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ANNALS AND ANTIQUITIES
OF RAJASTHAN
COLONEL JAMES TOD.
(From the bust by Vo. Livi, 1837. By peiinission of Lt.-Col. E. W.
Blunt-.Mackenzie, U.A.).
Frontispiece.
ANNALS AND ANTIQUITIES
OF
RAJASTHAN
OR THE CENTRAL AND WESTERN
RAJPUT STATES OF INDIA
BY
LiEUT.-CoL. JAMES rpD
LATE POLITICAL AGENT TO THE WESTERN RAJPUT STATES
EDITED WITH AN INTRODUCTION AND NOTES BY
WILLIAM CROOKE, CLE.
HON. D.SC. OXON., B.A., F.R.A.l.
LATE OF THE INDIAN CIVIL SERVICE
IN THREE VOLUMES
VOL. I
HUMPHREY MILFORD
OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS
LONDON EDINBURGH GLASGOW NEW YORK
TORONTO MELBOURNE BOMBAY
1920
[Oriyinat Dedication of the First Volume.^
TO
HIS MOST GRACIOUS MAJESTY
GEORGE THE FOURTH
Sire,
The gracious permission accorded me, to lay at the foot of the Throne
the fruit of my lahours, allows me to propitiate Your Majesty's con-
sideration towards the object of this work, the prosecution of wliich 1
have made a paramount duty.
The Rajput princes, happily rescued, by the triumph of the British
arms, from the yoke of lawless oppression, are now the most remote
tributaries to Your Majesty's extensive empire ; and their admirer and
annalist may, perhaps, be permitted to hope that the sighs of this
ancient and interesting race for the restoration of their former independ-
ence, whicli it would suit our wisest policy to grant, may be deemed not
undeserving Your Majesty's regard.
With entire loyalty and devotion, I subscribe myself.
Your Majesty's
Most faithful subject and servant,
JAMES TOD.
Bird Hurst, Croydox,
June 20, 1829.
[Original Dedication of the Second Volume. ]
TO
HIS MOST GRACIOUS MAJESTY
WILLIAM THE FOURTH
Sire,
Your Majesty has graciously sanctioned the presentation of the
Second Volume of the Annah- of Rajputana to the Public under the
auspices of Your Majesty's name.
In completing this work, it has been my endeavour to draw a faithful
picture of States, the ruling principle of which is the paternity of the
Sovereign. That this patriarchal form is the best suited to the genius
of the people may be presumed from its durability, which war, famine,
and anarchy have failed to destroy. The throne has always been the
watchword and rallying-point of the Rajputs. My prayer is, that it
may continue so, and that neither the love of conquest, nor false views
of policy, may tempt us to subvert the independence of these States,
some of which have braved the storms of more than ten centuries.
It will not, I trust, be deemed presumptuous in the Annalist of these
gallant and long-oppressed races thus to solicit for them a full measure
of Your Majesty's gracious patronage ; in return for which, the Rajputs,
making Your Majesty's enemies their own, would glory in assuming the
" saifron robe," emblematic of death or victory, under the banner of that
chivalry of which Your Majesty is the head.
That Your Majesty's throne may ever be surrounded by chiefs who
will act up to the principles of fealty maintained at all hazards by the
Rajput, is the heartfelt aspiration of.
Sire,
Your Majesty's
Devoted subject and servant,
JAMES TOD.
VOL. I
PKEFACE
No one can undertake with a light heart the preparation of a new
edition of Colonel Tod's great work, The Annals and Antiquities
of Rajasthan. But the leading part which the Rajputs have taken
in the Great War, the summoning of one of their princes to a seat
at the Imperial Conference, the certainty that as the result of
the present cataclysm they will be entitled to a larger share in
the administration of India, have contributed to the desire that
this classical account of their history and sociology should be
presented in a shape adapted to the use of the modern scholar
and student of Indian history and antiquities.
