrong
genders. The genders marked here are the correct ones :-—

ihgd, m., numbering. idbar, m., turning back.
ifa, m., paying. wma, m., sign, hint.
ijlds, M., session. ifrat, f., abundance.

irsal, f., rent sent on.
imdad, f., help.

He allows both genders to iAsa and ifrat ; imdad is correct in the
Gram. but wrong in the Dict. Conversely idbar is right in the Dict.,
but wrong in the Gram. ikr@A, m., aversion (rare), and irdd, citing,
which he gives as fem., have both genders.

(3) Form V, tafa“ul. About 173 words plus fourteen ending in
7, 187 in all, The former are all masc. except three, and the latter are
all fem. The three exceptions are :-—
tavajjuh, £., attention. tavagqu', £., hope.
tamanna, f., desire.

Platts has tavazzii, f., prayer-ablution, but it is not used in Urdu.

There are a couple of derived nouns in -a which are masc. They
bring the number up to 188.

(4) Form VI, tafa‘ul. About eighty-one. Twelve end in -7 and are
fem. ; three derived nouns end in -a and are mase. The remaining
sixty-six are all mase., except favdzu‘, politeness, consideration. |

imilak, £., giving possession to.

THE GENDER OF ARABIC INFINITIVES IN URDU 781

(5) Form VII, inf‘al. About thirty-five, all masc.

Platts’s Dict. gives imbisd!, gladness, fem, It is found both masc,
and fem. The poet Hali makes it masc.

(6) Form VIII, ifti‘al, About 130. Masc. with ten exceptions, of
which six end in -@. The fem. nouns are :—

Atiya), need. pitiyd!, care,
istiladh, conventional usage. iftla', announcement.
And the following in -a :—
thtidd, beginning. istifa, being elect (rare).
ishtiha, longing. iliija, petition.
iktifda, sufficiency. ihtida, being guided (very rare).

intiha, end.

Platts wrongly gives i'‘firaz as fem. The following are both masc.
and fem.: idtifat, courtesy ; iltimas, request; imfiydz, distinction ;
istindd, leaning on (rare); «tila, affliction; tind, anxiety,
sympathy ; tgfida, imitation.

It will be noticed that of the nouns ending in -d all the common ones
are fem., viz. dtida, iltijd, intihd, ishtiha.

(7) Form X, istif‘al. About sixty-eight ; mase. with the following
four exceptions :—
isti‘dad, capacity. istid a, supplication.
istirza, seeking to please (rare), istimddd, asking help.

The following have both genders: istisnd, exception, tstignda,
wealth, independence, isfig far, asking forgiveness.

istig far is generally pronounced astag far.

PI. Dict. gives m. gender to istisnd, istig far (30 alao Gram.), and to
istimddd (correct in Gram.), istikrah, m., aversion, 1s correct in the
Dict., but wrong in the Gram.

Further, seven derived nouns ending in -d? are fem., and five ending
in -a are masc, Adding them to the sixty-eight already mentioned, we
get eighty for class.

To sum up: I have dealt with about 950 nouns, which may be
divided approximately as follows :—

Connected with Form II 280

mF ni IV 156
ir +5 Y 1%)
* + VI 80
te 5; Vit 3
+4 tt Vul 150
+ - X 80

Total 950

132 THE GENDER OF ARABIC INFINITIVES IN URDU

Of these 870 are Arabic infinitives and eighty are directly derived
nouns ending in -dé or -a.
The following simple rules govern them.

Feminine.
All ending in -7 No exceptions,
" * Fr -tit No exceptions.
The form taf‘il One exception, viz. tajviz, amulet.

Masculine all the rest. Some exceptions as below.

Detaits or Mascunine Tyres.
Quadriliterals of Form II All masec.: no exceptions,
Derived nounsin-a . All masc,; no exceptions.
Form if‘al . : . ight exceptions given above.
» tafa“ul ; - Three exceptions, tavajjuh, lavaggt',

» tafdul ‘ . One exception, tavdzu‘, f., politeness,

» nji‘dl, } - No exceptions.

» oftr'al . Ten exceptions, given above.

» ‘stif'al . . Four exceptions, istid'a, isti*dad, istimdad,
istirza,

The phrases in Platts’s Gram., p. 25, ll. 19, 20, “a few more words
that end in ¢ or a,” ete., and that on p, 26, Il. 17, 18, “a few words
ending in -@ or¢” should be omitted. I do not think that in either case
there is a purely fem. word ending in ¢, and those which end in -d are
about equally divided,

If we omit words of the forms if‘al and iftal we have 720 nouns
with only nine exceptions ; even if we include these two forms
Sets = relatively numerous eighteen exceptions, the total is
only 27.

A few words, not Arabic infinitives, may be mentioned in conclusion.
Platts gives wrong genders to the fem. nouns injil, Gospel; afvah,
rumour ; éardzi, balance (correct in Grammar). banafsha, violet, which
he makes fem., is both masc, and fem.

ENGLISH WORDS IN PANJABI
By T. GranamMe BalLey

HE details of philological processes are generally lost in the
mists of obscurity, and most recognized linguistic development
is difficult to follow because it took place hundreds or thousands of
orcs ago. We must often have wished for the chance of hearing one
change into another, and the wish is usually vain. But in the
case of English words in India it is frequently possible to see them
entering the country and watch the changes taking place. We can learn
valuable lessons from the detailed study of one Indian language. I
have therefore taken Panjabi and given a list of nearly 400 English
words which have been incorporated into it. This first article contains
the words with their Panjabi equivalents in two dialects. In the second

I hope to analyse the words and draw conclusions.

English words in India may be divided into three classes. First
there are words which have been wholly assimilated and are known to
every villager. At the other extreme we have a large number, an
indefinite number, of words used only by educated Indians in con-
yersation or books, They are recognized as foreign words and those
who use them try to pronounce them as in English. Np object would
be served by making a list of them. A man once said to me with much
bitterness : “ merd fadarinli meri vaif nu bard badli tarit kardd e (my
father-in-law treats my wife very badly)"; or we may hear mé@
bara lonli fil karna ed (1 feel very lonely). Such Panjabi does not help us.

But there is a third class, viz. technical terms used only in
connexion with certain professions or pursuits or amusements. We
have military, legal, and scholastic words, or it may be words relating
to canals, railways, or games. These words are, it is true, employed
by illiterate people, but their sphere is limited. They are diffeult
to deal with, for one does not know exactly how many of them to
include, To take one example, most English military terms are found
in the sipahi's vocabulary, but only a few are fully naturalized. I
have had to exercise my judgment in the matter.

A -word as to the preparation of this list. I first wrote out the words
as they are heard in Northern Panjabi, and sent them to Dr. Banarsi
Das Jen, who belongs to Ludihina and speaks the southern dialect.
He very kindly sent me a further list including about sixty words

784 T. GRAHAME BAILEY—

which I had not thought of, and gave his own pronunciation of my
words, I in turn added the Northern pronunciation of his new
words. Frequently there is no difference between us. To give his
forms and mine separately would involve a lot of needless repetition.
It is sufficient to indicate the general line of divergence, It is entirely
characteristic of the two dialects.

Where the Northern has The Southern tends towards

Kh, g kh, g
f, e (faint dento-labials) ph, b
s €or ch
( l

He Nn

Dr. Banarsi Dis has no kA or g, and uses / only when it is assimilated
to a following ¢ or @; his n, too, is rarer than mine. The ordinary
system of transliteration has been followed except that sounds usually
written au and ai are represented by aw and @. This is to prevent the
common English distortion of them into the “ow” of “howl ” and
“y”" of “style”. Dr. Banarsi Das’s m is [Ae], mine is pure
monophthongic [3].

About a dozen words are taken from a Bengali list prepared by
Mr. Sutton Page.

_ List or Encuisn ‘Worps ix Paysapt
act (legal), what, ikat. ? banyan (a vest), baneen’, banean’.
agency, aja'nsi. bank (money), bank (? Port.).

agent, ajant’,. baptize ; beplaiz ‘ond, be baptized.
Africa, afri’ka, phari' ka. barracks, barak:, brag.
America, amri'ka, barrack-master, do, -miélar,

American, marin (a cloth).

~mastar; his place of work,
allowance, alawns, laws.

do. -mdstri, -mastri. A b.-m.

appeal (legal), apil. is a transport agent.
April, apret’, barrister, balistar, balistar ; his
artichoke, hathicok. work, bali’éteri, bali’ stari.
assistant, afant’, astant'. bat (for play), bert.
August, agast’ (dental 1), bearer, be'rd,

bearing, barang’ (letter without
B.A., bi’ yye. stamp, person without ticket),
ball (for play), bal. beef, bif.
bamboo cart, ba’mba kdt(bamboo belt, built.

alone is not used), bench, bane, bine, brine.

ENGLISH WORDS IN PANJABI

Bible, babal, baibal.

bicycle, baiskal’, ba’ tavkal’.

? billet, bilG (way-bill, etc.).
bioscope, baiskop.

biscuit, biskut.

blotting, blatin, blotting-paper.
board, bod.

boarding, bedin, bodan (hostel).

boat, see gunboat.
boil, bel; ‘ddbel, hard boil;

‘afbal, half boil, i.e. boil soft.

bomb, bam (7? Port.) ; see ‘* bum-
ball’.

boot, bit.

bottle, botal.

box, bakas, baks.

bowl, boli-galas (bowl-glass, i.e.
finger-bowl).

braces, bresaz ; see “ gallowses.”

brake, birk, brek (guard’s van,
etc.)

branch, brane.

brandy, brand’.

breast, see “ double”.

brush, burs, burs, burch.

buggy, ba'ggi.

bugle, bigal.

bulldog, buldiig.

bull-terrier, bili, bili-kuttd.

bum-ball, bump-ball (in cricket),
bamb; see “ bomb”.

button, batan.

cake, kek.

calendar, kala’ndar.

camp, kampii, kamp (? Port.).

canister, knastar, bana’ star (? Port.
canastra, basket).

car, see “‘ motor".

785

card, kat (postcard).

castor-oil, kastare’|, kastren'l.

catch, kere.

catching house, kanji hawd (pound
for stray cattle),

cement, si mult, si mint, sir'mat,

centre, séafar awt (run out,
stumped),

certificate, safi' plak, s@'tuphi'tak.

chain, cen.

chalk, eak,

chance, cins, cdnas; onli cans

milea, he gave a chance
(cricket).
cheque, cikk, cik.

chief court, ciphot.

chimney, cimni, chant.

chocolate, cable't, cakolet.

chop, edp; see “ potato ”.

Christian, kristan, kristan (? Port.).

cigarette, sigrat.

civil surgeon, sival sarjan.

class, klas, kalds.

clerk, Alark, kaldrak, klark.

cloth, kalath, kilath.

club, kalaf ; kalaf k’ar, club house.

coach, tec; coachman, koevan.

coat, kot.

cocoa, koko.

coffee, kafi,

collar, ‘alar.

college, kala).

colonel, barna’l.

commander ;
(C.0.)

commission, AKamisan, Aamisan,

commissioner, sAamiésnar,
kamisnar,

committee, kame'fi, kame’ tf.

company, kawmpani, kampani.

afsar

kamaniar

786 T. GRAHAME BAILEY—

a (medical), kampo'dar, dollar, dalla,
be tar. down, see “ signal "’.

Ghee kanphrees. dozen, darjan,

congress, hangras. drawer, draz, draj.

constable, ka’nstebal, kanste'bal. drawers, pair of, draz, draj,

copy, Adppi, kipi (note-book, dress, dares, dres (d and d).
copy-book). dresser, daresar.

cork, kak, big. dressing, dressi (levelled ground

cornflour, kirnjflawr. etc.: dental d).

couch, kawe. drill, cloth, daril.

council, kiwesal, drill, military, daril, dalel (dental

court, erat (court of ward),
¢, fees, kot fis, kot phis; see
“ chief”.

cTeam, form.

cricket, kirkat.

croquette (for eating), kurkat.

cuff, kaff, kaph.

cut piece renee

cutlet, katlas.

dead-house (mortuary), déd ‘aw's.

December, dsa’mbar, dasa'mbar
(dental d),

decree, di’qri.

deputy, dipfi; d. commissioner,
dip kamisénar,

diamond cut, demal kat.

diary, deri,

dictionary, dikénri.

director, darektar, dareMar.

dish, dix,

dispensary, dispénsri.

distant signal, disi savugal,

doctor, dagdar, dagdar, dakdar,
déMar ; abstract noun, dagdari,
dagdari, dakdari, daktari,

double, dabal (strong, excellent) ;
dabal rofi, English bread ; dabal
bres, double breast.

d in latter).
driver, engine-, daratvar.

engine, ian, anjan.

engineer, anji'nyar, anjni'r,
anjnir, anjniar, a'ngnaiar.

entrance (exam.), éntraens, antres.

Kuropean, yirpin, ziirbin,

F.A., éffe, affe, epphe.

fail, fel, fe'l, phel, phe'l.
father (priest), fadar.
fashion, fasan, phesan.
February, farvari, pharbari.
fees, fis, phis.

fire, verb, feer, feel.
fireman, fermen, fairmen.

hastkla

flannel, faldlen, phalalen,
foot (measure), itt, futt, phutt ;
football, futbal, phutbal.

? forme (printing), farma, pharma
(? Port.).
French, phrdsissi.

French beans, frashin,

frock, frak, phrik

fry, frai.

.- o* i .
ENGLISH WORDS IN PANJABI 187
fryingpan, fraip<in. hot case, ‘at'kes, ‘asket.

furlong, farla'g, pharlan.

gaiters, gefas, gatas.

“ gallowses ” (braces), galas,
galas.

gaol, jel.

Bas, ges.

general (military), jarnal’.

general, adj., janral.

gentleman, jo'nfalman,

German, jarman.

Germany, jarmani.

gilt, gilt, Ui) Ht.

gegam.

girder, gadar.

glass, ia gilas (usually of
metal) ; ? % ais ts

gravy, grebbi.

gross (12 dozen), guras.

guard, railway, gad.

guard, military, police, garad
(prob. Portuguese).

half, see “‘ boil”, “ plate ”.
head (of canal), ‘éd, ‘ad.
aster, ‘éd- or ‘ad

headquarters, ‘id kudiar.
high, ‘ai

high sco} ‘at sku.
high court, ‘a Kol. —
hit, “ft (noun).
hockey, ‘aki, “aki.
holder, ‘avw/dar (pen).

ed-mastar

hotel, ‘otal (hotel, restaurant).
house, see “‘ catching “, “dead ”.
hurricane, ‘ariken (lantern).

Inch, cenci, inet, wie.

Inspector, inep-ttar, -édtar, -aktar.
intermediate, infer, intarmintam.
[reland, @rland.

Italy, #fi.

jacket, pakat.

jam, jam.

jam-puff, jdmpap.

January, janvari, janbari.

jerk, yark.

July, jula’i, gula’, pawla'i, jawld’.
June, jain.

kettle, ketli.

lamp, lamp (? Port. lampada).

landau, lando,

late, let.

lecturer, [2kcarar.

lemonade, lammne't, lamle't.

licence, lasa'ns.

lieutenant, lafte’n, lafta’nt.

line, lan, lan. —)
local, nokal, lokal.
lord, lat. |
lower, loar.

M.A., enue, @mme.

ma'am, men.

macaroni, matriini,
machine, masin, masin.
magistrate, may’istret.
Malta, malta (orange).

788

manager, mrnjar, mane'jar.

March, mérae, mare,

mark, mérka, mark (trade mark :
? Port.).

market, méarkit.

marmalade, mamlet,

master, mdsilar, mastar; see“head”.

matches, macis,

mate, met (head workman).

May, mai,

néeting, milih, milan,

_¢member, mimbar: mimbri, mem-
bership.

mess, miskot (officera’ mess). The
Zenana Mission House in
Dalhousie is called miskot be-
cause it was-once an officers’

middle, maidal,

mile, mil, mel (? Port. mild).

mull, small, mil,

mince, mens,

minute (60 seconds), mint, minat,

miss (lady), miss.

MISSION, masan,

missionary, misnari.

money order, maniddar.

monitor, mani‘lar, mnitar.

motor, mofar.

motor-car, motokdt, motarkat.

municipal, miyiinispal,

municipality, myidnispelli.

necktie, nakia'i.

note (bank), not, lot,

novel (story), ndval,

November, navambar.

number, nambar, lambar, nambar,
lambar ; lambardar (ete.), village
headman.

NUTS, Fars,

T. GRAHAME BAILEY—

October, aktdbar (dental ¢).

officer, afsar.

omlet, mamlef: see “‘ marmalade”.

operation (surgical), apre éan,
apresan.

order, adar; see “ money ".

orderly (military), ardali, ardali.
out, awt (cricket); see “centre”.
overcoat, uvarkot,

papa, pa’ pa.

parade (ground, or manceuvres),
pare't.

parcel, parsal,

party, palit, parfi, palfi (team).

pass, pas,

passenger, psanjar, pasa’njar
(passenger train).

pencil, pilsan, pilsan,

pension, pinsan, pinsan, milsan.

peppermint, pippalmine.

phaeton, jitan, phitan.

phenyle, fanel, phanel, pharnal.

photo, foto, photo.

pin, pin.

pipe, pep.

plague, pale’g, pleg.

plait, pale't, plet.

plaster, plastar (dental f).

Plate, pale’t, plet; ‘af plet (half-
plate), cheese plate,

plate-layer, plefi'ar.

platiorm, pletfarm, pletpharm.

platoon? palian,

poach (eggs), poe; poached eggs,
anda poe.

police, puls, pulas.

polish, palas.

polo, pollo, po'llo.

porter, pofar,

EXGLISH WORDS IN PANJABI

postmaster, posmastar, posmastar.
pot, pat.

potato-chop, pate'tar cf p.

pound (money), pad,

powder, podar.

president, prezidant, prejidant,
parizand,

press (printing), pres.

primary (school), premri.

pudding, phufi'n, pufi'n.

pump, Papp, pamp.

putty, phuti’n, pufi'n, pafi'n.

Quaker Oats, kuekar ot.

quarantine, turdfin.

quarter, kudfar (for quarter plate,
Le. tea plate); see ‘ head-
quarters ”,

quinine, Auna'n, Aure'n.

quorum, boram.

ration, rasn,

ream, rim, rim.

raji'siri, rajistri; registrar,
raye strar,

report, ra'pat, ra'bat, rapo't ; rabti,
rapfi, ratbi, reporter (village).

rifle, rafal,

round (police), rdwd (dental d).

rubber, rabar, raha.

ruler, rél, lal (pencil or ruler).

rum, ram,

run through, ran thr.

BAUCe, saa.

sauce-boat, sasbot,

789

school, skil; skiulli, adj.

Scotch, sakac, skac,

Scotland, sakdtland, skaitland.

second (time), skint, saki'nt.

second (class in train), sékan,
seekan.

second (course in meal), sikan,

secretary, skatiar, soba’ thar
(dental ft).

semolina, samli'nd,

sentry, sanfri (dental f).

September, stambar,
(dental f).

sergeant, sirjan, sdrjant.

servant, sarvanfi (servants’

session(s), sigan, sisan,

signal, savigal, suagal, singal.

signal, down, do. dawn.

slate, sale’, slet.

sleeper (railway), sliper, slipat.

slipper, si'lpat, slipat.

soda, soddda, so‘ddd.

speech, sapi'c, spic.

spell, spéll (for noun “ spelling”).

stamp, astam, astam.

station, sale'san, sfesan, flesan,
fesan, aste fan.

stew, iti,

stool, ful.

study, stad,

stuffing (in duck, etc.), sata"pin,
stapin.

sub-, sab,

superintendent, siiprinténdant,
suparda’nt.

tapioca, f4piil.
tar-coal, farkol,
tax, fikas, tigat.

satambar

790

team, fim.

thermometer, tharmamdar,
tha'rmame' tar.

third class, thadd kalds, thard klas
(7 18 a fricative cerebral),

ticket, tikat, tikas, tigat ; batikta,
without a ticket.

- tiffin, fipen.

time, fem, tem; batemi, lateness
for (be-tem-t).

timepiece, farmfis, temps.

time-table, teméebal,

tin, fin.

toast, fos (dental f).

tomato, famdlar,

tray, frel (dental 2).

train, faren, tren, tren,

treacle, trikal, tarikal.

ENGLISH WORDS IN PANJABI

trump (in cards), tu’rap (dental ¢).

trumpet, fu’ram (dental ¢).

trunk (steel), tarank, traik.

tub, fap.

' tumtum, famtam (pony trap).

tumble, rambaltambal (scrambled
eggs).

tunnel, tandal.

turpentine, tarpin (dental t).

twill, fal, tell.

upper, a@par,

vernucelli, varm seli.
V.P., vipi (value payable).

waistcoat, vaskat, basket,
warrant, vara'n!, bara'nt,
whiskey, wiski, biski, huski.

ADDITIONAL Worps
custard, bastar.

gap, gab.

TeCess, rasa’ s.
shed, shidd,

THE PRONUNCIATION OF MARATHI
By A. Liuoyvp James and 8. G. Kannere

A hee pronunciation recorded in this article is that habitually used
by one of the writers, whose native language is Marathi. It
represents the pronunciation of a native of Bombay who has for many
years lectured in his own language in the principal cities of the Bombay
Presidency. It is not an attempt, therefore, to represent the colloquial
pronunciation of Marathi, but of the style of language in vogue in
learned circles in public utterances.
The vowel sounds in this pronunciation are shown on the diagram
in relation to the cardinal vowels recorded by Professor D. Jones on
H.M.V. Record B,804 (The Gramophone Company, Hayes, Middlesex).

Front

a »—_——_e—ea
Frou Back

The cardinal vowels are indicated by black dots, and the Marathi
vowels by red dots. There are in addition two diphthongs, au and ar.

All vowels and diphthongs may be nasalized ; in the case of e it is
to be observed that nasalization has the effect of lowering appreciably
the tongue position, giving the effect rather of £.

VOL. f¥. FART IV. 62

192 A. LLOYD JAMES AND S. G. KANHERE—

Inasmuch as the length of vowel sounds is a very important feature
of the language, it is well to observe at the outset what appears to
be the principle governing the distribution of length.

The vowelsi, e, a, 0,0, ¥ are always long, whiles, v, and 9 are always
short. w appears always in conjunction with either r or 1, and is short.
It appears long only in the names of the letters called respectively
ruckar @z and lw:ker =.

t and w are the short vowels corresponding to i and u respectively ;
@ 18 the short vowel corresponding to a. When a word consists
orthographically of two syllables each containing the vowel a, e.g.
ego, the final vowel is dropped, the word becomes monosyllabic,
and the vowel is lengthened. This lengthened vowel constitutes
the very characteristic Marathi sound ¥.

3 = &rg (world).

The diacritical marks known as om and oha are usually counted
among the vowel signs of the language.

am, a dot over a vowel letter, indicates either that the vowel is
nasalized, or that it is followed by a nasal consonant, It is, however,
often entirely ignored in pronunciation,

€.g. ST4T aba (mango),
#4 = montro (formula),
What decides which value is to be given to the dot is not clear
e.g. Zeta is pronounced dehat — in the hody,
whereas @T@ is pronounced dehanta— end of body, death.
aha, two dots written after the vowel, indicates a strong emission
of the vowel, followed by h or even x.
e.8- $4 dohkha (pain).

It isto be observed that more attention is paid to “ am" and“ aha"
in the literary style of pronunciation than in the colloquial, and that
hasalization of vowels is frequently omitted entirely, There is no trace
of nasalization in the Marathi records 5541 AK. and 5542 A.K.
presented to the School of Oriental Studies by the Government of
Bombay.

“aha” is represented in the colloquial language by a doubling
of the consonant. |

%'& is not pronounced dohka but dokkha.

THE PRONUNCIATION OF MARATHI 793

The consonants are shown in the following table :—

Plosive a | ae
Unaspirated p b t d t d k g
Aspirated ph bh th dh : th qh kh gh

Affricate f ATELY
Unaspirated s &z =f & ;
Aspirated th dh th ah |

Nasal m nm) | i] y

Lateral 8 Prana Tt ares Fee eee
Unaspirated v l l
Aspirated — &) an stil a Lia te

Rolled | r (r) ae

Fricative | j 3 h

Semi-Vowel | 1 | |

There appears to be some uncertainty as to the distribution of the
affricate sounds, one symbol—q—doing duty for & and ff, and one—
a—ifor & and &.

It would appear that the dental affricates are never used before
front vowels, or before the semi-vowel }; they are likewise never used
in Sanskrit and Hindostani words. There are cases of words written
alike but having different meanings, according to the value given to
the letter. Thus :—

qrq Gar = grass.

‘art tar = four.

we &rd = heavy.

ae &rd = stupid man,

Similarly
treat = radea (king).
araTae radakade (to the king).
The stop element of the voiced affricates is very weak, at times

OO EE ee eS ee

TO4 A. LLOYD JAMES AND &. G. KANHERE—

almost inaudible, and the alveolar affricates are often palatalized,
resulting in an appreciable palatal off glide, j.

n) appears before r, 0, or oh, f ssh dnj samjraksan = protection,
samohita — text, sam[ri — doubt.

kemsa — bracket, smphe = lion, samdnya — designation.

v. This differs from the sound so generally heard in India by having
a secondary velar articulation, giving it something of the sound of
w: when preceded by h, e.g. tehvd (then) it is aspirated and sounds
almost like English v with the secondary velar articulation.

[; This is a subordinate member of the qd phoneme and is used
in all medial positions, except when a consonant follows. The Marathi
speaker is unaware of any difference between his medial sound and
his initial or final sound, but to the trained observer the difference
is considerable. To obviate the use of an extra symbol we have used
q throughout the transcriptions,

aiweta = lakpatse (of wood).
WEaT = padla (fell).
Wl saata = thodkjat (in short).

The following passages represent the slow deliberate style of
pronunciation used in dictation.

foorayi fekti phar mothi ahe. ti kati mothi ahe

tacest oafs ax aat we. at fmt aa we
he apnos saneta jenor nahi.
€ owomra ataat ame aa.

he G¥g vy tjatil serve vestu ifvorané otpanngo kelja

owt Ff att 4 ow im ema ae
ahet. he ap(a)lé pustakanté hapatys paha; he kefaté
aret. 6 @ STU gerate 0 aatze owe: «OF ama
Kelé che? lakdate. pra té dja dehadatja lakdate
Si Se? sige. oat ¥ = gern siesta
kel—E ahe, té dzhaq koni otpenna kelz, ifvarané.

THE PRONUNCIATION OF MARATHI 195

jhatpremané serve ovestunta sambondha fevfi tjatfakedets

aq qa aay Taz! araaes

potto. hi domin vr cdhadé, dingyvr vr parvyt, ani
Grad. gt aat1 4 ge, gic 4 waa, atfer
neadja wr semuddra, hi sarva ifvaranzt otpenna keli ahet.
wa 6906 aag, «fi 44 tants saa at aE.
manugjé, danau(9)ré, pakai, ltt jad prani ifvaraneb
aaa, maTat, aa, wf am tats
otponno kele ahet.

ifuerafja faktine govot rodeté, dhanjo pikté ani
tava 06 uate 0 6Oaaa a, «=Car foam ari
dhadana pholé wr phalé jetat. paus tots padito
aretat FH FH AAA. wae are afear
vr tjatfats sattent vara vahato.
3 ara aaa att aerar.

servo dkogas oded denara ha surja paha. to

ay oma sae gar i aa wet af
nasta = tr apry, pits (a) 16 nestd, v¥ déhadé
wat TTT TART waat, 8 4 giz
vadh(s)li nasti. to surjehi ifvoranes utpanno kela.
avea)) oo wad). oa oaadt) otra ost Ser.
tesats ratri ahlad dejara ffandra voy tameknare tare
qara wal ares garet de OF FAMMTT CATT
hehi tjanéis utpanno kele.
tt aq ~3weae a4.

ifovr apnala disyt nahi, pry opty dé kahi korité
tac oso feaa wel, wa woe F atel aftat
té sarva tjala disté.
a 4a mrar faa.

796 A. LLOYD JAMES AND &. G. KANHERE—

to serodvrr mamata kerito, ani sarvdnta sambha| karito.
oa thor) «6y 6 =6majalu «= do ifurr, tjala aprq___inittjo
war WIT Ot OAT OMS, «omret wom faa
bhadsavé.
waa.
I
The might of God is very great. How great it is we cannot tell.
This world and all things in it are created by God. Look at our book-
case! What is it made of ? Of wood. But who created the tree
the wood of which is used for the bookcase ? God, In this way He
is the creator of all, This earth and trees, hills and mountains, rivers
and oceans, all are created by God. Human beings, animals, birds
and all other beings are created by God. The grass grows through
His power, and so does corn, and through His power the trees blossom
and bear frait. He sends the rain and through His command the wind
blows. Look at the sun which gives light to the whole world. We
should not live, nor would the trees grow were it not for the sun.
That sun was created by God. Also the moon that refreshes us at
night and the sparkling stars also have been created by God. We
cannot see God, but He sees whatever we do.

He is kind to all and protects all. We should love Him who is
80 great and kind.

IT
eka dhangorapafi pugky| menghré vy kokré hot.
Val VT yas Het a Stat grat.
tjafa tsarapanjatfi vjavastha to phar tsangli {hevi.
ata STarerdt = aezet ay It wine Fay.

ekhadja mendhras kimva kikras kahi adr hala,

kokri theklé trr to tjala khandjavrr ghei.
ae cae act a ae array 6G.

THE PRONUNCIATION OF MARATHI T97
sardim {a, to tja mendhratfi oy kokrayi pofifa porapramané
aitiy, at @t Hectdt 34 aiactet Wee Wma

niga rakhit ose. tjapramanét mendhré wy kokré ranat
fam «eta wa. aTaatid Het 0 Stat trata
Barvt ota tjina randzavinjasathi to paiva ovdavi ovF
ata waat @rat 4 otafamratat oat ooratT oaTaat 4
tjentfa keutukatfi gani gai. ofa prokaré tja mendhrana ovr
area oatgardl art at. ant wart @t aetmr 4
kékrina phar sukh hot asljamulé ti tsinglf gubgubit
Saal BIT «FSG «FTA RASTA at otal = qaqata
d@hali hoti matra tjina savezapasun opedryy hoi naje
grat grat. ara at aaa saga aH 7a
mhenun ratritfa veli to dhoenger tjana mendhvadjit kéndun
eeu Crate aal at want oaial azaieaia = aTs4

[hevit ase.

zaia wa.
tethe padun ti khufal dhép ghet. mendhvadjafja at
aq wea w Gary aio wa. Aearsarat Sta

tyr kaj pyn aspassuddhG satzas phiraktG jet nase. kaki,
at ara um arauragqedt erase facaat Ga ae. ata,
dhangerate kvttre tjat{jjasabhémuti rakhyyn korit phirrt asrt.
was Fa 4 m@reradiad? tag atta fata mam.
vigjadijavrr to dhoenger méqhvadjasé dar vghdi tevha
Sareerat al want 4 agaTeaTe ett oaaet ase
atil sarva menqhré oy kékré baher pedun ranat teravajas
aiata 444 «|Fet OT TRC TET OTEH Tra ATTaaTa
dat.
Td.

asa «skrym pogkr| drovs alla hota, wor sarva mend hré
wel wa yas feaa area ela, J Fa Het
oy kokré oraqnjat rabili hoti © pyn tjamedhjé ke
a tat wemia «ofsat gat iw waa Wi

198 A. LLOYD JAMES AND §. G. KANHERE—

alld wy murkha kodkri hoté: tjala = mendvadjat rahonz

wae 4 Fe awe FH; mat FAesreata TH

avdenasé houn tjafja mandt bhalbheltets ovrtsar jet lagle.

Weed a4 aT ants wana faarc Ge area.
ll

There was a shepherd who had many sheep and lambs. He looked
well after their food and drink.

He was watchful if any sheep or lamb was ill. If any lamb was
tired while climbing a hill, he would take it on his shoulder. Ina word,
he looked after those sheep and lambs just as if they were his children.
Also, when the sheep and lambs were grazing in the pasture, he would
play his flute to amuse them, and sing songs of tenderness towards
them. Thus the sheep and the lambs being very happy had grown
very fat and healthy. At night he used to lock them up in the fold
so that they should not be harmed by any wild beast. They slept
happily in the fold, Not only inside the fold but even in the vicinity
of it no beast could venture, as the shepherd's dogs used to guard the
fold... all around. - In the morning the shepherd opened the gate
and all the sheep and lambs came out and went to the pasture.

Thus it was going on for days and days, all the sheep and the
lambs had lived in the field. But there was one silly and stupid
lamb. It did not like to live in the fold and had foolish ideas.

Ill

mani mungus.

