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The Mayor of Montrose

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In Montrose, there's no holiday that can't be celebrated in a pair of tight white briefs. Tonight it's Easter, and the go-go boys in bunny ears, white sneakers, and cottontails pinned to their underwear are exiting the stage at JR's Bar & Grill. It's last call at Houston's most popular gay bar, owned by Houston's most famous employer in the lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender (LGBT) community: Charles Armstrong.

As the bar closes, the side door swings open. Out files the entire staff of JR's, brooms and dustbins in hand. Their day isn't over yet. It's the beginning of the mandatory nightly neighborhood cleanup, where they sweep the wide swath of Montrose that Armstrong owns until it's spotless. Much of Pacific Street belongs to Armstrong, including three clubs next door to one another. (His fourth club, Meteor, is only a bus ride away on Armstrong's direct shuttle.) Onlookers giggle: "You're doing a good job; you can come to my house!" someone mocks from the street. Another man says he thinks it's cute that they're recycling. The men keep sweeping.

These are the Charles Armstrong boys, fiercely loyal to the boss they serve. Over decades, 57-year-old Armstrong has built an empire of four of the most successful clubs in Houston's gay scene. Though he's rarely spotted inside his bars, many people have seen him feeding the feral cats that roam his property. There's no mistaking Armstrong. With immaculate wavy brown hair and a perfectly trimmed matching mustache, he's utterly distinguishable.

Armstrong doesn't want to be the subject of a story. "Now if you want to write an article," he says over the phone in his assured, booming voice that practically drips italics, "here's a good one for you." A dramatic pause. "What in the hell is killing the palm trees in Houston?" Armstrong says he's losing some of the $20,000 palms that surround his clubs to airborne bacteria, an issue he believes has mass appeal. "A lot of people would love to read more about something like that," he says.

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After finally tabling the tree fungus, Armstrong goes back and forth on whether or not he will answer questions. Skeptically, he agrees to an in-person interview. This changes in the following days. After consulting his attorneys, he decides he will only respond to questions via e-mail. ("'You're the millionaire!" Armstrong says his lawyers warned him. "They all want to bring you down!'") Still, he answers questions over the phone again and again — sometimes warily, usually charmingly, and often in the third person. He insists, however, that he not be photographed. Charles Armstrong is a private person.

Armstrong isn't here tonight, but his employees don't need to be reminded of the schedule. Most have closed the same way for years. As cigarette butts disappear into dustbins, stray cats start to wander into the parking lot, right on time. Three cats walk to the back door of the bar and sit in a straight line, waiting. Others perch on JR's parking barriers or lie on their sides.

They're here for dinner, which is diligently delivered each night by the staff at Armstrong's orders. Piles of wet and dry food will soon be spread out around the lot. Armstrong tries to be cagey when speaking about feeding the cats, saying he shouldn't talk about them since "some people just hate cats." But he can't seem to help himself. "I like to think they're going to Luby's," Armstrong says. His smile is almost audible from the other end of the phone line. "They get a choice." Armstrong always sets out a buffet of poultry, beef and seafood. "How heartbroken would you be if you got to Luby's and all they had was fish, and you hated fish?"

Some people in the neighborhood think the world of Charles Armstrong. Some wish he'd get "clawed to sh#t by one of his many feral cats," if Facebook wall posts are to be believed. Regardless, Armstrong's clout has kept employees sweeping the streets and feeding the neighborhood cats for decades. Though opinions on the man vary, one thing's undisputed. From happy hour on, Armstrong is the most powerful man in the neighborhood.

But that might be changing. With the huge success of a brand-new gay bar in town, F Bar, some of Armstrong's staff has quit to work for his adversary. Armstrong has a soft spot for kittens — not, however, for disloyal employees. Their two weeks' notices have been greeted with lifetime bans from all of his bars, or worse. Then again, mutiny against the Mayor of Montrose was never expected to come without a few casualties.
_____________________

Montrose wasn't always Houston's gay Mecca. LGBT activist and longtime Montrose resident Ray Hill, 70, says that before 1970, the gay population and its bars were spread out across downtown and Midtown. After the bars closed, however, there weren't many places to hang out where gays wouldn't be harassed. Hill and others found a welcoming 24-hour restaurant in Montrose, Art Wren's. "Since we were going to go there after the bars closed, people looked around and said, 'You know, this Montrose neighborhood's a nice place,'" Hill says. At the time, Montrose belonged to widows and empty nesters. The gays moved into their vacant garage apartments and redecorated the neighborhood, helping the elderly widows with the upkeep of their historic homes. "We became the gentrifying generation," Hill says. Gay bars began to spring up.

Come 1985, gay Montrose was booming. Gays made up only about 19 percent of Montrose's population, Hill estimated, but the flavor and politics of the neighborhood were distinctly rainbow. That's when 32-year-old Charles Armstrong blew into town, nightclubs in tow. Rumors abound about how Armstrong managed to get control of three bars at so young an age, with so little income. Armstrong's version is that he had worked under a successful gay nightclub operator in Dallas as general manager of Texas operations, and he purchased the three bars located in Houston from his boss by selling his countertop vending machine business. The bars were an instant hit. JR's Bar & Grill, Montrose Mining Company and Heaven (now South Beach) soon turned Armstrong into Houston's largest employer of the gay population. In 2004, he added another club, Meteor, to his portfolio.

When Armstrong discusses his businesses, he never compares them to neighboring bars, whose existence he rarely acknowledges. Instead, he always likens them to Neiman Marcus, and sometimes Bank of America.

"There's three things in my employee handbook that I request of every employee, as well as for myself, and that's honesty, loyalty and professionalism," he says. "Those are three virtues that I just demand." From the start of Armstrong's reign, signing up with him was a marriage-like agreement, whereby employees swore to forsake all others. Whenever a new gay bar popped up, his employees were forbidden to go.

Most bars never lasted for long competing against Armstrong. He ran the only businesses in town that guaranteed a fat wad of cash at the end of the night. It was a good reason for employees to keep staying out of other bars. "I think people would rather work for a strong leader than a weakling," Armstrong says. "You might resent that strength...but you respect it."