In the Introduction which follows I have endeavoured to
estimate the merits and defects of Colonel Tod's work. Here it
is necessary only to state that though the book has been several
times reprinted in India and once in this country, the obvious
difficulties of such an undertaking have hitherto prevented any
writer better quahfled than myself from attempting to prepare
an annotated edition. Irrespectively of the fact that this work
was published a century ago, when the study of the history,
antiquities, sociology, and geography of India had only recently
started, the Author's method led him to formulate theories on a
wide range of subjects not directly connected with the Rajputs.
In the light of our present knowledge some of these speculations
have become obsolete, and it might have been possible, without
impairing the value of the work as a Chronicle of the Rajputs,
to have discarded from the text and notes much which no longer
possesses value. But the work is a classic, and it deserves to be
treated as such, and it was decided that any mutilation of the
original text and notes would be inconsistent with the object of
this series of reprints of classical works on Indian subjects. The
X PREFACE
only alternative course was to correct in notes, clearly distinguished
from those of the Author, such facts and theories as are no longer
accepted by scholars.
It is needless to say that during the last century much advance
has been made in our knowledge of Indian history, antiquities,
philology, and sociology. We are now in a position to use im-
proved translations of many authorities which were quoted by the
Author from inadequate or incorrect versions. The translation
of FerishtcCs History by A. Dow and Jonathan Scott has been
superseded by that of General J. Briggs, that of the Ain-i-Akbari
of F. Gladwin by the version by Professor H. Blochmann and
Colonel H. S. Jarrett. For the Memoirs of Jahdnglr, the Author
relied on the imperfect version by Major David Price, which has
been replaced by a new translation of the text in its more complete
form by Messrs. A. Rogers and H. Beveridge. For the Laws of
Mann we have the translation by Dr. G. Biihler. The passages
in classical literature relating to India have been collected,
translated, and annotated by the late Mr. J. W. McCrindle.
Much information not available for the Author's use has been
provided by The History of India as told by its own Historians,
by Sir H. M. Elliot and Professor J. Dowson, and by Mr. W.
Irvine's translation, with elaborate notes, of N. Manueei's Storia
do Magor. Among original works useful for the present edition
the following may be mentioned : J. Grant Duff's History of the
Mahrattas ; Dr. Vincent A. Smith's Early History of India,
History of Fine Art in India and Ceylon, Asoka, the Buddhist
Emperor of India, and Akbar, the Great Mogul ; Professor
Jadunath Sarkar's History of Aurangzib, of which only three
volumes have been published ; Mr. W. Irvine's Army of the
Indian Moghuls ; Sir W. Lee- Warner's Protected Princes of
India.
Much historical, geographical, and ethnological information
has been collected in the new edition of the Imperial Gazetteer of
India the Bombay Gazetteer edited by Sir J. M. Campbell, and,
more particularly, in the revised Gazetteer of Rajputana, including
that of Mewar and the Western States Residency and BIkaner
Agency by Lieutenant-Colonel K. D. Erskine, and that of Ajmer
by Mr. C. C. Watson. Lieutenant-Colonel Erskine's work, based
on the best local information, has been of special value, and it
is much to be regretted that this officer, after serving as Consul-
PREFACE xi
General at Baghdad, was invalided and died in England in 1914,
leaving that part of the Gazetteer dealing with the Eastern States,
Jaipur, Kotah, and Bundi, unrevised. For botany, agriculture,
and natural productions I have used Sir G. Watt's Dictionary of
the Economic Products of India, and liis Commercial Products of
India ; for architecture and antiquities, J. P'ergusson's History
of Indian and Eastern Architecture, edited by Dr. J. Burgess, and
The Cave Temples of India by the same writers. In ethnology
I have consulted the pubUcations of the Etluiological Survey of
India, of which Mr. H. A. Rose's Glossary of the Tribes and Cartes
of the Punjab and North-West Frontier Province, Mr. Bhimbhai
Kirparam's account of the Hindus and Ivhan Bahadur FazaluUah
LutfuUah's of the Musalmans of Gujarat, published in the Bombay
Gazetteer, vol. ix. Parts i. ii., have been specially valuable. Besides
the general works to which reference has been made, many articles
on Rajputana and the Rajputs will be found in the Journal of
the Royal Asiatic Society and its Bombay branch, in the Journal
of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, and in the Indian Antiquary, and
other periodicals. The Reports of the Archaeological Survey of
India conducted by Sir A. Ciumingham, Dr. J. Burgess, and Sir
J. H. Marshall, are of great importance.
I cannot pretend to have exhausted the great mass of new
information available in the works to which I have referred,
and in others named in the Bibhography ; and it was not my
object to overload the notes which are already voluminous.