TaMl aaa.
eka bamé ek moygus palrlé hoté. tja mongsala _—trisa
Cal aH UH aaa wise He. al gzarat = faa
phor lala laglela hota. te 86 tifja = ghori =Ss ekhadja
SIC HT ATT Bra. 7 far a vara
molapramanéz bagvt ase; jhamolé tja gharat sapakrrd atji
egal bhiti nose. eke drofi ose khalé ki, ti bai
wet ifs Hy. wa feat aio ome at at att
aplja = tanhja ~=s molala badeorr niéoun pani anavajas

THE FRONUNCIATION OF MARATHI 799

nediuvr eli; stkjat ek motha sap ghorit frrun tja
azrat oat; waata wa alat amy outta freq wt
badevrr tsadhi lagla. monsatfi drwsti tjazurr datdb,
araat SCOTT. BaaTa! «gfe | oaTaat | OaTats,
molala ha tsavnar asé pahun tjané tabdtob sapavrr odi
Halal ST SlaMit BA VERA BT aTAeATA arate set
ghatli, ani tjatfi khindo|i kerun takili! molafi ai ghori
alae, wife ardl aisiaet wen etfaet! sare? are ait
jete té daritys mongus titfja drwgtis padlé; tjasé téd
aa ai actas dya fren qite ove: are ate
raktané bharlelé hoté. apla perakrym tia dakhomja—
THT 8 6Wtee «Ta. «sTgaT o«wdaaAa fant erafaer—
kerttaf deni kaj té titfja téndakde pahat rahrié!
afta wo ara 4 faa atstae vata «cite!
pry tila osé 8 vatlé ki, monsané a(d)z oap(a)lé mul
um frat aH qee a, Fane aa WH Fa
marun khallé! tevhi tila do rag ala, tjot{fja dhoapatjit
ATSe4 «ata! aAcet fast al ttt aren. arat w_qtzata
tmé bherlela handa monsat{ja dokjavvr fakila. tja mulé

fat wceat eter gaara eraqrat zifaat. a ae
monsa&é doké phufun té totkal merry pavlé.
qqtaTs tei Gea A asi acy wae.

podhé ti bai badeedouy| daun pahata, té sapate tukde
ye oat are avasas staat vera, at arama gaz

trijja drmstis podle, vv mulehi khofal nideljaté tzla
fret gqite ogee 9 qaet gu fawera feet
aqhelun alé.

tevhd brifarja mani moygsaba aprn ogats pran ghetla
acet faaqrcar raril aaarat wom sara arm Gaer

S00 A. LLOYD JAMES AND §. G. KANHERE—

as— pahun tila phertt dohkha thalé. ti mhanali, “mi
wa wea fat ate gq ge. at seme, “mt

ktti utave|paga kela! dojo madha rag! kti goni madzhé
faat sargteqat Ser! wat arr cra! fadt aut ara

mongos! tjan—é sap marun maghja bajas vitsourlé! as
qya! oat amy area arear aimee atefaw! aa
esta =o aurfarané mi tja gartbatsa vjartha &iv ghetla”.
waat sf at @t oaftarar ae da Saar.”

Ill
THe Farraru. Moxcoosr

A woman had a Mongoose. She was very fond of it. The Mongoose
lived there just like a child. And therefore there was no fear of any
snake or reptile.

One day it happened that the woman. putting her baby to sleep
in a cot, went to the river to fetch some water. A large snake crept
into the house and was climbing on the cot. The Mongoose caught
sight of it and seeing that the snake was about to bite the baby, it
Jumped, and cut it into pieces! The woman came home and saw the
Mongoose at the door, with its mouth covered with blood. The
Mongoose fixed its eyes on her as if it was showing its valour and
bravery. But she thought that it had eaten her baby! She was filled
with anger and in her frenzy she dashed the pitcher on the head of
the Mongoose. The head of the Mongoose was broken and it died on
the spot.

The woman went to the cot and saw the bits of the snake and also
the baby fast asleep. She was very sorry for killing such a faithful
Mongoose. She said to herself “ How impatient I was, woe to my
anger! How good was my Mongoose. It saved my baby by killing
the snake. I killed that poor thing through sheer stupidity.”

The opening sentences of Record 554] A.K. are as follows :-—
aple entexkaryn he aple ghyr hoi. tyatse dhoni, atmarampant,
ssnmatimala, dnjanarkapadyk, vagotre amol alankar, tjant{a khodginjat
ahet. j(h)a aplea gh(9) rat, myn ha dervadka ahe. tjauyr onek
lok dtamle ahet, vy tjani baher agdi, kalla manila ghe. hyast¥v ,

THE PRONUNCIATION OF MARATHI SO1

apry dzaun, tjatil seddjen stil, tjas dervadea oghdun at ghetle
pahigge, vy de dugfa lok, atil vastutse, Youriakerma kernjas ale
astil, tjas hakolun lavle pahid&e.

This passage, dictated in the pronunciation analysed for the
purposes of this article, was as follows :-—

aplé antaxkeryn hé aplé ghrr hoi. tjate dhani atmarampont,
sanmatimala dnjanarkapadyk vgeire emol slenkar tjdat{a khadmjat
ahet. hja aplea gharat myn ha darvadea che. tjavsr anek lok
dramle ahet, vy tjdni baher ogdi kella mdnla ahe. hjastyy apry
dzaun tjdtil soddzyn astil tjas dervadea ughdun at ghet(s)lé pahide
ur de dusta lok Gtil vastutsé ffeuriskermo kernjas ale ostil tjds
haklun laorlé pahic&e.

! 7
a . .
© ’ he
: 7 ,
. . »
av : , " }
The >
a Ag |
chat on -
LL =) f |
ng ; ; 1
; - > 2 hs
on
a}
| f
4 4 vi sf ; |
. -
4 ; | j
¢e
iss A | oh
| Li
4
if & i ?
x : 6 ’ y
= ad 7 , .
,’ J a ;
r

GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE JAHAI DIALECT,
SPOKEN BY A NEGRITO TRIBE OF ULU PERAK AND
ULU KELANTAN, MALAY PENINSULA

By Pater P. ScHEBEsTA
(Translated by C. O. Biagpenx)
Intropucrory Nore

Ree typographical reasons the Jahai words and phrases in the
following grammatical sketch have been transcribed from the
Anthropos alphabet into the script of the International Phonetic
Association. The two alphabets do not strictly correspond, and it
seems desirable to add a few explanations of some of the symbols used.
The a is about midway between cardinal vowel No. 4 (French
dame) and No.5 (the French negative “ pas’), the e about No. 2
(German “ Reh“); the « about No. 3 (French “ est "’); the a is like
the Malay ¢, a neutral vowel generally rather forward and moderately
high (in some cases, e.g. in leg?, it is something like the i in the English
word “ fin”); the o is a dull o tending towards u (closer than o and
not as far back); the o is about No. 7 (French “ cau"): the a about
No, 6 (German “ voll); the vo is about the English o in “not”;
the u is about No. 8 (French “ ou"); the wis between the ¢ and the
English a in “hat. The @ is described as an open German 6, the y
as resembling the German ii but shorter. I suspect that neither of
these Jahai sounds is a true front rounded vowel, but that both (whether
more or less rounded or not) are somewhat behind the front position.
The combinations made up of two vowels are diphthongs, retaining
the proper sound of the first vowel, the second one being subordinate.
The 1 and 5 are nasalized i and 9, respectively. The I and i are semi-
vowels (like the English consonants y and w), respectively.

The ¢ and 3 are used here to denote not true palatals, but palatalized
alveolars like the corresponding Malay sounds usually written ch
and j, respectively; the d is retroflex; the x is nearly as strong
as the German ci, in “ach ", and therefore has more friction
than the final 4 of Malay, to which it otherwise corresponds; the p
is the nasal corresponding to the above ¢ and j (in Malay written ny) ;
the y is the velar nasal, in English and Malay written ng; the Nn is
further back than the last and is described as being pharyngal ; the r

B04

PATER P. SCHEBESTA—

is generally lingual, sometimes uvular; the rr is a strongly rolled r;
the ts is a combination of t and s.

In rapid connected speech long vowels are sometimes shortened
and the glottal stop (?) and the neutral vowel a are often omitted.
The syllabic stress being on the final syllable tends to reduce the
vowels of previous syllables to the neutral vowel, especially in the
case of the vowel e.

Be ce Me ea ave to mee

Cc. 0. B.
| VoWELs
babo:, “ woman.”
te:g, ““ to sleep.”
eg, “to give.”
temkal, ** man, husband.”
serig, “‘ bad, lazy.”
cebux, ‘‘ magic stone of quartz used by the Hala.”
babo:, “ woman"; to:b?n, “ tree.”
tob?n, “ water."
mp’, * nose.”
cub, “to go.”
ia pen, “ we” (Ist person plural, exclusive).
beg?n, “' cord of urat batu fungus.” |
gyd°n, “they” (3rd person plural).
pai, “thou” (2nd person singular),
wi, “* father.”
keid, “ to cut.”
brabei, “ to marry.”
hapoi, “ palmleaf thatch, atap.”
gigui, “ to thunder.”
bakau, ‘ flower.”
beu, ia big.”
hid, “to rain’; muid, “ to eat fish.”
jd, “* dog.”
ia:, “* grandmother.”
Gog?n, “* child.”

a, 6, i, 9, 0, are often followed by a glottal stop (?) at the end of a
word or of a syllable.

b
c
ad

CONSONANTS
bataij, “ coco-nut monkey " (Malay bérok).
eaden, “ foot.”
‘darup, * white ant.”’

GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE JABAL DIALECT S05

de (a preposition).

galog?n, “ rafter.’

ha (an interrogative particle).

cebox, “ magic stone,”

yenhorl, * toothless.”

kenmo’, “* name.”

la:b. “ to wash.”

mako?, “ egg.”

naxdo?, “ hillock.”

hap, “ mouth.”

ay, * this.”

Nog, “ to sit.”

pacog, “a kind of pain in the back.”
rangup, “ jews’ harp."

pardarr, “ to climb high.”

salog, “ quiver.”

ta’a’, “ pith of plants.”

tselanka, “ collar-bone.”

gurl, “ tualang tree ; yenhorl, “ toothless.” (An / is faintly

audible after the r.)

The glottal stop also occurs after b, p, d, t, g, k, and n, whereby
the consonant in question (especially g) becomes hardly audible, or
(as is usually the case) is followed by an obscure nasal release, symbolized
conventionally by n, e.g. cad?n, “foot”; galog?n, “rafter.” In
man?ra?, “man, person, Negrito,” the glottal stop after the n practically
cuts up the word into two words.

The initial of a word may be a vowel or a consonant ; so may the
final, but a final glottal stop (after a vowel) is much commoner.

ee ee ee ee ee: en ee a ee %

STRESS AND TONE

The stress accent falls on the last syllable of a word. I believe
I have detected tones in certain words :-—

Hic Leve. Low Leven
“To?, “ part of a blowpipe.” io?, “ bough.” i
“nus, “ sleeping mat.” “nus, “lip.”

“‘te?, “I” (Ist person singular), _fe?, “ we two” (dual, inclusive).

“he?, “we (Ist person plural, _he:i, “ we two” (lst person dual,
inclusive). inclusive).

“eg?, “to give.” eg, “ belly.”

“gus, “to rub fat into the face.” _gus, “ to come down,”

BOG PATER FP, SCHERESTA—

NUMERALS |

The only true numeral known to the Jahai is nai, “one”, They
derive their other numerals from Malay, and count dua?, tiga?, ampat
(“ two, three, four”), ete,, with the stress on the final syllable. There
is nothing to show that they ever had other numerals that have now
been superseded by Malay equivalents.

There 13, however, a word ber, sometimes rendered “two”, but
it really means “younger brother”, and so embodies the sense of
“the other”. The word for “many, much” is kob?n: for “ how

many ", maisi,

PrRoxouns

L. As Sufyect :-—

Personal. Singular, Dual. Plural.

lat “le? fe? (inclusive) “he? (inclusive)
_he:i (dua) (inclusive) ia pwn (exclusive)

Ind pai iti(x) (exclusive) gyd’n
yux (exclusive)

3rd 9? {as 2nd dual] [as 2nd plural]

(I) te? cub ie? bala’ I go I self = I am going alone.

(2) ha pai ob’n pai ge:i? nterrogative-particle thou wilt thou eat ?
= Do you want to eat ?

(3) dog?’n o? te:g. Child it sleeps — The child is sleeping.

(4) oi! he? ia cub ba hob. Ho-thon! We will go to forest =
We'll go into the forest (or go out): (including the person
addressed).

(5) ol! Ia pan ia cub ba hob: (the same, but excluding the person
with whom one has been).

(6) Ia pen cub ba an, gyd?n cub ba ani. We are-going this way,
you are-going that way.

(7) gyd*n mon’ra? gyd’n kabys, They men they dead = Those
people are dead.

(8) hei cub ba hob, We-two are-going (in)to (the) forest,

(9) le? ponseg?n ke yux, “ tix dua? cub ba hob.” I say to you-two,
“ you-two are-going (in)to (the) forest,"

(10) kne? sideh, 0? patis. Sideh’s wife, she (is) sick.

(11) karei 0? gyr ba krpe:g*n. Karei, he is-thundering up above.

(12) 0? te:g o? kaseg?n kne? 9?-t-ani. He slept it formerly woman
she that — Formerly he had that woman for a wife.

(15) ie? ob’n os ia tankux. I want fire to light (a fire),

" GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE JAHAI DIALECT 807

(14) fe? ed?ed? har t-ani. I know way that — I know that way.

(15) he? Ia cub ba dag’n. We are going to the (Malay) village.

(16) bora? t-ani o? ed’ed?. Coco-nut-monkey that he knows =
That coco-nut-monkey is clever.

(17) ola! borenti pai! Hallo! Stop, thou! (Addressed to Karei, -
asking him to stop thundering.)

(18) pai teg ba an! Thou, come here!

(19) fe? fi?, I won't.

(20) ola! cub! he? ia ftieg ba hapa. Hallo! Come! We are
going-back to house (= home).

(21) lemo?, ya 0? iieg cad?n ho:b?? Lemo, has he returned from
forest ? = Has Lemo come back from the forest ?

(22) iti (or ttix) cub ba gri?. You-two are-going to Grik.

Note.—oi is used regularly as a mode of address, singular and plural,
e.g. oi! menid loi! “ You (there)! Don’t run away!”

The pronoun is often repeated in the sentence, particularly when
an auxiliary verb is used.

The dual and plural, inclusive and exclusive, are in common use.
The inclusive dual, where the speaker includes himself, is expressed
by ie? (with the low tone, to be distinguished from ‘ie?, “ I,” which
has the high tone) and hei. The latter is the commoner, and the
combination te hei also occurs.

When a person is speaking to or about two others, to the exclusion
of himself, he uses ii, or more rarely yux ; the latter is used with
reference to two persons who are not present.

The inclusive plural is he?. The speaker includes the person to
whom he is talking. When using the plural ia pen, the speaker excludes
the person to whom he is talking or in whose presence he is.

(23) ti kix-kox. Both kill-each-other.
(24) ai tix blaga? (or tix batano?). The-two (buffaloes) butt one-
another,

2. As Olject :-—

The same pronouns are used, but they follow the verb on which
they depend, Asa rule the accusative has no preposition, but some-
times it is preceded by the same prepositions, ke, de, ba, etc., as the
dative.

(1) ie? pias ia balayar ke(d) pai. I (am) tired of learning with
thee.

(2) bule panseg?n ke(d) ie?. (He) can talk to me.

(3) ie? panseg?n ke sux. I speak to you-both.

VOL. [V. PART TV. “ah

808 PATER P. SCHEBESTA—

(4) eg d-ie? os! Bring me fire!

(5) eg 9°-t-an ba (or ke(d)) ie?. Bring this-(one) to me.

(6) eg he? o?-t-ani yehut nai o?, Give us that (cigar), (we want
to) smoke one,

a? represents “it; and he?, “ we,” has been omitted before yehut.

(7) €g 0?-t-an ba Ie (or eg d-ie? o*-t-an). Give this to me,

(8) man?ra? o°-t-an ha ja pai el? yaie? el. Man this interrogative-
particle has seen you? Has I seen — Has this man seen you?
He has,

(9) el ba ked o? (or el ked 2°). Look at him,

(10) kebet seneliiol, 9? malig?n nasi ked le?, aket eg ked 9? tomako?.
Old (woman) wrinkled, she stole (boiled) rice from me, do-not
give to her tobacco = The wrinkled old Woman stole my rice, don't
give her any tobacco. (This was said in jest by a young man to me
about his mother.)

(11) semamu? 9? tabo? ie? (or ke-d ie°). Sémambu, he beats me =
Sémambu beats me,

(12) Ig? tobo? ke-d o?. I am beaten by him. (But also “I beat
him "’,)

(13) 9? malig?n, ie? tabo? ba 92, (If) he steals, I (shall) beat him.

Occasionally, in animated Speech, the pronoun occurs before
the verb, e.g. die? eg le! To-me give, particle-of-emphasis | Presumably
diz is a contraction of de + ie?,

3. Possessives -—

These are formed by postfixing the personal pronoun, which is
sometimes preceded by the preposition ke,

(1) ha kenmo? pai? Interrogative-particle name thou ? = What is
Your name ?

(2) kne? 0? tieg cad’n hob. Wife he return from forest = His wife
has come back from the forest,

(3) tiog?n ke(d) 0? nai. Child of he one, (Or tiog?n o? nai.
Child he one) = He has one child.

(4) Gog?n pai tiga’. Child thou three. (Or tiog?n ke-d pai tiga?.
Child of thou three) = You have three children,

(5) dog’n gyd?n tiga?, Child they three. (Or itog’n ke gyd?n
tiga”. Child of they three) = They have three children

(6) €l ke mid ie?, Look at eye I = Look at my eyes,

(7) ie? hegi:g 9? key tankog? ie?, | fear he (will) cut-off neck I —
I am afraid he is going to cut off my head, |

(8) 9? Suso0N ke dada a7, a? EUsON ke paty? 92, He EMears (it) on

GRAMMATICAL SEETCH OF THE JAHAI DIALECT 809

breast: he, he smears (it) on forehead he = He smears it on his
breast and on his forehead,

4. Demonstratives (Pronominal and Advertnial) :—

ay = “this ”’, ani = “ that ”, un (sometimes uy) = “ that yonder ™
(more remote).

These are linked to the pronoun or noun that they follow by means
of -t,

(1) baro? t-ani o? ed’ed?. That coco-nut-monkey is clever,

(2) karja t-an he(?) serig. Work this we shun = We shun this
work,

(3) man?’ra? o-t-un tia kabys. Man he-that is dead = That man is
dead, Cf. 2 (5-8), supra.

(4) ia pwn ay ia pen cub ba hob, gyd?n t-ani gyd’n cub ba dag?n.
We here, we are-going to (the) forest, yon there, you are-going to
(the) village.

ay, ani and un are at bottom words indicating place, ‘ here,”
“there,” and “ yonder at a distance”, They are also used as simple
locatives, e.g. :—

cub ba an = come here.

cub ba ani = go there.

cub ba un = go yonder (a long way off).

cub ba an ha ponseg?n = come here, we-will have-a-talk-together.

(5) bruni (he?) fa cub an ia gei. In-the-evening (we) are coming
here to eat. |

(6) laseb?’n cakei ba ani. Rain big there = The rain is heavy

(7) beakot mid-kato? ba un. Hot sun there = The sun is hot there.

ba uli = in the lower reaches, or at the mouth, of a river.

ba utyx = in the upper reaches, or at the source, of a river.

ba oto? = in the East.

ba on = in the North.

ba ano = in the South.

ba tob’n koto? = in the West.

5. Helative :— |

(1) ie? foi ba deg?n ba gob; kopening ob°n ta el na de: mon?ra?.
I bring to house preposition stranger; European want to see
what do Negrito = 1 am bringing the stranger into the house; the
European wants to see what the Negrito has done.

I regard na here as a relative. But as a rule the relative is not

810 PATER P. SCHEBESTA—

expressed, the relative clause being merely co-ordinated with the
principal clause,

(2) 0? ba te:g ked babo: ic?, ie? dena? pasat duit 25 rengget. He
go sleep with wife I, I compel (?) pay money 25 dollar — I compel
(anyone) who commits adultery with my wife to pay 25 dollars.

6. Interrogatives :—

maken = who? mai = what ?

(1) maken 9? de:? Who he do = Who did (it) 7

(2) maken de fiog?n? Whose child ?

(3) maken paiel? Whom thou see ? = Whom did you see ?

(4) mai o? orr? What (did) he command ?

(5) mai o? de:? Why (did) he do (it) ? and What (has) he done ?

maisi = how many ? leba-te: = where ?

(6) maisi nenked*n? How many people ?

(7) leba mon?ra?-te:? Where (is the) man? or Where (are the)
people ?

The usual interrogative particle is ha.

(8) ha mon?ra? gyd?n hegig ke gob? Interrogative-particle Negrito
afraid of stranger? = Are the Negritos afraid of strangers? or
Why are the Negritos afraid of strangers 7

To which the answer is :-—

(9) bara gyd?n ia bisa? ke gob. Not they are accustomed to
strangers = They are not used to strangers.

(10) ha pai cub ba dog?n? Int.-part. thou go to village? =
Are you going to the village ?

(11) mai pai ob’n? What thou want? — What do you want !

SUBSTANTIVES
1. Number :-—
As a rule the plural can only be disti guished from the singular
by the context or by the addition of a word meaning “many " (kob?n).
Some words denoting persons have plural formations :—
(a) by infixing r after the initial consonant ;
(6) by prefixing ta; or
(c) by both methods together, ef.
woman, babo: (sg.),brabo:, tobrabo: (pl.).
youth, keyox (sg.), kerazux, tokerayox (pl.).
man, bakes (sg.), brakes, tabrakes (pl.).
person, Man?ra? (sg.), taman?ra? (pl.).
man or woman having a child, matiog?n (sg.), mratiog?n, tomraiiog?n (pl.).

GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE JAHAI DIALECT 811

old man, kebet (s¢.), krabet, takrabet (pl.).
child, ked?n (ag.), taked?n (pl.).

(d) more rarely the plural is formed by means of the prefix pen,
pe; &.g.

tree, to:b?n (sg.), pento:b?n (pl.).
child, tiog?n (8¢.), pentiog?n (pl.).

This plural denotes children in general, whereas the plurals
teminiisg?n, miniiog?n (from the same word tiog*n) denote children
belonging to one famuly.

son (or daughter)-in-law, mensau (sg.), penmensau (pl.).

In the last two cases the dual is certainly meant, so that pen may

also be a dual prefix.
grandmother, ia: (sg.); ia:, penia: (pl.).
grandfather, ta: (sg.); ta:, penta: (pl.).

(e) in one or two cases the plural is formed by infixing na (or a)
after the first syllable, e.g.

light, day, kato? (sg.) ; kanata? (pl.).
husband, tomkal (sg-) ; tomakal (pl.).

A few words of Gleconehin have special plurals :—

mother, be (sg.) ; mo (pl.).
father, wi (ag.) ; be (pl.).

But these two plural forms are used by the Jahai to denote aunts
and uncles, respectively, both in the singular number and in the
plural, so that they are not really plurals of be and si.

Although, apart from the above, no plural formations were dis-
covered and the plural as a rule is identical with the singular, many
(though not all) substantives usually undergo a change of form when
following a numeral or the word for “ many ” (kob?n).

The change is uniform in type and consists in inserting the infix
n after the first consonant, e.g.

after nai (1), dua (2), tiga (3), etc., we find
hnapa from hapa, hut”

hnali ,, hali, “leaf”

manako’,, maka’, e egg”

kenarei ,, karei, “ thunder”

kenerob ,, karob, “ mat made from bamboo”
konapon,, kapon, “ elbow”

kenaco ,, kaneo, “ grandchild”

gnenun ,, genun, “ bamboo”

manisei ,, misei, “ moustache.”

612 PATER P. SCHEBESTA—

As appears from the above examples, the infix is also sometimes
accompanied by modification of the vowels or even transposition of
4 consonant. The n often appears as a prefix, accompanied by the
appropriate vowel, e.g.

naia: from ia:, “ grandmother ”

nata: » tat, “ grandfather ”

naxiv » lo’, “bough” (where the glottal stop of the

singular is represented by x in the prefix).
hagcog m» COB, 4 basket -

nengorl §=,, gurl, “ tualang tree ”

nadmid » mid, “ eve”

nemto:b’n ., to:ben, “ tree ”

hentog’n ,, tan, “ child”

nMemked’n ,, ked?n, “ child,” e.g.

maisi nomked*n? “ How many children ?”

The following undergo a somewhat peculiar transformation :—

knaxpox from kalapo?, “ shoulder-blade ”
siiurl = ,,_‘Turl, “ ghost of a dead person,”

Such changes of form after numerals, ete., occur as has been
shown, in a good many words, but not in all; as a rule there is no
change, e.g. 5d “ dog”, tayu “ snake", tomkal “ husband ", rangup
" jews’ harp”, pales “ the palas palm", mensau “ son- (or daughter-)
in-law”, lente:g “ tongue ”, yuog “ tiger ",

It often happens that after a numeral either the singular or the
special plural form may be used, &.g. ampat to:b*n or ampat namto:b?n,
“ four pieces of wood.”

Examples of the use of the plural :—

(1) gyd?n tobrabo: cub ba ho:b dai ta2a?, You women go to (the)
forest (to) get pith-of-plants.

(2) ba:x pento:b?n t-ani. Bring pieces-of-wood those = Bring those
Pieces of wood.

2. Gender :—
As a rule this is indicated by adding babo: “ woman " or tamkal
_ man”, e.g. tiog?n babo: “ girl”, tog? tomkal ‘boy ”, though for
Poth of these, and also for certain animals, separate words exist to
sistas ol go!“ You, boy!” oi mi! “You, girl!”
. Case :—

it]

: ie (2) Nominative
The nominative comes first - usually the subject is repeated by
a pronoun. ;

GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE JAHAI DIALECT 813

(1) kne? pai deg cad?*n ho:b. Wife thou return from forest =
Your wife has come back from the forest.

(2) Gog?’n ie? teboou. Child I big = My child is big.

(3) karei o? gyr ba krpe:g’n. Karei he thunders up above =
Karei is thundering up above.

(4) bano? 9? balis ba te:. Quiver it fell to earth = The quiver fell
on to the ground,

(5) kne? sideh o° potis. Wife Sideh she sick = Sideh’s wife is ill.

(6) kne? te:g, fog?n te:g kaleg*n hana. (The) woman sleeps, the
child sleeps in (the) hut.

(7) baro? 9? nog karpe:g?n iux yehu?. (The) coco-nut-monkey he
sits up-in (the) boughs (of the) tree.

(8) yuog o? tampux iia kabcago?. (The) tiger he came to tear-in-
pieces Cago.

(9) tob’n o? yidi? keleg’n prio®. (The) water it is-boiling in
(the) pot.

(10) man?ra? mapu iia gei? Man when will eat ? = When will the
man eat !

(Ll) ta-pad?n o? de: ganun. Ta-Pédn he made bamboos,

(12) men?ra? gyd?n nog ke mais. Negritos they live at Maio =
The Negritos live at Maio.

(13) fei oso? gui. Smoke fire it pricks = The smoke of the fire
pricks (the eyes).

An order like the following is exceptional : (14) a? hid hujan panas.
It is better to say hujan panas o? hid. Rain hot it falls = It is raining
while the sun is shining.

The nominative can also be expressed by putting the preposition
ka before the substantive, but in that case the predicate is put first
and the subject follows, e.g. :—

(15) o? de: ka ta-ped?n ganun. Ta-Pédn made bamboos,

(16) 9? orr ka karei, 0? orr ke yuog tia kab ke mon?ra?. Karei
commanded, he commanded preposition (the) tiger to tear-in-pieces
preposition (the) man = Kare commanded the tiger to tear the man
in pieces.

(17) sigoi ka kemupin kaleg?n kod?n. (The) benzoin-incense is-
fumigating in (the) grave.

Peculiar expressions, in which the subject follows, are :—

(18) 0? lid-fod kui. He has a headache (kui = “ head”).

(19) 9? patis eg’. He sick belly = He has stomach-ache.

(20) a? patis hap. He sick tooth = He has tooth-ache.

Bl4 PATER P. SCHEBESTA—

The word patis is regularly an adjective. Perhaps the substantives
are used as genitives.

Note.—It is not impossible that the substantive with the preposi-
tion ka may sometimes be not a nominative but a sort of instrumental,
é.2. :—

(21) ie? gos ka tayiatie:i. I split with (the) knife (the) rattan.

In that case the example (16) above would read “ It was ordered
by Karei, it was enjoined upon the tiger’, ete., which would make
the use of ke yuog (in the dative) more intelligible. But as a rule the
ka construction has to be regarded as a nominative.

(22) Ja 0? uexg ba hapa ka karei, Already he return to house
preposition Karei = Karei has gone home.

(23) 9? loi ka karei. He ran preposition Karei = Karei ran.

(24) bulan 0? kab ka cankéi, ya 9? patis ka bulan. Moon it
devoured preposition toad, already it sick preposition moon = The
moon is being devoured by the toad, the moon is already sick.

Another form of the nominative is preceded by the preposition
de, but I seldom heard it. In this case too the subject follows the
predicate, e.g, :—

ja cub de pai, ja sodap de pai, ya de pai ha sumpig*n. Already go
preposition thou, already at-ease preposition thou, already preposition
thou particle stick-flowers-behind-the-ears = You have gone, you are
now In peace, you are adorning yourself with flowers.

Other examples are given in the appended texts.

(6) Genitive

The genitive is expressed by putting the determining word after
the word to be determined,

(1) hapa moan?ra? ayo>, Hut Negrito small — The hut of the
Negrito is small.

(2) Kilad karei cakei. Karei’s lightning (is) big.

(5) 0? latian ke kro? karei, Ho pushed;(it) into Karei’s back.

It is not clear whether there is also a genitive with de:

(4) Kilad de karei. “ Karei's lightning-flash,”’

(c) Dative
The dative is formed by adding the preposition ke, or occasionally
de, or without any preposition.
(1) 9? loi ke babo: katiod, He brings to woman bird = He brings
the woman a bird.

GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE JAHAI DIALECT B15

(2) teg?n ha eg ke tiog?n nus iia te:g. Plait and give to (the) child
(a) mat to sleep (on).

(3) eg die? lekob’n. Give me much.

(4) eg he? 0?-t-ani yehut nai o?. Give us that (cigar), (we want to)
smoke one.

(5) o* orr ke yuog. He gives-orders to (the) tiger.

(6) eg ked fiog?n tia ge:i. Give to (the) child to eat.

(7) eg duran ked baiiaiy. Give (a) durian-fruit to (the) coco-nut-
monkey.

(8) eg cenentiin ked tamkal. Give (the) stick to (the) man.

(9) egde wi pai. Give to father thou = Give to your father.

(10) eg 0? (or eg de o?). Give (to) him.

(11) 9? foi penyo belana ked ken*ay. He brings cloth European
to father-in-law = He brings his father-in-law European cloth.

(d) Locative and Instrumental
The preposition ke also serves for the locative and the instrumental.
(1) begya:e ue: ked tob?n. Fish there-are in water — There are
fish in the water.
(2) 9? lag ke yuog. He is-devoured by (the) tiger.

(e) Accusative

The accusative usually comes after the verb without any
preposition.

(1) eg ie? os (or eg die? os). Give me fire.

(2) ta-pad?n a? de: ganun. Ta-Pédn he makes bamboos,

(3) gyd?n ia sox nasi. They eat fish and rice.

(4) tifa kog’n hapa. They-two are plaiting (the) hut.

(5) he? ia ples dog. We are cooking 1poh-poison.

(6) ba os ba cob’n. Bring fire to light (a fire),

(7) he? ia cub ba ho:b, he? ia bax dog. We are going into (the)
forest, we are fetching (i.e. to get) ipoh-poison.

(8) aket eg ked o? tomako?! Do-not give her tobacco!

There is also an accusative with ke. Thus in the following sentence
the second ke may be inserted or omitted at will.

(9) 0? orr ke yuog ta kab ke mon*ra*. He orders the tiger to
devour (the) man.

When emphatic, the object sometimes precedes the verb :—

(10) carmin o? eg nai ke babo:. Mirror he gave one to woman =
He gave the woman a murror.

S16 PATER P. SCHEBESTA—

In answer to a question involving “ where” or “ where . . . to 5
the word of place is preceded by the preposition ba, It seems as if
this were also verbal, with the sense of “ going ”’, e.g. :—

(11) ba ha el tayi ba dag*n, Go and see (the) knife in (the)
house (i.e. go and fetch the knife). The first ba certainly has the
sense of “ going ”’,

(12) ola, eub, he? ia fie:z ba hana?! Hallo, come, we want to
return to (the) house (ie. home) !

