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New York Is Proposing the Creation of a ‘Public Venmo’

Lawmakers and activists are proposing a digital payment platform and currency to help millions of New Yorkers without bank accounts.

by Jordana Rosenfeld
Jan 7 2020, 1:00pm

Image: Alejandro Cegarra/Bloomberg via Getty Images

For millions of people in the US, exclusion from the banking system is simply a fact of life. An estimated 14 million US adults don’t have bank accounts, forcing them to rely on exploitative check-cashing and payday loan services that charge high interest rates—and thus, eat away at funds needed for food, rent, and medical expenses.

Lawmakers in New York are trying to correct this with a new bill that would create a “public Venmo” system designed to include more people in the formal economy and stimulate local economic growth. In November, New York State Assemblymember Ron Kim, Senator Julia Salazar, and Cornell law professor Robert Hockett announced their Inclusive Value Ledger (IVL) proposal. If passed, it would create the country’s first publicly owned electronic banking platform, as well as a digital currency that can be exchanged for goods and services within the state.

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“I believe that our proposal, the Inclusive Value Ledger, has the potential to be truly revolutionary,” Kim said in a public statement. “The creation of a free public savings and payment platform that all New Yorkers can use, not only to pay for goods and services but also to transfer money directly to each other through, could fundamentally reshape New York into a fairer, healthier, wealthier, and more inclusive place for all.”

“Why should we have to pay to use a payment system? It’s like paying to use a street,” Hockett asked at a press conference announcing the proposal.

Both the payment system and currency are designed to be used in part to compensate residents for work that is often un- or underpaid, such as caring for the elderly, watching children, and cooking for others.

According to a federal government survey from 2015, 8 percent of households in New York State are “unbanked”—meaning they don’t have access to bank accounts. People who are unbanked often cite distrust of the banking system, lack of access to government-issued ID, or inability to maintain a minimum balance as reasons they don’t have bank accounts. Since most over-the-table jobs and many public benefit programs pay by check or direct deposit, people without bank accounts often have to pay a significant chunk of their income to predatory payday lenders or check-cashing businesses in order to convert their earnings into cash.

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But some transactions can’t be completed with cash. Most popular digital payment systems like Venmo and PayPal allow users to send money free of charge using their app balance or bank account. But these services charge processing fees for instant bank transfers and credit card transactions, meaning that not everyone has access to easy, free, and instantaneous economic exchange. In precarious financial situations, the ability to freely and immediately transfer money can be crucial.

The IVL plan calls for New York State to distribute the $55 billion per year in uncollected individual tax credits through a “public Venmo,” a publicly-administered, non-extractive payment system that would allow recipients to spend freely within the state economy without transaction fees or delays. Every business and individual residing in New York would be issued a virtual wallet, connected to a state government-controlled master wallet, that could act as a viable alternative to a bank account without the fees of a for-profit bank.

Kim, Hockett, and Salazar are not the only people thinking about how to make our financial systems more accessible. Mark Zuckerberg has said that Facebook conceived of Libra, its new cryptocurrency, as a viable alternative to fiat currency for millions of people without bank accounts. But critics argue that a for-profit company like Facebook cannot be trusted to steward such an essential public system.

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Hockett, Kim, and Salazar say that unlike Libra, the IVL plan’s second component, a statewide complementary currency, would encourage the recirculation of money in low-income communities. A complementary currency is a secondary currency that works alongside a more widely accepted one—in this case, the US dollar. Complementary currencies usually operate on a local or hyper-local scale, and can keep money in one particular area and support local economic growth.

Since a currency can be anything to which people assign economic value, launching a new complementary currency will hinge on advocates’ ability to convince enough people to use and accept the currency in exchange for goods and services. The IVL’s architects hope that making the complementary currency easy to use and universally accepted throughout New York State will make it easy to adopt.