To the general reader the system of armotation which I have
attempted to carry out may appear meticulous ; but no other
course seemed possible if the work was to be made more useful
to the historian and to the scholar. The editor of a work of tliis
class is forced to undertake the somewhat invidious duty of
calUng attention to oversights or errors either in fact or theory.
But this does not detract from the real value of the work. In
some cases I have been content with adding a note of interroga-
tion to warn the reader that certain statements must be received
with caution. As regards geography, I have in many cases
indicated briefly the position of the more important places, so
far as they can be traced in the maps with which I was provided.
The Author was so intimately acquainted with the ground, that
he assumed in the general reader a degree of knowledge which
he does not possess.
xii PREFACE
The text and notes, with the exception of a few obvious over-
sights, have been reprinted as they stood in the first edition,
and as tlie latter is often quoted in books of authority, I have
added its pagination for facihty of reference. It was decided,
after much consideration, to correct the transHteration of personal
and place names and other vernacular terms according to the
system now adopted in official gazetteers, maps, and reports.
This change might have been unnecessary if the transliteration
of these words, according to the system in use at the time when
the book was written, had been uniformly correct. But this is
not the case. At the same time I have preserved the original
readings of those names which have become established in popular
usage, such as " Mogul," " Mahratta," " Deccan," in place of
"Mughal," "Marhata," " Dakkhin." Following the Author's
example, I have not thought it necessary to overload the text
by the use of accents and diacritical marks, which are useless
to the scholar and only embarrass the general reader. But in
the Index I have accentuated the personal and place names
so far as I beheved I could do so with safety. Some of these
I have been unable to trace in later authorities, and I fear
that I may have failed to secure complete miiformity of
method.
The scheme of the book, which attempts to give parallel
accounts of each State, naturally causes difficulty to the reader.
A like embarrassment is felt by any historian who endeavours
to combine in a single narrative the fortvmes of the Mughal
Empire with those of the kingdoms in Bengal, the Deccan, or
southern India ; by the historian of Greece, where the centre
of activity sliifts frona Athens to Sparta, Thebes, or Macedonia ;
by the historian of Giermany before the minor kingdoms were
more or less fully absorbed by the HohenzoUerns. I have
endeavoured to assist the reader in dealing with these independent
uimals by largely extending the original Index, and by the use
of page headings and paragraph summaries.
In the dates recorded in the summaries I have generally followed
LieuLenant-Colonel Erskine's guidance, so far as his work was
available. In view of the inconsistencies between some dates
in the text and those recorded in the sununaries, it must be
remembered that it was the Author's habit in adapting the
dates of the Samvat tu those of the Christian era, to deduct 56,
PREFACE xiii
not 57 from the former, contrary to the practice of modern
historians.
I am indebted to many friends for assistance. Captain C. D'.
M'K. Blunt has kindly given me much help in the record of
Colonel Tod's life, and has suppUed a photograph of the charming
miniature of the Author as a young officer and of a bust which
have been reproduced in the frontispieces. Mr. R. E. Enthoven,
C.I.E., has given me the photograph of the Author engaged in
his studies with his Jain Guru.^ The fragments of local ballads
scattered through the text were unfortunately copied from very
incorrect texts. Dr. L. P. Tessitori, an Itahan scholar, who,
until the outbreak of the War, was engaged in collecting the
local ballads of the Rajputs, has given a correct version of these
ballads ; and in improving the text of them I have been assisted
by Colonel C. E. Luard, his Pandit, and Sir G. Grierson, K.C.I.E.