(13) laseb*n cakei ba ani. Rain big there = There is heavy rain
there.

(14) €g 9?-t-ay ba fe? (or ked ie? or die). Give this to me.

(15) he? fa eub ba ho:b, he? ia ba(x) dog. We are going into (the)
forest, we are fetching ipoh-poison.

(16) kareio? gyr ba krpe:g?n. Karei is-thundering up above.

(17) od?n ia:, ia: manoid ba kelob?n! Ho-there grandmother,
grandmother Manoid down below !

(18) yampun os ba uli ba ke tob’n, Jamun (is) fire in (the) West,
by (the) water (i.e. the sea).

(Note the double preposition, ba -+- ke).

(19) 9? nog ba kro? He sits at (the) back (ie, behind someone).

(20) 9? eub ke ken*ay (not ba Ken’az). He goes to (his) father-
in-law,

In answer to the question “ whence ", the preposition cad?n is used.

(21) kne? pai ue:g ead?n ho:b. Wife thou returned from forest =
Your wife is-back from (the) forest.

(22) laseb?n cakei cad?n un, Heavy rain (comes) from yonder.

ADJECTIVES

The adjective follows the substantive.

(a) As a predicate it is regularly used without any prefix.

(5) As an attributive it usually has a prefix t-,

(ce) In both cases, however, exceptions occur.

(1) Ked?n teani ayo? Child that smal] — That boy is small.

(2) ked?n t-ani ta-ajo? tia cub ba ho-:b, That small child went into
the forest.

(3) 9? foi ke babo: tayi ta-ayo*. He brings to woman knife particle-
small — He brings the woman a small knife.

(4) 0? Toi ked 9° kaiiod te-bed?ad. He brings to him bird particle-
good = He brings him a fine bird.

(5) beeg?n te-mente:g, Long cord,

GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE JAHAI DIALECT S17

(6) cog o?-t-ay ayo?, cog o?-t-ani bam. Basket it-this small, basket
it-that big = This basket is small, that basket is big.

(7) cog ie? ta-ayo? an bad’ed (or te-bed’ed). Basket I particle-
small this good = This small basket of mine is a fine one.

(8) cog o?-t-un te-beeu bara iia bad’wd. Basket it-yonder particle-
big not is good = That big basket is not a fine one.

(9) karei kato? beu. Thunder day big = There's a great deal of
thunder to-day,

(10) kebet seneliiol o? malig?n nasi ked ie”. The wrinkled old
woman stole (boiled) rice from me.

Comparison of Adjectives

In comparing two things the word meng? is used.

(1) hapa? cokei mene? po?. Hut big as hillock = The hut is as
big as a hillock.

(2) ha tte tukan 9? ed*ed? korja mene? t-an? J/nferrogative-particle
there-is workman he know work like this’ = Is there a workman
who understands this kind of work ?

(3) exg pai menw? e:g karei. Belly thou like belly Karei = Your
belly is like Karei’s.

(4) hana cakei sankato:d*n mene? po?. Hut big more as hillock
= The hut is bigger than a hillock.

(5) keid o?-tay cinhin. Cut this short.

(6) keid 9?-t-ani cinhin sankato:d?n. Cut that shorter.

Thus the comparative degree can be expressed by means of the
word sankato:d’n. But in general a periphrasis is used.

(7) hapa o?-tan cakei, o?-t-ani ajo’. This hut is big, that one is
small (i.e. that hut is smaller than this one). ,

The superlative is formed by adding sankato:d?n to a sentence
like the last one.

(8) hapa o?-t-ay cakei, o?-t-ani ajo”, o?-t-un ayo? sankato:dn.
This hut is big, that one is small, that one over there is the smallest.

VERBS

Sing. 1 ie? te:g “Isleep”.

2 pai tecg
3 0° teg
Pl. 1 incl. he? te:g
excl, Ia pen tecg
2 gyd°n te:g
3 gydn te-g

818 | PATER F, SCHERESTA—

Dual incl. hei te:g
excl, ti te:g
Sing. 1 ie? ia ge:i (or ie? ge:i) “I eat, I shall eat”.
2 pai la geci
3 0? fa geci
Pl. 1 inel. he? fa ge:
excl. Ia pen ia ge:i
2 gyd?n ia ge:i
3 gyden ia geci
incl. hei ia ge:i (or hei ha ge:i)
excl. ti(x) ia ge:i
Sing. 1 ie? ia ed?ed? (or ie? ed?ed?) har t-ani ‘I know that path".
2 pai ia ed’ed?
3 0° fia ed’ed?
Pl. 1 inel. he? ia ed?ed?
excl, la pen ia ed?ed?
2 gyd?n ia ed’ed?
3 gydn in ed?ed?
Dual incl. hei ia ed?ed? (or hei ha ed*ed?)
excl. ti(x) ia ed?ed?
Sing. 1 ie? ob?n ia ge:i “I want to eat”, “ I shall eat ”.
2 pai ob?n pai ge:i (or pai ob?n pai ia ge:i)
3 9? ob?n tia geci
Pl. 1 he? ob?n he? ge:i (or he? ob?n he? ia ge:i)
2 gyd?n ob’n gyd?n ge:i (or gyd°n ob?n gyd?n Ia ge:i)
3 gyd?n ob?n gyd?n ge-i (or gyd?n ob?n gyd?n ia ge:i)
Dual incl. hei ob?n hei ge:i (or hei ob?n hei fa ge:i)
excl, @i(x) ob?n ii(x) ge:i (or ti(x) ob?n ili(x) ia ge-i).

Doa

ill

The past tense is expressed by ya being put before the pronoun.
Sing. 1 ja ie? el “I have (already) seen "’.
2 ja pai el
3 yao? el
Pl. 1 incl. ya he? el
excl, ya ia pen el
2 ya gyden el
3 ja gyden el
Dual incl. ja hei el
excl. ya tii(x) el.

GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE JAHAI DIALECT 819

Examples :—

(1) he? ia cub ba deg’n. We are going to (the) village.

(2) bero? t-ani 0? ed’ed?. That coco-nut-monkey is clever.

(3) bare? t-ani ia ed’ed? man’ra?! That coco-nut-monkey knows
people | :

(Note the alternative uses of 9? ed?ed? and tia ed’ed?. The
combination 9? tia ed’ed? is also possible, but the 9? is already
included in the iia).

(4) lemo? ga o? Ge:g cad?n ho:b. Lemo has returned from the

(5) ola! cub, he? ia te:g ba hana’. Hallo! Come, we'll return
home.

(6) kone? 0? Ge:g cad?’n ho:b. His wife is-back from the forest.

(7) kene? 0? iia iie:g cad?n ho:b. His wife is coming-back from the
forest.

(8) kene? 9? ya 0° tte:g cad’n ho:b. His wife has come-back from

To the question :—

(9) ha kane? o° ya 0? fe:g cad?’n ho:b? Has his wife come back
from the forest ?

The answer is :-—

(10) ga o? tie:g, “ She has come-back,” or 0? iie:g, ‘‘ She is-back,”
the use of ya making it more emphatic, or ia ite:g ba uy, “ She is-
coming-back from yonder.” Cf. 9? ed’ed?, “ he is clever” and iia
ed’ed?, “ he knows.”

(11) henlob*n camo? he? ob°n he? ia cub ba ho:b, he? fa ba(x)
dog?. Early to-morrow we want we are going to forest; we are
fetching ipoh-poison = To-morrow morning we are going into the
forest to get 1poh-poison.

(12) he? ia ples dog’. We shall cook ipoh-poison,

(13) he? ia cub he? ia eldog?. Weare going we will look-at ipoh
(-tree) = We are going to have a look at the ipoh-tree. (The second
he? may be omitted.)

(14) ie? ob?n ia de: hana’. I want to make hut (or ie? ob?n fe?
ia de: hana’. I want I will make hut) = I want to make a hut.

(15) karei 0? gyr ba krpe:g’n. Karei thunders up above.

(16) ie? ob?n os ha tankux (or with ia instead of ha). I want
fire to light (a fire).

(17) Sd o? yehog*n man’ra’. (The) dog barks-at (the) man.

‘18) ie? pitas ia balayar ked pai. [ (am) tired of learning with you.

820) PATER P. SCHEBESTA—

(19) eg ke yux ha ge:i. Give to those-two (something) to eat.

(20) ue:g ba ay ha kenseg?n. Come here, and dance (or we-two
will dance).

(21) he? fa ge:i hade:d?’n. We shall eat soon.

(22) ig? ia eub ba ho:b ia e:g?. I am going to (the) forest to stool.

(23) 9° gerta:g ia snreg ba ho:b. He knocks that (some one) may
come-out of (the) forest. (One knocks with the woodman’s chopper
against a tree in order to summon from the forest some one who is
there but whose exact position at the moment one does not know.)

(24) ia pen hegig krbau t-ani o? tano?. We are-afraid that
buffalo (may) gore (us).

(25) he? eub ba dag?n, he? fa sasix padei. We are-going to (the)
village, we shall pound paddy (= rice in the husk).

(26) e:g ya soy a? de:. Bow already ready, he make = He has
finished making the bow.

The most striking thing in the above examples is the particle ia
(in the 3rd person singular, fia). Occasionally we find ha. Such
particles usually precede the verb ; if the latter has an auxiliary verb,
the Ia or da must follow the auxiliary and come between it and the
principal verb.

These particles usually express desire, will, or in general a future,
but not always; sometimes they accompany the present. I am
inclined to regard them as constituting the verb. In that case, without
such a particle, the “ verb ” would have to be regarded as a predicative
adjective, e.g. :—

(27) mon?ra? (0?) kabys, “ (the) man (he is) dead,” but

(28) man?ra? ta kabys, “ (the) man died,’’

When ja precedes the pronoun, thus indicating the past tense,
no particle is put before the verb :—

(29) men’ra? ja o? kobys. Man already he dead = The man is
dead.

This explanation of the particles is, however, by no means certain.
The use of ha instead of ia appears to occur in the dual (but perhaps
also in other cases, cf. the texta).

Active and Passive
(1) le? gel seg yuog?. T eat (the) flesh (of the) tiger.
(2) yuog 2? lag? ked ie? Tiger he devour preposition I = The
(3) samambu? o? tobo? ked ie?. Stmambu beats me

GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE JAHAI DIALECT a3I

(4) ie? tebo? ked o?, I am beaten by him. (But it can also

mean “I beat him”.) The following sentence is unambiguous :—
- (5) ie? ia tabo? ked o?. I beat him.

(6) 9? malig?n, tabo? ba o?. He steal, beat to him = If he steals
he will get beaten.

(7) 0° lag? ke yuog. He is-devoured by (a) tiger.

The prefix pi seems to form a sort of causative: Nog, “to sit,’*
pinog, “to sleep with”; muid, pimuld, “to eat fish”: tie:g, “to
come back,” pite:g, “to bring back.”’

Moons
Conditional

(1) 9° eub ba gri*, 0? tie:g, baiar, He go to Grik, he return, pay =
He has gone to Grik ; when he comes back, he will pay.

(2) 9? malign, ie? taba? ba o?. (If) he steals, I (shall) beat him.

(3) hao? ob’n. If he will. (Here ha is really the interrogative
particle.)

(4) dem gyd?n ayer, he? ed’ed?. If they teach, we (shall) know.

(5) dem ie? neg. If I come-back,

The Jahai often try to express the conditional by means of the
Malay word kalau, “if” (often pronounced kalu in Jahai). But
generally it can only be inferred from the context.

(6) 9° malig?’n ka mon?’ra’ ke bab ie?, ia ie? sasa?, He steal
preposition man preposition thing I, particle 1 thrash = If the man
steals my eatables, I will thrash him.

Interrogative

(1) ha ja pai ge:i? Interrogative-particle already thou eat ? = Have
you eaten yet ?

(2) ya ie? geci. I have eaten,

(3) ha kenmo? pai? Jnt.-part. name thou ? = What is your name ?

(4) ter? ha fi?? Have you or haven't you ?

(5) mapu? gyd?n ia ge:i? he? ia ge:i hade:d?’n. When will you
eat ? We will eat at-once.

(6) mapu? pai ia cub? When will you go?

Imperative
(1) euble! Go! (The particle le adds emphasis ; usually the verb
alone is used.)
(2) gus, am, tabeg’n! Come-down, drink, (you) lotong-monkey !

822 PATER P. SCHEBESTA—

(3) ala, baranti pai? Hallo, stop, you !
(4) Sd! tebo? tani! Dog! Beat that! = Beat that dog!

Negative and Prohihitive

meNid is a strong negative and also a prohibitive,

bera? is the usual negative with verbs; it sometimes causes
alliteration in the following verb (e.g. bora? betian, “ there is no money "
=" T have no money ”’).

aket is a prohibitive.

(1) ha ya 0? iio:g? bara? tia tie:g lagi. Interrogative-particle already
he come-back? Not is come-back yet = Has he come back? He
isn't back yet. |

(2) 9? bora? yib’n, o? bara? bebe?, He does-not cry, he has no
mother (to hear him cry),

(4) bera? tia ge:i menhed. He does not eat sugar-cane.

(4) aket sirintis! Do-not make-a-wry-mouth !

(5) oi ta, aket serig ke gyd’n! O grandfather, be-not angry with
them !

(6) bara? ie? te:g tamkal ani. I do not sleep with that man,

(7) aket to:g, o? yiyvid. Do-not scrape (the wound), it will-
become-big.

(8) bara? ie? kabys, ie? gos. I am-not going-to-die, I (am) young
(literally, “ alive ").

(9) bara? tia celai. He (has) not hit (the animal with his blowpipe-
dart).

(10) bara? ta lema?, ie? laiia ka-uy, acux. He has not found (it),
I looked-for (it) there, it-was-not-there,

(11) 21, menid loi! You (there), don’t run (away) !

(12) pai ha tie: bab? menid. You, have (youany) eatables ? No.

ADVERES
(I) eub letego? (or tega?)! Go earefully !
(2) cub lehakoi (or hakoi)! Go slowly }
(3) powseg?n hakoi! Speak slowly |
(4) cub lekediot! Go quickly |!
(5) eg die? lekob*n! Give me plenty !
(6) ha box letego?! Do-not fil] up (the grave with earth) !
(7) rebet letega?! Bind tightly,
The adverb is regularly formed by means of the prefix le, but

GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE JAHAI DIALECT 823

Formation or Worps
Reduplication
gei... gi-ge:i, “ to eat.”
babo:, * woman.”
ed’ed?, “ to know,”
dal-dorl, “* heel.”
tam-tob?n, “ cord made of urat batu fungus.”
cub... cib-cub, “ to go.”
teg... ti-te:g, “ tosleep.”
hid-hoid, “‘ to sneeze ™ (1).
fem-iem, ‘* mist.”
Nog... MNi-Nog, “ to sit, to squat.”
yud’n .. . jid?n-yud?n, “to hang down (like a hanging branch).”
lob-iob, ‘‘ to stare.”
tig?n-tug?n, “to pound with bamboos.”
six . sa-six, ‘‘ to pound (rice),”’
In fate reduplication occurs very often, especially after the
verbal particle ia, without however having any significant effect.

Texts
Anout Karer anp THE Hata
(By Kéladi)

pantis (or patis), he’ des hala? tebeu iia tulug’n he?
(When) sick we fetch (the) great Hala to help us

t-an, ta =e ell he? potis. ya a? eg carmin ka-un,
here, to look-at us sick. Then one! gives murror yonder,

ka hala? fia perloi® ke karei; he? is gos ta
for (the) Hala to waft-up to Karei; we shall live? (if) he

porloi cormin ke karei. taapole bole ie? tulug?n
wafts (the) mirror up-to Kare. Certainly I can help
ke serlantes. kalu bera? hala’, he? kabys.
(the) Serlantes4 If (there were) no Hala, we (should) die.
a? eg nemsob’nkakarei; kalu ie hala’, he?
Karei gives diseases ; if there-is (a) Hala, we

1 Literally, “* he.”
3 Literally, ' cause to ran,” from lai, "' to run."
2 io. “got well”.
4 ‘The servitor of the Hala.
VOL, IV. PART Iv. 54

B24 PATER P. SCHEBESTA—

gos, bule 9? perloi ke karei; kalu bera? hala?,
live, he can send-up to Karei: if there-is-no Hala,
he’ kebys; bera? he? ia ed°ed? parloi ke karei. 9°
we die; wedo not know (how to) send-up to Karei. the
hala? 9? semai! ke karei, ka hala? o? hagi carmin.
Hala prays to Karei, the Hala gives (him a) mirror.

kareio? Nog? titui, o°? byrl nus ke syr 0°
Karei sits upright, Karei has-spread (a) mat at his side
ke dada? ? karei. sampei carmin oo? parloi ka hala?,

to his chest. (When the) mirror arrives, that the Hala sent-up,

sampel krpe:g’n nus carmin, 9? leglug* ka karei, 9? hemhob?n

(the) mirror arrives on the mat, Karei laughs, he likes
carmin. a? perlob ka karei ke hala’, 9? Eg
(the) mirror. Karei breathes into (the) Hala, he gives (him)
cebux. 0? perlobka hala? ke he? tepatis,

(the) ceboh (-stone). (The) Hala breathes into us (when) sick, (and)

ya he? = seyu?,
then we get-well.

baian = harei = ak ; sampei hapa, he?
Karei's shadow * (is) hot; (if it) approaches (our) hut, we
kabys.
THe Bioop-Tarowinc Ceremony
(By Kéladi)
karei 9? gyrr, gyd’n keb’n gyd?n babo:, #gyd?n
(When) Karei thunders, (the) women cut themselves, they
sei = ke(d)karei, gyd’n cia? ba te:
throw (blood) up-for Karei, they pour (it) on (the) ground
~ Ldtarally ° "aples “*
* Or * dwells “
‘ie, " ‘he hae wea spread near his breast “’.
* Le. “iv pleased ",

a Karei helps the Hala by breathing into the magic ceboh stone for him. To cure
the sick, the Hala takes the magic stone in both hands and blows upon it.

GRAMMATICAL SEETCH OF THE JAHAI DIALECT §25

ked manoid?, kalu 0? baranti o? karei, jadi-le, kalu
for Manoid. If Karei stops (thundering), it-is-all-right, if (he)

beara’ ia berenti,o? gyrr lagi, keb?n ka he? tamakal,
does-not stop, he thunders still, we men (also) cut (ourselves),
kaln bora? ia berenti, keb’n cad’n enla‘g’n kete:g?n.
if (he) does-not stop, (we) cut on both-sides legs,’
| A FuNERAL
(Described by Kéladi and Cenbis)

a7 kabys kanorr dua? nonked?’n, renca har
The deceased is-carried-by two men,(who) clear (a) path

ba-seg?n ; e(x) ia kanorr sara’. he? ia bai
beforehand; we-two carry (the) corpse. We dig
pakal baliog?n, dua? _le(x) ia bai ko:d?n,
(with the) point (of a) hatchet, we two dig (the) hole,
cincag’n karob. he? fa dorr ead?’n kelob?n,
(and) split bamboos. We spread-(them)-out at (the) bottom,
sara? ead’n =s-s Erpe:g°n karab. he?
(the) corpse on (the) top (of the) split-bamboos. ~- We
de: demig?n enlag’n enlag?n ku:d?n, hamkal
make slats of-bamboo along-the-sides-of (the) grave, lay-over
yehu? ampat, cincag’*n karob, he? dorr
(them) four (pieces of) wood, (we) split bamboos, we spread
cad?n krpe:g*n,* he? dod?n te: krpe:g?n
(them) on (the) top (of the pieces of wood), we put earth on-to
karob. yele:g°n yehu?, he? ia kug?n
(the) split-bamboos. (We) stick-in (a piece of) wood, we plait
hapai. krpe:g*n saro? ; box belau
(a) palmleaf-screen over (the) corpse: (we) lay (the) blowpipe
keiob?n hapoi, ban box sokali ked

under (the) screen, (the) quiver (we) lay also. _-with

1 i.e. both legs, along the shins.
? cad?n krpe:g7n is curious phrase ; the primary sense of cad?n is "foot"
and hence “ from"; so here“ from above “ really comes to mean ‘‘ on to the top of ",

B26 GRAMMATICAL SKETCH OF THE JAHAI DIALECT

balan, siap, bux krpe:g’n =o sara? =e keiob’n
(the) blowpipe, ready, (we) lay (it) over (the) corpse under
hapoi. he? kaleb?n 25, cob’n as
(the) screen. We bring firewood, (and) light (a) fire
enlag’n enlag*n.
on-both-sides.
ja! he’ ia tecg, § he? ia do:g, he? ia Nog
Then we return-home, we shift-our-camp, we (go and) live
ba ani. ja six bras, ya he?
over there, Then (we) pound rice, then we
ia halu? ai.

shoot game (with the blowpipe). _
degyd’n tani, gyd’n ialata begyag; dehe? tan,

Those there, they catch fish ; we _ here,
he? ia halu(x) tabog?n. ja
we shoot lotong-monkeys (with the blowpipe). Then

paag’ gyd?n tebrabo:, ja
they, (the) women, cook (rice in internodes of bamboo), then
| tas, habox
(they) split (them open), (and) pour-out (the contents)
krpe:g*n gadan; ja he? ia ge:i; sudah,
on straw-platters; then we eat; (when we) have-finished,
ja sIMpen genun, ha cantug’n,

then (are) got-ready bamboos, to stamp (on the ground),
he? ia pinloin, gyd’ntiga? tebrabo: kense:g?n.
we sing, they, (the) three women, dance.

* Ja, usually indicating the past tense, has the force of ‘and then "' in this and
the following sentences where it occurs,

CHANSONS DE PAGAYE URS
Par J. TancHe?!

1 ae différents motifs musicaux que nous avons réunis ici sous

le titre de “Chansons de Pagayeurs” ont été recueillis et
annotés au cours d’excursions en pirogue sur le Fleuve, du céte de
Nouvelle-Anvers et pendant des randonnées 4 travers les nombreuses
voies d'eau sinueuses, qui sillonnent la forét marécaguese de la
contrée des Bangala.

Si tel est le titre que nous avons choisi pour désigner ces premiéres
manifestations d’activité musicale, c’est par ce que la chanson est la
forme d’expression 4 laquelle non seulement elles font immédiatement
songer, mais aussi 4 laquelle elles doivent directement conduire et
aboutir.

Dans son stade actuel, la chanson négre n'est 4 cété de nos chansons
populaires qu'une simple ébauche, qu'un esprit cultivé serait naturelle-
ment porté & compléter et 4 développer, mais que le Noir, avec son
imagination primitive, abandonne a l'état embryonnaire.

La chanson de pagayeur accompagne une action. Elle encourage
le pagayeur dans son travail; elle stimule son énergie et augmente
son ardeur, Le travail de pagayeur s exécute par un groupe d' hommes
et en mesure. II consiste dans la répétition réguliére et périodique
des mémes mouvements, Grice 4 cette régularite, l'effort de chacun
s'en trouve diminué et l’union des efforts, rendue possible, augmente
Vefficacité du travail. Le geste du pagayeur s'accomplit en deux
temps et se compose de l'alternation réguliére d'une tension et d'un
repos musculaires.

C’est sur ces considérations-la, que nous nous sommes basés pour
diviser nos “chansons” en parties d’égale durée, c.4.d. en mesures.
Car, la mesure de la chanson correspond 4 celle du travail qu’elle
accompagne,

Par conséquent, la mesure de la chanson sera binaire. Elle compte
deux temps: un temps fort et un temps faible. Le premier temps
coincide avec la tension des muscles (coup de rame), le deuxiéme avec
le repos. Ces deux temps sont d'égale durée, mais ils différent considé-
rablement au point de vue de Vintensité. En effet, le premier est

1 Dr. Tanghe was o student at this School during the Session 1923-4, and sub-

sequently joined a research expedition to the Belgian Congo, where he made an
intensive study of Mabale (a dialect of the group usually called Ngala).—A. W-

828 J. TANGHE—

fortement marqué aussi bien dans la chanson que dans |'accompagne-
ment du gong ou du tam-tam ; sur lui tombent également les syllabes
accentuées du texte; le deuxiéme, au contraire est relativement
faible. Dans la mesure de @, chaque temps vaut une blanche et dans
celle de g une noire pointée.

Nous avons dit que la chanson négre n’était qu'une simple ébauche,
une tentative de production, une formule de quelques notes, ne
remplissant souvent qu'une seule mesure.

La structure est tout-i-fait élémentaire. Elle est basée sur le
procédé de répétition,

(1) Répétition de la méme formule avee ou sans pause intermédiaire.

(2) Répétition de la méme formule, avec légére variation.

(3) Alternation de deux formules.

(4) Alternation de deux formules, avec variation.

En désignant la formule par une lettre, (A, B, C) la pause par un
tiret (-), et la variation par un accent derriére la lettre (A’, B"’) nous
pouvons représenter comme suit les différents types de structure
que nous rencontrons dans notre série de chansons -—

I. (a) A, A, A, ete. (sans pause); Nos. 1 et 2. (6) A, -, A, -, A,
etc. (avec pause); Nos. 3, 4, 5 et 6.

MH. (a) A, A’, A, A’, ete.; No. 7. (6) A, A, A’, A”, ete.; Nos.
Bet 9.

Til, A, A,B, B, A, A, B, B, ete. ; Nos, 10, 1] et 12.

TV. (a) A, B, A’, B, A, B, A’, B, ete.: No. 13. (6) A, B, A, B’, A,
B, A B’, ete.: No 14. |

Le type I (a) est clair. Les motifs se succédent réguliérement et
sans arret. Remarquons que dans I (5) la pause établie entre les
formules est de la méme durée que la formule. La variation est
réalisée par l’augmentation de lintervalle. Ainsi, la formule initiale
du No. 7 est: la, la, si, la, sol, mi, sol. Dans la variante, l’intervalle
compris entre la deuxiéme (la) et la troisiéme (si) note est augmenteé :
la, si devient la, do. Voici comment se décompose le No, 13: la
premiére formule est fa, fa #, mi, sol # ; la deuxiéme, fa #, fa $, mi,
fa% ; la troisiéme est une variation de la premiére: la tjarce constituée
par les deux derniéres notes (mi, sol #) devient une quarte (mi, la); la
quatriéme formule est identique A la deuxiéme. Dans le No. 8, la
tierce descendante (si p, sol) de la formule initiale est successivement
portée a la quarte (do-si b, la-sol) et A la quinte (ré—do, sil , la—sol)
dans la troisiéme et dans la quatriéme formules, Cette succession

CHANSONS DE PAGAYEURS 829

d'intervalles progressivement augmentés constitue un procédé trés
heureux de variation et produit un effet mélodique d'une originale
beauté, Le No, 15 comprend deux parties: un solo débutant par un

nisono, légérement nuancé sur la syllabe pi de kapita et se termimant
par une cadence harmonieuse réalisée par la chute d'une tierce (sur
embe dua e), répétée en écho par tout le cheur des pagayeurs (sur
ée: e,é,a: e).

Deux traits caractéristiques, se rencontrant fréquemment & la fin
d'une chanson, sont en outre A signaler respectivement dans les Nos, 7
et 8. Le premier est la chute finale de la mélodie au moment ou la
pirogue va aborder. La chanson, au lieu de se terminer sur sa véritable
finale, est suivie par une note longuement soutenue et d’un ton plus
bas que la finale (voir No. 7). Il est évident que cette note finale
(fa, c=) ne fait pas partie de la chanson. La seconde caractéristique
est la longue modulation de la note finale (No. 14).

Les Nos. 15 et 16, méritent au point de vue de leur forme, une
attention spéciale. Ils n'ont rien de la rigueur et de la régularite
de construction qui caractérisent si bien toutes les autres chansons.
Dans le No. 16 ov rencontre une certaine liberté d’allure, un certain
élan rythmique qui en font une véritable phrase musicale. Le No. 17
est un air dé danse triste. Il est exécuté par deux voix de femmes,
l'une pleurant la mort précoce de son enfant, l'autre repétant les
mémes notes plaintives aprés chaque formule.

Le contour mélodique de la chanson est trés restreint. Le plus
souvent celle-ci se meut dans l’intervalle d’une quinte ou d'une quarte.
Ces mémes intervalles se rencontrent dans la langue parlée, le premier
4 la fin d'une interrogation (quinte ascendante) le second en terminant
une phrase affirmation (quarte descendante). Nous trouvons des
exemples de l'emploi de I unisson dans les Nos. 2. 3 et 15.

L’allure de la chanson est lente, monotone et plaintive. Dans
la mesure de ff wt: = - 60; de méme, dans celle de ca = 60. Excep-

tionnellement le mouvement des Nos. 2 et 6 est acceléré, Le méme
mouvement rythmique imprime la méme formule indéfiniment
répétée. Les mesures se succédent réguliéres et uniformes. La
monotonie est encore augmentée par l'accompagnement constant et
sourd du gong (mbonda) et par les batteries nerveuses et précipitées
du tam-tam (mokoto). Nous avons donné des exemples de cet accom-
pagnement aux Nos. 6 et 7. L'intervalle des deux notes du tam-tam

est d'une tierce mineure.

830 J. TAXNGHE—

Généralement la chanson de pagayeur est exécutée par tout
léquipage. Un homme entonne un air, d’autres suivent, et voila bientdt
tout le monde entrainé. Mais avant qu'un air ne soit entonné, la
mesure a été marquée par le tam-tam et le gong (ex: Nos. 6 et 7).
Des fois, il se trouve un jeune homme parmi la bande, réputé pour
sa belle voix et ses belles chansons, et alors c’est lui qui se fera entendre
au cours du voyage. Cet homme, appelé moto wa ndzembo ("homme
dle la chanson) est d’office exempt de pagaye. Le moto wa ndzembo se
fera l'enterpréte de tous et dans ce cas-lA il alternera avec le cheur
(Nos. 6, 7 et 9) ou bien il donnera libre cours A ses propres sentiments,
C'est-parmi ces chansons-la que se comptent les plus belles (Nos. 8,
12 et 16).

Il nous reste & dire un mot au sujet du texte. Celui-ci ne possdde
qu'une valeur secondaire et accessoire. Bien souvent les paroles sont:
insignifiantes et banales et le Noir se trouverait embarassé de vous
dire la véritable signification de sa chanson.

Le Noir chante les différents phénoménes de la nature, qu'il
divinise et que son imagination peuple d’esprits. Vis-A-vis de ceux-ci
il €prouve une véritable crainte qu'il s’efforce de dissimuler et quil
veut dissiper par la chanson. II invoque la forét peuplée d’ombres,
les iles mysterieuses, les eaux profondes: il appelle les mines de
ses ancetres; il chante la puissance des Blane ou bien il célabre
quelqu’ événement de son village dont le souvenir Ini est resté fidéle.
Par sa chanson, il veut, en les invoquant désarmer les forces mystérieuses
qui l’entourent et qui le hantent,

Voici la traduction des textes qul nous avons su noter: 1, ile.
2, ekouloulou, qui rames incessamment, (Comprenez : est-ce-que nous
autres, hommes, serons obligés de ramer, jour et nuit, A l'instar de
"ekouloulou ?—un petit poisson qui ressemble & une sardine et qui
nage incessamment. Véritable ad hominem de mes pagayeurs qui
aprés un long trajet n’avaient pas encore atteint le but du voyage
au tomber de la nuit. 3, hippo, fusil, casserole, lance, etc. 4, ? 5,0
malle, avance. 6, Chef 0, waza, waza: chef e, Waza, waza; ventre
¢, W. w.; fusil, e, w. w.; malle, e, w. w.: sel, 6, w. w.: imitons-le
(Blanc), w. w.; ebe. 7, 2 8, ? 9, Les herbes, o ye ; les herbes, o, ye;
etc. 10, J’avance. 11,? 12, Helas, mére; helas, mére; un homme
est tombé ; un homme est mort ; (le reste est incohérent). 13, Manzoni ?
14,7 15, Porte le chef, porte le kapita ; chante le Fleuve. Comprenez:
St le chef a une palabre, le kapita y sera également mélé. Le mot
palabre, sujet (dzikambo) est sous-entendu. 16, Un jour, en arrivant

CHANSONS DE PAGAYEURS 831

dans un village, un de mes pagayeurs, ayant découvert une belle
femelle, se mit A chanter des paroles obscénes qui ne manquerent
pas de faire éclater de rire toute equipe. 17, Hélas, mon enfant ;
hélas, je le pleure ; hélas, avec douleur ; saurais-je l’oublier, hélas,

On le voit, non seulement le texte est souvent quasi incompre-
hensible mais au point de vue du vocabulaire il est un meli-melo de
termes, empruntés aux différents dialectes du Fleuve. A titre
d'exemple, citons le No. 15 of les premiers mots sont Mabale et des
derniers (embe dua) ngombe.

Tl eut été facile d’harmoniser ces différents motifs dont certains
sont de toute beauté, mais cela n’aurait pas contribué 4 une meilleure
compréhension et 4 une presentation plus naturelle du sujet.

