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Scorching hot take here.https://twitter.com/yenisafaken/status/1058625899782905856 …
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Yes. All of this. Every word.https://twitter.com/youbsanctioned/status/1058492762700632066 …
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Jacob Wohl’s fake investigations firm took $1200 from a woman, then disappeared.https://www.thedailybeast.com/jacob-wohls-fake-pi-firm-ghosted-on-a-destitute-woman-looking-for-her-stolen-truck …
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Pastor Brunson didn’t make the listhttps://www.bloomberg.com/graphics/2018-what-the-midterm-campaign-looks-like-in-your-hometown/ …
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There was no deal. On round 2 it was an ultimatum. But this was a logical confidence building measure.https://twitter.com/marklowen/status/1058349827791224833 …
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Turks answering to Americans along the outskirts of Manbij wasn’t a tantalizing opening gambit. But it is where we ended up.
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One of the many reasons for the slow pace of the Roadmap implementation is this: "A designated and bilaterally agreed upon ground force commander will lead the joint patrols.”http://www.inherentresolve.mil/News/News-Releases/News-Article-View/Article/1678559/cjtf-oir-and-turkish-military-begin-joint-patrols/ …
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The question I have is why the USG cares about Hajin.
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The minor discrepancies in the TR narrative on Jamal K strike me as having to do with protecting sources & methods, & Not necessarily indicative of deal-making. Sharing audio (reportedly) w/ Haspel is sign of professionalism, knowing theyre talking to a pro, & it’ll be briefed up
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Would rather have access to the entirety of the fuel cycle for 25 years.https://twitter.com/statedeptspox/status/1057639436366811136 …
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Which should inform US thinking about the efficacy of intervention in general and the viability of partnered operations as a model. If we really stop and ask ourselves about IS narrowly, but also Turkey more broadly, the question should be about the efficacy of intervention
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IS’s biggest strategic folly was taking urban territory, where they clustered and were susceptible to overwhelming force. But if we do a post-mortem here, the issue will be capability in failed states to control rural terrain (some as during the “surge”).
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ISIS is territorially defeated. Hajin is nice. But by any metric, IS as territorial entity is dead. Its resurgence as a rural insurgency is certain to be the an ongoing issue — and could lead to return. This is important, given the challenges of rural insurgency in general.
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Yesterday, "the Good ISIS" released a new report on Iran’s nuclear program, using evidence from the Israeli-seized “Atomic Archive” in Tehran to cast doubt on Iran’s intentions: http://isis-online.org/isis-reports/detail/breaking-up-and-reorienting-irans-nuclear-weapons-program/ … But the major points are not new and reinforce the case for JCPOA. 1/9
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The roadmap is conditions based. An easy way to define a condition is "no violence along the entirety of the FLOT." Until this condition met, moving to joint patrols, and then vetting should be frozen. Shelling and ATGM launches surely count as violence. As does SALW skirmishes
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USG has to be firm (if it intends to stay in Syria, which is something I disagree with). A policy of concessions just incentivizes Turkish action. What we are seeing is a repeat of the Manbij roadmap. Although, this time the intent is to pressure the Kobane Landing Zone. <end>
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Managing Turkey requires taking Erdogan seriously and not looking for alternative meanings. Yes, there is some political benefit for his base. But the YPG issue is considered, by many, to be an existential issue for national security. So it transcends politics
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I often hear that “Turkey can be managed” with a mix of talks and concessions (roadmap and delegations). This just doesn’t fit: See Operation Sun (2008), Operation Euphrates Shield, Operation Olive Branch, Manbij Roadmap.
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Using the option of military intervention to support a preferred policy outcome has been a staple of Turkish foreign policy since mid-to-late 1990s. USG should take the threat of escalation in Kobane very seriously.
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