Although the proposal is the first of its kind in the U.S. in terms of its scope and ambition, it follows a long history of local value exchanges and alternative currencies. Local currencies were fairly commonplace in the U.S. until the early 1900s, before the Federal Reserve Act of 1913 that centralized banking. Prior to that, local banks issued their own currencies based on their gold reserves.

Although centralized banking systems are conducive to certain kinds of economic development, critics like urbanist Jane Jacobs and economist and historian John K. Galbraith argue that centralized economic systems necessarily distribute capital unevenly in ways that disadvantage local communities, especially those that are rural and/or low-income. Today, local currencies may be experiencing a resurgence; particularly successful examples include BerkShares, a local currency for the Berkshire region of Massachusetts, and Banco Palmas, Brazil’s first community bank, which has led to a network of 52 other community banks that issue their own local currencies in favelas around the country. The Schumacher Center for a New Economics offers a map of local, alternative paper currency worldwide.

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While the IVL proposal echoes many other community currency projects, it’s notably ambitious in at least two ways. The IVL defines its local “community” as the entire state of New York, making its adoption a bigger undertaking than that of most other complementary currencies. Additionally, the IVL isn’t just a complementary currency, but also a free and instantaneous, portable, smart-device-accessible universal savings and payment platform.

In his white paper, Hockett writes that the P2P payment technology needed to make IVL a reality already exists. While the proposal specifies that the payment system will be “secure,” the IVL team has not offered further details about the planned security mechanisms or addressed the specific privacy needs of certain groups they hope the system will serve, such as people who are undocumented.

The plan is supported by a coalition of community groups, including the Chinese-American Planning Council, NYC-Democratic Socialists of America, Qoin Foundation, and Hudson Valley Current, who are launching a publicity campaign to educate New Yorkers about the proposed system and what it can do for them.

“We believe that the benefits of modern technology should accrue to the people, especially those that are underserved, preyed upon and overcharged by our existing financial institutions,” a spokesperson for the NYC-DSA’s Debt and Finance Working Group told Motherboard. ”We are excited to support this idea and hope that the public sees the transformative potential of this legislation as well.”

Tagged:
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Tired: 'OK, Boomer.' Wired: 'Eat the Rich.'

Don't let Boomers distract us from the real enemy: elites who capitalized on inequality.

by Zeeshan Aleem
Nov 8 2019, 11:00am

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We don't want to hear about avocado toast ever again—that’s the sentiment behind the explosive growth of “ok boomer,” the Gen Z and Millennial social media retort to complaints from the olds that has caught fire online in recent weeks.

“Ok boomer” first surfaced over a year ago, but it has taken off as a recognizable part of Internet vernacular more recently, especially on Gen Z-dominated social media platform TikTok. It’s a casual two-word phrase, but it’s packed with meaning: It represents young Americans’ exhaustion with having to counter dubious narratives of how they’re unprecedentedly narcissistic or sensitive or entitled or lazy. It’s also a conversation-ending rejoinder, dismissing the statement at hand as unworthy of engagement or rebuttal. The message is resonating to the point that some teens are making thousands of dollars off selling “ok boomer” merchandise. And its dismissiveness seems to be getting under the skin of many older Internet users—conservative radio host Bob Lonsberry called it the “n-word of ageism” in a now-deleted tweet (which received countless “ok boomer” replies in response).

When a middle-aged man records himself complaining about how kids these days all suffer from “Peter Pan syndrome,” one of those kids will remix the video to include themselves scribbling an “ok boomer” sign while bearing an impish grin. When a Baby Boomer columnist blames millennials for killing the power lunch with their addiction to smartphones, he’ll get barraged with “ok boomer” replies on Twitter. When old people say absurd things about how marijuana melts the brains of the youth: “ok boomer."

But “ok boomer” has quickly evolved into more than just a comeback. It also appears to represent a broader left-leaning ethos of anger, if not rage, over the daunting circumstances that young Americans have been born into. On social media posts, “ok boomer” is a meme and hashtag often tied to concerns about catastrophic climate change, inequality, racism, misogyny, student debt, and increases in the cost of living. There’s even a viral “ok boomer” song in which college student Jonathan Williams sings: “You're all old and racist / All about the fakeness / I'm tryna pay my bills but I'm all on the waitlist.” Later in the verse, Williams refers to MAGA hats as fascist, and expresses disdain for nationalism: “Say America again, I'm gonna take a piss.”