La musique négre ignore les consonnances ¢t les partitions qui
constituent précisément la base de "harmonisation.

En publiant ces textes musicaux, nous avons semplement voulu
susciter de l’intérét pour un aspect de la civilisation noire, jusqu ici
trop souvent négligé.

CHANSONS DE PAGAYEUES
(Ndzembo ja bato ba gkai)

832

- lu

J. TANGHE—

-lu

;e ku

ke ntek'’

-lo - lu

E-

‘:

Tuti

bo -

ka otek

lu + ka

- lu

-lu-

jJa-bo-lu-ka ntek’: e -ku-lu-lu

ntek’ ‘e-«k

-lu-lu

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CHANSONS DE PAGAYEURS 837

CHANSONS DE PAGAYEURS

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AN OLD WAR SONG OF THE BABEMBA 1
By R. O' Ferran.
Text in CHIBEMBA ‘

$1 1. Kale ilyo pali BaMwamba na BaNkulu baletuma fita,

2. fileya ku mishi ya bantu aba Mambwe.

3, Babasanga, baikatana, balapikana no kulasana na mafumo.
4, Awishyo mubiye panshi, amumo mutwe, amumo mutwe,
5. asenda, atwala ku mfumu. Balaimba amalaila, baleti,
0

iF
4.

* Sompa, sompa, sompa, sompa, sompa,”’ ne mitwe ya abantu
Mfumu aiti: “ Mwasalipeni.” Yalabanaila ubwali.
Baikala uluchelo.
. Yatuma bambi. Baya, baya, basanga :

10, kabili balalasana abashili na bukali.

11. Babutuka ulubilo, babwelela ku mfumu.

12. Mfumu yabasula, aiti; ‘* Tamukalipe.”

13. Yatuma bambi. Baya apopene babutwike, balalwa,

babakoma.

14. Babwela, baleimba amalaila, abati :

15. “Makoshi sompa, sompa, sompa, sompa, sompa.”

16. Batuma umunabo ku mfomu, abati:

17. “ Kasobele wati, ‘ Nabakoma abantu.'”

18. Mfumn aiti; “ Chisuma; mwawamya, mwe bantu bandi.”

19. Bafika bonse. Ne mfumu yaima, yalayanga.

20. Balabika ne mitwe kwilinga. Balatota, abati: ‘* Chilyo,

chilyo.”

21. Mfumu aiti: “‘ Mwasalipeni, mwe bantu bandi.”

22. Yafumya ne kunku ya nsalu, -yalalepula.

93. Tlebafwika umo umo. Bonse bakumana.

94 <Aiti: “ Kekaleni, mwe bantu bandi.” Baikala.

§2 25. Kabili limbi yafwaya ukuya kumbi,
95, Yabakuta, yalonganya ifilolo fyonse. Yasosa, ati:
97. “ Ndemutuma ku mishi ku kulwa ulubuli.”
99. Bati: “ Chisuma.” Basumina.
29. Yalabula na maluti, yalabapa bonse, yakumanya :
30. yafumya ne mfuti, yalabapa.
1 Also called Wawemba or Awembs. Probably the right spelling is va combs.
YOL. (¥. PART 1¥, 5a = -

Rat Rk. O FERRALL—

31. Yafumya ne nsalu shakashika, yalalepula.

#2. Ilebapa ne miala ya kuya nayo kwilinga.

33. Baya, bayafika, babasanga abanabo.

$4. Balalwa ulubuli abashikalipe. Babutuka ulubilo.

35. Basosa, abati:.“‘ Tulelwa nenu.”

36. Bati: “Nomba ifwe twanaka. Tuleisa tota ku mfumu
venu.

$i. Baisa, batota, abati: “ Twanaka, we mfumu.”’

38, Aiti: “Chisuma. Tkaleni.” Baikala.

39. Yabapele no mushi. Baikala aba bantu ba mfpmu.

40.. No kuleka baleka: ninshi chapwa.

41. Ne mfumu yasulako, aiti: “ Chapwa.” Baikala.

42. Epela. ,

§ 3 43. Bamo, nga baisa ababekete abanakashi,
45. Balebashita nsofu ne nsalu ne mfuti
46. na mapipa ya maluti: ninshi chapwa,
47. Ne mfumu yasosa, aiti: “ Muli bashya bandi,”’
48. No kuleka yaleka,
Nores
1. Bamwamba na Bankulu. Honorific Plurals.
|. 3. Balapikana, Kupika is now commonly used for firing a rifle.
Its original meaning seems to refer to ashort, sharp sound.! (Compare
kupika hodi, “to warn someone of one's presence”; kupika
sankyu “ to say ‘ Thank you’,”)

ll. 6, 15, 20, Sompa, Makoshi, Chilyo. Archaic words the
meanings of which are no longer remembered. They are still used on
such occasions as the slaying of a lion.

5. Ba-le-ti, Imperf. Pres, (Cf gp « say ’’, le being the tense
infix.

16. Ne mitwe. The narrator explained that the warriors carried
the heads to the chief and then danced round them,

7. Muasalipeni. Lit « Be fierce’, Cf. the old word
musalifi “a warrior”,

‘Is thia a genuine veomba word of borrowed from the Swahili piga tT Piga
‘unduki ia the recornized @xpression in the latter langtinge, and piga Jedi means to
‘SBDOUNCE One's presence at a door by erving “ Hodj {" (from the Arabic A>}.

The change from g to kis what might be expected in vemba, where’ the former sound
only exists in combination with its homorganie nasal (ie, as ng) —A. W.

AN OLD WAR SONG OF THE BABEMBA B41

|. 20, Tota “ prostrate oneself in salutation ”, as to a chief.—A. W.

|. 44. Balaposa seems to be a future, and posa properly means
“throw away” (cf. Zulu ponsa), perhaps implying that the captives
are so numerous as to be given away practically for nothing. Contrast
with shita “ sell" in line 45, when it is a question of ivory.

|. 46. Mapipa, properly “ barrels", pl. of pipa, Portuguese loan-
word in Swahili. Maluti is evidently a corruption of baruti, also
a loan-word in Swahili.

a F)
=

10.
ll.
lz.

13.

14.
1h.
16.
IT.
18.

12.

20.

aks

_——s

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Excuse TRANSLATION

One day of old, Mwamba and Nkulu sent out their warriors

To war against the homes of the sons of Mambwe.

They find them, they seize them, they fight and wound each
other with their spears.

Fach one throws his man to the ground, he strikes off his
head,

He carries it and brings it to the chief. They sing songs of
victory, saying,

“ Sompa, sompa, sompa, sompa, sompa,” with the heads of
the slain.

The chief says, “Greeting, my braves.” He cooks food
for them.

They remain till dawn.

He sends others. They go, they go and find them.

Again they fight with those who are not brave.

They flee quickly. They come back to the chief.

The chief despises them and says, ““ Ye are not brave.”

He sends others. They go to the spot whence their fellows
have fled: they fight and they slay.

They return and sing songs of victory, saying,

““Makoshi sompa, sompa, sompa, sompa, sompa.”

They send one of their fellows to the chief, saying,

“ Go, tell him, ‘ They have killed their foes.’

The chief says, “ Very good. Ye have done well, 0 my
people.”

They all come and the chief rises up and dances.

They put the heads on the stockade and praise him, Saving.
‘ Chilyo, chilyo.”

The chief says, “ Greeting, O my people.”

He brings out rolls of cloth and tears 1t up.

B42

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eo
be
co

§3 43.
44,
45,
46.
47,
48.

PFSSESSh ES

K. O'FERRALL—

He c'othes them one by one. All have their share.
He says, “ Stay here, O my braves.” They stay.

Again another day the chief wishes to go elsewhere.

He calls his men, he gathers all his elders and says,

“ Twill send you to the villages to strive in battle.”

They say, “ Very good.” They agree,

He brings out powder and gives plenty to all.

He brings out guns and distributes them.

He brings forth red cloths and tears them in pieces.

He gives them to his men as tokens that they may go with
them to the stockade.

Off they go and arrive and find their foes.

They strive in battle with those who are not brave. They
flee quickly.

They say, ‘' We will fight you,”

They answer, “‘ Now we are tired. We will come and honour
your chief,”

So they come and honour him, saying, “ We are tired, 0
chief,”

He says, “ Very good. Stay here.” So they stay.

He gives them a village, They stay as men of the chief.

They cease from fight for all is over.

And the chief scorns them and says, “ All is over.” So
they stay.

That is the end of the story.

And when those came who had captured women,
They sold them to the Arabs.

They sold them ivory in exchange for cloth and guns
And vessels of powder. Thus was the end.

And the chief spoke, saying, “ Ye are my slaves.”
So he ceases from war,

Nore.—The writer has not been able to discover the natue of the metre, so the
“rangement of the tines both in the text and translation is arbitrary,

SOURCE

The song was obtained in January, 1925, from a native of
Chandamukulu’s village, near Kasama jn North-East Rhodesia.
Chandamukulu is now the name of a district chief : the name originally

= : =
"a .

AN OLD WAR SONG OF THE BABEMBA B45

was that of the sister of Chitimukulu I (Chileshyi), who was the mother
of the four paramount chiefs who in turn succeeded Chitimukulu I.

The narrator was a man of thirty-five years of age, who had heard
the song in his youth in his village and had himself sung it many
times and could still sing it, He himself had only heard it sung round
the camp fire; though he says it was originally sung by warriors
dancing round the heads of the slain and brandishing their spears on
high, He says the song was never accompanied by any instrumental
music, nor by drums. He could repeat the song again and again
with hardly any variation in the words. ‘

Historica, BackKGROUND

The three names mentioned in the song give some idea of the
occasion of its original composition, Mwamba and Nkulu {= Chewe)
were brothers of Chitimukulu VIII (= Kapalakashya). The Chiti-
mukulus were the paramount chiefs of a tribe of Bantu who migrated
about 1740 from Lubaland, west of the Lualaba River, now in the
Belgian Congo. This tribe worked round the south of the Luapula
River, and eventually settled to the south of Lake Tanganyika and
north-east of Lake Bangweolo. One of the tribes which they
encountered and fought when they entered the land was that of the
Bamambwe, Either the latter tribe gave further trouble in the time
of Chitimukulu VII (about 1870), or the chief wanted to extend his
kingdom ; for we hear of great wars in his reign. His successor,
Chitimukulu VIII, and the latter's brother, Mwamba, continued
these wars. Mwamba seems to have been a strong man; for, when
Chitimukulu IX succeeded, he received large grants of land from him
and became virtual ruler of the Babemba till his death in 1598.

(Ref. “ The native tribes of N.E. Rhodesia,” Coxhead, Pub. Royal
Anthropological Institute, 1914.)

Date axp ORIGIN
The problems of the date and origin of this song are much affected
by the view taken as to whether it 1s a single whole or a combination
of two or three older songs. Manifestly in its present form it was
need not earlier than the time of Mwamba and celebrates one of the
la‘er raids of the Babemba against the Bamambwe, some time between
the years 1880 and 1890. |
But there are indications that the song in its present form 1s
in three distinct sections, Section one contains archaic words, talks

te te

B44 AN OLD WAR SONG OF THE BAREMBA

of head-hunting, and makes no certain allusion:to rifles. Rifles were
introduced into the country by the Arabs about 1860, but the presence
of the archaic words suggests a far earlier date. In this case the names
Mwamba and Nkulu must have taken the place of earlier chiefs’ names,
if they do not even refer to earlier chiefs of the same names, and the
one possible reference to guns and the distribution of cloth may be
an addition, In the second section firearms take a prominent place,
and the capture of heads is not referred to. It has, too, a definite
beginning and end,

The third section looks like a piece added on, possibly at the tinte
sections one and two were combined.

To summarize we may say that section one may possibly have
been composed to celebrate one of the earlier fights between the
Babemba and the Bamambwe at the time of the first Invasion, some-
time about the middle of the eighteenth century. Then about the
time of renewed fighting between the peoples, towards the end of the
nineteenth century, the old war song was revived and additions were
made.

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

Ture Trnerax Boox or THE Dean, or the After-Death Experiences on
the Bardo Plane, according to Lama Kazi Dawa-Samdup’s
English rendering. By W. Y. Evans-Wenrz, M.A., D.Litt..
B.Se., with Foreword by Sir Jous Wooprorre. pp. xliv + 248.
Oxford University Press. London: Humphrey Milford, 1927.

In this volume Dr. Evans-Wentz has made available for English
readers the remarkable ritual manual of the lamas, entitled m Tibetan
Bardo Thédol (Bar-do-thos-grol) “ Liberation by hearing on the After-
Death Plane”, and read over the dead throughout Tibet in slightly
differing versions. His title The Tibetan Book of the Dead succinctly
indicates the character of the subject matter of an ancient manuscript,
obtained froma lama of the semi-reformed Kargyutpa (Bkah-rgyud-pa)
sect. It was translated, in close co-operation with the editor, by the
well-known Tibetan scholar, the late Lima Kazi Dawa-Samdup
(Zla-ba-bsam-hgrub), himself a member of the Kargyutpa order, and
initiated into the higher, or esoteric, teachings of Northern Buddhism,
in particular those of the Great Perfectionist School of Guru Padma-
sambhava, to whom the compilation of the original text is ascribed.

In the words of Dr. Evans-Wentz, the Bardo-Thédol is an “ epito-
mized exposition of the cardinal doctrines of the Mahayana School
of Buddhism’, besides being “ based essentially upon the Occult
Sciences of the Yoga Philosophy”; many parts are highly symbolical
and abstruse; the language is often figurative, and when it appears
to express a simple and easily understood idea, it 1s, as often as not,
pregnant with a rich meaning, completely hidden from the uninstructed.
For, though, as this book shows, in Tibet Northern Buddhism with
amazing boldness claims the fullest knowledge as to the State after
Death, and the power to instruct the deceased at each stage, 1t, in
common with other religions, speaks in parables to the world, and
reserves the complete explanation of its profound doctrines to the
few qualified to receive them. This it does by oral instruction conveyed
from guru to chela (shishya).

The above will show the necessity for, and the great value of,
the wealth of matter eclucidatory of the text, which this volume
contains. This consists of a commentary in the form of annotations
to the text, a comprehensive introduction—both of which embody

R46 REVIEWS OF ACOKS

the translator's own notes dictated by him to his disciple, the editor—
and seven concise and scholarly essays on Yoga, Tantricism, Mantras,
Initiation, Reality, Northern and Southern Buddhism and Christianity,
and the Medieval Christian Judgement in the Addenda. We may also
mention an unusual, but welcome feature of the book, the detailed
explanations of the well-reproduced photographic illustrations.
notably of two illuminated folios of the manuscript, two conclaves
(mandalas) of deities, which appear among the phenomena of Barda,
and the Judgement of the Lord of the Dead, Dharma-Raja (G4in-ryje).

Formidable though the task was, Dr. Evans-Wentz has sueceeded
in presenting within a reasonable compass and in a convenient shape,
a rich store of information, much of it not available elsewhere, on the
teachings underlying the Bardo Thédol. His aim, as he informs us,
has been to present these teachings “as he has been taught them by
qualified initiated exponents of them, who alone have the unquestioned
right to explain them”. His standpoint has been avowedly that of
the Northern Buddhist, convinced of their truth, But to render his
exposition more intelligible to the Western student, he has often
“referred to Occidental parallels of various mystic or occult doctrines
current in the Orient”. Among these may be named the ancient
Egyptian belief as to the after-death state and description of the
Judgement ; the Orphic story of rebirth told by Plato in the tenth
hook of the Republic; primitive Christian Gnostic belief in rebirth ;
and the remarkable medieval Lamentation of the Dying Creature
quoted in the Addenda VII.
* The Foreword, styled ‘the Science of Death”, serves as a key to
the whole. In it Sir John Woodroffe, the first European authority
on the Indian Tantras, and, indeed, pioneer in that amazingly vast
and complex world of thought, has concisely and acutely analysed and
reviewed the contents of this volume. A careful perusal of this Fore-
word and after it of the first five sections of the Addenda will afford
to the general reader an admirable preparation for the main task of
digesting the translated text and introduction. We may here mention
Sir John Woodroffe’s estimate that both text and introduction “ form
a very valuable contribution to the Science of Death from the stand-
point of the Tibetan Mahayana Buddhism of the so-called ‘ Tantrik *
type".

The Bardo Thidol is itself a ritual, tantric in character, though
not a Tantra, and as the editor his remarked, “some general
acquamtance with Tantricism, as with Y, oga, is desirable for all readers

THE TIBETAN BOOK OF THE DEAD ST
of this book.”’ Condensed information on these very difficult subjects
of Tantricism and Yoga is provided in the Addenda among the sections,
which it has been suggested above should be studied prior to the text
and its exposition. Another suggestion for the serious student 15
that, if he has not already done so, he should read Lama Kazi Dawa-_
Samdup’s translation of the Denichog (Bde-mchog) Tantra, published
‘with a foreword by Arthur Avalon (Sir John Woodroffe) in vol. vu,
Tantrit Texts. That tantra may be regarded in its teaching as com-
plementary to the present text, in that it instructs how to practise
mental concentration and meditation in this life with the aim of
enabling the mind eventually to realize Reality. If before death
the mind has been fully trained in this way, then the deceased at the
very moment of death will recognize the “Clear Light of Pure Reality ~
and obtain Enlightenment.

So Perfect Enlightenment, according to the text, can in exceptional
cases be reached without entry upon the Bardo Plane, the inter-
mediate state between death and either Enlightenment or rebirth.
It is this teaching that certain sects in China and Japan have
emphasized and developed. The transference, or liberation, of the
consciousness-principle from the worldly body, which it is the first
concern of the officiating lama to effect in ordinary cases and for
which the manual lays down remarkably precise instructions, will
be easy and automatic for the proficient devotee, who will be able to
die without losing full consciousness. For him liberation from the
body, the vision of the Clear Light of Reality and recognition of it
as such will be an instantaneous process by virtue of his training,
knowledge, and freedom from sangsaric bonds. For him there is at
death no need of the help of the Bardo Thodol, as he has already
assimilated its teachings in life, and so is fully prepared (p. 135).

If we have dealt at some length on this, it is because of the
importance of comprehending the significance of the statement of
the text (p. 89), “ Without any Intermediate State, they will obtain
the Unborn Dharma-Kaya by the Great Perpendicular Path.” For
this sentence sets forth the peculiar and basic doctrine of Northern
Buddhism “ that spiritual emancipation, even Buddhahood, may be
won instantaneously, without entering upon the Bardo Plane and
without further suffering on the age-long pathway of normal evolution,
which traverses the various worlds of sangsdric existence. The doctrine
underlies the whole of the Bardo Thédol” (p. 89, note 3).

The manual treats the moment of death, and also the three and

B48 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

one-half or four days following it, as the first division of Bardo under
the name Chikhai (Hchi-khahi) Bardo, “ the Intermediate or Tran-
sitional State of the Moment of Death.” Should the deceased fail
to recognize the primary Clear Light, which first dawns, he may still,
if the appropriate instructions are conveyed to him by the officiant,
obtain the Dharma-Kaya by recognizing the secondary Clear Light,
which is the first Clear Light now somewhat obscured by Maya. In
this first Bardo the spirit, when set. face to face with the Clear Light
of Reality, is in a state of ecstasy and is not yet distracted by karmic
visions and desire for a material body, as it will be later, The spirit,
or consciousness-principle, which fails to win emancipation here,
as will usually be the case, will descend into lower and lower stages
of Bardo. But there, too, will be several turning points, at which
liberation may be achieved. As the editor has pointed out (p. 130,
note 2), * Although, theoretically, Nirvana is ever realizable from any
stage of the Bardo, practically, for the ordinary devotee, it is not,
meritorious karma being inadequate”,

In the second Bardo, called Chonyid (Chos-itiid) Bardo, or “ Tran-
Sitional State of (the Experiencing ot Glimpsing of) Reality”, the
spirit, which by now has awakened out of its after-death ecstasy to
the fact that death has occurred, may obtain Buddhahood in the
Sambhoga-Kaya; and in the third Bardo, the Sidpa (Srid-paht)
Bardo or “ Transitional State of Rebirth ", it may obtain the Nirmana-
Kaya.

Without venturing on any discussion of the profound T'ri-Kaya
doctrine of Buddhism, which in outline, at least, is familiar to students
of Buddhist philosophy, and which is treated in part v of the intro-
duction, we may say that in each successive division of Bardo the
liberation that is likely to be effected becomes less complete. For, as
4 rule, Buddhahood in the most complete form, Dharma-Kaya, the
Essential Body, or Ultimate Reality, that is both all and beyond all,
from which there is no return, is only obtainable from the first Bardo.
Entry into the Sambhoga-Kaya will be followed by a return to the
human world as a Divine Incarnation for the good of mankind; and
the attainment of Nirman -Kaya involves * spiritually enlightened
birth on one of the higher planes, deva-loka, asura-loka, or the human-
loka” (p. 135, note 3), However, as already mentioned, the text
admits the possibility of Perfect Enlightenment being gained at any
Stage. even in the Sidpa Bardo (see pages 168, 174).

In many cases the spirit, in spite of the instruction and oppor-

THE TIBETAN BOOK OF THE DEAD 849

tunities for emancipation offered, will have to proceed through all
the stages of Bardo, which usually occupy forty-nine days. This
number forty-nine 1s, of course, symbolical like the various colours of
the Bardo radiances and much else in the text, as the introduction
explains. Each day of the fourteen of the second Bardo there will
dawn upon the consciousness of the deceased, one by one, apparitional
visions of numerous deities, which, we are informed, are “the
hallucinatory embodiments of the thought-forms born of the mental-
content of the percipient ". First appear the Peaceful Deities, “ the
personified forms of the sublimest human sentiments, which proceed
from the psychic heart-centre ” ; and next the Wrathful Deities, which
‘are the personifications of the reasonings and proceed from the
psychic brain-centre.” Each separate deity has “a definite psycho-
logical significance”. A similar explanation of the Peaceful and
Wrathful Deities is to be found on pp. xxii-xxiil, Tantrik Teats,
vol. vu.

Though from one point of view these deities are the creations of
the mind of the percipient, the chief of them, at least, the radiant
Dhydni Buddhas, who appear on the first six days, also represent
aspects of reality. If the deceasec understands the divine apparitions
rightly, he will be led upwards to Liberation : if not, he will fear them
and be attracted towards sangsdric existence by the illusory dull
Lights of the Six Lokas, that appeat concurrently with the Dhydns
Buddhas.

The third Bardo, which begins about the fifteenth day, is a period
preliminary to rebirth in one or other of the Six Lokas, though here too
escape from such rebirth is still possible. The spirit may go to Hell,
after the Judgement. The Lights of the Six Lokas again dawn to attract
to rebirth. If it is not the lot of the spirit first to be reborn in a loka
other than the world of men—which is preferable to even those of
the Gods and Demi-gods, and in which rebirth will follow later, if
not now—visions of men and women mating will appear. Thereupon
desire for a material body, 1f not overcome, will result in re-incarnation
on earth. So attraction to sangsaric existence, which is scarcely
perceptible in the beginning of the Intermediate State, gradually
increases in intensity till in the end it prevails. At the same time
the Light of Reality, which at the moment of death shines in all its
full dazzling splendour, becomes dimmer and dimmer, as the per-
cipient’s vision becomes more and more obscured by karmic pro-
pensities.

_ the earliest possible stage in Bardo to re:

SO REVIEWS OF BOOKS

It is ever the aim of the Bardo Thédol to enable the deceased at
1ove his veil of ignorance and
to gaze steadfastly at the Clear Light of Reality, and so to obtain
Enlightenment. This it does by closely instructing him as to the nature
of everything he sees, so that he will no longer regard phenomenal
apparitions as real, or yield to attraction towards sangsdric existence.
Though, as the spirit sinks deeper into Bardo among the karmic dis-
tractions of the Chényid Bardo, emancipation becomes more difficult,
the spirit is instructed how to make the best of each situation. The
manual repeatedly insists that the apparitions of deities, even of the
Lord of Death himself, which appear in this and the Sidpa Bardo:
are the creations of the mind, and not to be feared. Later, in the
Sidpa Bardo, instructions are given how to avoid attraction to
rebirth in any of the Six Lokas or realms of sangsdriec existence, but,
if and when rebirth becomes inevitable, every help is afforded the
deceased to make the best choice. To express it shortly and very
crudely, the manual is a guide to lead the deceased to Buddhahood, or
as far along the path thereto as may be possible. L, A. Waddell’s
description in his Buddhism of Tibet (p. 492) of the “ Thos-grol” as
~ the guide for the spirit’s passage through the valley of horrors inter-
vening between death and a new rebirth "’, is incomplete, in that it
Suggests that every spirit will have to proceed through Bardo to
rebirth, and fails to mention that the prime aim of the guide is to
avoid rebirth at all. Enough has been said to indicate that the full
title of the manual, Thos-pa-tsam-gyis-grol-ba-thob-pahi-chos “the doc-
trine by the hearing of which a man is instantly saved " (see Jiischke's
Dict., p. 239, and 8. C. Das's Dict. p. 596), errs on the other extreme,
Its extravagant claim needs qualification, For the text itself admits
that many who hear the doctrine will not be instantly saved, because
they are not prepared to receive the teachings, being under the
influence of evil Karma, weak in devotion, or subject to evil pro-
pensities,

It may well be asked, as it has been in the Foreword, what is
the use of instructing the deceased, when karma determines everything
for him, or, as Sir John Woodroffe states the problem, “ If the Karma
ready to ripen determines the action, then advice . . . is useless.
If the ‘ soul’ is free to choose, there is no determination by Karma.”

Without dwelling long on this all-important. question it may at once

be stated that the Bardo Thédol, in common with other Mahdyana
works, insists that progress towards Enlightenment is capable of being

THE TIBETAN BOOK OF THE DEAD » 851

hastened by the imparting of right knowledge. It is the main aim of

Yoga to provide, as it were, a short cut to Enlightenment, which at
the normal rate of evolution might not be reached for inconceivable
ages. How this can be reconciled with the Karma doctrine we are
not told in the text, but some tentative explanations are offered in the
Foreword, which will, perhaps, stimulate the reader's interest, rather
than provide a complete answer.

Perfect Enlightenment brings with it release from the domination
of karma. For, as the translated text eloquently expresses it," . . .
karma controlleth not. Like the sun's rays, for example, dispelling
the darkness, the Clear Light on the Path dispelleth the power of
karma” (p. 100).

Escape from karma, of course, implies a cessation of such
‘ndividualized consciousness, or personality, as the spirit of the
deceased has continued to retain after its separation from the human
body. The possibility of personal immortality has no place m the
teachings of Buddhism. As long as the mind or consciousness is
individualized, it will consider phenomena to be real, and will be
unable to realize Reality. This is well brought out im section v on
Reality in the Addenda, where Dr. Evans-Wentz sums up, “* Once
the mind becomes free from all karmic obscurations, from the supreme
heresy that phenomenal appearances—in heavens, hells, or worlds—
are real,... personality ceases,... the mundane consciousness becomes
the supramundane and one with the Dharma-Kaya...". Attention
may be drawn to the extracts from Acvaghosha’s “* The Awakening of
Faith”, given im the same section. These show that the teachings
as to Ultimate Reality found in that treatise composed in the first
century A.p. substantially confirm the philosophy of the Bardo Thédol.

In this review we have only given the slightest indication of the
highly interesting contents of this remarkable text, and we have
noticed but a fractional part of the problems, that arise from it and
doctrines that underlie it, which are ably and lucidly expounded in
this volume. It is not easy to convey any adequate idea of the extra-
ordinary wealth of detail, with which the text describes all the different
symbolical phases of Bardo, or of the completeness of the directions,
which it gives for releasing the spirit from the body, and for meeting
each situation, in which the spirit will find itself in the course of its
journey in the Intermediate State.

But sufficient, we think, has been said to show not only that the
Bardo Thédol is an unusually important text—even if we hesitate

bea ae!

5s |

852 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

to claim with the editor that it “is, among the sacred books of the
world, unique“, and “ perhaps, one of the most remarkable works
the West has ever received from the East “—but also that the
undoubtedly thorny and intricate task of translation and interpreta-
tion has been successfully carried out with scholarly ability, backed
by comprehensive and sympathetic knowledge. In this volume there
is much of profound human interest for the more serious general
reader, not afraid to venture on difficult ground. In it students of
comparative religion and mysticism will find a treasure-house of
diverse and often unexpected information. But only the few
Orientalists, who have made a special study of the Buddhism of
Tibet, will be able to appreciate in full the value of the rich fare, which
Dr. Evans-Wentz presents in the Tibetan Book of the Dead.
H. Lee SHvrrLeworts.

Tre Conception or Buppnist Nirvana. By Tu, SrcHerBaTsky,
Ph.D. pp. 246. Leningrad: Publishing Office of the Academy
of Sciences of the USSR., 1927.

As a work of constructive information, this book should be a
valuable aid to students of mediaeval dialectic, in that it contains a
translation of chapters i and xxv of Nagarjuna’s Madhyamika-Sastra to
wit, on Causality and on Siifiyata (rendered by the translator “ Rela-
tivity"), followed by a translation of Candrakirti’'s Commentary
thereon entitled Prasannapada “The Clearworded”. The trans-
lator’s own commentary, lexicographical and thematic, will also
prove an interesting guide, as will further the 29 pages of Indexes,
dealing not only with names and subjects, but also with Sanskrit,
Pali, Tibetan, and Mongolian words, and lastly with those “ technical
terms “ by which architects of word-structures tempt some of us
away from reality, and find their pleasure in wordy fights.

Introductory to all this valuable applied scholarship is a collection
of short essays or notes on points in the history of Indian philosophical
thought, also containing much that is newly worded and stimulating.
Where he refers to “ early’, or “ primitive ” Buddhism it is apparently
always at second-hand, and his dicta about it, were I to go into them,
are such as I should contest at every turn. Somewhat I have said
about them in a previous review of the Bulletin (III, Ft. II, 1924).
More I have been saying and am saying elsewhere, A review may
have only the author reviewed as its reader, wherefore kim idha

THE ZOROASTRIAN DOCTRINE OF A FUTURE LIFE . 6853

bahund? May this author live long to bring much to us into which
his genial erudition has dived so deep at first_hand !
C. A. F. B.D.

Tue Zoroastrian Docrerxe or a Future Lire. From Death to
the Individual Judgment. By Jat Dastvr Curserm Pavry,
AM., Ph.D. pp. 119. Columbia University Series, vol. x1.
New York: Columbia University Press, 1926.

Claiming no novelty in his subject-matter, the author finds that
there is “room for a new presentation which should collect and
co-ordinate the material from every period of Zoroastrianism in the
light both of its age-long tradition and of the most recent Iranian
research ". Hence in this monograph he gives a critical translation
of all passages relevant to its subject from both earliest and latest
Zend-Avestan sources. These he supplements with references to
the Pahlavi books and, with illustrations, to modern Parsi beliefs, giv-
ing Manichaean parallels, the last bemg a subject with which he
has already dealt in his Manichaeism and Zoroastrian Influence upon
the Manichaean_Doctrine of Eschatology (1922). The present work is
to form the first part of a trilogy of studies, and takes the reader only
into the teaching of “ soul’ parting from body, and his reception
in the new life.

I find this book very happily inspired and to the general educated
reader of profound utility. I had been about to say; to the student
of comparative religion, but Iranian experts will here be the fit
counsellors. I fall back on “ the general ” (in Shakespearian meaning).
And I hardly hope that, for another few generations, he will see here
a reading deeply useful for himself. He has for the present turned
away from something that lies right across his path, whether he be
Parsi or cf any or no -ism, and judges old documents about it as pure
myth. I venture to think, on the contrary, that he might wisely expand
his cramped forward view in his own individual case, and carefully
read, among other such studies, this book, both the translations in it,
and the notes.

To take only the first note (p. 9): what deeply important questions
does it not suggest ? We start out at once with the word “soul”,
a very unsatisfactory word, So thinks modern psychology, and
carefully puts it to bed. I think it might also be put to bed. but for
a different reason from psychology, with its misplaced emphasis on

ahd. _ ‘REVIEWS OF BOOKS

“complex ".” We allow “soul” to usurp the “ man"’; it is he (and
she) we are shelving together with “soul”. The Avestan word for
“soul” is one that, according to Professor Williams Jackson's deriva-
tion, fits the man, the “ I” (who am not my body, not my mind ; these
if you will, are the complex) much better than “soul”. It is wrran,
the “ worther ", the “ valuer ”, the “ chooser", Mind is the “ worth-
ing"; matter, and especially body, is the thing worthed. Now the
whole history of man may be summed up in that word urvan, as it is
notin “soul”. And I much regret that Dr. Pavry did not break with
our traditional English, and our foolish habit of speaking of “* man's
soul”, instead of man, and use a word in his translation corresponding
to his learned master’s “ suggestion’. There might then have been
an outcry, but so much the better! For this is not a subject for the
“general's” armchair, although he nowadays treats it as such.
It is possible that urvan may convey the sense (etymologically) of
worthing, more than worther .. . I am unwise as to the final -an.
But if we mean “minding”, when we say mind, conversely the
Zoroastrian may have meant worther when he said worthing. We-of
to-day are not bound by the past unless we let ourselves be. Let us
anyway use worther, chooser, for “thee” and “me”, rather than
“mind ” or “soul”.

