@NicholasDanfort writing for @gmfus probably argues for the most limited of possible sanctions http://www.gmfus.org/publications/containing-us-turkish-crisis-after-s-400s …pic.twitter.com/nfbK1JcTFZ
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@nateschenkkan suggests something more robust, but is anxious not to see the US "go nuclear" https://freedomhouse.org/report/special-reports/turkey-s-missile-diplomacy-recommendations-us-sanctions-after-delivery-s-400 …pic.twitter.com/03v4ubOJVBShow this thread -
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@MaxHoffmanDC makes a similar argument, but notes a broader array of toolshttps://www.americanprogress.org/issues/security/reports/2019/03/21/467518/responding-turkeys-purchase-russias-s-400-missile-system/ …Show this thread -
I have not studied the sanctions tools closely enough to make a detailed set of recommendations, but I agree with the broader set of assumptions laid out by all of these three.
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But I think all three of these articles are a good corrective to some in Congress who wish to "make Turkey an example" by showing how much damage the US can do. The phrase is from a senior staffer a couple of years ago.
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Finally, I'd note that the crisis over Cyprus, in which the US is a relatively minor player, may create an opportunity for the US and EU to do something they have so far proven unwilling or unable to do: think seriously about a joint strategy on Turkey.
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Isn't the consensus always by default - indeed by definition - around the "middle option"?
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I'm not sure that's what happened in, say, 2002 - 2003
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Well they only went for 1 of 3 members of the "axis" (Bolton's back and now working on the 2nd). So isn't that middling? The trick is framing the debate in such a way that your desired outcome is the "middle," "reasonable," "consensus" option.
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I understand the theory behind your argument. I also recognize that the construct of hard, soft, and in between options in, in fact, a construct. But given the debates I am hearing, I am not sure how much light it brings to the topic at hand
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Fair enough. Still funny how the construct fits the forming consensus, no?
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Fair point. And if I studied CAATSA more closely, I could likely divide up the proposed responses into 4, 5, 27 groups. Likely, once we get past the basic question of nuclear, some, or not really, there'll be room for a more nuanced breakdown.
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And likely our reasoned breakdowns and sage recommendations will be for naught anyway, given the fickle, feckless, myopic, populistic, and chauvinistic leadership in both Washington and Ankara.
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