In the late '80s, AIDS began to decimate the population of Montrose. People stopped coming to the neighborhood to eat out of fear they would catch something from gay waiters. Funeral homes didn't want to take the bodies of dead men. In response to the health crisis, Armstrong set up a fund-raiser to help his employees defray the cost of medical care. Staff performed in drag shows at the bars, and all proceeds went into a pot of money called the Employee Emergency Fund. Armstrong would give out money from the fund to help a sick employee buy groceries, pay rent, or afford hospital bills. Beneficiaries were expected to pay the money back. "It was a bridge to transition someone into getting their health restored," Armstrong says. "That way it'll be there for someone else." More often than not, Armstrong says, employees didn't live long enough to pay it back.

George Konar, 56, is tall with snowy hair and green eyes. He worked for Armstrong for 23 years, and he's a self-described blabbermouth. If there's anyone who could dish on Armstrong, it's him. But he says he owes Armstrong his life.

Konar remembers the dark days when men living in the 77006 couldn't get health insurance without taking a blood test. A positive test for AIDS meant no coverage. Armstrong signed up for expensive high-risk health insurance, which covered his full-time employees regardless of their AIDS status. He paid half, and the employees paid the other half. "If you had insurance, you lived. If you didn't, you died," Konar says. "We were lucky — we worked for Charles, and we lived."

As AIDS tore through the neighborhood, the gay community flocked to the nightclubs for a reprieve from sickness and death. But even there, they weren't safe. In 1991, a young gay man named Paul Broussard and two friends were stopped by a car full of high school kids from The Woodlands. The boys asked for directions to Heaven, Armstrong's nightclub. When Broussard told them how to get there, the boys jumped out of the car and chased the men with knives and nail-studded planks. His friends got away, but Broussard was attacked. Hours later at the hospital, he died.

The gay community rallied around Broussard's murder, and Armstrong was a key player in getting the city to pay attention, says Konar. "It's one thing for a bunch of gays to march, but if you don't know who to call and why we're marching, it's just a parade," he says. "Charles was the one who was able to get all the right people to stand up." This summer will be the 20th anniversary of Broussard's death, and Armstrong is organizing a memorial for victims of bullying and hate crimes on one of his vacant lots.

Konar is now a bar owner himself. In 2006, he opened George's Country Sports Bar. It's a rose-lit club tucked away on Fairview, a few blocks off the main Armstrong drag of Pacific Street. Come happy hour on any given day of the week, every leather barstool is filled with men watching either the Barefoot Contessa or an Astros game. Sketches of shirtless cowboys adorn the walls, along with flyers promoting free HIV and syphilis testing on Monday nights. The bartender, a beefy man with two diamond hoops in each ear, slings drinks at full force. He returns a "How are ya, Leon?" with a loud "Better than a hand job, baby!"

Starting a new gay bar would normally be an unforgivable breach of loyalty in Armstrong's handbook, but since George's caters to a crowd Armstrong didn't target, Armstrong approved. "Charles thought gays don't like sports," Konar explains. "He didn't think that's where the money is." The two parted with a handshake and a kiss, and Konar credits Armstrong with teaching him everything he knows about the bar business. This month for the first time, George's liquor sales exceeded those of both South Beach and Meteor, per Texas Alcoholic Beverage Commission records. "Bless his heart," Armstrong says. "I wish all my employees went on to become millionaires."

Many others left on a sourer note. David Williamson, who's 48 ("But with gay people, it's like a million," he says), spent ten years working at the Montrose Mining Company. Williamson, along with many other ex-employees, says that at the end of the night, bartenders had to turn in a certain number of "spilled drink" tickets, whether the drinks had been wasted or not. A bartender was required to report that they had spilled three beers and three liquor drinks, Williamson says. At the end of the month, the manager would count the tickets. If the numbers didn't add up, they would add more, he says. "We'd have meetings where we'd have to make up a month's worth of waste tickets," Williamson says.

Armstrong claims he didn't know about this policy, and says it must come from his managers. But he called it logical, saying that bartenders rarely record spilled or botched drinks. "In the heat of the battle, it's a way of tracking their spills and wastes and accounting for that," he says. "It's probably a fraction of what happens through the night."

One day last year, Williamson was asked to leave when he received a write-up that said he had overpoured a month previous. "It's really hard to defend yourself against something that happened that wasn't mentioned a month ago," he says. Williamson says he was told that they would accept his resignation, effective immediately. He was banned from all of Armstrong's clubs for a month — standard procedure whenever an employee quits or is fired, according to Armstrong.

Six months before he quit, Williamson had written Armstrong a letter asking for a loan from the Employee Emergency Fund. Williamson, who describes himself as "immune-compromised," had just been in a car wreck. He says he needed funds to repair his car so that he could make frequent doctor's appointments. Williamson's request was denied because of lack of funds, he says he was told. "It kind of confused me, because it's money we supposedly raised for us," he says. Since all loans given from the fund were expected to be paid back — except in the case of death — Williamson still doesn't know why he was denied. "I worked hard for Charles for ten years, and he was not there for me when I needed him the most."

Armstrong says that he receives too many requests to accommodate everyone, and that his employees often loosely construe the word "emergency." "It's for a medical emergency," he says, didactically, "not a personal emergency." Last year, Armstrong gave a portion of the fund to an employee who lost part of his leg. "These are the types of expenses in which funds have been made available," he wrote in an e-mail. Armstrong says that there is currently a balance of $13,000 in the emergency account.

When Williamson left, he wasn't able to find a job in a non-Armstrong bar. He may have had better luck trying today. Many of Armstrong's ex-employees have found employment at F Bar, the new gay bar steps from Meteor. Twenty-eight-year-old Benjamin Lewis worked for Armstrong for five years as a barback, floor man and manager. He lived in an apartment owned by Armstrong that was close to the bars and a popular living choice among employees. When the general manager at Meteor quit to manage F Bar, Lewis decided to follow. "It was time for our community to have something nice that wasn't owned as a monopoly," Lewis says. After quitting, Lewis found out he was banned for life from all Armstrong bars. Then an eviction notice was slipped under his door. He had 30 days to get out.