The irreverence of “ok boomer” and the worldview that it provides a glimpse into is encouraging—it suggests an interest in bucking the tattered political and economic establishment that’s been handed to the youth. But ultimately it remains crucial for young activists to remember that today’s inhospitable world is not the product of total consensus among the older generations. Rather, it’s a testament to the success of right-wing political projects—architected by elites—which dominated the latter half of the Cold War. After all, a lot of Boomers were once anti-war hippies and militant left-wing activists who fought for economic, racial, and gender equality. They didn’t all just flip into conservatives. Rather, they were overpowered by the right.

Gen-Z-ers, who were born after 1997 and represent the core users of the “ok boomer” meme, are right to say that they are coming of age in a world made ugly by selfish choices that came before their time. Decades of climate change denialism means that they might never see a world as stable or as bountiful in resources as generations before them. They’ve been sent to fight in senseless wars that began when they were in diapers. They’ll take on more student debt than those before them because of decades of state disinvestment in higher education. Those of them who are entering the job market or stand on the brink of doing so have a decent shot at finding a job, but there’s a good chance that the job they get will be precarious, pay a lot less than something comparable would 40 years ago, and barely cover out-of-control costs of rent and health care. And if things get rough, they might slip through the holes in the torn up social safety net.

By contrast, Boomers, who were born in the wake of World War II, enjoyed arguably the greatest job market in American history, had much lower costs of living, saw an astonishing rise in real incomes over the course of their working lives, and faced no serious consequences for burning fossil fuels like there was no tomorrow. Boomers are going to get more out of Social Security than they put in, after racking up huge amounts of debt that will be dealt with by future generations.

In light of all this, it’s obvious why tropes in public discourse about young people as whiny, hypersensitive ingrates are infuriating for young people. It’s not just that evidence for young Americans as especially entitled or narcissistic is lacking, it’s that it seems to get the dynamic backwards: Aren’t Boomers, wealthy after exploiting the historic fortunes that accompanied their coming of age, the real “Me” generation?

It’s tempting to argue that, but it can lead to a misguided analysis of the roots of the problems young people face. Consider, for example, the stereotypical image of Boomers as sitting fat and happy as they entire retirement after lucking into a period of exceptional prosperity in American history.

In reality, wealth among the generation is extremely unevenly distributed. While Boomers hold a vast majority of financial assets in the US, that ownership of wealth is concentrated among a powerful minority of them. Mark Blyth, a professor of political economy at Brown University's Watson Institute, has explained that the top 20 percent of Boomers own 85 percent of the financial assets among their cohort, and that half of them don’t have financial assets at all. Data from other sources suggests that the bottom 50 percent of Boomers have some real nonfinancial assets (like real estate)—but it’s generally a small fraction of what’s needed to retire on. The reality for most Boomers is that they will struggle to scrape by relying far too heavily—or entirely—on Social Security payments which aren’t close to enough to survive on for many people.

This is all to say that inequality within Boomers as a generation is tremendous. As Blyth pointed out in a 2017 interview, while the richest Boomers have benefited from backing trickle down economics starting in the Reagan era, “there's loads of people in that age cohort who've been hurt by those policies too.”

According to the Stanford Center on Longevity, Boomers are already witnessing a decline compared to those a bit older than them—they possess less wealth, more debt, and face higher expenses than retirees a decade earlier. “It's understandable that a trajectory of general decline can seem generational, but they're episodes in a process of rot,” Doug Henwood, a left-wing economic journalist, told me. “Pitting one against another effaces that fact that ‘Boomers’ didn't make the important economic and political decisions — capitalists and the people they pay to think and rule for them did.”

