Jett Goldsmith

This is to say that it doesn't *really* make sense to try and specifically assert a contrast of regime governance and opposition governance in the context of brutality and relative effective governing methods unless you're trying to play into existent propaganda tropes.

And especially to dismiss the historical context of wartime regime coalition reconciliation efforts (read: extermination) in order to boost a pt about how the regime in its post-war phase doesn't even make an effort to exterminate those damned savages from IS, that's not great.

All of these arguments seem to hint towards what I believe may be a newfound understanding by Aron wrt how he perceives the Assad regime's multipronged reconciliation effort in the near aftermath of active military conflict. See: similar shifts by i.e. Nicholas Heras.

I specifically asked Aron for feedback. I think the fate that awaits Idlibis unless they are kept safe is grim enough and didn't want it to appear like I'm suggesting 1.5 million will be genocide + revolutionary Idlibis+Aleppans. The regime is brutal & Aron has documented this

at the same time, the regime, thus far, has not applied a policy of genocide and I don't see such a genocide happening on Turkey're border. I respect you, truly, but I don't like this assumption of bad faith on Aron's part or the comparison you made to another person.

I disagree to the extent of assessing that the regime hasn't applied a policy of genocide (to Idlib, assume is what we're talking about?) The present status of Idlib, not to mention the camp zones (much like Rukban et al) is imo a direct function of regime genocide efforts.

If they applied a policy of genocide, why for example keep the internment camps of Ghouta and not just murder the tens of thousands still there? Why release thousands of the people they held there? (back to "freedom" under a brutal police state)

The same reason why Auschwitz was a series of work and death camps rather than just a death camp, I suppose.