Says Armstrong: "It's perfectly anyone's right in America or Texas as a property owner to evict someone. Ex-employee? Adios."

Lifelong bans and evictions aren't Armstrong's typical parting gifts to employees who leave. The defection to F Bar is personal, says Armstrong. F Bar's owner is Irwin Palchick, a longtime Houston resident and storied entrepreneur. Neither man likes the other, and both hint at dark secrets in each other's past. Palchick is permanently banned from all of Armstrong's clubs.

Though the flight of some of his best employees came as a shock to Armstrong, the opening of F Bar didn't. "Irv pops up every decade like a horror film," he says. "Like Freddy and Jason, he keeps coming back." Laughing at his turn of phrase, Armstrong adds, "You can put that one on the record."
_____________________

The sweat from damp, grinding clubgoers hasn't yet seeped into F Bar. Instead, the bar still smells as fresh as the grand opening of an art museum. Crystal chandeliers and marble columns accent the interior, and every surface is lacquered with glossy black paint. It's the kind of place that immediately makes you feel underdressed.

Irwin Palchick is sitting in his office at the back of his club. A 63-year-old, heavyset man with fluffy silver hair, Palchick is wearing a gold watch and thick tortoiseshell glasses. He's also wearing khaki shorts, a detail that concerns him when I take his photograph. Palchick demands to see the photos, and he shoots down the first four with a curt "no." He instructs me to publish the fifth one, a headshot. "Don't make a mistake," he says flatly.

F Bar was dreamed up while Palchick and his 33-year-old partner were traveling in Asia. Palchick came across a lounge called Fashion Bar, which was full of dark leather, chandeliers and elegance. "I said, 'Wouldn't this be nice to have in Houston instead of just the sterile-type clubs?'" says Palchick. Three years later, F Bar arrived.

"I'm not competing with Charles," he says. "We're doing our own thing here. I have a great staff...we have about 60 years' experience between us."

Earlier, a doorman at F Bar estimated that ten out of their 16 employees came from Armstrong bars.

Palchick won't say how he funded F Bar, but notes that he owns a successful beauty-supply business. The last club he owned was called Sazarac Celebrity Grille, in 1992, and he says that he's always wanted another.

A man named David Nastasi says he remembers Sazarac Celebrity Grille well. He lent Palchick about $20,000 to start it, he says. He also says he recalls seeing the door padlocked half a year later. "He paid none of his employees," Nastasi says. "They were working on promises." Nastasi alerted his attorney that he was going to sue Palchick for the money he was owed, and the attorney collected bounced paychecks from employees as part of his investigation. Copies of the checks are all stamped with "funds unavailable." According to an investigation by the Texas Employment Commission, Palchick was ordered to pay one of his employees, Zera Harmon, $340 in unpaid wages.

A few years later in December 1997, Palchick pleaded guilty to the misdemeanor charge of insurance fraud, paid a $1,000 fine and received deferred adjudication. Palchick served 18 months on probation, and the charge was subsequently dropped.

Palchick declines comment on his past.

The next business day, Palchick calls the Houston Press repeatedly, claiming that his "competitor" Charles Armstrong had set us up to write a negative story about Palchick. "Charles is after me," he says. "He's mad; we've taken some of his business, but not intentionally. We've just opened our club wanting to do something nice for the gay, lesbian, black, transgender community."

(No word on the apparently neglected bisexual community.)

Though Palchick may be shaky on what the acronym stands for, Palchick says that of all the LGBT bars in Houston, F Bar is currently number one. At press time, F Bar's tax records were not available on TABC's database.

George Konar thinks F Bar's success is only momentary. "I wouldn't trust that owner with used toilet paper," he says. "In my opinion, he's nothing more than a con artist." Konar isn't surprised that the club is so popular. "The gay community is the type of community that if they want something brand-new, they want it today. They want it right now, they want it all pretty, and it must be the most spectacular thing in the world," he says. That's F Bar today, Konar says. "But in two years? They'll say, 'Big deal. What has F Bar put back into the community?'"
_____________________

It's 4 p.m., and Mike Kumaus is standing alone behind the bar at Meteor. It's his last night, and the club is dead; he hasn't poured a drink in more than an hour. Kumaus, a dark-eyed, handsome man in an Oscar the Grouch baseball cap, is growing out what he calls his "playoff beard." Until he quits work, he won't shave.

It's probably his last scraggly day, Kumaus thinks. He used to have a lot of regulars. Now, he says, they've all migrated down the street to F Bar, along with much of the Meteor staff.

Since the opening of F Bar, every Armstrong bar has dropped in sales, according to TABC liquor tax records. But none has been hit harder than Meteor, F Bar's neighbor and direct competition. TABC numbers released at the end of January show that Meteor paid $12,578 in liquor taxes, placing it among the top five most profitable gay bars in Houston. The most recent records, released at the end of April after the opening of F Bar, show that business has dropped almost by half, to $6,742.

F Bar isn't entirely to blame — or credit, depending on who you ask — for Armstrong's wounded sales. As more gay people move to the Heights and the suburbs, the gay scene is decentralizing, says Hill. He estimated that the gay population of Montrose is now less than 8 percent. Fewer and fewer gay people are coming into Montrose to party. "Gay bars used to be places where we had to go to get refuge because we were not welcome anywhere else," he says. "Well, guess what? There's nowhere we're not welcome anymore."

A man strolls into Meteor and takes a seat at the bar. It's Kumaus's attorney and friend, Phillip Slaughter. "Been meaning to talk to you," Kumaus says with a smile. "Not gonna work here anymore."

"Where you going?" Slaughter asks.

"Probably down the street," Kumaus says. Tonight's the night. "I'm going to walk over there and say, 'Let's fill out a new-hire packet.'"