Since the greater part of the following pages was in type, I have
received copies of three reports by Dr. L. P. Tessitori, " A Scheme
for the Bardic and Historical Survey of Rajputana," and two
Progress Reports for the years 1915 and 1916, pubUshed in the
Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (New Series, vol. x.
No. 10 ; xii. No. 3 ; xiii. No. 4). These contain information
regarding the MSS. copies of some ballads and inscriptions,
which throw Ught on the traditions and antiquities of the Rajputs.
I regret that I was imable to use these papers, which, however,
do not supply much information on questions connected with
The Annals. Among other friends who have helped me in
various ways I may name the late Sir G. Birdwood; Mr. W.
Foster, CLE. ; Professor A. Keith, F.R.S. ; Lieutenant-Colonel
Sir D. Prain, F.R.S. ; and Dr. Vincent A. Smith, CLE.
W. CROOKE.
1 This picture, supposed to be the work of Ghasi, the Author's artist, was
recently discovered in Rajputana,
CONTENTS
PAGE
Preface by the Editor ...... ix
Introduction ry the Editor . . . . . xxv
BiRLIOGRAPHY ........ xlvii
Author's Introduction ...... Iv
BOOK I
GEOGRAPHY OF RAJASTHAN OR RAJPUTANA
BOOK II
HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
CHAPTER 1
Genealogies of the Rajput princes — The Puranas — Connexion of
the Rajputs with tlie Scytliic tribes . . . .23
CHAPTER 2
Genealogies continued — Fictions in the Puranas — -Union of the
regal and the priestly characters — Legends of the Puranas
confirmed by the Greek historians . . . .29
CHAPTER 3
Genealogies continued — Comparisons between the lists of Sir W.
Jones, IMr. Bentley, Captain Wiiford, and the Author —
Synchronisms . . . . . . .39
CONTENTS
CHAPTER 4
PAGE
Foundations of States and Cities by the different tribes . . 45
CHAPTER 5
The dynasties wliich succeeded Rama and Krishna — The Pandava
family — Periods of tlie different dynasties . . .55
CHAPTER 6
Genealogical history of tlie Rajput tribes subsequent to Vikrama-
ditya — Foreign races wluch entered India — Analogies be-
tween the Scythians, the Rajputs, and the tribes of Scan-
dinavia ........ 68
CHAPTER 7
Catalogue of the Thirty-six Royal Races . . . .97
CHAPTER 8
Reflections on the present political state of the Rajput tribes . 145
BOOK III
SKETCH OF A FEUDAL SYSTEM IN
RAJASTHAN
CHAPTER 1
Introduction — Existing condition of Rajasthan — General re-
semblance between the ancient systems of Asia and Europe
— Noble origin of the Rajput race — Rathors of Rlarwar —
Kachhwahas of Amber — Sesodias of Mewar — Gradation of
ranks — Revenues and rights of the Crown — Barar — Khar
Lakar ........ 153
CONTENTS xvii
CHAPTER 2
PAGE
Legislative authority — Rozina — Military service — Inefficiency of
this form of government ...... 170
CHAPTER 3
Feudal incidents — Duration of grants .... 184
CHAPTER 4
Rakliwali — Servitude — Basai — Gola and Das — Private feuds and
composition — Rajput Pardhans or Premiers • . . 203
CHAPTER 5
Adoption — Reflections upon the subjects treated . . . 220
Appendix ..... . . 228
BOOK IV
ANNALS OF MEWAR
CHAPTER 1
Origin of the Guhilot princes of Mewar — Authorities — Kanaksen
the founder of the present dynasty — His descent from Rama
— He emigrates to Saurashtra — Valabhipura — Its sack and
destruction by the Huns or Parthians .... 247
CHAPTER 2
Birth of Goha — He acquires Idar — Derivation of the term
" Guhilot " — Birth of Bappa — Early religion of the Guhilots —
Bappa's liistory — Oghana Panarwa — Bappa's initiation into
the worship of Siva — He gains possession of Chitor — Remark- !>