Tam, I repeat. unwise as to whether -an is a neuter or a masculine
aiix ; I wish the author's note had helped us here. He persistently,
again after the foolish modern fashion, uses “it”, “its” as the pro-
nown of “soul”. Thus herein again we lose “ the man”, who passes
death's “bridge” to the “ Worthing” awaiting him. It is note-
worthy that about the individual judgment in Buddhist Suttas, just
after death, there is no question of that mental complex (of four
stoups) about which Buddhist schoolmen are so complacent, appearing,
without the deceased body, before the (once human) judge Yama.
It is the man himself, the purisa (puruga) who stands there and hears:
“ Ambho purisa (see here, man)! by you yourself have these things
been done, not by another.” Now here surely is the attan, the “ self”,
whose reality, whose going over, is so strenuously denied, Is it then
a mere complex, a label, who at that awful moment is addressed, and
not the very real thing? Perhaps this is the reason why Buddhism
pushes these Suttas into a corner, in maintaining, as it does to-day,
its curious dogma of An-atta. |

But let readers get this book. Let there be soon a popular edition
of it. C. A. FR; D.

POLITICAL HISTORY OF ANCIENT INDIA B55

-Pourtcan History or Ancient Inpra. From the Accession of
Parikshit to the Extinction of the Gupta Dynasty. By Hem-
cHanprA Raycuaupnur, M.A., Ph.D. pp. 389, with five maps.
9nd edition, revised and enlarged. University of Calcutta, 1927.

The first edition of this notable effort to chart us a period
‘covered by no history or chronicle of early date has been out of print
for some time. In revising and rewriting for this second edition, the
author has been at pains to bring his work into line with new research,
and to tell us beforehand where to find the more important additions

- or wherein these consist. Materials continue to grow, but they do not

yet, and probably never will, suffice to body out the course of Indian

history from the fight between Kurus and the Pandu clan down to

Bimbisara of Magadha—to go no further—as can be done, relatively,

between Bimbisara and theGuptas. Thisthe author ofcourse recognizes,

but he makes a brave attempt to make those far-off days live, wisely
considering that Parikshit first of that name, was, as was very
possibly Wodin of our North, a real man of earth, whatever deifying
may have befallen him later. He has dipped into every available
source, and to one, associated now for many years with a Society for
the redaction of Buddhist texts, it is very gratifying to witness the
growing service rendered by these editions in supplying incidentally
historical apercus, in a way scarcely dreamed of by their compilers.

For myself I put little faith in the historical truth of political events

accepted by those compilers, I refer especially to the editors of (a) the

Pitakas at Patna, before these were, at least fully, written down,

(b) of the full writing carried out according to the epics in Ceylon.
_ ‘The Commentaries are even less worthy of credence, recording as they
do from a point of time still more remote, and recording by a longer
and laxer oral tradition. From them Dr. Chaudhuri quotes once off
his guard, unaware perhaps that it is a Commentarial record—that
is, unless I err. This is in the reference to a “ letter” “ sent by Pukku-
siti of Gandhara to Bimbisara ” (p. 124). I have met this mm the

Commentary on the Majjhima, not elsewhere. The Commentary on

the Theragathi also mentions letters between Pippali Kassapa and

Bhadda of the Kapilas (Pss. of the Brethren, p. 360), but this 1s not

evidence that in those days such postal amenities had begun, however

much they had become a feature of life in the Commentators era.

In the Pitakas it is invariably: ‘Here, my man (or another), go

and tell so and so from me, or the like.”

But as giving a purview of such materials as can be pressed into
VOL. FV. PART IV. it

B56 } REVIEWS OF BOOKS

service in this work of charting the map of perished centuries,
Dr. Chaudhuri has made debtors of us all.
C. A. F. R. D.

A Historica, Sropy or tHe Terms Hinayina anp Maniyina
AND THE OpiciIn or Mauwiyana Bupputsw. By RyvKax
Kimura. pp. xii, 203. University of Calcutta, 1927.

This is the sixth in a series of “ theses" in which the author con-
templates achieving a History of Indian Buddhism. I have had so
far the advantage of seeing only the first of them, entitled “ What is
Buddhism?” I regret that these brief comments on the sixth are
not guided by an acquaintance with the fourth: ‘“ Historical Dis-
cussion on Buddhology”’—the author persists in calling it
“ Buddhalogy”. The rise of Buddhology in Japan :—‘ How you came
to regard the man Gotama as so much more than man": inquire
into this! write about it!""—this was the dying injunction my husband
gavetohis last visitors from overseas, fellow-countrymen of Mr. Kimura.
Tam not saying that Mr. Kimura's discussion is on Japanese
Buddhology only. On the contrary he, teaching, among other things,
Pali in India, comes to take up the lower lying strata of Indian
Buddhology. And he approaches it from the Mahayanist standpoint.
Or at least from his own standpoint, but under the dominating influence
of Mahiyanist tradition. Now this is, for pure disinterested historical
criticism of the inception of Buddhology in India, something approach-
ing what the world of sport calls “ disqualification”. How is this?

He has a theory which may, or may not be shared by all
Mahayanists. I have but to state it. Comment will be superfluous,
He divides Buddhism into “ Original" and “ Developed”, With
this we may all agree. But the former “ is the doctrine preached by
Buddha himself in public”; the latter, implicit in his perception
after “enlightenment”, the times did not allow him to preach in
person, so it was “ left in the hands of his disciples to be manifested ”
at the proper time . . .

Here the testimony of the Pitakas themselves Mr. Kimura passes
over: (a) These state repeatedly, that the founder admitted two
sources of his knowledge: his own judgment or intuition, on the
one hand, and information given by men of the next and the Ripa
world clairaudiently, on the other. The Pitakas show Gotama
repudiating (in one Nikiiya passage) the attribute of omniscience, and

BARHUT INSCRIPTIONS 85T

appealing to the very “man” (purusa). His followers, in unwisdom,
made the “man” (“ you” and “ me”) unreal, but overworthed in

(6) Again, the author seems content to accept Nagirjuna's dis-
tinction of esoteric and exoteric teaching as practised by the Buddha
(p. 16). Has then the venerable old Man spoken to deaf ears all the .
time ? “ Desito Ananda mayé dhammo 4¥-anTARAM a-bahiram katva ;
na tattha me dhammesu acariya-mutthi”"—" Taught, Ananda, hasbeen
by me the Right, making no ‘esoteric’, no ‘ exoteric ° ; not herein is
mine the teacher's fist!" holding back now this now that. Nagiirjuna
knew not the Pali Pitakas, if I err not, but Mr. Kimura has not his
@Xcise.

But the substance of this thesis and its historical value lies in a
detailed inquiry into how the terms Hinayina and Mahiyana arose. ©
Readers who have to meet with the terms full-blown have here an
opportunity of learning how much and how little is known as to
that, and will have reason to be grateful for the painstaking research
put before them.

C, A. F. R. D.

Baruur Insceretions. Edited and translated with critical notes
by Benrmapnas Barva, D.Litt., and Kumar G. Suvna, M.A.
pp. 139. University of Calcutta, 1926,

The editors here give us a fresh presentation of the inscriptions
on the Barhut Stupa, that is in a grouped method as being (a) Votive
Labels, or (6) Jataka Labels, together with a fresh and critical transla-
tion. .A third section is appended of notes on the lettering, language,
and names in the inscriptions. There is also a good (Prakrit) Index.
Review of the workmanship shown in the details is here impossible,
and specialized expertness were needed. But if I were visiting the
stupa, or looking at reproductions of the fascinating scraps of the
history of Indian values and outlook presented on the stupa, I should
wish to have this work in my hand.

C. A. F. BR. D.

BBS REVIEWS OF BOOKS

Tue Book or tHe Cave or Treasures. A History of the Patriarchs
"and the Kings their successors from the Creation to the Crucifixion
of Christ. Translated from the Syriac text of the British Museum
MS, Add, 25875 by Sir E. A, Watus Bupor, Kt., M.A., Litt.D.

pp. xvi, 319. 8vo. London: Religious Tract society, 1927.

The Canonical books of the Old Testament were followed by a
series of mostly anonymous writings designed to interpret and expand
the Scriptural narratives in the light of the authors’ historical
experiences and doctrinal views. The earlier works of this kind were
Jewish—typical examples are the Book of Julilees and the Testaments
of the Twelve Patriarchs—and they combined with more or less new
religious and mystical ideas a considerable number of Agadoth or
edifying stories, in which were incorporated old legends and scraps of
_folklore, some of which are extreme! yancient. In duetimethe Christian
Church adopted this method of exposition, and produced similar
works of edification, using a good deal of the same material mutatis
mutandis. An early example of such Christian writings—perhaps
the earliest that can be definitely dated—is the Book of Adam and Eve,
composed in the fifth or sixth century. Another specimen is the present
“ Cave of Treasures,” Me‘arath Gazzé, a Syriac work which is ascribed
to Ephrem-Syrus (ob. a.p. 373), but in its present form at any rate is
probably not earlier than the sixth century, Sir Ernest Budge gives
us a new translation of this book based upon an excellent manuscript
in the British Museum, with notes supplementing the narrative by
excerpts from germane writings such as the Book of Adam and Eve,
the Book of the Bee, etc., and by data from the latest archaeological
discoveries, and he has added an introduction and appendices con-
taining not only extracts translated from the Testament of Adam and
the Book of the Bee, but also a summary of the results of Mr. Woolley’s
latest excavations at Ur, which have shown to an astonished world
‘that Ur was a centre of advanced civilization in the fourth millennium
‘B.C., and perhaps earlier still,

The author of the “ Cave”, who has borrowed copiously from
the book of Adam and Eve, besides drawing on other sources that
“cannot be identified, is, like many of his congeners, addicted to
fanciful and arbitrary theory-spinning and deeply infected with the
odium theologicum. The bold assurance with which he claims for
himself a knowledge of Biblical genealogies which he denies to all
other writers (p. 194 f.) is equalled by the ignorance that he shows
in classing Hebrew, Greek, and Latin together as written from left

THE CAVE OF TREASURES 859

to right (p. 152). Nevertheless his book has value, not only as a
specimen of a once popular class of literature, but also because some
of its statements seem to be derived from legends in which were faintly -
preserved memories of very ancient times. Thus, to quote some of
the examples noted by the translator, the stories of the rise of idolatry
in the days of Serug, of the custom of making golden images of deceased
fathers, and of the storm that destroyed Ur and Erech become
intelligible in the light of recent archaeological discoveries, which
Sir Ernest Budge ably focusses upon them. The tale of the destruction
of the Jewish Scriptures and genealogies on the capture of Jerusalem
by Sennacherib (pp. 189, 192, 194 f.) is also curious and interesting }
we suspect, however, that the author or his source invented it @éow
S.advAdrrew, though as regards the genealogies he may unconsciously
have come near the truth.

The book is excellently produced, with sixteen full plates and eight
illustrations in the text depicting some striking finds of archaeological
research in Ur and elsewhere, and it lays us under a new obligation to
the translator, to whose vast learning and tried skill in bookcraft the
world is already so deeply indebted.

L. D. Barnett.

Die BILpLICHEN DaRsTELLUNGEN DER INDISCHEN GOTTERTRINITAT
IN DER ALTEREN ETHNOGRAPHISCHEN Lireratur. Von ERnst
ScHreriirz. pp. 94. Hannover, 1927.

Dr. Schierlitz is a pupil of Professor Scherman, the well-known
Sanskritist and ethnographer of Munich, and from him he has got the
inspiration to busy himself with the pictures and descriptions of the
Hindu triad of gods as found in the old literature of voyages and
ethnography, The present writer has, at times, found opportunity
to busy himself with kindred topics of a very fascinating nature, and
he thus feels able to assure that the subject is both a prepossessing
one and also one of no small interest to the history of Hindu religion.
It was certainly a lucky idea of Dr, Schierlitz to write a monograph
on this topic ; he has succeeded well with what we understand to be
his first work of research, and we shall be happy soon to meet with
other investigations of his concerning related topics.

1 We take the opportunity to point out two slight misprints: on p. 46, 1. 9 from
bottom, ‘‘sold” should be “solid, and on p. 129, |. 14 from bottom, " thou’
should be “thee "’.

B60 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

A short introductory chapter deals with the earliest descriptions
of Brahma, Visnu and Siva in European literature from the sixteenth
and early seventeenth centuries. Then follows what is the main part
of the treatise, viz. researches on the pictures of the above-mentioned
deities in Dutch, French, German, Italian, and English sources from
about 1650 up to the first issue of Moor’s Hindu Pantheon in 1810.
Most of the authors dealt with here are well-known, as e.g. Roger.
Ath. Kircher, Baldwus, La Flotte, Sonnerat, Ziegenbalg, Paulinus,
etc. Further materials no doubt exist buried in libraries and archives,
especially perhaps in Portugal, but it seems difficult or impossible to
obtain sufficient information concerning them. The Library at Evora,
e.g. undoubtedly FOsseSSeS © Bet of pictures belonging to one of the
Portuguese treatises edited by Caland ; but although Professor F. W.
Thomas several years ago was kind enough to apply for them on my
behalf, no satisfactory reply to his request was ever received.

Of additions and corrections the present writer has little to offer.
That the Latin text of Father Pimenta’s relation of the Kingdom of
Pegu reads Pyrama (p. 7), which may well be = Brahma, seems to be
beyond doubt; but the French edition of that same text? just as
undoubtedly reads Pitama, which looks suspiciously like Pitémaha.
That Unitir should be a corruption of Rudra—one would have to
suggest some form like Ruttiren—is possible, but scarcely probable.
Unitir is repeated by Purchas® from Pimenta, and in Thurston,
Castes and Tribes, vi, p. 287, we find the suggestion that Unnitirt
means “the venerable boy? which, for lack of materials I am not
able to control. Most puzzling is the expression in a letter from Father
Pietro d’Almeida 4: “, . . si narra del principio & creatione delli loro
Dei & come erano venuti in questo mondo in diverse figure cioé di
tartaruca, porco, pesce & giacinto & altre simile pazzie.” The
tortoise, hog, and fish clearly refer to Visnu, but what is meant by the
“giacinto"? To suggest that we ought to read “ gigante ” and refer
this expression to the Narasimha would be a very poor way out of
the difficulty. There is, however, in the Harivaméa the story of

* Relations des PP, Loys Froes et Nicolas Pimenta de la Compagnie de Jérua aw
fi. FP. Clawle Acquaviva, Général de la meme Compagnie, concernant laceroiasement
de la foy Chrestienne aw Jappon ef autres contrées des Indes Orientales és années
1506 ef 1599. Lyons, 1602,

* His Pilgrimage, p. 555,

1 Cf. Uanima = md, Thurston, Le. ¥, p. 227.

* Nuovi aevisi (1556-0), iii. fol. 1919.

- * a

INDIAN COLLECTIONS IN THE MUSEUM OF FINE ARTS, BOSTON 861

Visnu's incarnation in the shape of a blue lotua-flower (puskara).
Might not this have some connexion with our passage t

On p. 14 the heading Dahasar (v.l. Dahser) from Ath. Kircher *
is wrongly interpreted by Daéaratha.* The addition “ decem capita
clearly indicates that it means something like Dasasiras, and that
Kircher considered Ravana to be the main figure of the incarnation.*
Besides, in Kircher’s book Rama has already been enumerated as the
second avatira (Ramchandra, RamtXander).

A slip must have oceurred on p. 28, and in note 40 where the
author speaks of “ Briareus”’ or “ Briareo ~ and tries to identify the
name with an Indian one—* perhaps Bhairava,” As far as the present
writer's memory goes Briareus is a well-known figure in classical
mythology, a giant with a hundred arms.

Concerning the Ezour-Védam, cf. the articles by the present
writer in the JA. 1922, ii, p. 135 sq., and by M. J. Vinson, ibid., 1923,
ii, p. 1698q. Why the work of Bernier should be quoted in the edition
of 1699 is not quite clear. Materials for the study of the Relation des
erreurs and connected texts are to be found also in the India Office
Library, but cannot be dealt with here.

These scanty remarks are in no way meant to detract from the
value of the work of Dr, Schierlitz, and we sum up repeating that it
will be a pleasure to meet with new researches of his on his favourite

topic.
J.C.

CaTaLoGUE OF THE INDIAN CoLLEcTIONS In THE Museum or FiNE
Arts, Bostoy. Part V: Rajput Painting. By Ananpa K,
CoomaRaASwaMy. pp. 272 +-cxxxi pl. Cambridge, Mass. :
Harvard University Press, 1926.

Dr. Coomaraswamy holds the rank of one of the foremost living
authorities on Indian art, and his numerous publications betray a
thorough and all-round acquaintance with that subject. This des-
criptive work is admirable though we must own up to not always feeling
convinced by his theories. He has previously published several articles
dealing with Rajput painting; and his two big volumes on that
subject, published in 1916, are in the hands of everyone interested in

1 (hing iluatrata (1067), p. 156 aq.

2 More common, of course, is the form /asarathn,

2 Ho is said to have been killed by Laksmana and Hanuman which, judging from
the picture, is incorrect. On Hanumin killing Ravana cf. Stevenson, Notes on Joinien,

p. 9.

B62 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

Indian art. He has now followed up his researches by publishing a
magnificent catalogue of Rajput paintings in the Boston Museum of
Fine Arts, most of which were collected by himself and bequeathed
to that institution by the munificence of Mr. Denman W. Ross,

There is scarcely any need to expand upon the value of the catalogue
as such. It is certainly most carefully put together, and the plates
are numerous and most illuminating. The introduction deals with
Rajput painting from different aspects, the historical, the technical,
ete. Altogether it gives, in a modified form, the results at which
Dr. Coomaraswamy had arrived already in his previous work. But he
tells us that he has also incorporated in his new volume the results
of certain investigations carried out by Dr. Hermann Goetz, of Berlin,
and by some other scholars during the interval of ten years between
the publication of his two chief works on Rajput art.

The present writer, not being himself an expert on Indian art,
shall refrain from any detailed appreciation of Dr. Coomaraswamy's
valuable work. But he cannot quite suppress the observation that
in a work of this scope and value somewhat more accuracy might have
been bestowed upon minor details. We feel a little astonished to meet
with slips like sthandvarana, sthanoltariya (for standvarana, etc., p. 32),
tidusaka (p. 68), or with names like Udho and Jurdsindhu (p. 59)
instead of the well-known forms Uddhava and Jardsandha—this to
quote only a very few but significant instances. Nor do the representa-
tions from Indian mythology—e.g. the Samudramanthana (p. 50),
the gajendramoksa (p. 51), etc.—seem to be wholly accurate. And the
Gitagovinda, uncertain as its precise date may be, was scarcely
composed in the thirteenth century (p. 58).

But, as Dr, Coomaraswamy’s work is mainly intended for students of
art and art history and does not always, perhaps, aim at detailed
philological accuracy, we may well leave such minor slips alone.
They do not in any appreciable way detract from the real and lasting
value of the work.

J, C.

Tue Emeassy or Sir Tuomas Ror to Inpra, 1615-19, As narrated
in his Journal and Correspondence, Edited by Sir Witt
Foster, C.1E. pp. Ixxix +532, New and revised edition.

_ London: Oxford University Press, 1926,
Sir William Foster, whose all-round knowledge of Mogul history
need not be expanded upon here, has rendered another signal service’

THE EMBASSY OF SIR THOMAS ROE TO INDIA — 863

to the students of that interesting period of India’s past by re-editing
the account of Sir Thomas Roe of his embassy to the Court of Jahangir.
The Hakluyt Society edition of that remarkable work, published
nearly thirty years ago, has long been out of print. And valuable new
material has been unearthed which throws more light on the dealings
of one of the first English Ambassadors to the Court of an Eastern
ruler,

De Laet, in his well-known book on the Mogul empire, points
to Roe as being the most trustworthy authority on the affairs of that
great but incoherent state. And certainly Roe during his stay in India
found enough opportunities for acquiring a somewhat profound know-
ledge of the peculiarities of its political system and the sinuous methods
of its leading politicians. His interest, of course, was mainly a political
one; on Hindu society and life in general during that period, he has
little to tell. But as a source for the personal and Court history of
Jahangir’s days, his account, no doubt, is invaluable.

Jahangir himself, in spite of assertions to the contrary, was not an
essentially evil man. But probably his nervous system was never
very strong, and he had become a wreck by constantly drugging
himself with alechol and opium. In fits of temporary madness he
committed acts of fiendish cruelty ; but while fairly normal he seems
to have been rather a weak, kind-hearted and invariably courteous
sort of person. He totally lacked his father’s eminent military and
political skill, and his almost superhuman energy, and he soon became
a mere tool in the hands of wicked and unscrupulous schemers amongst
his ownrelatives. Foremost ofthose were Asaf Khan, his brother-in-law,
an avaricious and rascally arch-plotter, and Sultan Khurram, the future
Shah Jahan, one of the most unprepossessing figures that has ever
moved across the confused and blood-reeking stage of Indian history.
The sharp-witted Ambassador of James I soon discovered their real
nature, and he does nothing to embellish the repulsive features of
these and other minor worthies. His task was a difficult and even an
impossible one. But through his clear-sightedness and his courageous
and sometimes rather high-handed demeanour, he saved his own and
his country’s dignity and achieved as much as was ever possible under
singularly unfavourable circumstances.

It goes without saying that introduction and notes are alike
excellent and up to date. Some thirty letters which were not used
in preparing the first edition have been drawn upon here, and have
no doubt, furnished valuable new material. The text has been carefully

=
S64 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

collated with ‘sources in manuscript and print. As, however, nothing
but the greatest carefulness was to be expected from Sir William
Foster, we need not further emphasize these points here.

Slight suggestions sometimes present themselves to the reader.
But they are generally of far too vague a nature to be even touched
upon here, One would fain know where and when the story originated
connecting Delhi with Porus and Alexander the Great (p, 492). And
when, in this connexion, Roe speaks of “ a pillar with a Grieke inscrip-
tion” as being found at Delhi, one may perhaps suggest some
faint recollection of the Asoka pillars brought thither by Firdz Shah
Tughlak,

The geographical account—especially when compared with the
map—presents some rather striking difficulties. What e.g. is Bankish
(or Banchish), of which “ the cheefe citty is called Beishur “ (p. 491) ?
As, according to the map, it is clearly situated within the Rechna
Doab it seems rather far-fetched to identify it either with Bangash
and Bajaur or with Peshawar. Clearly no modern names so far suggest
themselves for identification. Jaunpur, situated on the Gamti, is
said to be “ upon the river of Kaul” (p. 493) ; now Sarda in its upper
part is certainly known as the Kali (Ganga) but, unfortunately,
that does not help us at all. Most bewildering of all is the notice on
p. 494: “ Vdeza. The cheefe citty called Jekanat, It is the utmost
east of the Mogulls territories beyond the Bay, and confines with the
kingdome of Maug, a savuage people lyeing betweene Udeza and
Pegu?” Now, the obvious inference is—as Sir William Foster has
duly pointed out—that “Udeza” and “ Jekanat” simply mean
_ Origsa and Jagannith, which have here been grossly misplaced.
Moreover, there is in the account itself no mention of Orissa; but
the map has it in the Portuguese spelling “ Orixa " and in its correct
place. Probably the thing is a quite simple mistake; but we still
feel beset with a slight doubt whether it is really as simple as that, the
information concerning the position of this mysterious “ Udeza "
being singularly complete and decisive,

But we prefer to leave aside idle and unprofitable speculations,
and sum up our short review with repeated thanks to Sir William
Foster for his latest splendid service to Indian historical research.

JanL CHARPENTIER.
phere is certainly in Eastern Bengal in the Tangail subdivision of the Mymensingh
Districts a place called Jagannathganj. But it is a wholly insignificant one; and

it has an earlier history it is, unfortunately, totally unknown to the present writer.

WARREN HASTINGS LETTERS TO SIR JOHN MACPHERSON

Warren Hastixcs’ Letrers to Sin Jonn Macrwerson. Edited
by Professor Henry Dopwett, M.A. pp. 218. London: Faber
and Gwyer, 1927.

Gradually private archives are yielding up their treasures, partly
through the instrumentality of the Historical MSS, Commussion,
partly (as in the present instance) by the spontaneous action of their
owners. How valuable such material often is in taking us behind the
scenes need not be stressed; and we are grateful to the Macpherson
family for permitting these important letters to be published, and to
the publishers for issuing them in so attractive a form and for selecting
so capable an editor as Professor Dodwell. His introduction is an
admirable piece of work, packed with interesting information ; while
his notes provide sufficient explanation of the text without over-
loading the page with mere comment.

The collection comprises over a hundred documents. With a few
exceptions (of which a note from Mrs. Hastings is the most interesting)
they are all private letters from Hastings to Macpherson, A dozen
were written when Macpherson was either at Madras or in England,
and two are dated after the departure of Hastings from India ; but
the bulk of them belong to the period from the autumn of 1781, when
Macpherson joined the Bengal Council, to February, 1755, when he
sutceeded Hastings as Governor-General. The letters are somewhat
unevenly distributed over this period, being naturally more frequent
when one of the correspondents was absent from Calcutta. This
renders the course of events less obvious and the reader cannot
altogether dispense with the concurrent study of other sources of
information.

One thing at all events these letters show, and that is the absurdity
of the statement made in the Dictionary of National Biography that
thronghout their nominal co-operation “ Macpherson offered a regular,
but unintelligent, opposition to the measures of Warren Hastings ©.
At no time was there persistent opposition, and what there was cannot
be stigmatized as unintelligent. On Macpherson’s arrival we find him
welcomed with effusion by Hastings, who calls him his “ dear friend ”
and is “ certain that we shall ever have one opinion’; and it is only
by degrees that the correspondence grows constrained, though out-
wardly still friendly. This divergence seems to have arisen partly
from Hastings’ own character, which had the defects of its merits.
It is evident that he always went into the Council with his mind already
made up, and was inclined to regard any difference of opinion with

866 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

4 certam amount of impatience. If all his colleagues disagreed with
him, this did not shake his faith in his own conclusions, but merely
led him to suspect an intrigue against himself, Naturally, such an
attitude was apt to nettle his associates ; and it is significant that of
all the latter the subservient Barwell was the only one that did not
become restive under such treatment. So faras one can judge, Mac-
pherson at first did his best to avoid controversy with his masterful
friend ; but he had his own responsibilities and interests to consider,
and clashes of opinion were bound to occur at times. The chief subject
of these appears to have been of a financial character. Hastings,
strained and overworked, with his attention fixed on broader issues,
listened with small patience to counsels of economy. Macpherson, on
the other hand, fresh from England and well aware of the importance
attached at home to the making of large retrenchments in expendi-
ture, lost no opportunity of advocating this course. How far he was
actuated by lofty motives, how far by consideration of his own interests,
can hardly be determined ; but we can scarcely blame him if he took
a line which he knew would commend him to the home authorities.
He was only 36 when he arrived in Calcutta: it was known that
Hastings would retire before long, and Wheler, who alone stood
between the two, was a dozen years older than Macpherson. The
latter's prospects of succeeding to the supreme post were therefore
bright, provided the Directors were sufficiently satisfied with the
men on the spot to refrain from sending out a new Governor-General
from home. In such circumstances it is no wonder that Macpherson
persisted in his endeavours to secure economies and in his opposition
to Hastings’ policy in other directions. The latter in his turn began to
suspect his colleague of intriguing against him; and thus the friend-
ship, once so fervent, gradually died.

There are four illustrations to the volume, viz. two portraits
(Hastings and Macpherson) and two facsimiles. (Of the latter, one is
of the note from Mrs. Hastings already mentioned : the other repro-
duces a short communication from Hastings himself, scribbled on a
slip of paper an inch broad, and evidently intended to be rolled up
and placed in a quill, for concealment on the person of the bearer.

W. Foster.

ENGLISH FACTORIES IN INDIA SBT

“The Encuish Factores IN Innra, 1668-9. By Sir WILiiam
Foster. pp. x + 343. Clarendon Press, 1927. 188. net.

No student of Indian history but will learn with regret that the
present volume is to bring Sir William Foster's series of calendars
to a conclusion. The thirteen volumes that he has published are
marked by an unvarying standard of scholarship and accuracy ; and
to have achieved this over so long a period and through so extensive
a work is no uncertain sign of qualities that every historian must envy.
The principal topic of the two years here covered is the transfer of
Bombay to the Company ; and with this beginning (as indeed it was)
‘of the Company’s dominion in India, it 1s singular to note how men
immediately turned to matters of administration and policy in a way
that curiously anticipates the future course of events. When Bombay
is fortified and peopled with Englishmen, we read, “ you [the Company]
will be in a better condition to call your neighbours to accompt for
past affronts,” while the factors of Surat, Aungier at their head, hope
to make the “‘ Moors” instrumental in its settlement, “and this we
hold and declare to be a more successful policy ... than... an
high and violent deportment.” It was indeed with the willing co-
operation of Indians that the Company's dominion was to be established
and expanded. Another remarkable and significant episode was the
visit of certain Hindu merchants of Surat to Aungier asking to receive
asylum at Bombay from the persecutions of the Qazi of Surat. Aungier
thought that the time was not ripe to comply with such requests, but
the proposal was significant of the changes that were taking place.
Along with this incident should be noted the proposal to print “ the
ancient Braminy writings” and to teach English to the mhabitants
of Bombay according to their desire. The other main topic recorded
in this volume is the recovery of Madras from Sir Edward Winter who
was more than half expected to offer armed resistance to the orders
sent out. Accordingly elaborate precautions were taken, both m
regard to the forces sent with, and to the instructions given to, the
commissioners empowered either to accept Winter's submission or to
compel his surrender, They proved needless, since Winter submitted
on condition of security of person and estate; but the events were
curious, and Sir William Foster's narrative contains many details
that are not to be found in Colonel Love's account.

H. D,

868 REVIEWS OF BOOKS .

Tue Ciasn Or CULTURES AND THE Contact or Races, By G, H. L.
Prrt-Rivers. pp. xiv-+ 312. Routledge, 1927. 18s.

This volume is specifically concerned with the influence exerted
over the population of the Pacific islands by contact with European
and especially English civilization. But its interest is wider than that,
for it evidently has a close bearing on the general question of culture-
contacts. Mr. Pitt-Rivers discusses the usual explanations of the
decline of subject-populations, but finds them all inadequate. New
diseases, aleohol, insanitary habits, infant-mortality, and so on, are
all, he contends, insufficient to explain the progressive decline which
set in only aftercontact with European civilization had been established.
The idea that this decline was already in progress before that event
he very properly dismisses as unsupported by valid evidence. The
real explanation he finds in the psychological factors introduced by
foreign dominion and missionary enterprise. These two in combina-
tion have led to the destruction of the native cultures and the dis-
ruption of native society, “ Every weakening of the clan tie,” he truly
says, “ every blow aimed at the authority of the clan or tribal chief,
destroys the social purpose of each member of the clan or tribe. That
alone in a true and literal sense demoralizes him.” The power of the
soreerer, the mystic tabus, the polygamous family, all of which,
Mr. Pitt-Rivers holds, have their real value in the circumstances in
which they arose, are attacked by well-intentioned administrators and
mussionaries, who in the past seldom really attempted to understand
what they were attacking. This has given rise to a deep-seated moral
unrest. The motives for action are destroyed ; the sanctions of tribal
morals disappear ; the society disintegrates, These moral phenomena
are accompanied, we are told, by a singular physical phenomenon.
There arises a tendency for male to predominate over female births,
which leads to the gradual disappearance of the race.

Some of the links in the author's chain of argument are doubtless
weaker than others. But two points seem clear enough. One is that
the indiscriminate destruction of native social customs is a terrible
error; the other, that the psychological results of modifications in
the social system deserves more study than they have actually received.
Tt is easy enough to change culture-forms and culture-accessories ;
to abolish a people's traditions, customs, and social organization on
.the one side, and to give them a whole new set of tools and imple-
ments on the other. But the culture-potential—the ability to react in
& given manner to a given social environment—is a very different

CHEIKH MOHAMMED ABDOU RAO

matter, In fact the Pacific islanders react to our social ideas by dying
out. It may be added that the Indian seems to react to our political
ideas not at all in the manner in which we expected.