"Nice, because I'll probably be over there," Slaughter says, laughing. "I just stopped in to say hey."

They both know that if Kumaus quits, it will be his last night inside an Armstrong establishment. At the moment, neither seems to care much. "You can only ban people for life for so long until no one is allowed to come to your damn bar," Slaughter says.

Not long ago, Kumaus was on the other side of the bar as a manager. His demotion, he was told, was due to lack of ability to follow instructions. Back in December, Kumaus told his bartenders not to hand in any more spill sheets. "I questioned the legality of that," he says. A few months later, around the time the spill sheets were tallied, Kumaus says he was demoted to bartender.

Kumaus says Armstrong is struggling to regain customers. Armstrong runs a shuttle from South Beach to Meteor on the weekends, carrying partygoers from one Armstrong club to another. It used to be free. But once F Bar opened, people began hopping the shuttle and walking to F Bar. Armstrong began charging $3 to ride the shuttle, in exchange for a coupon you could redeem for $3 off a drink at Meteor. Now, Kumaus says F Bar is honoring the coupons.

Kumaus pulls out his phone to log into his Meteor e-mail account. His eyebrows shoot up. "It failed," Kumaus says, surprised. News of defection spreads fast here.

Later that night after Kumaus closes the club, he appears at F Bar. Hands in pockets, his eyes glaze over. Kumaus knows he'll never set foot inside Meteor again. "I tried, I really did," he says. "I worked with the most integrity I could, and all it got me was here."
_____________________

Three limp, sagging palm trees herald the entrance of South Beach, the clubbiest of Armstrong's bars. The palms also mark the pickup spot for the Meteor shuttle. Close to midnight on a Saturday, a group of about ten men waits in line for the shuttle, which arrives about every 15 minutes. There's no line to get in the club.

Inside, South Beach is dressed to party. A mirror ball, so enormous that Armstrong had to carve out a double-door to get it into the building years ago, glitters over the club. Rows of neon laser lights flash across the faces of patrons. Ice jets suspended from the ceiling shoot a thick mist onto the dance floor, providing the perfect opportunity to get away from an unsavory dance partner. But tonight, there's hardly anybody to get away from.

On a platform, a go-go dancer in sunglasses, briefs and sneakers is staring off into the distance, absentmindedly scratching his six-pack. Nobody seems to be watching him. Throngs of the young, gay and glamorous seem to be elsewhere. "It's a different generation," says a 40-year-old clubgoer. "The kids want something new." But he knows they'll be back. "Gay people are fickle," he says.

A young man has just returned from the bathroom, excited by the announcement he found taped up by the stalls. South Beach is hiring barbacks and bartenders.
_____________________

Charles Armstrong likes to visit his empire long after the crowds have gone home. Early each morning, he can be found in latex gloves lugging a huge bag of cat food and a tarp that acts as a makeshift buffet table. A uniformed employee is always by his side.

Armstrong knows the life stories of some of the dozen cats playing nearby, cats he calls the "little angels." He points a gloved finger at a calico. "She's sick, I think, bless her heart," he says. "I've had some of her kids put down."

Sometimes people drive by and offer Armstrong money for his work feeding the cats. It always makes him laugh. "I say, 'No, trust me, I don't need money, that's very sweet.'" Later, he'll feed the birds, give peanuts to the squirrels and take a few injured cats to his private vet.

Not that he's bragging. "I'm not Mother Teresa. I've never pretended to be Mother Teresa," Armstrong says as he leans against his silver Mercedes-Benz. But Charles Armstrong knows Charles Armstrong is one of a kind. "How many wealthy people do you know going around feeding cats?"

Nearby, an employee blocks off one of Armstrong's driveways with orange cones. "Put those two on back further down," Armstrong shouts to him. Quietly and obediently, the employee moves the cones. It's 9 a.m. — his day with Armstrong has barely begun. And as long as he stays loyal, like the cats that return to Armstrong day after day, he'll be back tomorrow.

mandy.oaklander@houstonpress.com

Keep the Houston Press Free... Since we started the Houston Press, it has been defined as the free, independent voice of Houston, and we would like to keep it that way. Offering our readers free access to incisive coverage of local news, food and culture. Producing stories on everything from political scandals to the hottest new bands, with gutsy reporting, stylish writing, and staffers who've won everything from the Society of Professional Journalists' Sigma Delta Chi feature-writing award to the Casey Medal for Meritorious Journalism. But with local journalism's existence under siege and advertising revenue setbacks having a larger impact, it is important now more than ever for us to rally support behind funding our local journalism. You can help by participating in our "I Support" membership program, allowing us to keep covering Houston with no paywalls. Make a one-time donation t

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Ticked-Off Abbott Promises to Defund the Whole Legislative Branch After Dems Kill Voting Bill

Gov. Greg Abbott's legislative budget threat would affect way more people than the Democrats he's mad at.
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Keep Houston Press Free

Gov. Greg Abbott was clearly still furious Memorial Day afternoon following the death of Texas Republicans’ “election integrity” bill at the hands of Texas House Democrats late Sunday night.

Abbott was so angry that House Dems were able to block the passage of Senate Bill 7 — the controversial election reforms Republicans tried to push through following former President Donald Trump’s unfounded voter fraud claims — that he vowed Monday afternoon to use his line-item veto power over the recently-passed state budget to cut all funding for the Texas Legislature.

“No pay for those who abandon their responsibilities,” Abbott tweeted.

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In his tweet, Abbott referred to Article 10 of the new state budget, which funds not only the pay for all state lawmakers of both parties, but the salaries of thousands of support staffers — many of them who work for non-partisan offices like the Legislative Budget Board and the Legislative Reference Library — for two years starting September 1, 2021.

Abbott’s promise to cut off funding for an entire branch of the state government followed a late-night Sunday walkout from Texas House Democrats in opposition to SB 7. The Democrats' walkout prevented the House from passing both SB 7 and a bail reform bill that would have made it harder for Texans accused of violent crimes to get out of jail before going to trial, both of which Abbott had named emergency items leading up to the legislative session.