able end of Bappa — Four epochs established, from the second i
to the eleventh century . . . . . . ' 258
xviii CONTENTS
CHAPTER 3
PAOE
Alleged Persian extraction of the Ranas of Mewar — Authorities
for it — Implied descent of the Ranas from a Christian princess
of Byzantium — Tlie Author's reflections upon tliese points . 271
CHAPTER 4
Intervening sovereigns between Bappa and Samarsi — Bappa's
descendants — Irruptions of the Arabians into India — Cata-
logue of Hindu princes who defended Chitor . . 281
CHAPTER 5
Historical facts furnished by the bard Chand — Anangpal —
Prithiraj — Samarsi — Overthrow of the Chauhan monarch by
the Tatars — Posterity of Samarsi — Rahap — Changes in the
title and the triSe of its prince — Successors of Rahap • 297
CHAPTER 6
Rana Lakhamsi — Attack on Chitor by Alau-d-din — Treachery of
Ala — Ruse of the Chitor chiefs to recover Bhimsi — Devotion
of the Rana and his sons — Sack of Chitor by the Tatars — Its
destruction — Rana Ajaisi — Hamir — He gains possession of
Cliitor — Renown and prosperity of Mewar — lihetsi — Lakha 307
CHAPTER 7
Delicacy of the Rajputs — The occasion of changing the rule of
primogeniture in Mewar — Succession of the infant Mokalji,
to the prejudice of Chonda, the rightful heir — Disorders in
Mewar through the usurpations of the Rathors — Chonda
expels them from Chitor and takes Mandor — Transactions
between Mewar and Marwar — Reign of Mokalji — His
assassination ....... 322
CHAPTER 8
Succession of Kumbha — He defeats and takes prisoner Mahmud
of Malwa — Splendour of Kumbha's reign — Assassinated by
his son — The murderer dethroned by Raemall — Mewar in-
vaded by the imperial forces — RaemalFs successes — Feuds
of the family — Death of Raemall .... 333
CONTENTS xix
CHAPTER 9
PAGE
Accession of Rana Sanga— State of the Muhammadan power —
Grandeur of Mewar — Sanga's victories — Invasions of India —
Babur's invasion — Defeats and kills the King of Dellii —
Opposed by Sanga — Battle of Khanua — Defeat of Sanga — His
death and character — Accession of Rana Ratna — His death
— Rana Bikramajit — His character — Disgusts his nobles —
Chitor invested by the King of Malwa — Storm of Chitor — -
Sakha or immolation of the females — Fall and plunder of
Chitor — Humayun comes to its aid — He restores Chitor to
Bikramajit, who is deposed by the nobles — Election of
Banbir — Bikramajit assassinated .... 348
CHAPTER 10
The bastard Banbir rules Mewar — Attempted assassination of the
posthumous son of Sanga — ^Udai Singh's escape and long
concealment — Acknowledged as Rana — The Dauna described
— Udai Singh gains Chitor — Deposal of Banbir — Origin of
the Bhonslas of Nagpur — Rana Udai Singh — His unworthi-
ness — Humayun expelled the throne of India — Birth of Akbar
— Humayun recovers his throne— His death — Accession of
Akbar— Characters of Akbar and Udai Singh contrasted —
Akbar besieges Chitor, which is abandoned by the Rana — Its
defence — Jaimall and Patta — Anecdotes of Rajput females
— Sakha or Johar — General assault — Chitor taken — Massacre
of the inliabitants — Udai Singh founds the new capital
Udaipur— His death . . . . . .367
CHAPTER 11
Accession of Partap — The Rajput princes unite with Akbar —
Depressed condition of Partap — He prepares for war —
Maldeo submits to Akbar — Partap denounces connexion
with the Rajput princes — Raja Man of Amber — Prince Salim
invades Mewar — Battle of Haldighat — Partap encounters
Salim, is wounded, and saved by the Jhala chief — Assisted
in liis flight by his brother Sakta — Kumbhalmer taken by
Akbar — Udaipur occupied by the Moguls — Partap cuts off