This isn’t pedantry. Keeping track of who precisely is to blame for the state of the world has implications for how people view the path to change. In a New York Times report on the “ok boomer” phenomenon, teens express a sense of futility about a world that has been potentially irreversibly ruined by careless old people. “The reason we make the ‘ok boomer’ merch is because there’s not a lot that I can personally do to reduce the price of college, for example, which was much cheaper for older generations who then made it more expensive,” one told the Times. That line of thinking obscures the ideological and political clashes that produced today’s world — and will be necessary to change it in the future.

In reality, there’s the potential for alliance with older generations. While Boomers skew significantly more conservative than younger generations, it’s worth noting that plenty of them are liberal, and don’t side ideologically with the policies that rigged the economy in favor of the rich. Pew data from 2016 shows that Boomers were split evenly between those who leaned Republican and those who leaned Democrat. (Gen X were 48% Democratic and 37% Republican, while millennials were 54% Democratic and 33% Republican.)

The takeaway of all this is that many young people and Boomers share an interest and an inclination to band together along class lines and fight for a fairer world. On average, young people share a lot more in common with Boomers than the tech titan millennials and Gen-X-ers who own vast amounts of capital through monopoly businesses and are increasingly eager to back Republicans to defend their controversial corporate practices. Every generation has a small set of elites whose interests diverge from the rest and play an outsize role in structuring political economy—one day, Gen Z will have its own lot. The real test is how that generation works to dismantle the political and economic institutions that allow those elites to exploit the world with impunity.

“Ok boomer” is a funny comeback, and it comes from an understandable place. But ultimately the issue driving the current crisis isn’t a war between generations, it’s a war between classes.

Zeeshan Aleem is a columnist for VICE. Follow him on Twitter and join his politics newsletter .

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The Biggest 'Clusterfuck' in Kickstarter History Has Mercifully Come to an End

Due to unforeseeable global conflict over the course of a half decade, no one else is getting their Coolest Cooler.

by Jason Koebler
Dec 10 2019, 8:50pm

Image: Coolest

People who have been waiting by their mailboxes for delivery of a cooler they purchased more than five years ago were hit with disappointing news this week: Trump’s trade war with China has made it impossible for The Coolest Cooler, easily the biggest shitshow in Kickstarter history, to manufacture and sell a plastic box that keeps drinks cold.

At least that’s the excuse Ryan Grepper, who originally promised the coolers in July 2015, made in his lengthy letter to 20,000 people who ordered the Coolest Cooler halfway through Obama’s second term.

“As you may know, late last year the U.S. government imposed 10 percent tariffs on many products imported from China,” the letter, emailed to backers, begins. “Whether you are for or against these tariffs, and whether the world’s biggest economies can move ahead and resolve this, I’m sorry to report that we can't hang on long enough to see how it ends. And so it’s with a heavy heart I have to share that we must close the company.”

Grepper has admitted the company will shut down and deliver no more coolers. As a consolation prize, the 20,000 backers who did not get coolers will get a whopping $20 each from the company. They originally paid between $165 and $225 for the cooler.

Grepper’s letter is a sob story, in which he pats himself on the back for devising "the Homer" of coolers, a device that has a speaker and a blender and a bunch of other crap attached to it that “resonated with so many more people than we ever dreamed” and for continuing to try to deliver the cooler despite a number of setbacks, namely that it blew through the $13 million it raised on Kickstarter and had to beg backers for more money.

I wrote about the fact that Coolest Cooler was unable to deliver its coolers to customers in April 2016, which feels like a lifetime ago. At the time, Grepper was asking backers to pay him an additional $97.

After that ask, the company began to get threats from backers, a spokesperson for the company told me at the time. That spokesperson said the threats were over-the-top, but that the company was indeed a mess: “You can call it a clusterfuck or whatever, but it’s a Kickstarter,” she said. “It’s a cooler. It’s a party cooler.”

In April 2016, Grepper promised that anyone who paid an extra $97 would have a “guaranteed delivery date before July 4 [2016.]”