After Democrats prevented those items from passing through the House ahead of the session’s end, Abbott promised Sunday night he would summon legislators back to work for a special session to revive both measures. Abbott hasn’t announced a timeline for a special session, although lawmakers are already set to return to Austin later in the year for at least one special session to handle redistricting once the delayed U.S. Census results arrive in the fall.

Democratic state Rep. Gene Wu of Houston tweeted Monday to remind folks that since Texas’ part-time lawmakers don’t make much money to begin with, the real brunt of Abbott’s retaliatory veto would fall on the families of all the workers behind the scenes who keep the legislature running.

“This is petty and tone-deaf even for Texas," Wu wrote.

Keep the Houston Press Free... Since we started the Houston Press, it has been defined as the free, independent voice of Houston, and we would like to keep it that way. Offering our readers free access to incisive coverage of local news, food and culture. Producing stories on everything from political scandals to the hottest new bands, with gutsy reporting, stylish writing, and staffers who've won everything from the Society of Professional Journalists' Sigma Delta Chi feature-writing award to the Casey Medal for Meritorious Journalism. But with local journalism's existence under siege and advertising revenue setbacks having a larger impact, it is important now more than ever for us to rally support behind funding our local journalism. You can help by participating in our "I Support" membership program, allowing us to keep covering Houston with no paywalls. Make a one-time donation t

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Right-Wing Voting Limits Killed By Texas House Democrats

Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick ushered through the Senate a controversial slate of Republican-backed election reforms late Saturday night.EXPAND
Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick ushered through the Senate a controversial slate of Republican-backed election reforms late Saturday night.
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Keep Houston Press Free

Update 6:37 a.m.:

Texas House Democrats pulled off a major upset late Sunday night when they walked out of the Capitol just before 11 p.m. to prevent a final vote on Senate Bill 7, the controversial Republican-authored election bill.

Enough Democrats left the building that there were fewer than 100 representatives present, the minimum required to hold a vote. The walkout effort doomed SB 7’s chances of passing before the end of the legislative session Monday night, as the House needed to approve the bill’s final language by midnight Sunday.

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In response, Gov. Greg Abbott issued a statement vowing that he would call a special session of the legislature to push for “election integrity” legislation and to revive a bail reform measure that would make it harder for people accused of violent crimes to get out of jail before trial.

“Ensuring the integrity of our elections and reforming a broken bail system remain emergencies in Texas,” Abbott wrote. “They will be added to the special session agenda. Legislators will be expected to have worked out the details when they arrive at the Capitol for the special session.”

While the Texas House Republican Caucus in a statement said Democratic state representatives “quit on their constituents” and “quit on Texas,” progressives and voting rights advocates celebrated the walkout effort for killing what they considered an attack on Texans’ civil rights inspired by unfounded Republican claims of widespread fraud after former President Donald Trump lost his reelection bid last year.

“One of the ugliest anti-voter bills in the country died today in the 2021 Texas Legislature,” said Sarah Labowitz, policy and advocacy director of the American Civil Liberties Union of Texas. “Democratic lawmakers broke quorum in a courageous move that shows just how hard Texans will fight to protect their constitutional right to vote.”

Democratic state Rep. Chris Turner (Grand Prairie), the House Democratic Caucus Chair who engineered the walkout, said Sunday night that the Dems originally planned to try and block SB 7 with lengthy speeches and procedural moves, but changed course when Republicans attempted to prematurely end the debate on the House floor to force a vote.

“At that point, we had no choice but to take extraordinary measures to protect our constituents and their right to vote,” Turner said. “Republicans have only themselves to blame for the way this Session is ending.”

Earlier Sunday night before state House Democrats left the building, the House signed off on the major electric grid reform bill Senate Bill 3, the final step needed to send it to Abbott’s desk for his approval. If signed into law by Abbott as expected, the bill would create a new statewide emergency alert system for weather-related disasters, and would require power generators and electric line operators to weatherize their equipment and facilities to prevent them from failing in ultra-cold weather.

The House’s version of SB 3 would have placed stricter weatherization requirements on natural gas producers, but the final compromise version of the bill softened those rules to only apply to gas producers state regulators consider critical infrastructure. The bill’s final form also doesn’t include any new state funding source to help energy producers and electricity transmission utilities to pay for the changes needed to prepare for extreme weather.


Original Story:

Instead of enjoying Memorial Day weekend, Texas lawmakers have been working through the night in a sprint to push forward several big-ticket bills before the legally-mandated closing time of the 2021 legislative session at 11:59 p.m. Monday.

Most notably, the Republican-majority Legislature is still on track to send a sweeping set of election reforms to Gov. Greg Abbott for his signature, new limits conservatives argue are needed to ensure the integrity of voting in Texas but that Democrats —- including President Joe Biden — claim are a thinly-veiled attempt to make it harder for people to vote to boost Republicans’ own chances in future elections.

While lawmakers on Sunday were still discussing the final versions of bills to reform the state’s electricity system in case of future winter storms and to limit the Texas governor’s powers in a future pandemic, state Republicans managed before the weekend to muscle-through a bill that would limit what Texas educators can teach public school students about race and racism, which Democrats claim would amount to a state-mandated whitewashing of American history.

These frenzied final days of the legislative calendar have capped off one of the most conservative Texas Legislature sessions in recent memory, as indignant Democrats have been unable to stop their Republican counterparts from passing right-wing legislation to get rid of permit requirements for carrying handguns and to effectively ban abortions after six weeks.

Republican lawmakers on Saturday began debating the final language of Senate Bill 7 — the controversial slate of changes to Texas election law Democrats have blasted as unwarranted voting restrictions — after days of negotiation among the bill’s conference committee, a small group of state senators and representatives who worked in private to settle on a compromise after the House and Senate initially passed different versions of the bill.

Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick’s Texas Senate voted to approve the final version of SB 7 early Sunday morning, after an all-night debate and outrage from Democrats that followed a move from Republican state Sen. Bryan Hughes — the bill’s author — to disregard a Senate rule that would have delayed a vote until Sunday afternoon. The irony of how Republicans pushed for a late-night debate wasn’t lost on many SB 7 critics on social media given how the bill would force all state polling places to close by 9 p.m. if passed into law.

The Texas House is expected to vote on the bill late Sunday, the last hurdle it faces before it can head to Abbott’s desk. While House Democrats will likely try to stall that process through procedural wrangling, the chamber’s healthy Republican majority means an eventual rubber-stamp from the House is extremely likely.

Texas’ so-called “election integrity” bill follows similar legislation limiting voting passed this year in GOP-led states Florida and Georgia. All of those new restrictions were enacted in the wake of former President Donald Trump’s repeated, unfounded claims that fraud cost him the 2020 presidential election. Even though there was no significant voter fraud in Texas during 2020’s election, Abbott named reforming the state’s election laws one of his top priorities ahead of the session.

The final version of SB 7 includes bans on drive-thru voting and 24-hour voting, two innovations implemented by Harris County Democrats last year that had been stripped out of the version of the bill passed in the House. The revised bill would make it a felony for election officials to send out unsolicited mail-in ballot applications (as former Harris County Clerk Chris Hollins attempted to do), and would ban mail-in ballot drop boxes altogether. It also includes new voting hours restrictions and drastic changes to state rules on when elections can be overturned that weren’t originally included in either the Senate or the House’s original language on the bills.

The conference committee added language to SB 7 that says early voting on Sundays can’t begin until 1 p.m., which Hughes said was meant to give poll workers time to go to church. But enraged Democrats like state Sen. Royce West, who is Black, claimed it would unfairly impact the “Souls to the Polls” tradition of rallying Black parishioners to vote after Sunday service.

Other last-minute changes added language that would lower the bar for overturning a future election in Texas, including downgrading the burden of proof for demonstrating voter fraud from “clear and convincing evidence” down to a “preponderance of evidence.”

If approved, SB 7 would also allow a court to overturn an election if the number of votes illegally cast in the election is equal to or greater than the number of votes necessary to change the election’s outcome, but wouldn’t even require the court to figure out who those fraudulent votes had been cast for to nullify the results.

Biden joined Texas Democrats in decrying SB 7 over the weekend, calling the bill an attack on “the sacred right to vote” that’s “part of an assault on democracy that we’ve seen far too often this year — and often disproportionately targeting Black and brown Americans.”

“It’s wrong and un-American,” Biden said of SB 7 in a statement. “In the 21st century, we should be making it easier, not harder, for every eligible voter to vote.’

The conference committee did nix two provisions that Democrats railed against in previous versions of SB 7 that would have allowed partisan poll-watchers to videotape voters they worried were committing fraud, and that would have redistributed the locations of polling places to take voting centers away from highly-populated urban areas with lots of Democratic-leaning minority voters in the state’s largest counties.

Still, Houston area officials remained outraged about the bill’s final form Saturday. Harris County Judge Lina Hidalgo tweeted that the newly-constructed SB 7 is “gut wrenching” and is “worse than the original bills.” Houston Mayor Sylvester Turner agreed in a tweet of his own, writing that the bill was “Undemocratic and should be roundly denounced.”

Moving less quickly is Senate Bill 3, the last big-ticket bill on reforming the state’s electricity system after February’s deadly winter storm that could still get passed before session’s end.

SB 3 would make it mandatory for companies that generate electricity and those that operate the state’s power lines to weatherize their equipment and facilities so they wouldn’t be crippled by a future winter storm. It would also create a statewide emergency alert system that could zap a message to every cell phone in Texas like an Amber Alert.

Just like with SB 7, there were some key differences in the versions of the winter storm response bill passed by the Senate and House. For starters, the Senate’s version would add fees for wind and solar energy companies on account of how they aren’t able to produce as much power when there’s extremely cold weather, a move pushed for by fossil fuel advocates frustrated about what they consider unfair federal subsidies for renewable energy.

The House version of SB 3 wouldn’t penalize renewable energy providers, and unlike the Senate’s version, would place stricter requirements on natural gas facilities, many of which failed during the winter storm. It would also require natural gas facilities to register ahead of time to be considered critical infrastructure to make sure their own electricity doesn’t go out during a disaster, similar to how essential services like hospitals are protected.

Thanks to those differences, another conference committee is currently working on negotiating a final version of SB 3 and hadn’t revealed its finished product to lawmakers as of Sunday afternoon.

Another major bill yet to be passed is House Bill 3, which would change the rules for how the state responds to future pandemics. Written in response to criticism of how Abbott dictated Texas’ pandemic policies through executive orders since COVID-19 hit during a legislative off-year, HB 3 would give state lawmakers more power during disease outbreaks and would limit local officials from issuing sweeping public health mandates.

Under HB 3, the governor would still be allowed to declare a statewide emergency, close businesses and issue mask-wearing requirements in the event of another pandemic, but would need to get the approval of a new 12-member committee of state senators and representatives led by the lieutenant governor and the Speaker of the Texas House to extend those orders longer than 30 days.

If a disaster declaration has been in place for 90 days, HB 3 would then require the governor to immediately call for a special session of the Legislature. State lawmakers would then have the power to pull-back or extend any pandemic-related disaster orders. The bill would also prevent local officials like mayors and county judges from shutting down businesses or issuing any orders that conflict with state guidelines.

While Abbot had signaled his openness to sign a law limiting his own powers, it looks like he might not get the chance; The pandemic response powers bill was sent to a conference committee for final deliberations on Friday, but according to Dallas Morning News’ Allie Morris, the committee “could not come to agreement” on a compromise. “There is no conference committee report filed, meaning it is effectively dead,” she wrote Sunday afternoon.

Before all the hoopla over the weekend, state Senate Republicans on Friday successfully pushed through House Bill 3979, which would effectively ban teachers from discussing what conservatives call “critical race theory,” or the idea that racism isn’t just the actions of bigoted individuals but is embedded in modern society and can be unconsciously perpetuated by people and governments.