Farid and his army — Partap's family saved by the Bhils —
The Khankhanan^ — Aggravated hardships of Partap — ^He
negotiates with Akbar— Prithiraj of Bikaner — -The Khushroz
described — Partap abandons Mewar — Departure for the
Indus — Fidelity of his minister — Returns — Surprises the
Moguls — Regains Kumbhalmer and Udaipur — His successes
— His sickness and death ..... 385
XX CONTENTS
CHAPTER 12
PAGE
Amra mounts the throne — Akbar's death through an attempt to
poison Raja Man — Amra disregards the promise given to his >
father — Conduct of the Salumbar chief — Amra defeats the
Imperial armies — Sagarji installed as Rana in Chitor — Re-
signs it to Amra — Fresh successes — Origin of the Saktawats
' — ^The Emperor sends his son Parvez against the Rana, who
is defeated — Mahabat Khan defeated — Sultan Khurram in-
vades Mewar — Amra's despair and submission — Embassy
from England — Amra abdicates the throne to his son —
Amra's seclusion — His death — Observations . • . 407
CHAPTER 13
Rana Karan fortifies and embellishes Udaipur — The Ranas of
Mewar excused attendance at court — Bhim commands the
contingent of Mewar — Leagues with Sultan Khurram against
Parvez — Jahangir attacks the insurgents — Bhim slain —
Kliurram flies t» Udaipur — His reception by the Rana —
Death of Karan — Rana Jagat Singh succeeds — Death of
Jahangir and accession of Khurram as Shah Jahan — Mewar
enjoys profound peace — ^The island palaces erected by
Jagat Singh — Repairs Chitor — His death — Rana Raj Singh
— ^Deposal of Shah Jahan and accession of Aurangzeb —
Causes for attachment to the Hindus of Jahangir and Shah
Jahan — Aurangzeb's character ; imposes the Jizya or
capitation tax on the Rajputs — Raj Singh abducts the in-
tended wife of the emperor and prepares for war — Aurangzeb
marches — The valley of Girwa — Prince Akbar surprised —
Defeated — Blockaded in the mountains — Liberated by the
heir of Mewar — Diler Khan defeated — Aurangzeb defeated
by the Rana and his Rathor allies — Aurangzeb quits the
field — Prince Bhim invades Gujarat — The Rana's minister
ravages Malwa — United Rajputs defeat Azam and drive him
from Chitor — Mewar freed from the Moguls — ^War carried
into Marwar — Sesodias and Rathors defeat Sultan Akbar —
Rajput stratagem — ^Design to depose Aurangzeb and elevate
Akbar to the throne — Its failure— The Mogul makes over-
tures to the Rana — Peace — ^Terms — The Rana dies of his
wounds — His character, contrasted with that of Aurangzeb
— Lake Rajsamund — Dreadful famine and pestilence . 427
CHAPTER 14
Rana Jai Singh — Anecdote regarding him and his twin brother —
The Rana and Prince Azam confer — Peace — Rupture — The
Rana forms the Lake Jaisamund — ^Domestic broils — Amra,
the heir-apparent, rebels — The Rana dies — Accession of Amra
— His treaty with the heir of Aurangzeb — Reflections on the
CONTENTS XX
PAGE
events of tliis period — Imposition of the Jizya or capitation
tax — Alienation of the Rajputs from the empire — Causes —
Aurangzeb's death — Contests for empire — Bahadur Shah,
emperor — The Sikhs declare for independence — Triple
alliance of the Rajput States of Mewar, Marwar, and Amber
— They commence hostilities — Death of the JMogul Bahadur
Shah — Elevation of Farrukhsiyar — He marries the daughter
of the Prince of Marwar — Origin of the British power in India
— The Rana treats with the emperor — The Jats declare their
independence — Rana Amra dies — His character . . 45G
CHAPTER 15
Rana Sangram — Dismemberment of the Mogul Empire —
Nizamu-1 Mulk establishes the Haidarabad State — Murder