Even if we cannot go all the way with Mr. Pitt-Rivers, we should
all agree on the need both for the administrator and the missionary
closely to study the world in which they are to act ; and we should all
confess that wherever we have come into contact with cultures different
from our own, we have always been over-eager to substitute ours—our
law, our faith, our ideas—for theirs. The heaviest errors that we
have committed in the course of our long history in India have been
due to such well-intentioned but ill-fruiting endeavours, And from
this point of view the studies of Mr, Pitt-Rivers may very profitably
be considered even by those who have no direct interest in the world
of the Pacific.

H. DopwE.t.

CueikH MonammMep Appov. RussaLat at Tawnip: Exposé de la
Religion musulmane, ‘Traduite de l'arabe, avec une introduction
sur la vie et les idées du Cheikh Mohammed Abdou, par B. MicHEL
eT LE Cuerkn Movustarna Appet Razik. pp. Ixxxvi + 147.
Paris: Paul Geuthner, 1925.

The object of this handsomely produced volume is to reveal to a
Western audience the life and doctrines of one of the most notable
Egyptians of recent times, who indeed stands out as the leading figure
of Modernism in Sunni Islam. The biographical introduction, written
by two sympathetic scholars and enlivened with extracts from the
Sheikh’s autobiography, together with the notes furnished by the
translators, will be of great service to the general reader in his perusal
of the Risalah.

From Fellah to Grand Mufti, from Sufism to Rationalism, this,
very briefly, was the course of ‘Abdu’s eventful life in its outward
and inward aspects. How Jamal ad-Din al-Afghini shook him out of
his mystic speculations and headed him, for the turmoil of politics,
his term of professorship at the Dar al-‘Ulim where his contempt for
Taklid enraged the conservative party, his three years’ banishment
for having supported Arabi Pasha, the reunion with Jamal ad-Din in
Paris and their short-lived propagandist venture “* Urwatal-Wuthka”,
his return home, to resume, with notable success, the campaign
of educational and religious reform, his election to the Legislative

S70 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

Council, soon followed by promotion to the highest dignity open to
4 learned Moslem—all this, together with a resumé of his religious
views, is set forth sympathetically in the introduction.

The Risalah is much more than an ‘Akidah of the ordinary type.
‘It is a complete exposition of the Muhammadan religion, in which
morals receive equal treatment with dogma. The author's aim is to
present a rational interpretation of Islam: indeed he is convinced
that only in this faith do religion and reason meet. Like many other
reformers, ‘Abdu insisted on an unprejudiced scrutiny of the title-
deeds of the faith, He must first restore the primitive simplicity of
Islam, and in his fight against Taklid he went further than any of his
predecessors. All he would accept as dogmatic sources is the Koran
and a few Hadiths, His method recalls that of some Protestant
reformers, and indeed he goes so far as to assert that certain Pro-
testant sects are in complete accord with pure Islam, save for their
attitude to the question of Muhammad's status. The compliment once
paid by Queen Elizabeth to the religion of the Prophet is here returned
with interest.

His proof of the existence of God is of the traditional Aristotelian
kind. God's attributes—life, knowledge, will, omnipotence, freedom,
unity—may be apprehended by reason alone. The “revealed”
attributes, however, sight, hearing, etc., are to be accepted meta-
phorically. On the once momentous question as to whether the Koran
is ‘created ” or not, ‘Abdu takes the middle road, namely, that the
“source ” of the word of God is an eternal attribute of His essence, but
that all manifestations of this attribute, including the words composing
the Koran, are part of creation. Here his modernist fervour causes
him to credit some of the great orthodox Imams with views similar
to his own, and to suggest that even Ibn Hanbal was somewhat of a
Mu'tazilite at heart.

“ L'Histoire .. . nous a transmis aussi que certains imams
refusérent de professer que le Coran est créé, Il faut en voir la
cause simplement dans leur désir de s’abstenir dans une querelle
aussi passionnée et dans un excés de politease vis-A-vis de leur
adversaire ; on ne peut l'expliquer autrement, car nous croyons que
imam Tbn Hanbal était d'un esprit trop distingué pour croire
que le Coran est incréé, tout en le lisant chaque nuit avec sa bouche
et en le reconstituant aingi par sa voix.” (p. 33.)

That Ibn Hanbal was in deadly earnest about the eternity of the
Koran is difficult to deny ; the jail and the lash both failed to make

CHEIKH MOHAMMED ABDOU 871.

him confess otherwise, and to endure such things out of “un
exces de politesse * would appear to be carrying politeness ‘much
too far.

There is an interesting chapter on free will, in which ‘Abdu rightly
repudiates the subtle and impotent logic of the schools. Properly
understood, man’s control of his actions does not imply Shark.

* Je le répéte, le dogme.de Unité de Dieu n’exigue du croyant
que deux choses: d’abord la croyance que Dieu a charge
Thomme d’exercer ses facultés, et que par conséquent, homme
acquiert par lui-méme sa foi et la force d’accomplir les devoirs
religieux que Dieu lui a imposés ; en second lien la croyance que
la puissance de Dieu est au-dessus des facultés de homme, qu'elle
soule a le pouvoir supréme pour parachever ce que homme entre-
prend, en levant les obstacles qu'il trouve sur son chemin.” (p. 44.)

Here follow some words of wisdoni deploring the tyranny of pre-
conceptions. However, his exposition of the “Seal of Prophecy ~
(which, like much else im the book, shows influence of European
thought) illustrates how hardly shall an apologist escape that same
tyranny.

** Les religions vinrent 4 un moment oit les hommes étaient .. .
dans un état semblable 4 celui de l'enfant qui vient de naitre. .. -
De méme ces religions prirent les hommes par des ordres cate-
goriques et des prohibitions rigoureuses . . . elles leur imposérent
des préceptes qui étaient faciles 4 comprendre...+ Puis des
siécles passérent . . . les hommes acquirent un sentiment plus
délicat que le sens .-. . mais ce sentiment ne dépassait pas celui
qui émeut le coour de la femme . . . eb une religion vint qui parla”
‘vce sentiment, qui fit appel 4 !amour. . - . Cette religion apporta
aux hommes des préceptes d’ascétisme qui éloignent de ce monde .. .
Enfin arriva un Age ot |'humanité parvint Asa maturité . . . alors
vint Islam qui s’adressa 4 la raison . - - qu'il associa aux senti-
ments et aux sens, pour conduire homme i sa félicité dans ce
monde et dans l'autre.”” (pp. 112-14.)

In clearer terms, the Torah, the Psalmists, the Prophets of
Israel, the Hakhamim, Jesus and St. Paul offer mterpreta-
tions of life suitable only for primitive epochs. Man's mental and
spiritual faculties reach maturity about a.p. 600, in time for the
Koran to fit neat and triumphant into a theory of religious evolution.

On the question of Islamic tolerance we have no opinion to express,

VOL. TV. PART IV. a

Biz: REVIEWS OF BOOKS

but Sheikh “Abdu’s method of exposition is here too startling to
pass unnoticed. He makes eloquent statements, some of them
doubtless in accord with documentary evidence, which group them-
selves in the following order and amount to this (pp. 124-30): (1)
Islam's attitude to subject races was pacific : (2) If at times it was not
pacific, neither was that of other dominant religions ; (3) If at times
it was not pacific, this was the will of God.

“On dit que I'Islam était animé d'un esprit de combat, nous
répondrons: la loi de Dieu veut que dans ce monde la lutte ne
esse jamais entre la vérité et l'erreur, entre la bonne voie et
l'égarement, jusqu’s ce que Dieu prononce son jugement entre
eux. Lorsque Dieu envoie sa rosée sur une terre stérile, pour la
vivifier, l'abreuver et augmenter sa fertilité, est-ce que la valeur

_ de cette eau est diminuée par le fait d’avoir franchi une digue ou

détruit une maison quelle a rencontrée sur son chemin ? ” (p. 150.)

The translators in a footnote condemn this as a “ justification
plutet faible”, their rationalist author being for the moment
submerged by a wave of undiluted theocracy.

Leaving aside, however, such extravagances which are more or
less incident to all apologetics, one cannot fail to recognize in the
Risalah the work of a vigorous and ingenious mind, In this translation
we have a welcome addition to the researches of Professor Horten
in the same field, and the general reader will get from it a clear idea
of how a considerable section of Moslem intellectuals in contact with
Western thought have faced the moral and theological issues of Islam.

ALS. Fonron.

Survey or IyTeRNaTioNaL AFFarrs, 1925. Volume I: The Islamic
World since the Peace Settlement. By Professor A. J. Toyxneer.
lOs, Gd,

This well printed, accurately written and amply documented book
which if printed on thicker paper and adequately advertised might
well sell at forty-two shillings or so, is in all respects a remarkable
contribution to the comparatively modern art of writing history
without bias,

“Pour bien scavoir les choses,” wrote La Rochefoucauld, “ il
faut en scavoir le détail.” But he lived before the days of “ open
diplomacy ” and at a period when, alike in diplomacy, science, art,

SURVEY OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS, 1925 873.

and letters, the written counted less than the spoken word, and
personal rather than national ambitions made history and swayed
States.

Agreeably to La Rochefoucauld’s maxim, Professor Toynbee
has studied the details of every political movement in the countries
dealt with in this volume, so far as they are accessible to him in
documentary form and in European languages, and a large part of
the book may not unfairly be described as a masterly and scholarly
précis of these documents. But he is well aware that to make the dry
bones live something more is required, and he is at pains, in almost
every chapter, to throw some light on the principal personalities on
the stage, and on the national or sectional feelings of which they
were, sometimes successively, the mspirers, the leaders, the tools,
and the victims. He has succeeded in doing so only less notably than
‘1 the difficult art of compiling a continuous narrative from the
unwieldly mass of literature of very unequal value which pours upon
his table from half a dozen different countries.

To attempt within the compass of a brief review to eriticize his
presentation of the facts cited regarding any particular State 1s
impossible, and indeed a careful perusal by the present reviewer of
those chapters dealing within his purview discloses remarkably few
passages to which exception could reasonably be taken.

Professor Toynbee's summaries are seldom tendencious, and almost
never unfair to the contending parties; his mission, under the
conditions of Sir Daniel Stevenson's endowment of the Chair of
International History at the University of London, is to write history
“ internationally and as far as practicable without bias". )

The italics are the writer's, but we fancy that Professor Toynbee
must often have been tempted mentally to italicize the saving reserva-
tion, For history without bias, like a woman without virtue, as say
the Afghans, is an egg without salt.

But the volume before us is by no means insipid, nor is it uncoloured
by the mental attitude of the author, whose wholesome optimism,
and readiness to give credit, where due, for good intentions, strike
a note which is notably absent from the works of writers of the type
of Mr. George Young, whose recent book on Egypt not only lowers
the tone of the series to which it belongs, but seeks to rouse in Egypt
that very spirit of distrust which his party professes so earnestly to
deplore.

Perhaps the most questionable thesis in Professor Toynbee's

874 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

work is implicit in its title. Is there an “ Islamic World”? In other
words, are the principal races professing Islam (for this book does
not attempt to deal with the great Islamic populations of East and
West Africa, Zanzibar, China, Netherlands India, or even of Oman,
knit together by a common bond of sentiment, of interest
or of ideas in virtue of their religion and peculiar thereto? The
question is fundamental ; to ask it is to invite a variety of answers.
Our author obviously holds that the Islamic world does in fact possess
cultural and social unity ; he claims that it has shown no tendency
to become divided against itself on racial lines (p. 2), a statement which
is not borne out by the relations between Persia and Turkey or between
Persia and the Turkman tribes for the past three centuries, nor by
the attitude of the subjects by the present ruler of Nejd towards
Egyptian and Indian Muslims.

On the contrary, the origin of the schism which has since the
eighth century sharply divided the people of Persia and the bulk of
the Arabs of Mesopotamia from the rest of the world was in its origin
primarily racial, and the racial factor is in the Middle East to-day as
powerful as it ever has been.

The present reviewer feels, moreover, that in the present volume
the conflict of Islamic with Western countries, and the geographically
“commanding position ” of Islam is overstressed,

“The prolongation of the Black Sea route—overland to the
oilfields of Baku and across the Caspian to Central Asia", says our
author, “was commanded by the Muslim countries of Azerbaijan
and Trans-Caspia.”” Both these regions have in point of fact been
little more than downtrodden satellites of Russia for the last thirty
years or more, and have to-day no corporate existence as Islamic
entities. The new Mediterranean route from Europe to India could
not be “commanded ” as Professor Toynbee states by the Moroccan
coast unless the latter were in the hands of one of the great powers,
and he has, in our opinion, greatly over-estimated the importance
of the automobile and air routes which have been opened since the
war leading from the Eastern Mediterranean to Iraq and Persia.
The immediate effect of these routes has been, if anything, to emphasize
the antipathy of Iraqis towards Syrians, and of Persians towards
Traqgis—antipathies which there is some reason to fear will leave
more than a transitory mark on the political developments of the
‘ext ten years in these countries.

* Nor are we disposed to accept Professor Toynbee’s estimate of

SURVEY OF INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS, 1925 875

the positive importance in international politics of post-war renaissance
movements in Turkey, Persia, Egypt, and Traq, still less the suggestion
(p. 5) that mineral oil deposits in Iraq may, if successfully developed,
confer great wealth and power upon whatever parties obtained
territorial control thereof.

Let us for the sake of argument assume—and it is a very large
assumption—that within ten years the export of oil from Iraq will
reach the stupendous figure of five million tons annually. The royalty
payable to the Iraq Government by the concessionaires at the rate
of four shillings a ton (a very high figure) will then amount to one
million pounds—say 6s. 8d. per head of the population, or one-
fifth of the present gross revenue from all sources—a substantial
sum but not sufficient radically to alter prevailing economic conditions.
It is true that on’ the analogy of Persia development of an oil industry
on this scale might well give employment to some 20,000 or so of the
present inhabitants of Iraq, and would involve a remunerative expendi-
ture in the country on wages and local supplies, etc., of some £2,000,000
a year: but even 20,000 is less than 1 per cent of the present popula-
tion, and there would be a much more marked tendency in Iraq than
in Persia for them to be drawn from agriculture, and the net gain to
the country, though very substantial, would be less than appears at
first sight, and the rapid development of industrial concerns in a
pastoral country, however carefully and however benevolently under-
taken, is liable to bring other troubles in its train. The truth is that
it is not the possession of mineral resources that. brings wealth or
power so much as the ability to harness them for the service of man :
only if Iraq and Persia can effectively utilize their soil, their water,
their agricultural products, and im the case of Persia their forests
and fisheries, by their own enterprise, may they hope to recapture
their ancient glories.

These and other speculations arise naturally from this suggestive
and stimulating book, which will long remain an indispensable work of
reference.

But it is not possible to regard it as a safe guide in every case: the
presentation of the facts regarding Tbn Saud’s dealings with the
British, and the comments on his policy, admittedly a highly con-
troversial subject, will scarcely be accepted by those with personal
knowledge of these matters without reservations. Ibn Saud’s services
to us were greater than Professor Toynbee admits, and it is impossible’
to take seriously the suggestion, in a communicated footnote (p. £89),

876 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

that the military importance of the operations of the Hijazi forces in
Sytia is to be gauged by the fact that they accounted for 65,000
Turkish troops at a cost of £100 a head of subsidy, whereas in the
British army's operations against the Turks, each Turkish casualty
cost from £1,500 to £2,000 !

In the first place we have been given to understand that Hijazi
co-operation cost the British taxpayer £6,000,000 (p, 273) or according
to another authority £10,000,000 (T. E. Graves, Sunday Times,
80th July, 1927) not £650,000: in the second place, if this argument is
sound, the British Navy was surely an inefficient weapon during the
War, seeing how few enemy nationals it killed, and at what high cost,
compared to the Army. Such comparisons have only to be made to
be rejected as ridiculous, | |

Tt remains to testify alike to the excellence of the printing and of
the indexing, by a member of the Library Staff of the School of Oriental
Studies, and to draw attention to the system of transliteration
employed, which is in certain respects unique and must have cost

more labour than would have been involved by the adoption of the

system of the British Academy, which Professor Toynbee rejects
on what will seem to many readers insufficient grounds. Surely the
people of Persia belong to the Shi'ah (not Shi‘) persuasion ; the name
of the former wife of Mustafa Kemal should be written Edib Khanum
(not Khanym), and the anglicized plural of Turkman should not be
“Turkmens”. It may be also pointed out that Mr. Ameer Ali would
he more correctly described as the Right Hon. Syed Ameer Ali, P.C.,

_ and that the British representative in Bahrayn is a Political Agent,

not a Consul,
A. T. Wiison.

Aw Enouisn-ARABic Dictionary or Mepicrse,. Bro.ocy, anp ALLIED

Sciences. By Dr. Mvuamaap SHARAF, M.R.C.S., L.R.C.P.
Cairo: Government Press, 1926.

This work is something more than an ictionary of
technical terms. For many years there has been considerable con-
troversy in the Arabic world on the possibility and advisability of
advanced scientific, and especially medical, instruction in Arabic.
At present the medium of instruction in all scientific subjects is

‘French or English, except at the medical school in Damascus, where

Arabic was substituted for Turkish as the language of instruction

AN ENGLIfFH-ARABIC DICTIONARY OF MEDICINE BIT

during the Faysal regime, and has remained so until now," The
opponents of Arabicization urge that the absence of a technical
vocabulary in Arabic militates against sound teaching, and further
that it is inadvisable in any case, since it would involve the severance
of Arabic medicine and scientific study from direct contact with
European research. The new dictionary ts almost certain to play
a part in these controversies, whether Dr. Sharaf had them in mind
or not. ,

It is necessary in the first place to pay a very high tribute to the
skill and scholarship displayed by the author. To undertake single-
- handed a work, which would be no light task for a commission, and to
produce in six years a dictionary of this size, the most complete of
its kind in Arabic,? based on the great mediaeval lexicons and treatises
as well as modern scientific works, is evidence of an industry and
energy which, if it had been more general, would long since have
solved these problems. The labour and thought given by Dr. Sharaf
to its compilation is scarcely to be realized by those who find a technical
vocabulary ready to their hands in any emergency. The result is‘a
dictionary which, whatever its deficiencies, is of the greatest value and
utility, and it is with no intention of minimizing real achievement that
the following criticisms are made. For, in view of what has been said,
the main question to be asked is not whether this dictionary supplies
accurate renderings of European technical terms, but whether it
does in fact supply a satisfactory technical vocabulary in Arabic
for the medical and other sciences. |

It is of the essence of technical nomenclature that each word shall
express accurately and unmistakably one and not more than one
concept, within the limits of a given science, with the corollary that
in a technical vocabulary there will be few or no synonyms. For
this reason technical writers have found it necessary to avoid in general
simple terms taken from the ordinary vernaculars and possessing an
undefined range of meaning, as well as a large number of terms

1 In the Medical School at Cairo, founded by Clot Bey in 1826 and transferred to
Qasr el-'Ayni in 1537, all lectures were cither given in or translated into Arabic,
until its reorganization in 1898, when English was made the language of instruction.
See Zaydin, Ta'rikhddab al-iughah al-‘arabiyah, vol.iv, pp. 37-13,

2 An English-Arabic medical dictionary by Dr, Khalll Khayrallah was published
in Cairo in 1892 (see al-Hilal, vol. i, 287) and o second by Dr. Ibrahim Mangsir a few
months later (ibid., ii, 63). The famous traveller at-Tinisi (d. 1857) compiled «
dictionary of medical terms, now in Paris (Bitl, Nat., Fonds arabe 4641). but it
acems never to have been published (Zaydan, op. cit., 206-7).

878 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

employed in earlier stages of scientific development. The European
scholar, fortunately for him, has found in the classical languages an
almost mexhaustible source upon which to draw for new technical -
terms, with the further advantage that words so coined are easily
adaptable for international scientific intercourse.

Those who would create an Arabic technical vocabulary are faced
with considerable difficulties, What is the basis of such a vocabulary
to bef A large number would and do use the European terms out-
Tight ; but this apparently most reasonable course is hindered by the
clumsiness of accurate transliteration, which leads most writers to
retain Roman characters for such words, in addition to the wsthetic
objection that they can never be anything but a monstrosity in Arabic
vocabulary, Others seek to adapt European terms to the genius of
the Arabic language by a process of hybridizing. They propose, for
example, 3S Ae (sic) for Sulphate, 54,45 for Glucose.) It would
be a long and difficult task to supply equivalents of this type for all
European technical terms, and it is scarcely Surprising that any move-
ment in this direction is confined to philological experts, in spite of
the precedent set by the Arabicization of Greek and Persian terms in
the ninth and tenth centuries. The third, and at present most congenial
course open to Arabic scientists, is to utilize the resources of the
Arabic language itself, either by resuscitating the technical terms used
by the mediaeval physicians, ete., or by creating new words on recognized
Arabic formulae, such as |)! _* for thermometer. The difficulty of
satisfactorily applying many of the mediaeval terms to modern
conceptions needs no elaborating, but there is a much more serious
problem than this. In the absence of any co-ordinating authority,
every man is a law unto himself, to choose, apply, convert, or invent
his own terms. No one familiar with the Arabic language will have
any difficulty in picturing the result, and how fatal it is to any hope of
attaining uniformity and precision.

It will be clear after all this that at present there is no little con-
fusion in the matter of Arabic technical nomenclature, and that
scientific work would find it hard to make shift without recourse to
European terms in case of need. To bring order out of chaos requires
the bold handling and judgment of a mujlahid. Tt may be said at
once that such was probably not the aim, as it is certainly not the
effect, of Dr. Sharaf’s work, The dictionary as a whole reflects the

* See the Baghdad journal Loghal el-Arab, vol. iv, 33 ff.

AN ENGLISH-ARABIC DICTIONARY OF MEDICINE Bio

present state of hesitation between purely European terms and
purely Arabic terms, gives not infrequently half a dozen synonyms
for the commoner technical terms, and finds itself im consequence
using the same word to express totally different concepts. In other
words, Dr. Sharaf has often confined himself to listing the translations
actually used without subjecting them to thorough examination.
No other explanation can account for such facts as the appearance
of the same word (,$_)5) to translate both “atomic” and “ molecular”,
while on the other hand “atomic weight "($23 03) 18 distinguished
from “ molecular weight ” (2+ — 233). Ifthe dictionary shows any
tendency at all, it is rather towards the employment and resuscitation
of Arabic terms, though without showing any aversion from European
terms. One would have liked more stressing of preferences when
alternative words are given, though occasionally a preference 18
shown indirectly. Fossa, for example, is rendered by four different
words, but §_2> is used in all cases but one of twenty-nine specific
fossae grouped under the main heading.

The dictionary is weakest, as might be expected, when it registers
attempts to adapt old Arabic terms to new uses. It is worth while
looking a little more closely into an instance of this. Under “* Rachitis,

Rickets ’ we are given the following entry - aE Ae LS

aa lies
ce
aK A very brief investigation of these words will show that
~5 is used of being crippled in legs or arms, defined more closely
in Lisén al-‘Arab as “ having a heaviness in one leg and dragging it
in walking”. It may be urged in reply that even if aS or 7 LS had
originally a different meaning, every doctor nowadays would take them
to mean rickets. But in the first place any modern dictionary (Bustani,
Elias, Spiro, or the new Centennial) is evidence that aS and its
derivatives are constantly used for “lameness”, ~ crippled ”, ete.
Secondly, if LS is satisfactory in spite of this, why te, which
flies even more wide of the mark, since the word means simply ‘* mal-
nutrition ” (ee! tam, BEE Taj al-‘Aris)? Granted that mal-
nutrition may be the cause of rickets, surely cause and effect are
scarcely so identical as to be rendered by the same word. For

“rickety ” we are given eeu —ly — moe In ordinary usage

S80 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

na simply means crippled, as we have seen; as for Le, the
nearest among its six or seven possible meanings is “‘enfeebled by
disease “’, and Dr. Sharaf himself gives it (along with three alternative
adjectives) for “debilitated”. Let it be added, however, that
Dr. Sharaf is in no way responsible for these and similar instances
of “technical” terms. It isto be feared that the same fortune awaits
most attenipts to adapt old words. If Arabie roots are to be used,
it is clear that the case can be met only by devising new formulm,
such as (to suggest a formula purely by way of illustration) i> 56,
with >s-§ as its adjective.

There is still one other point, if a minor one, in regard to which
care 1s required if confusion is to be avoided. Owing to the absence
of the short vowel signs, terms which are distinct in pronunciation -
may be ambiguous in print. 44a. _5|_.! may mean, for example,
either “ infectious diseases ” (a ‘aw) or “ gastric diseases " (AZ Ane),
Dr. Sharaf puts phe first in his list of synonyms for “ infectious *’s
and however it may shock linguistic purists, it is certainly an improve-
ment on the more commonly used te» from the point of view of
clarity. |

Dr. Sharaf's dictionary, then, is clearly not the last word on these
subjects, but it will disappoint all observers of the modern Arabic
revival if it does not lead others to take stock of the situation. Those

_upon whom his mantle may fall should indeed be grateful for the

pioneer labours of him who, with great personal effort, has cleared
the way and made it possible for them to take that indispensable step
for any further progress, a comprehensive survey of the field,
H. A. R. G.
A GramMMar or tHe Contogutan ARapic of Syria ann Panestine.
By G. R. Driver, M.A. London: Probsthain, 1925, 12s, 6d. net.

Mr. Driver would have been better advised had he omitted the
words “* A Grammar of” from his title. To say this, however, in no
way disparages the value of the materials collected in this book. The
grammatical and syntactical structure of the common speech of
Syria, with its local dialect Variations, is very fully set out, and each
Tule is admirably illustrated by practical examples, the collection
of which must represent no small labour. A bibliography of European

MANUEL DE BEREERE MABOCAIN na |

books and articles on Syrian colloquial is added, The omission from
this of Arabic works on or in Syrian colloquial was probably intentional ;
though one reader at least would have welcomed some reference to
such books as the late Ilyis Bey Qudsi’s translation of Lafontaine's
fables into Damascene colloquial (Nawddir wafuhahat, Damascus
1913). Such criticisms as the present reviewer feels competent to make
are based mainly upon his own experience of its use as a practical
manual.

It is a little difficult to decide the exact aim which Mr. Driver set
himself. It would appear from the introduction that his first draft
consisted of a manual of spoken usage compiled on the spot, to which
a survey of dialect forms was afterwards added from the published
works of other investigators. From the student's point of view
it is a pity that this was done, Its effect has been to turn the work
into a description of Syrian colloquial rather than a practical grammar,
and has rendered it difficult to follow and confusing to anyone who aims
at acquiring a working knowledge of average Syrian speech. A further
complication is provided by the introduction of details of ‘ classical ”
written usage (e.g. the orthography of hamza), and it is curious to
find in a professedly colloquial grammar words and forms constantly
labelled “ (coll.)". Enough attention has hardly been given to the
problem of accent, and the section which deals with it specifically 1s
brief and unsatisfactory, pitch and length not being clearly dis-
tinguished. There are occasional signs of an effort to attain theoretical
completeness ; It is, for example, difficult to imagine that the clumsy
and ambiguous phrase given on page 158 for “the dirty blade of the
second-hand knife"? would ever in practice be used. But these
criticisms amount after all to little more than that Mr. Driver: has
produced a book for the scholar rather than the student. With this
reservation it can be heartily commended.

H. A. R. Gres.

Maxve. pe Bersere Marocars (DIALEcTE Riratx). Par Com-
mandant JUsTIXARD. pp. vili + 168. Paris: Paul Geuthner,
1926.

This is a useful little book on the Riff dialect. This dialect is
very much the same as that spoken in Kabylia, near Algiers, although,
as René Basset, says, the Riffs soften several of the Kabyle consonants.

The book consists of a grammar, some useful phrases, a vocabulary
which is full of Arabic loan-words, and a few tales.

P. P. H. Hasivck.

REVIEWS OF BOOKS

A Comparative Stupy or THe Menanesian Istanp Lanauaces.
By Sipney Hernert Ray. 9} =< 6}, pp. xvi +598, 6 maps.
Cambridge: University Press, published for the University of
Melbourne in association with the Melbourne University Press,
1926, |

This is the biggest piece of work that has been done on the
Melanesian languages, and it constitutes a fitting counterpart to
Codrington’s great pioneer volume (The Melanesian Languages, 1885)
without overlapping it to any appreciable extent. Mr, 8. H. Ray has
for a long time past been the recognized authority on the comparative
study of this group of languages (as well as on a good many other
forms of speech) and his present work is the mature fruit of many yeers
of patient labour,

The task of a student of Melanesian is not an easy one. The
languages are numerous and very various. They are written in a
bewildering variety of systems of spelling, so that the same Roman
letter often represents quite different sounds in different languages
and sometimes it is not altogether certain what sound is meant.
The sources are in many cases very inadequate, occasionally merely
scrappy vocabularies, often translations of Scripture in which the
given language may or may not have been distorted by the European
medium through which it has passed; genuine native texts taken
down verbatim are comparatively rare.

With all these difficulties the author has had to grapple, and some
of them, e.g. the diverse symbolization of sounds, also inevitably
affect the reader, although in the comparative portions of his book
Mr. Ray has done his best to introduce uniformity of representation.
I confess that, as a non-expert in Melanesian tongues, I should have
preferred to have all the material presented throughout on a uniform
system. But the book includes grammars of about thirty different
languages, and having regard, no doubt, to their use alongside of the
corresponding texts already published elsewhere, there is a certain
advantage in retaining the spelling of the latter in the grammars also.

In the first part of the book (to p. 74), after defining the limits of
his work (i.e, substantially the central portion of Melanesia, from the
Loyalty Islands to Buka, north of Bougainville), the author deals
with the early records of these languages (beginning with the sixteenth
century) and the history of their sapere study, the representation
of sounds (already referred to), the lexicographical relation of
Melanesian to Indonesian (with a short comparative vocabulary in

COMPARATIVE STUDY OF THE MELANESIAN ISLAND LANGUAGES 883

iIlustration of it), the Melanesian root and word-formation, and
Indonesian grammar in Melanesian. These last few sections are
justified by the peculiar nature of the connexion between the Indonesian
and Melanesian families, a relation which some recent authors have
minimized, misrepresented, or even denied altogether, and which still
awaits more precise definition.

The second part of the work treats in detail the various Melanesian
groups, that fall within its limits and includes the numerous grammars
(mostly of New Hebridean languages) already referred to. It also
deals with the comparison of the Melanesian groups with Indonesian,
especially as regards their phonology and lexicography. In these
numerous comparative sections the New Hebrides and the Solomon
Islands, taken together, constitute the piéce de résistance. The ©
grammars seem to have been done very carefully. No general
comparison in detail is made between them, and perhaps this would
at present have been premature. But they will serve as materials for
the comparative grammar of the future, which, as they appear to differ
a great deal amongst themselves, will be no simple matter. The
comparison of the recognizably Indonesian element in the Melanesian
languages brings out the important fact that it is very much more
prominent in some of the languages than in others. This, we are told,
appears most clearly in their lexicography, and has a vital bearing
on the question of the relation of Melanesian to Indonesian.

A brief final chapter is devoted to the statement of this problem.
It is a difficult one, the old problem, really, of what should constitute
the basis of a classification of languages. In dealing with inflected
forms of speech the matter is comparatively simple; the morphological
system has been taken as the principal, or sole, criterion. When,
however, as in the present case, we have practically nothing that can
be strictly called inflection. the problem becomes much more difficult
to handle, Throughout Melanesia, apparently, the greater part of the ©
yocabulary of any given language or small local group stands by itself
and cannot be linked up with anything else, while a minority of the
words (varying in percentage of the whole vocabulary from a very
small proportion to a substantial amount) is clearly Indonesian. The
fact (if it is indeed already an established fact) that, apart from the
Indonesian element, there are no cross-connexions between the several
Melanesian groups, is of the very first importance. It amounts to a
very strong argument against the existence of a Melanesian family
of languages in any proper sense of the word, That each sub-group

884 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

should have a large number of words peculiar to itself, would not
prove much against the unity of the whole, any more than it does in
Indonesian or Indo-European. But if they have nothing in common
amongst themselves but varying percentages of Indonesian, the case
looks very weak.

Anthropologically, as Mr, Ray and others have made quite clear
in previous works, the Melanesians are alien to the bulk of the Indo-
nesians and they originally spoke quite alien languages. Their
cousins, who speak the so-called Papuan languages, do not apparently
constitute a unity but merely a number of linguistically unconnected
groups. Seemingly the case of the Melanesians was formerly quite
similar, Their original languages have now been modified, in varying
degrees, by Indonesian influences, but can they, or any of them,
in their present state be classified as a sister family with the Indo-
nesian one? Plainly not, if they do not themselves constitute a true
unity. It does not appear to me to help their case that in the Indo-
nesian element (which we are told is all that they have in common
amongst themselves) there are embodied undeniable relics of the
Indonesian morphological system, There is no reason why Indonesian
words should not have been borrowed in derived forms (i.e. with
prefix or suffix attached to them), as readily as in their simple forms.
Unless the Indonesian morphological system was taken over as a
living thing, still capable of growth in the sense of being applicable to
originally alien Melanesian words, it seems to me that survivals of
it in Melanesian do not suffice to stamp any given Melanesian language
as being of kin with Indonesian. In some cases this suggested proviso
may have been fulfilled, in others, not, and a classification based on it
might cut right across the Melanesian family (so-called at present). At
the same time it has to be borne in mind that such important parts of
speech as the pronouns, numerals, and prepositions in Melanesian are
often clearly of Indonesian affinity. But even these might conceivably
be in the category of mere loanwords.