“As long as there is breath in my body we are committed to getting each and every backer their Coolest Cooler,” he wrote.

More than four years later, he has abandoned that promise.

To friends who were planning on attending my Fourth of July 2016 Hillary Clinton for President beach fundraiser extravaganza: I am sorry, the party is canceled. There will be no blended frozen margaritas on the beach. Summer is ruined and all my drinks are warm. At least Hillary is ahead in the polls.

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In the 2010s, America Forgot It Was Terrified of Socialism

This was the decade the far left moved from the streets into office buildings.

by Zeeshan Aleem; illustrated by Cathryn Virginia
Dec 19 2019, 3:00pm

In these final days of the 2010s, things are looking rather sunny for the right. Donald Trump’s white nationalist crusade and plutocratic cash grab are chugging along steadily—and there’s a decent chance it’ll continue for another half-decade. The Democratic presidential primary is a toxic mess, recently muddied further by the entry of clueless billionaires trying to buy themselves a ticket to the White House. And if a Dem even makes it to the Oval Office, odds are their legislative ambitions will be filibustered into oblivion by a GOP-controlled Senate.

So it might seem odd to argue that one of the defining political stories of the decade has been the rise of robust left-wing politics. But indeed, it has been. And a good way to understand that is to remember what happened in a small park in Manhattan in the early 2010s.

In September 2011, hundreds of radical leftists, inspired in part by the Arab Spring, decided to set up a small encampment in New York City’s financial district with the intention of building a new hyper-democratic society from scratch. Within weeks, Occupy Wall Street encampments sprung up across the nation and inspired protests in hundreds of cities around the world. Occupy sparked a debate about the ways that capitalism undermines and sabotages democracy, and forced elites to think of economic inequity as a moral predicament—all at a time when Barack Obama had won plaudits from economists for shepherding the U.S. out of a dire recession.

But after only a few months, the promise of Occupy’s voice faded. The leaderless movement lacked a clear purpose and structure, making higher-level organizing difficult. And most major encampments were swept away by winter cold and a coordinated crackdown by the FBI, Department of Homeland Security, local police — and even some banks. As the camps vanished, so did Occupy’s power as anything more than a vague objection to the status quo.

Yet today, as we enter the 2020s, many of the ideas that underpinned Occupy’s call for re-envisioning our political-economic system are taken far more seriously than they were at the beginning of this decade. And that’s in no small part because the far left has succeeded by trying a different tack. Serious left-wing players who punch above their weight have emerged in presidential politics, Congress, social movement advocacy, the think tank world, and media offer an increasingly persuasive alternative to neoliberal and center-left thinking, while pulling off electoral upsets and building institutional power.

As the far left has moved from the streets into office buildings, so have its ambitions. The focus has shifted from disruption and “changing the conversation” from the outside toward an agenda to reshape the world through strategic organizing and an insider approach.

The best starting point for thinking about how left-wing politics have changed over the course of this decade is in fact through an event that took place almost exactly two decades ago — when protesters shut down a ministerial meeting of the World Trade Organization on November 30, 1999. The secretive WTO was a natural target for protest: it had become the most notorious symbol of corporate power run amok among quarters of the left who were skeptical of the belief that there was no alternative to an increasingly merciless model of global capitalism.

The massive protests and civil disobedience, deemed the Battle of Seattle, were organized by people from many quarters of the left, including anarchist activists, NGOs, labor unions, student groups, teachers, and countless other movements. When the disruptions caused the WTO talks to collapse entirely, it was widely hailed as a defining victory for the emerging ”global justice movement.” At a time when socialism was considered profane and many Democrats were effectively compassionate conservatives, the Battle of Seattle represented the potential clout of the far left.

What made the event iconic was the style of protest, which was heavily influenced by anarchist philosophy and tactics. While plans to mobilize in Seattle had happened for months in advance, there was no central coordinator, the disruptions unfolded in an ad hoc manner, groups and individuals maneuvered spontaneously, and communication on the ground was handled democratically. For years afterward, left-wing activists attempted to replicate Seattle’s organizational model—which in many ways mimicked the way people talk and gather on the Internet—at meetings of groups like the World Bank, NATO, and the G7.