of the Emjieror Farrukhsiyar — Abrogation of the Jizya-*—
Muhammad. Shah, Emperor of Delhi- — Saadat KJian obtains
Oudh — Repeal of the Jizya confirmed — Policy of Mewar —
Rana Sangram dies — Anecdotes regarding him — Rana
Jagat Singh II. succeeds — Treaty of triple alliance with
Marwar and Amber — The Mahrattas invade and gain footing
in Malwa and Gujarat — Invasion of Nadir Sliah — Sack of
Delhi — Condition of Rajputana — Limits of Mewar — Rajput
alliances — Bajirao invades Mewar — Obtains a cession of
annual tribute — Contest to place Madho Singh on the throne
of Amber — Battle of Rajmahall — The Rana defeated — He
leagues wth Malharrao Holkar — Isari Singh of Amber takes
poison — The Rana dies — His character . . .472
CHAPTER 16
Rana Partap II. — Rana Raj Singh II. — Rana Arsi — Holkar in-
vades Mewar, and levies contributions — Rebellion to depose
the Rana — A Pretender set up by the rebel chiefs — Zalim
Singh of Kotah — ^The Pretender unites vnth Sindhia — ^Their
combined force attacked by the Rana, who is defeated —
Sindhia invades Mewar and besieges Udaipur — Amra Chand
made minister by the Rana — His noble conduct — ^Negotiates
with Sindhia, who withdraws — Loss of territory to Mewar —
Rebel chiefs return to their allegiance — Province of Godwar
lost — Assassination of the Rana — Rana Hamir succeeds —
Contentions between the Queen Regent and Amra — His
noble conduct, death, and character — Diminution of the
Mewar territory . . , . . . .496
CHAPTER 17
Rana Bliim — Feud of Sheogarh — The Rana redeems the alien-
ated lands — Ahalya Bai attacks the Rana's army — Which
is defeated — Chondawat rebellion — Assassination of the
i CONTENTS
PAciE
Minister Soniji— The rebels seize on Chitor — Mahadaji Sindhia
called in by the Rana — Invests Chitor — The rebels surrender
— Designs of Zalim Singh for power in Mewar — Counter-
acted by Ambaji, who assumes the title of Subahdar, con-
tested by Lakwa — Effects of these struggles — Zalim obtains
Jahazpur — Holkar invades Mewar — Confines the priests of
Nathdwara — Heroic conduct of the Chief of Kotharia —
Lakwa dies — The Rana seizes the Mahratta leaders —
Liberated by Zalim Singh — Holkar returns to Udaipur —
Imposes a heavy contribution^Sindhia's invasion — Re-
flections on their contest with the British — Ambaji projects
the partition of Mewar — Frustrated — Rivalry for Krishna
Kunwari, the Princess of Mewar, produces war throughout
Rajasthan — Immolation of Krishna — Amir Khan and Ajit
Singh — Their villainy — British Embassy to Sindhia's Court
at Udaipur — Ambaji is disgraced, and attempts suicide —
Airur Khan and Bapu Sindhia desolate Mewar — The Rana
forms a treaty with the British . . . . .511
CHAPTER 18
Overthrow of the predatory system — Alliances with the Rajput
States — Envoy appointed to Mev/ar — Arrives at Udaipur —
Reception — Description of the Court^ — ^Political geography
of Mewar — The Rana — His character — His ministers — Plans
— Exiles recalled — Merchants invited — Bhilwara established
— Assembly of the nobles — Charter ratified ; Resumptions of
land ; Anecdotes of the Chiefs of Arja, Badnor, Badesar,
and Amet — Landed tenures in Mewar — Village rule — Free-
hold {bupota) of Mewar — Bhumia, or allodial vassals : Char-
acter and privileges— Great Register of Patents— Traditions
exemplifying right in the soil — The Patel ; his origin ;
character — Assessment of land-rents — General results . 547
ILLUSTRATIONS
Bust of Colonel James Tod
Section of Country
Fror
TO F
itispiece
ACE PAGE
10
List of Thirty-six Royal Races
98
Salumbar .