The measure appeared dead Friday evening after Democratic state Rep. James Talarico scuttled the Senate’s amended version on technical grounds. But hours later, Patrick’s Senate brought the bill back up for discussion, stripped off all of the Senate amendments that made the bill differ from the House’s original legislation, and approved the pared-down version of the bill to match what the House originally voted on.

The critical race theory bill’s Republican supporters argued it was headed to Abbott’s desk since the Senate did ultimately approve the version of the bill that the House had approved before all of Friday’s procedural shenanigans, but as of Sunday afternoon it was unclear whether or not the House would end up voting again on the bill thanks to the strange way it was passed.

There’s always the chance for any of these bills that end up getting derailed last-second before Monday night’s deadline to be revived in a follow-up special legislative session if Abbott uses his executive powers to force lawmakers to stay in town overtime. Patrick already requested last week that Abbott call a June special session to take up conservative Senate bills killed by the House over transgender athletes and alleged social media censorship of Republicans, but Abbott called that request “pretty goofy” on Thursday.

Abbott clearly didn’t want to submit to Patrick’s request while this session’s clock was still ticking. But if state House Democrats pull off some procedural magic and somehow block the election integrity bill from advancing before the deadline, or if the electric grid reform package doesn’t make it through in time, Abbott may be more inclined to call for an immediate special session.

Even if Abbott doesn’t call for legislative overtime in the summer, there’s all but guaranteed to be a special session in the fall to cover legislative redistricting thanks to the fact that the 2020 U.S. Census results needed to draw new electoral maps won’t be in until September due to the pandemic. So while the legislative calendar technically ends tonight, we could still be in for plenty of bombshells from Austin in the months ahead.

Keep the Houston Press Free... Since we started the Houston Press, it has been defined as the free, independent voice of Houston, and we would like to keep it that way. Offering our readers free access to incisive coverage of local news, food and culture. Producing stories on everything from political scandals to the hottest new bands, with gutsy reporting, stylish writing, and staffers who've won everything from the Society of Professional Journalists' Sigma Delta Chi feature-writing award to the Casey Medal for Meritorious Journalism. But with local journalism's existence under siege and advertising revenue setbacks having a larger impact, it is important now more than ever for us to rally support behind funding our local journalism. You can help by participating in our "I Support" membership program, allowing us to keep covering Houston with no paywalls. Make a one-time donation t

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From Sunday Morning Booze To Backing The Blue, Texas Lawmakers Hustled In Session's Final Days

Even though Houston never said it was going to defund police, Gov. Abbott thought it was crucial to pass a bill that would punish cities that did so.
Even though Houston never said it was going to defund police, Gov. Abbott thought it was crucial to pass a bill that would punish cities that did so.
Photo by Zach Despart
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All the commotion over Texas Republicans’ failed attempt to push through new voting restrictions in the dying days of the 2021 state legislative session was all most Austin-watchers could talk about through Memorial Day weekend. But the high-profile scuttling of Senate Bill 7 at the hands of Texas Democrats who walked off the job in protest overshadowed plenty of bills the Legislature did actually manage to get approved in the final week of Austin lawmaking (ahead of an impending special session, that is).

Joining the conservative bills banning abortions after six weeks and allowing permitless carry of handguns that passed in weeks prior, Republican lawmakers in the state House and Senate approved several other bills on red-meat, right-wing priorities during the last week of the session.

Two of those bills will make it tougher for Texas cities to cut local law enforcement budgets or reallocate funding away from police to other city services. One of them, House Bill 1900, freezes the property tax revenues for cities with more than 250,000 people that defund their police forces. It also blocks those cities from annexing nearby areas for ten years post-defunding, and allows the state to withhold those cities’ sales taxes for a special Texas Department of Public Safety fund “to pay for the cost of state resources used to protect residents of a defunded municipality.”

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The other police funding bill, Senate Bill 23, would freeze the property tax revenues of counties with more than one million residents if those county governments reduce law enforcement budgets without getting approval from county voters.

Gov. Greg Abbott signed those two bills into law Tuesday, thanking the state lawmakers who supported them “for making sure Texas remains a law-and-order state.”

“Efforts to defund the police are downright dangerous, and these laws will prevent cities from making this reckless decision,” Abbott said during the bill signing ceremony.

Abbott announced back in February that preventing Texas cities from defunding police was one of his “emergency items” for the session. While the Austin City Council’s decision to shift some police funding to other agencies in late 2020 sent blue-backing Republicans into a frenzy, other major Texas cities like Houston and Dallas never planned to follow Austin’s lead, and state Democrats denied that their party was pushing for any sort of mass police defunding.

Other bits of right-wing legislation whose recent passage got lost in the shuffle include a bill banning any government official from closing places of worship during future disasters (including deadly pandemics), and a “trigger-law” that would immediately ban abortion outright in Texas in if the U.S. Supreme Court overturns Roe v. Wade.

And while several conservative bills Lt. Gov. Dan Patrick named as his top priorities ultimately died in the House — like the one targeting transgender girls who want to play girls sports and another that would have banned social media companies from blocking Texans for right-wing views — he did succeed in pushing through Senate Bill 4, which requires any pro sports team in Texas that gets funding from the state to play the national anthem before games.

A handful of other bills passed by the Legislature’s Republican majorities in the House and Senate cut some antiquated booze regulations and extended health benefits for poor moms and would-be medical marijuana patients, just not to the extent many folks had hoped for.

Take House Bill 1518, which will get rid of Texas’ ban on buying beer and wine before noon on Sundays. On its face, that’s sure to thrill any Texan who’s forgetfully tried to throw in a six-pack or a bottle of chardonnay with their Sunday morning grocery haul. But ultra-early birds would still be barred from making those purchases, as the bill would still prohibit booze sales before 10 a.m. on the Lord’s Day.