The whole thing is really, from one point of view, a logomachy,
and the simplest way out would be to say that we have here several
groups of mixed languages having little In common but a varying
proportion of imported matter. But then we run counter to the high
priests of comparative philology, who assert dogmatically that there
is no such thing asa mixed language ; and of course it must be admitted
that, from their mainly Indo-European point of view, the suggested
short cut rather shirks the problem. Mr. Ray's own conclusion is

THE AMARNA AGE 85

that the precise relation of the Melanesian groups to Indonesian
must await the publication of their vocabularies. I entirely concur, but
would add that the texts must also be called in as evidence, and not
morphology alone, or together with lexicography, but syntax, phonetics,
and semantics as well must be weighed, before final judgment can be
passed. When it is, it will be just the kind of abstract proposition that
delights the heart of the comparative philologist.

In the meantime we are bound to thank Mr. Ray for the very large
and carefully arranged collection cf concrete facts contained in this
work. I have noticed very little in it that is open to criticism, The
Indonesian for “ hair” is not bulwh (p. 36) but bulw (or weulu). In
Bugis it is the glottal stop (rather than &) that replaces other final
sounds (p. 51). For “Javenese (a mere misprint, p. 61) read
_ “ Javanese’. The Indonesian formative -ai (p. 64) should be -an.

For fékén (p. 144) read tékén. Ina book of such size and varied contents
such trifling matters as these do not count. They are extraordinarily
few in number and it is evident that the author has done his work
with exceptional accuracy and care. The book will be a safe guide
for future students for many years to come, and is hardly likely ever -

to be superseded.

C. O. BLAGDEN,

Tue Amarna Ace, A Study of the Crisis of the Ancient World.
By James Barge, F.R.A.S. “pp. xvii + 458. London: A. and
C. Black, Ltd., 1926.

Never, perhaps, in the history of the ancient world, was there
such a phenomenon as that age when Akhenaten, the most original
of the Pharaohs, overthrew the gods of Egypt, preferring instead one
god symbolized by the sun.

This is the period that is known to the world as the Amarna Age,
from the fact that we derive most of our information about it from
the of the ruined city of Akhetaten in the district now called
Amarna, which lies about 200 hundred miles south of Cairo on the
west bank of the Nile. One day a woman of the district found a tablet.
This was the beginning. Unhappily, through native ignorance and
general misunderstanding, the find was not at once acknowledged,
and asa result many of the tablets were destroyed in one way or another.
At length the importance of the discovery became manifest and the
inestimable value of the material was soon discovered, Thus the

BR6- REVIEWS OF BOOKS

teeming world of Akhenaten’s far-off time was illuminated as with a
piece of magnesium wire. The importance of the remains of Akhe-
naten's city takes second place to that of the tablets. For after all,
finds, however artistic they may be and however much light they may
throw on the history of one country, can never be so important as those
which illumine world history at some distant date. Meanwhile other
finds were made in various parts of the East. And these formed
the links which the Amarna letters were to weld into a strong chain.

It is at the death of Amenhotep III that the critical period of the
Amarna Age begins. Outwardly this event was marked by the utmost
calm throughout the Empire, except for vague rumours of the struggle
between Mitanni and the encroaching Hittites. It was only a mask,
however, to hide the mutinous ideas which were being fostered in
Asia. Amenhotep III had been a pleasure-loving king, and instead
of setting his mind to the Asiatic question which constantly faced
each Pharaoh, gave himself and his court over to the brilliant luxuries
of Thebes. The accession therefore of Amenhotep IV was something
akin to tragedy. For in eastern countries the life of an empire depends

_ entirely on the character of its ruler. One march into Asia would

have been enough to impress those countries that he was within
easy Teach of them. But no, probably owing to his religious scruples,
Amenhotep IV preferred to let matters slide and thus sacrificed his
Empire. Mr. Baikie points out the former fact; but does not show why
the problem that confronted Amenhotep IV needed far more strength
than that which usually confronted the king on his accession. In his
home affairs, however, Amenhotep was more alert. For, if it had been
otherwise, the country would soon have been in a turmoil through
the spread of propaganda by the priests of Amen.

Amenhotep IV, or Akhenaten as he is better known, has been called
the world’s first idealist, and by some the first pacificist. In many of
his theories he is almost ultra-modern ; and it would probably have
been his greatest joy in life if he could have seen the League of Nations,
not as it is now but as we hope it will be, that is, coming to a binding
agreement over world peace. Akhenaten believed that his god was
the father of all men, and he therefore hated to see brothers. as all
men must be, indulging in orgies of strife and hatred. It is interesting
to note that Akhenaten was the first man in history to conceive of
monotheism. But it is going rather far to say that all men previous
to Akhenaten were fumblers in not perceiving monotheism.

The rudiments of Akhenaten’s religion were Love, Nature, and

THE AMARNA AGE gaT

Truth, and all through his life, in his words and deeds, he maintained
these principles. Akhenaten chose as the symbol of his religion the
sun-disk. Mr. Baikie clearly points out the Spiritual aspect of the
ereed, which was the first to possess one. It was the vital, formless,
life-giving substance behind the sun which was worshipped; not
the actual glowing orb. Aten, as the god was called, has been compared
with the Hebrew Jahveh, and in many respects they are identical.
But they differ in one main aspect, and that is that Jahveh was a
god of war while Aten was Lord of Peace”. Atenism was, however,
totally unsuited for the needs of the people, who wanted a more personal
type of god. If Aten had come in as one of the gods he might easily,
through his solar aspect, have gained popularity. This, however, was
actually impossible, because Aten was a jealous god. One wonders,
therefore, that there should have been no open rebellion when this
new god was foisted on the land and every other god destroyed. It is
probable, as Mr. Baikie points out, that sun-worship would have become
popular again. First, because the growth of the Empire widened men’s
views and the necessity of a single god to bind the Empire was seen.
What god could be more appropriate than the sun who was connected
with all lands ? Secondly, Amenism was becoming politically a menace
to the throne, This is not pointed out. Thirdly, there was a need for
freer thought away from the oldchannelsofironconvention. Mr. Bailie,
however, says that foreign influence in favour of the sun-god was almost
hon-existent. This is not true. In fact. it is fairly certain that if the
kings had not begun to marry foreign princesses, and there had conse-
quently been little Asiatic «nfluence, Akhenaten’s religious revolution
would never have taken place. The introduction of Mitannian solar
worship was the hot-house that brought out the flower of the sun-cult
in an exaggerated form before it was due. The influence originated
in Mutemuya, Thothmes IV's queen ; and she it was who brought
to the front of Egyptian politics Tiy, one of the greatest female
characters in history. li is probable that, because Tiy's parents were
the most powerful adherents of the sun-cult, Mutemuya chose her
for the bride of her son Amenhotep Ii.

From the very beginning Try asserted her powers in her husband's
affairs, and before long she was the ruling force of the kingdom. There
is no ground for the idea that Iuaa, Tiy's father, was the controlling
force behind Tiy. When Amenhotep Ill died Akhenaten was very
young, and Tiy continued to rule. And it is more than likely that
she brought her son up in her own way and with the same ideas as
VOL. IV. PART IV. 58

SEA REVIEWS OF BOOKS

herself. We can thus trace the Asiatic influence from Mutemuya,
through Tiy, to Akhenaten. However, not enough prominence is
given to Tiy. She makes her appearance in Mr. Baikie’s pages here
and there. But on thé whole her importance is not stressed enough
in the light of what we know of this wonderful woman, for she
appears to have been by far the most powerful figure of the period.

Akhenaten’s religious principles had a great influence on art,
the expression of which became rejuvenated with a naturalness of
effort. Mr. Baikie even goes so far as to say that this was the first
time in Egyptian history when the human figure was dealt with in a
natural fashion. He asserts that it had always been stiff and rigid.
However, one has only to refer to the reliefs in the tomb of Ptah-hetep
and others of the Old Kingdom, to judge whether this remark is
correct.

In dealing with the ancient world in general, Mr. Baikie gives a
clear and sound setting for the Egyptian drama. The Hittite nation
and the policy of the Hittite kings are particularly well described :
and it easily becomes apparent how quickly opposition to Egyptian
supremacy in Asia must have grown out of the plotting of such kings
as Shubbiluliuma. Too much space, however, is given to Crete,
which after all had not such a great influence on the period. ‘The
Asiatic turmoil which confronted the Egyptian government is dealt
with in detail. And it is shown how difficult it was to receive correct
information owing to slow communication, ete. But the enumeration
of all the perplexities with which Akhenaten was confronted are
hardly necessary, because it may be justly surmised that he never
intended seriously to cope with them owing to his religious scruples,
If he had meant to deal with them, two or three punitive expeditions
would have been quite sufficient to have restored order.

Previous Egyptian history is related clearly and concisely, An
idea is formed of the debt we owe to Ahmes, son of Ebana, for his
diary from the walls of his tomb, Too much space is given to the
details of Thothmes ITI’s campaigns, which have no bearing on the
story and are quite superfluous. The reign of Amenhotep ITT is treated
in masterly fashion ; and it gives a brilliant and vivid picture of the
affuent times of the Egyptian Solomon.

The book on the whole gives us an admirable account of the ancient
world at this extremely interesting period. And it is a book that will
be appreciated alike by the casual reader and the specialist,

‘ C. J. C. Besxerr.

TRAVAUX ET MEMOIRES DE L' INSTITUT D ETHNOLOGIE, PARIS R89

Universite pe Paris: Travaux Et MEMOIRES DE L INSTITUT
p'Erunotocie. Tome I. “Les Bas-Reliefs des Baitiments
Royaux d’Abomey (Dahomey).” Par Em. G. WaTERLOT,
Chef de I'Imprimerie Officielle de Madagascar. pp. 56, 23 plates
(18 coloured); 10) x 7. 1926.

Tome III. “La construction collective de la maison en Kabylie.
Etude sur la coopération économique chez les Berbéres du
Djurjura.” Par Rexe Mavniee, Professeur & la Faculté de
Droit de l'Université de Paris, Ancien Directeur de l'Institut de
Sociologie de l'Afrique du Nord. pp. 80; 3 plates, 9 figures in
text; 10} x 7. 1926.

Tome IV. “ La Littérature Populaire a la Céte des Esclaves. Contes,
Proverbes, Devinettes.”" Par Renz TRAUTMANN, Médecin Major
de ire classe des Troupes Coloniales. pp.. 10+. 1927. Paris:
Institut d'Ethnologie, 191 Rue Saint-Jacques.

These beautifully-produced monographs fitly open a series, edited
by Professor Lévy-Bruhl, M. Marcel Mauss, and Dr. Rivet—names
which will be familiar to all anthropologists. The second volume,
which we do not notice here, deals with the art of New Caledonia. We
are further promised Les Tribus du groupe Lobi, Volta Nowre Moyenne,
by Professor Henri Labouret, formerly of the (French) West African

Civil Service, which should prove of outstanding interest. M.

Waterlot’s book seems at first sight to contain a very small amount of

letterpress in proportion to the pictures; but his 56 pages give an

admirable précis of Dahomean history and a very clear account (illus-
trated by two plans) of the remarkable buildings at Abomey, for which
the term “ palace ” is not altogether inappropriate. Moreover, a wealth
of information is packed into the explanatory notes appended to the
plates which constitute the real raison d’étre of the book. The majority
of these represent the polychrome terra-cotta bas-reliefs which decorate
the buildings above-mentioned. and which are interesting, not only
for the new light they throw on African art, but for their significance,

They constitute a kind of hieroglyphic history of the reigns they com-

memorate, sometimes more or less literal (as in Plate XI, where a

Dahomean warrior is shown carrying on his shoulder an enemy prisoner),

or symbolical, as in Plate X. where King Ghezo appears in the figure

of a buffalo, alluding to an expedition against the Mahi, in which

“the Dahomeans rushed through the country like a herd of mad

buffaloes”. (This figure, however, has also been explained as an

allegorical representation of the thunder-god.) Elsewhere, Ghezo 1s

Ro) REVIEWS OF BOOKS .

figured as an elephant and as a horse; in Plate XITI we see his favourite

wife, Sdfignan, planting a flag on a rock outside an enemy village.

In Plate VII the Thunder-god is figured as a ram holding in his

mouth a double-headed axe—of a somewhat different shape from

the Cretan labrys, (The association of axe or hammer with thunder

18 50 Obvious that one need not resort to any theory of diffusion.)

In Plate IX the Rainbow-god, Dijiso, “ the servant of the Thunder,” is

SI represented in the form of a serpent—white, with coloured bands—

swallowing its tail. |

Unfortunately, the oldest of these sculptures, those belo ging to

the palace of King Agadja (1708-28) no longer exist, It.is some

consolation that M. Waterlot was able, in 1911, to take squeezes of

them, which are now in the Musée d’Ethnographie at Paris. The last

~ King of Dahomey did not, like his predecessors, construct a new

. Palace on his accession; he occupied that of his father, Glele

(Burton's Gelele), and the reliefs referring to the events of his

reign are to be found there. One of them represents him as a shark, -

in allusion to the words he is said to have used on hearing that the |

. French had occupied Kotanu: “Le requin audacieux a troublé

la barre,” meaning that he was the shark who, by stirring up the surf, -

would prevent them from landing. A son of King Gbehanzin was one

of those who explained the meaning of the various figures to M.
Waterlot,

I should like to call particular attention to a note by M. Le Hérissé
{author of L'ancien royawme du Dahomey, 1911) in elucidation of Plate
XXIII. This depicts the réeades of nine Dahomean rulers. .A récade
(the word is Portuguese ; the native name is simply Kpo “a staff”)
__—so 8: 1n the nature of a crest or coat-of-arms carried out in iron or brass

SOT: ]

and surmounting the staff of office, Thus Gbehanzin's is a shark, Glele’s
a lion, Agadja’s a boat: for the interpretation of these symbols the
3 reader is referred to the text.
a M. Maunier’s study” of industrial co-operation among the

Berbers (in the vernacular tiwiza) is interesting in quite a diffe

way. It is well known that this kind of work in common
is applied to agricultural operations in various parts of the world
_ (e.g. by the Anyanja, the Zulus, and others) but not so much attention
has been paid to co-operation in other departments. There are
numerous examples of this in North Africa: “La vie industrielle, en
Kabyhe, présente des applications diverses de ces modes coopératifs.
La réparation des chemins, le nettoyage des fontaines, l'enlévement

TRAVAUM ET MEMOIRES DE L INSTITUT p'ETHNOLOGIE, PARIS 891

des immondices, le transport de divers objets, donnent lieu proprement
A des réquisitions, qu’ordonne le chef du village ou amin, La coutume
kabyle veut méme parfois que l’on doive préter appui pour relever et
recharger les bétes, alors pourtant qu'il s'agirait de secourir un ennenu.””

But the work more especially studied here is that of house-building,
which is described in all its stages, with the ritual appertaining to each
—e,g. the sacrifice on digging the foundation. The division of labour
between men and women is also a point to be noted.

Dr. Trautmann’s collection comprises tales translated from Fon
and Popo (which are dialects of Ewe) and Nago (a dialect of Yoruba).
Many of them are variants of themes well known in African folk-lore ;
thus, the story of Aminatu and Abalo (p. 12) is a novel version of the
Holle” motive. An anecdote illustrating the moral “II ne faut
pas avoir de fausse honte ~ 1s curiously reminiscent of the Yao story
of “The Man with the Bran Porridge” in Macdonald's Africana
(ii, 369).

“ Pendant une famine, un gendre alla rendre visite 4 sa belle-mere.
Il la trouva oceupée 4 faire bouillir les haricots. An bout de quelques
‘nstants la femme sortit.... L’homme s‘empara aussitot d'une
cuiller, déroba une bonne partie de haricots bouillants qu’il dissimula
au fond de son bonnet. Le belle-mére revenant 4 l'improviste, le
gendre se recoiffa en hite et eut le cuir chevelu atrocement brulé,
Ne pouvent bientét plus supporter la douleur, il langa 4 terre sa
eoiffure et les haricots aécusateurs jonchérent le sol. Pourquoi cet
homme n’a-t-il pas dit qu'il avait faim ¢~

The set moral appended to each story seems to me to be a trait
of sophistication—perhaps added as supposedly more acceptable to a
European auditor.

The riddles are much of the usual African type: “ What is the
long stick which reaches from the sky to the earth ?. The rain.”
“ What passes the king's door without greeting him! The water in
the moat,” etc., etc. I quote a few specimen proverbs :—

If the white man stammers, it is hard work for the interpreter.

Two sheep cannot drink from the same calabash.

De not run after happiness; it is behind you.

The stone thrown in anger does not kill the bird.

If you have been bitten by a snake, you will take fright when you
see an earth-worm. |

If a task proves too much for me, I say it is useless.

A. W.

892 REVIEWS OF BROOKS .

Aw Arrica ror Arricans By Arrive S. Carrs. With a Preface
by Pati H. Kerr, 0.H., Secretary of the Rhodes Trust. 200 PP
map. Price 9s. net. London: Longmans, Green & Co., Ltd..
1927.

Mr. Cripps has, during nearly thirty years’ residence in Mashona-

land, acquired a thorough knowledge of the native and his problems.
He is already known to a limited circle, and more especially to his
Oxford friends, as a poet of rare distinction in his own line and a writer
of short stories (Faéry-Lands Forlorn and other collections) which
convey with marvellous vividness the colour and atmosphere of Africa,
as well as by his longer novels, The Brooding Earth and Bay-T'ree
Country, which—however hotly their themes may be debated—can.
-onee read, never be forgotten.
‘The present volume is concerned with the native question, and
more especially the land question, in Southern Rhodesia. When it is
remembered that the white inhabitants of that territory number under
40,000, and the natives over 830,000, the fact that 31,486,095 acres
have been alienated to the former, while 21,203,498 acres have been
allotted for Native Reserves, certainly supplies food for thought, It
is disconcerting to hear that the Land Commission of 1925 proposed
to allot to white settlers an additional 17,423,815 acres out of the
unahenated remainder, while less than half that amount was recom-
mended to be added to the Native Reserves.

The above statement may be said to form the text of Mr, Cripps’s
book, which is an eloquent plea, well supported by evidence, for
“ territorial segregation " in Southern Rhodesia. It may be explained,
for the sake of those to whom the term “ segregation ” is anathema,
that its implications in Mr. Cripps’s territory are somewhat different
from those which it bore when proposed in the provinces of the Union,
where it would certainly be both impracticable and unfair, That
the assignment of reserves must be conducted by an authority both
disinterested and competent is evident from the fact that much of the
land assigned for this purpose is either“ arid bush-veld ” or malarial,
or infected by sleeping-sickness (as the Sebungwe District).

Mr. Philip Kerr, who contributes a preface, though approving
of the book on the whole, thinks that ‘“ Mr, Cripps may be a little
unsympathetic to modern civilization”. In order to discuss this
proposition, it would be necessary first to inquire what exactly
18 meant by civilization. * A. W.

* The figure given in the curtent issue of Whitaker's Almanac is 834,473.

7 DIE SUDANSPRACHEN a03

Dre WESTLICHEN SUDANSPRACHEN UND IHRE BerzigHUNGEN 2UM
Bantu. Von Dieprich WesrerMann. Mit einer Sprachen-
karte von Hermann BavMAN®. Beiheft zu den Mitteilungen
des Seminars fiir orientalische Sprachen. Jahrgangxx1x. pp. $13:
10 = 63. Berlin (In Kommussion bei Walter de Gruyter u. Co.),
1927,

The problem of the West African languages is not nearly so simple
as that of the Bantu family. Fifty years ago, indeed, they seemed to
constitute a hopeless chaos, and the only way to deal with them
appeared to be that adopted by F. W. Miller, of gathering into a
“Negro Group” all those tongues which could not be otherwise
classified. Cust’s words on the subject may well seem, at this time
of day, to have been prophetic. Writing in 1883, after quoting
Munzinger’s remarks to the effect that “though it may be a con-
venient, it is not a logical method to lump together under one.name a
lot of people of unknown ethnological and linguistic types”, he goes
on to say: “ No existing name can be produced more suitable, and I
protest against the coining at this period of our knowledge of any new
name. Nothing was more illogical than the use of the word ‘ Turanian —
in Asia a quarter of a century ago; it has dropped out of use now or been
restricted to a limited significance, but it had its use until a more
perfect knowledge enabled names of new families and groups to be
struck out. So will it be with the Negro group. Twenty-five years
henceit will give way to some more accurate and scientific terminology.”

This prediction has certainly been fulfilled—almost, in fact, to the
letter, for the term “ Sudanic family “ came into use, if nob within
Cust’s twenty-five year limit, at least very shortly after its expiry.
In 1911, Professor Westermann published Die Sudansprachen, which.
sets forth his reasons for believing that the miscellaneous “group”
i in reality (Hausa, Musgu, and perhaps some others being eliminated)
a homogeneous family, extending in an irregular zone across the
continent from the neighbourhood of Cape Verd to the highlands
of Abyssinia. This view has met with some opposition, on account of
the extremely divergent character of various languages included in
the family—e.g. the Mandigo group and those which Sir H. H.
Johnston calls “ Semi-Bantu ~ and Dr. Struck “ Bantoid’. (Pro-
fessor Westermann, as will be seen, prefers the term “ Klassen-
sprachen”.) The author, however, has so far seen no reason to
modify it in essentials.

The present volume, the outcome of some sixteen years’ further

AO4 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

study, carries out the detailed examination of the linguistic area
enclosed, roughly speaking, between the Atlantic, the Senegal, and
the Niger. Northern Nigeria and the territory bordering on it to the
east have been omitted from the survey, as the existing materials
are insufficient for satisfactory treatment (Hausa and Fulbe, not
being Sudanic, do not come into consideration).

To prevent misconception, we must not lose sight of the fact,
emphasized in the very first paragraph, that the Sudanic languages
do not form a unity in the same sense as can be predicated of the
Bantu.

_ “ Tiefgreifender und wihrend lingerer Zeitriume als in der

Siidhalfte des Erdteils ist die Vilkerwelt zwischen Sahara und
Aequator durch heute noch nicht abgeschlossene Bewegungen ges-
palten, zerrissen, tiber und ineinander gedriingt worden, und von diesen
iiber Jahrtausende sich erstreckende Wandlungen, die Stammesein-
heiten umgestalteten vernichteten und neue entstehen liessen, sind die
sprachlichen Verhiltniase ein Spiegelbild. Der heutige Zustand ist
haufig ein Ausgleich zwischen zwei oder mehr aufeinandergestossenen
Sprachen oder Sprachgruppen, deren jede Bestandteile an die neu
sich bildende Eimheit abgegeben hat.”

Some languages have perished altogether, while scanty remnants
of others have been absorbed into surviving forms of speech. If
we consider, further, that the modifying influences come, not merely
from cognate (Sudanic) languages, but from Hamitic or other contacts
on the east and north, it is not surprising that the development of the
various groups should have taken such different directions that some
writers have refused to recognize, e.g. Mandingo, or the Gur group
(Mosi, Grusi, Senufo, etc.), as belonging to this family.

Tt may be remarked in passing that the position of the genitive
(possessor preceding thing possessed), which Professor Meinhof (Modern
Sprachforschung in Afrika, p. 93) enumerates as an essential
characteristic of the Sudanic family, is by no means invariable.
Mr. N. W. Thomas has pointed out that the reverse arrangement,
that common to Hamitic and Bantu (“the house of the man” as
opposed to “the man’s house”, or more literally, “ man, house”)
occurs almost if not quite as frequently.

Professor Westermann, in grouping the languages, has for the most
part followed a classification which he calls “ die bisher abliche . . -
da sie kurz, sachlich nicht unzutreffend und also keiner Anderung
bediirftig ist”. It does not, however, quite coincide with Dr. Struck’s,

DIE SUDANSPRACHEN 805.

as given by Mr. N. W. Thomas in Bulletin I (Part IV, p. 120). He
assumes SIX groups :—

(i) The Kwa Languages, including the Ewe-Twi group (perhaps
the most typical of the family), the ~ Lagoon languages ” (Mekibo,
Kyama, Adyukru, etc.), the Kru languages (also a comprehensive
term—see Delafosse, Vocabulaires Comparatifsde . - - la Cite d’ Ivoire),
Yoruba, Nupe, Ibo, Edo—and possibly IdZo (Ijo), but the position
of this last is still uncertain.

(ii) The Benue-Cross River Group (Sir H. H. Johnston's Semi-
Bantu groups A to G) including Efik, Munshi, Jarawa, some twenty-
seven in all.

(iii) “'Togo-Restsprachen ", the speech of fragmentary tribes

surviving in the hill-country between the seventh and eighth degrees
of North latitude. These languages are tending to die out and to be
replaced by Ewe and Twi. The names by which they are usually
known (Avatime, Santrokofi, Kebu, etc.) are mostly those of localities,
the people themselves using different designations.

(iv) The Gur Languages.

(v) The West Atlantic Group (a) Temne, Bulom, Limba, Gola, etc. ;
(b) Djola, Bolama, Biafada, Konyagi, ete.

(vi) Mandingo or Mande.

Of these, ii, iii, iv, and v may be reckoned as ~ class-languages ",
the classes being distinguished either by prefixes or sullixes—
occasionally, aa in the case of Gurma, by both. But—as we find
slsewhere_—the languages are not contained in watertight compart-
ments. ‘Das Klassensystem ist teilweise in die Kwa-Sprachen
eingedrungen, und die den Kwa-Sprachen cigentiimlichen nominal-
bildenden vokalischen und Nasalprafixe stehen zweifellos teilweise in
Iusammenhang mit den Klassenaffixen. . ’ Tt appears that these
languages formerly had # greater number of prefixes than they now
possess ; Mande, on the other hand, shows no trace of such an

The fact that Ekoi, Anyang, and some of the members of the
second group are now definitely classed as Bantu further indicates
the difficulty of exact delimitation.

The class-affixes of the Kwa group are closely related to the Bantu
prefixes, but in vocabulary it is much more nearly allied to Mandigo
which, as already stated, has no class-system.

In Index B “ Sudan-Urbantu ” we have a collection of 112 hypo-
thetical ground-forms, showing a remarkable degree of comeidence.

SoG REVIEWS OF BOOKS

There can be no reasonable doubt of an ultimate relationship : it is
likewise evident that such relationship must be extremely remote.
It will be clear from the above that Professor Westermann’s work
marks a notable advance in a department in which he is the ploneer
and—save for a very few elect fellow-workers—may be said to stand
alone. It only remains to add that this book should be studied in
conjunction with his Westsudanische Studien (Mitteilungen des Seminars
fiir orientalische Sprachen, yols. 28 and 29) and the late M. Delafosse’s
Vocabulaires Comparatifs de plus de 60 Langues ow Dialectes parlés
dla Céte d'Tvoire et dans les régions limitrophes (L904).
A. W.

Jaunpe-Wirtersvca. Unter Mitwirkung von P. H. Nexes PSM
bearbeitet und herausgegeben von M. Hegre. (Being vol. xxii of
Abhandlungen aus dem Gebiet der Auslandskunde, published by
the University of Hamburg.) pp. 258; 114 = 7}. Hamburg
(Kommissionsverlag |. Friedrichsen & Co.), 1926.

Jaunde (Yaunde or Eundu) is one of the languages spoken by the
“Fan” (Fan or Pamwe) group of tribes in the Cameroons, who,
along with the Duala, the Ekoi, and one or two others constitute
the north-westerly outpost of the Bantu-speaking peoples. A
grammar of Yaunde was published as long ago as 1911 in the series
of textbooks issued by the Berlin Oriental Seminary. It was the work
of Father Nekes, who had resided for many years in the country,
and who subsequently (as stated on the title-page) assisted Dr. Heepe
in the present work. One gathers that Dr. Heepe did not himself
work im situ, but he had the advantage of consulting several Yaunde
natives, whose help is duly acknowledged. While undoubtedly Bantu
in structure, Yaunde has been strongly influenced by the speech of
neighbouring non-Bantu tribes: this is more especially indicated by
the tendency to monosyllabism, by the prevalence of the velar labials
kp and gb (these have been found to occur. however, in one East
African Bantu dialect) and the extensive use made of tone. (This
last must not be stressed too far as a point of difference between the
Bantu and Sudanie families: though, undoubtedly, it is more
conspicuous, on the whole, in the latter.)

The Bantu nown-classes from 1 to 11 are quite clearly represented
in Yaunde; the prefixes do not show much change, except that a has
been substituted for li (in a few cases the latter has survived in the

A GRAMMAR OF THE SESUTO LANGUAGE 807

form le, the symbol ¢ indicating a vowel intermediate between
Cardinals 2 and 3), ¢ for ki and o for lu. There appears to be every-
where a tendency to broaden vowels. The fifth prefix appears as e-
in Ganda, but a- seems to be a novelty. The greater part of the book
is taken up with the Yaunde-German dictionary, which is very fully
‘Illustrated with idiomatic examples. This is followed by an interesting
collection of personal and place-names, for which due credit is given
to Father Nekes. 'The German-Yaunde part, according to the plan
frequently followed in works of this kind, is much shorter than the other
and serves primarily as an index to the Dictionary. This is infinitely
preferable to the practice of filling up a number of pages with words
like (to take a few at random) “‘ adequate”, “ adherent ”, “ adjacent “,
“ admixture”, “adumbrant "; the only reason for which could be
the existence of large numbers of natives capable of reading ordinary
English books and newspapers. Dr. Heepe has also done excellent
work in editing the» Yaunde texts written by two natives, Kar!

Atangana and Paul Messi (1919).
A. W.

A Grammar oF THE SesuTo Lanovace. By the late E. Jacorrer.
With the help of 2, D. MaNGOaELA and edited by C. M. Doxe, M.A.,
D.Litt., Senior Lecturer in Bantu Studies, University of the
Witwatersrand, Being the Special Number of Bantu Studies
for January, 1927. pp. xiv 4209: 7x5. Johannesburg
(University Press), 1927.

Emile Jacottet’s name has been known for many years to all
serious students of the Bantu languages and of Comparative Folklore.
His death in 1920, under tragic circumstances which need not be
particularized here, leaves a gap which cannot easily be filled. Among
other unpublished MSS. (most of which, one hopes, will eventually
see the light) he left an unfinished grammar, which has now been
completed by Dr. Doke and published at the expense of the University
of the Witwatersrand. It is a matter for congratulation that so
valuable a piece of work should have been rescued from oblivion
and presented in a complete form. As the author says in his introduc-
tion: “ Having lived now for over 36 years in the country, and having
had to speak Sesuto every year, I can claim to know it ma practical
way.” He had published, in 1893, a tentative sketch prefixed to
A. Mabille’s Vocabulary and in 1907 A Practical Method to Learn
Sesuto (now in the second edition), which has been found extremely

Bo8 REVIEWS OF BOOKS

useful. The aoe work is of a somewhat different calibre, being
intended as a scientific study of the language. It opens with a very
careful examination of Suto phonetics, annotated by Dr. Doke, who
does not in every case agree with Jacottet’s conclusions, (It is some-
what perplexing, in view of, e.g. the notes on pp. 4, 6, 8, etc., to read
in the Preface: “No attempt, even in footnotes, has been made
to explain Sesuto phonetics on a scientific basis."’)

In his introduction the author, discussing the place of Sesuto in
the South-Eastern group of Bantu languages (in which he includes
/ulu-Kaffir, Thonga, Sesuto-Sechuana, and Venda) gives a very
welcome survey of the dialects belonging to the Sesuto-Sechuana
group. The area in which these are spoken is bounded on the north
by the Zoutpansberg and to the west of this range by the line of
18 S., “on the east by the Drakensberg and on the west by the
Kalahari desert. Its southern boundary may be roughly defined as

. the Orange River.” The group is divided into two branches :
Sechuana (with the dialects of Serolong, Setlaping, and Sekhatla

“ which, however, practically comprise one language,") and Sesuto,
divided into a Northern and a Southern section. The northern
includes numerous dialects, of which Sepeli (Sepedi) is the most.
important, while “Southern Sesuto, or Sesuto proper, the language
which is presented in this grammar, is the Northern Sesuto developed
and, to some extent influenced, by Zulu, its nearest neighbour ”.