Occupy’s brief and brilliant explosion of energy in 2011 was the most powerful iteration of this model of protest—and also demonstrated its limits. Occupy teemed with compelling ideas, but its anarchist principles dictated that the movement remain “leaderless” and take shape through free-forming local assemblies and direct action. Its resistance to institutionalization and ideological clarity made it astonishingly fragile—especially since it required holding public space in the face of attacks from the state.

But many of Occupy’s ideas about political economy resurfaced in 2015 when Vermont Sen. Bernie Sanders decided to run in the Democratic primary against Hillary Clinton. His campaign, which included staff and supporters who had collaborated during Occupy, was a shocking success: despite unabashedly identifying as a democratic socialist, he gave Clinton, the most dominant non-incumbent candidate in modern history, a serious run for her money during the nomination battle, besting her in 23 states. Bob Master, a founder of the New York Working Families Party, said in 2016 that the Sanders campaign was “Occupy Wall Street translated into electoral politics. This is the revolt of the 99 percent.”

The success of Sanders’ campaign proved that a quarter-century after the collapse of the Soviet Union, it seemed not only possible to talk about socialism again—but that it could be pursued within the two-party system.

Sanders’s run pushed the party platform to the left on issues like minimum wage, the war on drugs, and environmental regulation. And his run inspired a host of new left-wing institutions like the Justice Democrats, a political action committee founded by former Sanders staffers whose platform includes Medicare for All and the Green New Deal. In 2018 they helped coordinate democratic socialist Rep. Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez’s stunning defeat of 10-term incumbent Rep. Joseph Crowley, who was the no. 4 Democrat in the House. Ocasio-Cortez’s super-progressive “squad” in the House (representatives Ilhan Omar, Rashida Tlaib, and Ayanna Pressley) are also all Justice Democrats.

The rise of the Democratic Socialists of America (DSA), a left-wing institution interested in both working as an outside agitator and engaging with the electoral and legislative process, may end up being one of the most consequential developments of the decade. DSA has been around since the 1980s, but only after Sanders’ run and Trump’s victory has it become more than a completely fringe player—since November 2016, DSA’s membership has gone from 5,000 to at least 50,000 members and has seen an explosion in chapters across the nation. It does lots of different things, from lobbying for more progressive housing laws to organizing protests to canvassing democratic socialist candidates; in 2018, more than a dozen DSA-backed candidates won their Democratic primaries. DSA is still small, but it shows promise in how deeply organized it is its commitment to democratic decision-making and its devotion to thinking strategically and pragmatically about how to bring to life a utopian society.

On top of all this, there’s been a notable rise of the savvy left-wing press and think tanks that have helped mainstream ideas that would’ve seemed outlandish to anyone outside of radical politics until recently. While there’s always been an alternative, ultra-progressive press, what’s notable about these outfits is how they deliberately seek wide readership and aim to shift the parameters of popular debate. For example, socialist magazines like Jacobin and Current Affairs have garnered a bigger readership during this socialist resurgence in part because they have an interest in making Marxist thinking as accessible as possible to a mass audience through stylish design, jargon-light analysis, and direct engagement with the daily news cycle. Think tanks like Data for Progress and the People’s Policy Project have quickly established reputations as respectable and rigorous operations for data analysis, polling, and policy papers in a space typically dominated by right-wing or center-left researchers.

Socialists still have very, very minor power in the scheme of national politics, and there are huge limitations to a socialist movement without a strong organized labor movement backing it. But as we enter 2020, the American left has some tangible answers to the perennial question of what is to be done to achieve their worldview.

This is not to say that protest movements, direct action, and civil disobedience are not valuable or that they’ve become outdated in some sense—far from it: today’s left would be further strengthened by more militant street mobilizations. But they aren’t sufficient for building a bid for power that can last.