Then there’s House Bill 133, the bipartisan-backed legislation to expand post-birth health coverage for low-income Texas moms through Medicaid. Currently, Texas moms on Medicaid have their pregnancy-related medical costs covered for two months after delivering a child, but the final version of HB 133 expands that coverage to last a full six months post-pregnancy.

It’s a significant extension, but the House’s original version of the bill — which was supported by several Republicans including Speaker Dade Phelan — would have extended the Medicaid benefit to last 12 months after birth. The state Senate thought an extension that long would potentially be too expensive, so six months was the compromise the two chambers reached.

The Legislature also expanded the state’s medical marijuana program, albeit not as significantly as marijuana advocates wanted. Passed by both the House and Senate last week, House Bill 1535 will let Texans with post-traumatic stress disorder and cancer access legal marijuana prescribed by a doctor if signed into law.

Jax Finkel, executive director of Texas’ branch of the National Organization for the Reform of Marijuana Laws, was glad to see the legislature allow those two groups to use marijuana to treat their conditions, but was frustrated that the Senate refused to accept the House bill’s inclusion of chronic pain sufferers who might otherwise need opiates for their conditions as another group who could access legal weed.

She was also less than thrilled that instead of bumping up the legally allowed concentration of THC (the psychoactive chemical in marijuana) in Texan medical pot from 0.5 percent to 5 percent as the House originally advocated, the Senate only approved increasing the allowed THC concentration to 1 percent.

“While these are extremely important changes, Texas NORML is saddened to see such integral elements removed from the legislation by the Senate,” Finkel said in a statement, “such as the addition of chronic pain as a qualifying condition, the ability for a review board to approve new qualifying conditions, as well as a new THC cap of 5 percent.”

The Lege also passed two largely unheralded bills covering rural internet service and Gulf Coast hurricane preparedness that both got widespread bipartisan support just before the session’s end. House Bill 5 will create a new state office to increase access to broadband internet in underserved corners of Texas and to entice companies to build out broadband infrastructure with low-interest loans and grants.

Senate Bill 1160 will create the Gulf Coast Protection District, a new government entity covering coastal counties that will be able to raise money for the “Ike Dike” storm surge barrier through bonds, taxes and other fees (with voter approval). That new entity would also be able to manage any federal funds Congress might provide for the project in a future infrastructure spending bill, which should hopefully help speed that hurricane defense effort along once the Army Corps of Engineers publishes a report on the project in a few months.

Abbott has already vowed to call the Legislature back into town at an unspecified future date. The governor gets to call the shots about what lawmakers can work on in an overtime special session, and he’s already named “election integrity” and bail bond reform as his two top priorities.

He could also throw in more common sense initiatives that could garner bipartisan support such as the broadband access and the Ike Dike management bills, but given how furious Abbott is that Democrats killed the GOP voting bill, progressives and moderates probably shouldn’t get their hopes up.

Keep the Houston Press Free... Since we started the Houston Press, it has been defined as the free, independent voice of Houston, and we would like to keep it that way. Offering our readers free access to incisive coverage of local news, food and culture. Producing stories on everything from political scandals to the hottest new bands, with gutsy reporting, stylish writing, and staffers who've won everything from the Society of Professional Journalists' Sigma Delta Chi feature-writing award to the Casey Medal for Meritorious Journalism. But with local journalism's existence under siege and advertising revenue setbacks having a larger impact, it is important now more than ever for us to rally support behind funding our local journalism. You can help by participating in our "I Support" membership program, allowing us to keep covering Houston with no paywalls. Make a one-time donation t

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| Weather |

Thousands Across Greater Houston Without Power As Thunderstorms Continue

CenterPoint Energy's outage tracker showed over 10,000 locals didn't have power Thursday due to widespread thunderstorms.
CenterPoint Energy's outage tracker showed over 10,000 locals didn't have power Thursday due to widespread thunderstorms.
Screenshot
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Keep Houston Press Free

As nasty weather kept blowing in over Houston and surrounding areas, thousands of local residents had lost power to their homes as of Thursday afternoon.

According to CenterPoint Energy’s local outage tracker, 10,426 electricity customers were powerless across the greater Houston region as of 2:33 p.m. Thursday.

By 2:53 p.m. the number of local outages had dropped down to 7,614, but those residents who still have their lights on should be aware that local weather forecasts predict more potentially troublesome thunderstorms will be descending on our region throughout Thursday evening and over the next several days.

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Customers who called the CenterPoint customer support and outage report hotline Thursday afternoon were greeted with a message that high call volumes meant they might not be able to get through to support staff.

CenterPoint spokeswoman Alejandra Diaz told the Houston Press that “the greater Houston area continues to be impacted by storms,” and that “CenterPoint Energy employees and contractors are working to assess storm damage to our electric grid and restore electricity to affected customers as safely and quickly as possible.”

Heavy showers and extremely loud thunderstorms struck Houston and surrounding regions overnight Wednesday. On Thursday morning, Space City Weather’s Eric Berger wrote that the threat of rain in the Houston area would dip temporarily after sunset that night, but warned Friday will likely bring more widespread bad weather.

“Friday begins the period of biggest concern for us with these rains,” Berger wrote, “and it will run through about Monday.”

“As is typical with this kind of system, it can be difficult to predict exactly when and where the heaviest rains are going to fall even a few hours beforehand,” Berger warned, which is why Berger and his fellow Space City forecaster Matt Lanza have put greater Houston under a Stage 1 flood warning through the weekend.

Keep the Houston Press Free... Since we started the Houston Press, it has been defined as the free, independent voice of Houston, and we would like to keep it that way. Offering our readers free access to incisive coverage of local news, food and culture. Producing stories on everything from political scandals to the hottest new bands, with gutsy reporting, stylish writing, and staffers who've won everything from the Society of Professional Journalists' Sigma Delta Chi feature-writing award to the Casey Medal for Meritorious Journalism. But with local journalism's existence under siege and advertising revenue setbacks having a larger impact, it is important now more than ever for us to rally support behind funding our local journalism. You can help by participating in our "I Support" membership program, allowing us to keep covering Houston with no paywalls. Make a one-time donation

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