The occurrence of a click, not found in the other dialects, is usually
attributed to this influence. Jacottet, however, says that “ it seems
they were introduced ” from the old Setlokoa dialects, now almost
superseded by standard Sesuto, which, by the by, is rapidly becoming
a literary language of remarkable range and flexibility, It may be
noticed that this author adheres to the usual spelling Sesuto. It
seems that both vowels are the same; it would therefore be more
logical to write either (Se) Sutu or, as the Germans do, Sotho (the ¢
being aspirated and the vowel Meinhof’s ¢, i.e. intermediate between
cardinal vowels 7 and 8). Dr. Doke, while evidently not convinced
by Jacottet’s objections to a change in the current orthography,
makes no mention of this particular point. On the question of division
into words, it is difficult to agree with the dictum (p, xxii): “ Just as
in English we would not dream of writing IJshallnomor rantyou, 80
we ought not to write in Sesuto hakesatlubatla.”” The two aan
are by no means parallel, since neither ha nor ke nor sa nor u can be
used as independent words; nor can bala be used alone, except in

ABRIDGED SWAHILI GRAMMAR 899

the imperative singular. Dr, Doke does not seem to have taken this
into account, but it seems an equally cogent reason against separation
with that which he gives, viz. that “ the whole questions of the division
into words in Bantu languages should be su bservient to sound-groups,
and ... Hakesaubatla makes up one, or at most two, word-groups.”
Dr. Doke frequently differs from the author in the marking of the
tones ; but on this subject, apparently, there is plenty of room for
divergent opinions. Mr. G. P. Lestrade, after going through
Endemann’s Worterbuch with a native Mopeli, came to the conclusion
that many of the tones are wrongly marked. Our author in the present
instance, while fully appreciative of Endemann’s Versuch einer
Grammatik (a work, in fact, which marks a new epoch in Bantu
studies) is somewhat severe on the Dictionary, except so far as it
deals with the Peli dialect. Space does not permit of examuning
the Grammar point by point; one can only say that Dr. Doke, his
assistant, Mr. Happington Moshoeshoe. and the Union Government,
who, by a research grant made publication possible, aré entitled to our
deepest gratitude. AW:

Apripcep SwantLt GRAMMAR, Purases. STORIES, AND VOCABULARIES.
By G, Mupray-JARDINE. Ppp. 63: 7} x 4]. London: Sheldon
Press (8.P.C.K.), 1927. Price 2s. bd.

A useful little book, so much so that I cannot refrain from pomting
out a few inaccuracies in the hope that they may be corrected in
a future edition. It is not correct to say that “‘ the class (of u-nouns)
is a very small one’, since +t contains all abstracts as well as a great
many others, nor to include in this class wa “a flower * which belongs
to the fifth: ua “a court-yard ” (originally Iuga) does, in fact, belong
to the u-class. The locative construction is entirely ignored and the
erroneous statement that “ the sixth class . . . is composed of one word
only, mahali, place or places ” 18 obviously repeated from Steere.
On p. 11 we read: “ who or which may be expressed by the prefix
oand ... refers to all classes and numbers of nouns.” This may be the
case in the “slipshod methods of speech which the author rightly
reprobates in his preface ; but a reference to Steere would have shown
him that, in spite of a certain levelling tendency towards a universal
-o-, each class has properly its own relative pronoun. A fair number of
printer's errors have—no doubt inevitably—escaped correction ;
but it seems uncertain whether kope for kobe (“ tortoise “4
persistently repeated on p. 45, should be classed with these or not.

A. W.

Oi) REVIEWS OF BOOKS

Die Lavre pes Fut. Von Avevst Kuimcennenen. (Neuntes
Beiheft zur Zeitschrift fiir Eingeborenensprachen.) Berlin
(Dietrich Reimer): Hamburg (C. Boysen), 1927.

Dr. Klingenheben, who has for several years specialized in African
languages at the Hamburg University, has produced a remarkable
piece of work as his thesis for the Doctorate of Philosophy. Though
handed in three or four years ago, its publication has been retarded
till now, with the disadvantage that two papers which really pe:
suppose it have appeared before it in the Zeitschrift fiir Eingeborene

aprachen. Qn the other hand, the delay has enabled the uthoie to
make use of some recent works, e.g. those of M. Gaden, Mrs. Leith-

Ross, and Captain Taylor. Ful, or Fulani, a standing puzzle to

philologists, has attracted a good deal of attention in recent years,

as evidenced by the works above referred to, and also those of Professors

Westermann and Meinhof, The latter classes it among Hamitic

languages (“‘ vermutlich flteste uns zugingliche Form einer Hamiten-

sprache "), though occupying a peculiar position among them. The
grammatical structure of Ful was long thought to be unique, but
some allied idioms have lately been discovered in West Africa, and in

Meihof's view (somewhat resembling that arrived at independently

by the late Sir H, H. Johnston), it is to its impact on the speech of the

Sudan that we must look for the origin of the Bantu languages.

Though starting from the foundation of Westermann’s work,

Dr. Klingenheben may certainly be said to have added considerably

to the structure. He has based his conclusions on original research,

_ but, asthis was chiefly carried out with Fulani from the Hausa states, he

does not claim to offer a complete conspectus of sounds in all Ful

dialects. But a monograph like the present is the indispensable
prerequisite to the comprehensive work for which he hopes in the
future. An adequate appreciation of his book would task the powers
of a specialist in phonetics—and to the attention of such specialists
it is hereby cordially commended.

A. W,

The Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge, to which we
already owe many valuable helps to the acquisition of African languages
has lately developed fresh activity in this direction and issued from
the Sheldon Press a number of attractive volumes, all weleome and
some of them meeting special requirements of this School, We are

2Pp.c.K. PUBLICATIONS CO)

particularly glad to see handy reprints of the late Sir Apolo Kagwa’s
collection of folk-tales: Engero za Baganda (with the errata of the
Kampala edition eliminated) and Bakabaka be Buganda (History of
the Kings of Uganda) to which the chronicles of the Kings of Bunyoro,
Koki, Toro, and Ankole have been added. We have further, m
Luganda, an elementary Manual of Hygiene, translated by 8. W.
Kulubya from the English text-book of Dr. Mary Blacklock, and
a school reading-book (Akatabo ak’okusomwanga abomugigi IT )
together with a version of the Pilgrim's Progress (Omutambuze) by
the Rev. E. C. Gordon, illustrated with photographs taken by
Mr. W. J. W. Roome, on the occasion of a pageant arranged at
Kampala, These photographs, in which the characters in Bunyan’s
allegory appear as characteristic native types, are an additional
testimony to the universal human appeal of the book and largely
contribute to its popularity. They reappear in Canon Dale's excellent
Swahili translation (Safari ya Msafiri), which reaches us at the same
time. Other Swahili books recently issued by the same Press are
reprints of Mambo na Hadith and Visa na Hadithi, produced, many
years ago, by members of the Universities’ Mission, and Nos. 1 and 2
of Masimulizi ya Mambo Leo, the work of Mr. Frederick Johnson.

These charming little books, clearly printed and attractively got
up, contain stories which have already appeared in the Swahili
monthly edited by Mr. Johnson, and, being sold at the low price of
twopence each, are certain of a large circulation among a native public
which is developing an insatiable appetite for lrterature. A History
of Bunyoro (Ky'Abakama ba Bunyoro) by the Prime Minister of that
kingdom, Petero Bikunya, is, apart from the value of its matter,
a welcome specimen of an interesting language, allied to, but more
archaic than Luganda. Finally, we have one book in a South African
tongue, a Sesuto version of the Gospel story (Bophelo ba Jesu Kreste
Ka Mokhoa 0 Bonolo), translated by a native Canon of Bloemfontein,
the Rev. Walter Mochochoko. |

From the same publishers we have received :—

Imihobe nemibongo (Xosa Poetry for Schools), By 8. C. Maayi.

Short Chapters of African History. By H. T. C. Weatherhead.

Gang Fables, collected by P. H. Lees, F.R.G.S. (Gang, or Acholi,
is a language of the Sudanie family, closely related to Shilluk and
Luo.) |

Cimutambuze LT (Luganda Pilgrim's Progress, Part I).

| A. WERNER.

OBITUARY

We regret to chronicle the death of the Rev. William Ernest
Taylor—the foremost Swahili scholar in this country—which occurred,
suddenly, at Bath on the 2nd October, Mr. Taylor, a graduate of
Hertford College, Oxon, went to Africa in the service of the Church
Missionary Society, and remained there till 1896, when failing health
compelled him to leave. He afterwards worked in Egypt for two years
(1898-1900) and after an interval of clerical duty in England, returned
for a short time to Khartum in 1903, ‘The rest of his life was passed
at home, the last few years as Rector of Halton Holgate, in Lincoln-
shire, His linguistic ability was exceptional, and his ear for sounds
extraordinarily delicate and sensitive. While his terminology is
frequently inexact (the science of Phonetics was in its infancy when
he began his studies, inspired by the work of the late Henry Sweet),
his conclusions are almost invariably sound. His published work is
scarcely proportionate to the extent of his knowledge: it includes
translations (into the Mombasa dialect) of the Prayer Book, Gospels,
and Psalms and—most important from the linguistic pomt of view—
African Aphorisms (1891), Giryama Vocabulary and Collections (1891)
—prefaced by some invaluable phonetic and grammatical notes on
this interesting language, and conveying, incidentally, much important
information as to beliefs and customs—(roundwork of the Swahili
Language (1899) and the annotated edition of the Iniishafi poem
included in the late Captain Stigand’s Dialect in Swahili, The
Aphorisms should never have been allowed to go out of print, both for
the sake of the proverbs themselves and the notes, which besides
elucidating many obscure points in Bantu grammar are full of intarest
from other points of view. Mr. Taylor was an enthusiast for the
Mombasa dialect, which he considered the purest—at any rate, the
one best adapted for Swahili prose, as that of Lamu for poetry and that
of Zanzibar for trade. (It has been, perhaps, somewhat unduly
depreciated of late.) Professor Meinhof has repeatedly called
attention to the value of Mr. Taylor's linguistic and more especially,
phonetic work, which, he thought, was insufficiently appreciated in
this country. After his retirement from work in Africa, he acted tor
many years as Examiner in Swahili to the War Oifice. I had not the
honour of being personally acquainted with Mr. Taylor, but found,

FOL. IV. PART TV. 5

tad OBITUARY NOTICE

in 1911-13, that he was still held in affectionate remembrance by the
natives of Mombasa and other places on the Swahili Coast, Thus,
Muhammad bin Ma‘alim, in relating the iocal tradition about the Portu-
guese priest, Dom Miguel of Mombasa, said : “ He was just like “Bwana
Tela '"—everyone knew him, men, women, and children—and they a!
loved him,” Popular verses, still current in my time, testified to
the respect which the Moslems felt for him, white repudiating his
theology. For instance—

Azingazinga na chuo kwapani.

Atafuta mema, haoni thada ya Mola :

Haiko sokom, hatwendi, Tela, ziwana!

INDEX TO VOLUME IV

A
Abu’) Fazl, portrait of, 721.
Adbhuta-ramiyana, 11.
Adhpitma-rimayana, 11.
Africa, folk-lore of, 247; negro songs of,

B27.
ic Chibemba, S30;
Kanuri, 138; Swahili, 247; work of
Prof. M. Delafoase, G75: work
W. E. Taylor, #04. |

Agastya, selection of Tamil Saivite
hymna, 761.

Ajanté frescoes, 495. |
Akhar Namah, portrait of Abu'l Fazl,
72.
Alamkira, works on, 279.
riper de Ehodes, Father,
47

American Caireeny “eee 7TH),
Amir Khusrau, first K hari poet, 235.

in ia K. Coomaraswamy, eee Coomara-

travels

swomy.
Arabic, contemporary literature, 745;
infinitives in irdu, 7793 j ism,
751 ; ; Nagqash's version of
Kalila we Deans, 441.
Arabs, conquest of ane by, 742.
Aravamuthan, T. G., The Kaveri, the
Maukharia, and the Sangam Age, 171.
Archbold, W. A. J., Quilines of Indian
Constitutional History (British Period),

ied,

Architecture, Chinese treatise on, 473.

Armenians, in Persia, 56.

Auxotp, T. W., A Portrait of Abw'l-Fazl,
721.

Ashur, cuneiform text found at, 70.

aye tina f notes on the “ Assyrian
| BD.

Atiyn Begum Fyzee Rahamin, The Muse
of Imdia, 379.
Avestic literature, Yaome and Gandharva
‘legends in, T03.
Awemba, se Babemba.
B
att war song of the, 830
Saksena, The Ferb
n of Tulat Daa, 365.
Baba Syim andar Dis, Bhdgd Vigyin,

im the

eagiiak "Words im

ae The Gender of Arabic

: Tapes in in ‘Urdu, 779
Ballod, F., The Volga Pompei, 197.

Baxarst Das Jace, Streas-Accent in
Indo-Aryan, 315.
Banwerr, L. D., Janakiharana XVI, 285,
Hll: Fama, Gandharen, and
70%: Reviews: Die Arteche Feuerlehre
i. Teil, von J. Hertel, 174; The
Kaveri, the Maukharia, and the Sangam
Method ter Aravamuthan, 171; Die
der Ariachen Forschung, von

Bauatt goa at 89; Himdyarnas, 580
Eenimadhab Barua and Kumar G. Sinha,

Barhut Ineacriptions, S57.
Bennett, C. J. C., The Amarna Age, by
J. Baikie, 885.

Benoytosh Bhattacharyya, The Indian
Buddhist Teonography, 11.

Bertram, Sir Anton, and J. W. A.
Young, The Orthodox Patriarchate of
Jerusalem, 655.

Bena commentaries, 59, d08,

Bhan, Svapnandsavodatia, 782-3.

Bikes Vigyin, by Bibi Syim Sundar
fis, S31.

Bieri Saved Husain, Obituary notice,

Binns Eehari Dutt, Town Planning in
Ancient India, S91.

Euacpes, C. 0., Translation of Pater
P. Schebesta’s Grammatical Sketch
of the Jahai Dialect, S03, and of his
Jungle Tribes of the Malay Peninsula,
260+ Reviews: A Comparative Study
of the be psa Faland Languages,
by &. H, Ray, 882; Natural Man: o
Record from Borneo, by C. Hose, = :
Seul plure in Siam, by <A.
1M: Die S Famitien und Sprachen-
kreiae der Erde, vou P. W. Schmidt,

ite.

Buocuet, A., Deux Residents Mongols
en Chine ef en Asie Centrale, 257.
Bloch, Jules, Le Nom du is, 360;

“ Voir en Indo-Aryen, 366.

Brahoi, gender: -worda, TH.

Erowne, Frofessor E. G., Obituary
notice, ar A Year Amonga the
Persians, O45.

Revce, J. Percy, A Selection from i
Tung Shu by Chow Tzu, with Co
mentary by © Cha Jf, O75 Riview:
A Phonograph Course in the Chinese
National Language, by Yuen Fen

Budd 1o7. phy is: :
uddhist, OT. Fs remains in

= areaiee arent 4i3 ; cae Narn’
translations of, S03.

Ul. INDEX

Budge, Sir E. A. Wallis, The Book of the
ave of Treasures, B55.

Burushaski, text in, 505.

Burzoé, autobiography, 441.

Caitya-symbol on Indian coins, 714.

Cikyars, Hindu actora, 205,

Caland, W., fied het Vaikhdnasasiten,
623; The Satapatha Brihmana in the
Kaeciya Recension, G15.

Calthorp, Lieut.Col. E. F., Collection
ot ve ese books, 679,

|, Sir Duncan, Kecords of Clan

eee I, im the Military Service

af
the Honowralle East India Company,

1O00-58, 307.
Central Asia, Jitaka pictures found _
493: Mongols in, 257 : :

of the In do-Europeans, 147.
Chakravarti, «¢ Prabhat Chandra
Chakravarti.
Chalmers, Lord, Further of the

Huddha, Vols. I-11, 351, 633.

Chao haien Rucrn i yi, Chinese-Corean
vocabulary, |

CHARPESTIER, See The Original Home
of the Indo-Kuropeana, 147; Remarks
om the Identification of some Jdtakn
Pictures, 403; Reviews: Die Sudd-
Atatische Spdiantike in Millelamen, con
A. von le Cog. Fiinfte Teil: Newe
Aildwerke, SHS; The Religion and
Fae? es! of the Veda and Upanishads,

Kerriedale Keith, 337.
Chives

oba, war song in, B30, -
China, Jesuit mission*in, 47; Mongols
in, 257.
Chine spaeabeure 1; Doom :
Chines Toon if. af ingle,
Mit; philosophy, 07; tranalations
of Indian Buddhist tales, 503.
‘hin hain, 257.
‘piste hte ya 07.
Coomaraswamy, A. K., Catalogue of the
Indian Collections in the Museni af
Fine Arta, Hoston, Pt. V, Rajput
Pai , B61.
! ilete words and dialects in,
9; vocabulary,

1.
Coudenhove. ena, My African Ne
hours, 418. it
ae eat 8., An Africa for the Afrietna,

ack W., Religion and Folk-lore of
Northern India, peoe
texts, 70

Buddha, translated
Chalmers, Vols. I-Il, S51, 633.

De, Seam Romar, Noles on some
Senakrit Manuacripla on Alambira,
279; Some Headings of Jénali-
hovoan AVY, 611.

Delafosse, Prof. M,, Ea Culture Moderae :
Cirilisalions wh abe Moose 13 :
Obituary notice, 675.

Demieville,. F., Review of the Fing tao

a Shih, 474.
Gopal Mukerji, My Brother's Pace,
18a).

Diez, Ernst, Qne Awnest Indiena, 389.

Dineéthandra, Sen, Enstern Bengal
ballads, $1 mote,

DopEner, W., Government! of “ Preposi-
fone” in Gujarali, 65; The Grammar

the Jidnetvari, B43 ; The Passive

Voice of the J fdnedrari, 50,

Dodwell, H., Chronicle of the East India
Company Trading to China, 1635-

ISH, by H. B. Morse, 303; A Sketch
ef the of India from 1858 fo
1918, 177; ‘arren Heatings’ Letters to
Sir John Ma n, BBB.

Doke, (, M., he Phonetics of the Zulu
Fa

Drakht i Aawrik, Unvala’s translation, 69.
Dee atien, Sireenmoras me Tors plono-

logy, 5

Drie 6. a A Grammar 9 the Colloquial
Arabic of bi ghes anal sine, B50,

Deanglun, 4

Du Jarric, Peiher ‘Pierre, Abbor and the
Jesuits, translated by C. H. Payne,
ian.

Dunicand, Paonjiht aur Hindi ha
Bhisd-Vijndn, 366.
Dutt, B. B., see Binode Behari Dutt.

Franklin, Vilvama’s Adven-
Edgerton, Frank Oriental Series, Vols,
26-7, 46.

Egypt, literature of modern, 745.
Evans-Wen entz, W. Vi. The Tibetan
Book of the Dead, 845.

Folk-lore, beast-fables in cuneeforis, 70;
common source of Ya , Gandbarrs
and Glavucus aAED
legenda of, 715;

S 132; ro of Lion re of
ere Sipe Biato- Papers

pia ra aga of India: Corn-
wallis, 40

Foster, Sir Wittia, The Embasry of Sir
Thomas Roe to India, 1615-10, B82 ;
ca English Factories in India, 1663-9,

Veseas: Need ora Niners te The Worship

Pe Hickey, W

INDEX lil

Gaekwad's Oriental Series, G32, |
Gairdner, W. H. T.. The Phonetica of
Aratic, 402.

Gandharva-saga, 703.
Gaselee, 8., The Difaar of the Coptic
Church, edited by De Lacy O'Leary,

406.

Gras, H. A. R., Studies in Contemporary
Aralic Literature, 745. Reviews: An
English-Arabic Dhcty of Medicine,
ancl and Allied Sevences, by Dr.

Sharaf, 876; (with A.

aoe The Phonetica of Arabic,
H. 7. Senet ire.

Lionel, Le Kou-wen chinots :

Cie “ Fou’ ss _ le Wea-sivan, par

_ G. Margolits, 4

Giridhar Dias, vardeadh Vadh Maha-
hiryt, Pt. J, 638,

Glaucus-saga, 703. |

ee kK. V.. ae Keéeo Viniyak

Gini, gencler- words 1 in, 7
Greeks, domination of aie by the, 727.
Greenshiclda, K. &.. Donerrs. fF ‘shay :
ad pie Ae ok a, f E ocera,
. A History er Decean,
it I, “401.

Gurensox, Sir Gronoe A... shee Peasant
dale $76; Gn the Adbhulardmdayaga,

Cpaeai Prof., Althuddhistische Kult-
ataiten in Chinesisch-T'urkiston, 403.

Gujarati, ' ' Prepositions ™

Gutmann, Brano, Das Recht der spachegye.
411,

Haig, Sir Wolseley, A Year Amonget the
Persians, by E. G. Browne, 645.

Hajji ad-Dahir, story of Khawass Khin,
717.

Harvey, G. E., The History of Burma
from hon as Earliest Times to 10th March,
1824, 179.

Heepe, M., Jawnde-Wdrteriuch, D6.

Hemchandra ekg oi ng . Political

Hi Ancient India, 856.
Hertel, J. died sige td Feuerlehe, J. Teil,
Sgt ° Arischen

Forachang, 383
illiam, The Memoirs, Vol. IV,

Hinde farms of, 331 ;- phonology, 325
Hose, C., Natural Man: A Record from

Borneo, 643.

Hultesch, E., Inscriptions of Asoka,
362 5 Senta
Hunta, language of, 505.

Sige in oe

I
Ibn Mugaffa’, Kalila wa Dimna, 441.

India, Persian invasion of, 224.
Indian coins, T14 ; drama, 5: music,
105; painting, t of Abno'l

Fas, aes poetry, 11, 59, 89, 306,

i, oO

Indo-Aryan phonology, 315, 325.

Indo-Europeans, original home of the,
147: religion of the, 158.

Indonesia, versions of Rimiyana current
in, O70.

Islam, tem of taxation in Persia, 742.

IvExs, G., A Study of the sere
Language, Mala, Solomon Islands, 587

Jacottet, E., A Grammar of the Sesuto
Language, S07.
Jagnanath Das Ratnikar, Bihdri Ral-

Jahai dialect, 803.

Jakud'n, of the Malay Peninsula, 270.

Jal Dastur Cursetji Pavry, The Zore-
aatrian Doctrine of a Future Life, 853.

James, A. Luovp and & G. Kasmene,
The Pronunciation of igre 7a.

Janakiharana, sarge xvi, 285, 61)

Jay , collection of books in the

ibrary of the School of Oriental
crag cara literature of the Yedo

warts: Father Pierre Du, «ee Do Jarric.
Jitaka pictures, identification of, 403.
Javanese version of the Kimiyapa, 579.
Jesuit missions, 47.

Jianedvarn, Marathi poet, 59, 308-0.
Jidanedeari, grammar of the, 59, 544.

Kalasha, intervocalic dentala in, 534.

Kalila wa et Arabic and Persian
versions, 44
Kanara, Se uteia To,
KasHERE, Ss. G., A Prayer of Sankani-
, 801; Some Remarks on Indian
Music. 105 ;
Kasnene, 5. G.,
The Pronnciation of ‘Marathi, 791.
ant ea thle

Eee ly padi gana in Jndonena,
Keith, A. Berricdale, The Religion and
: the Veda and Upanishads,
247 : The ArijAmana in the
Kani Recension, edited by Dr. W.

O15.
Kewco Viniyak Godbole, Mahirdaira
Sakuntala, 383.
Worterbwch der Adie-

Key eer, UU.
eprache, 184.

iv INDEX

Khaclir, gure lds
ona |
Ld 5
Kineaid, C. A. and D. HB. Parasnia,
A History of the Maratha People, rol. ak,
178.

MOMs of Shaith Muslibud Din Sod

Mehta, B. 3 ee
5 ;
Cmjarati ngltah Dictionary, is

Melanesian.

Michel, B. et le Cheil | Mousta Abdel
Razik, Cheikh Mohammed Abdow, 119.

Mill, L. A., British Malaya, 1824-67,

ey.

Minna, E. H., Obituary notice of E. G.
Browne, 217.

Mongolian, — 503; translation
of texta in,

Mong in Cental Asia and China, 257 ;
int derrsenet 74

Moret, A., and “a. Davy. From Tribe to

Empire, ano.

Morgenstierne, G., ne rae Liagwoster
Miarion to Afghaniata

Morse, H. B., Chrumicies a the East
India Company Trading to China,
16-184, TH.

Mostara Kias Faren, Tamfion in

coh A eahie
and

Sconces, S76.
Makanda Ganesh Mirsjkar, Samadloli
‘fild, O37,
Ma'nis ol. Abrir, of the, 424.
Murray—Jardine, G., Abridged * Swahili
Civaenntii

5 Races, vol. vii, African,

ferner, 157.

“

ee er rn ere

a a ea

Negritm, of the Malay Pesineol, 260

Newton, A. Ps Tred oat, Sreemere
eddle

INDEX ¥

O'Fennau., K., An Ol War Song of the
Bahemba, S31.
Oona, &, A Corean Vooabult it.

Ohiham, J. H., and G. A. f ck, The
International Review of Missions :
Special Afra Number, ALT.

O'Leary, De Lacy, The Phfnar of the
Copte Church, 406.

‘Omar Khayyam, 441.

Orang Utan, 7" angle tribes of the Malay
Peninsola, 200).

Oroha language, study of the, 547.

Face, W. Sctrox, Bengals Ballada, 5.
Pahlavi, Notes on the “ Assyrian Tree.

ao,
ame Buddhist terms, translation of, 20
bi, English words in, 754 ; shone:

988,
Pavry, Jal Dastur Cursetji, ae Jal
gy sigan Pavry-
invasion cf

tion in, 7

Persian literature, works by Prof, E. Gi.
Browne, 217; poetry. ‘Omar Khayyam,
433; GiniTs version of Kalila wa
Phimaa, 441,

Panorr, Liewt.-Col. D. C., Note os the
Sintical and some other Participles i
Hiedesom, 77.

Philology. ae ie egit p

ly
att

Bis:
Jahai dialect, OS;
Kodagu, 575; Marathi, 701; Pan-
jabi, 225; Portugues, 725; Prakrit,
SI: Romani, $23; Tula, g70;

Unii, 725. .
ten eaaan H. L., # Rivers, G. HL. iL.

Portacor Verdadcira « Exacta Noticsa,

faa L. De La Vallée, we La Valle
Poussin, L. de.

Prabhat Chandra Chakrararti. Limegw ater

of the Hindws, 176.
af the term, 235,

meaning
Prakrit, phonology, 315.
MJ

werion of Kalila wa [heee, 44).

Hatnikar, J. 0, oe Jaganndth Dis
Ratnirkar,

Ray, Sidney H., A Comperatire Staal y
af the Melanceian faland Languages,
aa?: Wodeterbech der Kille-Spracke,
von ©. Kevaeer, 154.

Raychaudbori, Hu, Hemacharedra
Raye hawclhuri.

[teichart, A., ancl M. —— Elementary
Kiaeaks/) Grosmor, #16.

Reviews of Rooks: 171 205 ; IT—4 10 ;
Ois—T1,; 245-001,

wc ‘Yama and Gandharva in the,

Rios, yO. Kalila wa [maa of An-Naqgdah,
“2; of Gini, 44,
Rivers, G. H. L. Pitt, The Class ey

Caliures ama the Contac! of Hares,
Rodd, Francia Rennell, People of the rail
G55.

Homani, 533,
Hosen, [or., Rube’ ig, 5

Row, Sir E. Dewteox, An "arabic amd a

Perman Metrvcal Veraicm of Aurce'«
Awtchiography from Kalila and
Dime, 441 ; . Li an
Khkawdes A kein, 5 Tit; ‘Omer A
at.

Rubs'iyyat, of *

a Kinen, 4, lenge
ree ed
a the Gnigre of Nokbpied eee 4

Raiviem, 12, 78l.

Rokei, of the Malaw Peninsala, 770.
Sekerne, BH, «+ Baburam Sakerna.
Sektibhacra. Aseury ered eae, | a

Salmony, A.. md in Sone, 1M.

Samba! pet, in the Upsets

Sampeon, J., The Dyalert of the Cypesar
af Wales, 371.

v1 INDEX

Shuttleworth, H. Lee, The Tibetan Book
of the Dead, by W. Y¥. Evans-Wentz,
B45.

Sucre, Sipsey, Noles on the “* Assyrean
Tree, 69,

Solomon Islands, Oroha language spoken
in the, S87.

S.P.C.K., Publications, 900.

Stcherbatsky, Th, The Conception of
Buddhiat Nirvana, 852; Nircina, by
L. De Loa Vallée Poussin, 357;
Théorie de la Conmaiasance ef la
Logiqwe chez les Bowddhiates tardifs,
627,

Stephens, Father Thomas, 5.J., 149.

Susa, inseriptions found at, 724.

Sushil Kumar De, ae De, 5. K.

Suto and Tato, tale of, 121.

Seapna-rdsaradatia, 282-3.

Swahili, Saga of Liongo Fumo, 247.

Syria, modern literature of, 745.

Syrian Protestant College, 750.

T
Tachibana, 8. The Ethice of Buddhism,
Takakusu, Prof., History of the Deangiwn,

bo Ls
Tamil, gender-words, 769; hymns, 761.
Tanganyika Territory. Report of the
Edueation Cormmitiee, 1925, 416.

Taxoue, J., Chansons de Pagayeurs, 827.

Tawney, C. H., The Ocean of Slory,
Penzer's edition, +41.

Taxation, in Persia, 72.

bt W. E.. Obituary notice, 0G,

Telugu, gender-words, 76.

Tercram, Tamil hymns, 761.

Tuomrsox, M. 5. H.. The Agastya Selec-
tion of Tamil Saivite Hymna, 761.

Tibetan, Daanglen, 503.

Tiling, M. von., Somali-Terte und U'nter-
suchungen cur LoutleAre, 180.

Tocharian, 160, 505.

Torday, E., Cawseries Congolaises, 101,

Toynbee, A. J., The Orthodor Patriarchate
of Jerusalem, by Sir Anton Bertram
and J. W. A. Young, 655; Surrey

ES leeatonpeptany A ffaira, 1925, vol. i, 872.

‘alo, phonology, 575.

T'ang Shu, selection from the, 97.

Turkestin, Jitaka pictures found in
Eastern, 43.

Tursen, K. nip Notes on Dandie, 533 ;
Reviews: The Dialect of the Gypaiea
of Wales, y J. ead nll S71; In-
criptions of Aéska, by

scrim bans ia, E. Hultzsch,
a2 ; Report on a Linguisitic Mission to

_ Afghanistan, by G. Mo . 367.
Tutrie, E. H., Dravidian Gender-words,
lad ; Kodagu’ peda", Tulu" pudar ",

Uln Kelantan and Ul Perak, Jobai
dialect of, 808. 3
Universite de Paris, Traraur ef Mémoires

de U' Institut d' Ethnologie, 830. _ .
Unvala, J. M., Translation of Drath :
Asurik, 60.
Upanishads, 31. aa
Urdai, 381; gender of Arabic infinitives
in, 779; particles in, 77; phanology,

Vaisnaviam, 12, 74.

Valmiki, Hdmayana, 11, 579.

Vedas, music in the, 105. 3

Vedic literature, Yama and Gandharva
legends in, 703.

Venkatarima Sarmi Sistri, Ajdmifa-

Verdaderra «¢ Exacta
Voulton, 224. Ris

Vora , Corean-Chinese-Engtish, | ;
Orohna-English, Gi,

Voulton, De, 223.

Noticia of De

Walker, R. J., Parnasews Biceps, 30),

Wiman Pandit, life and works of, 305.

Wanp, Ina C., Some Notes on the Pro-
nunciation of the Kanuri Language of
West Africa, 129.

Watteville, Mra. H. de, Gift of Japanese
books to the Library of the School of
Oriental Stucica, 679.

Wawemba ace Babomba. |

Werrven, A., The Mythology of All Races,
rol, vii, African, 187; Obituary
Notice of the Rev. W. E. Taylor, 903 ;
The Swahili Saga of Liongo Fumo, 247 ;
Reviews: The Northern Tribes of
Nigeria, by C, K. Meek, 414; Daa
Recht der Dechagga, you Enrino
Gutmann, 411; Somali-Terte, und
Untersuchungen cur Lautlehre, von M.
von Tiling, 189; Die weatlichen,
Sudaneprachen und thre Bezel
sim Bantu, von D, Westermann,

Westermann, D., Die westlichen Se
Santu, 803.

Wrsos, Sir Ansoip T., History
Mission of the Fathers 4 the
of Jeous in China and other Ki
3 East, 47; Review: 4

afernational affairs, 1925, vol. |
A. J. Toynbee, 87

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