216
Sanskrit Grant
232
Palace of Udaipur
247
Palace of Rana Blilm
312
Ruins of Fortress of Bayana
362
Chitor
382
Rajmahall
428
Jagmandir
432
Maharaja BliTin Singli
512
Facsimile of Native Drawing
572
VOL. 1
INTRODUCTION
James Tod, the Author of this work, son of James Tod and Mary
Heatly, was born at Islington on March 20, 1782. His father,
James Tod the first, eldest son of Henry Tod of Bo'ness and Janet
Monteath, was born on October 26, 1745. In 1780 he married
in New York Mary, daughter of Andrew Heatly, a member
of a family originally settled at Mellerston, Co. Berwick, where
they had held a landed estate for some four centuries. Andrew
Heatly emigrated to Rhode Island, where he died at the age of
thirty-six in 1761. He had married Mary, daughter of Sueton
Grant, of the family of Gartinbeg, really of Balvaddon, who left
Inverness for Newport, Rhode Island, in 1725, and Temperance
Talmage or Tollemache, granddaughter of one of the first and
principal settlers at Easthampton, Rhode Island. He had been
forced to emigrate to America during the Protectorate, owing to
his loyalty to King Charles I. James Tod, the first, left America,
and in partnership with his brother John, became an indigo-
planter at Mirzapur, in the United Provinces of Agra and Oudh.
.Tames Tod, the second, was thus through his father and his
uncles Patrick and S. Heatly, both members of the Civil Service
of the East India Company, closely connected with India, and in
1798, being then sixteen years old, he obtained through the
influence of his imcle, Patrick Heatly, a cadetship in the service
of the East India Company. On his arrival at Calcutta he was
attached to the 2nd European Regiment. -In 1800 he was trans-
ferred, with the rank of Lieutenant, to the 14th Native Infantry,
from which he passed in 1807, with the same rank, to the 25th
Native Infantry. In 1805 he was appointed to the command of
the escort of his friend Mr. Graeme Mercer, then Government
Agent at the Camp'of Daulat Rao Sindhia, who had been defeated
xxvi INTRODUCTION
two years before at the battle of Assaye by Sir Arthur Wellesley.
In more than one passage in The Annals Tod speaks of Mr.
Graeme Mercer with respect and affection, and by him he was
introduced to official life and Rajput and Mahratta politics. His
tastes for geographical inquiries led liim to undertake surveys in
Rajputana and Central India between 1812 and 1817, and he
employed several native surveyors to traverse the then little -
known region between Central India and the valley of the Indus.
At this period the Government of India was engaged in a
project for suppressing the Pindaris, a body of lawless free-
booters, of no single race, the debris of the adventurers who
gained power during the decay of the Mughal Empire, and who
had not been incorporated in the armies of the local powers
which rose from its ruins. In 1817, to effect their suppression,
the Governor-General, the Marquess of Hastings, collected the
strongest British force which up to that time had been assembled
in India. Two armies, acting in co-operation from north and
south, converged on the banditti, and met with rapid success.
Sindhia, whose power depended on the demoralized condition of
Rajputana, was overawed ; Holkar was defeated ; the Raja of
Nagpur was captured ; the Mahratta Peshwa became a fugitive ;
the Pindaris were dispersed. One of their leaders, Amir Khan,
who is frequently mentioned in Tod's narrative, disbanded his
forces, and received as his share of the spoils the Principality of
Tonk, still ruled by his descendants.
In the course of this campaign Tod performed valuable
services. At the beginning of the operations he supplied the
British Staff with a rough map of the seat of war, and in other
ways his local knowledge was utilized by the Generals in cha;-ge
of the operations. In 1813 he had been promoted to the rank of
Cajitain in command of the escort of the Resident, Mr. Richard
Strachey, who nominated him to the post of his Second Assistant.
In 1818 he was appointed Political Agent of Western Rajputana,
a post which he held till his retirement in June 1822. The work
which he carried out in Rajputana during this period is fully
described in The Annals and in his " Personal Narrative." Owing
to Mahratta oppression and the ravages of the Pindaris, the
condition of the country, political, social, and economical, was
deplorable. To remedy this prevailing anarchy the States were
gradually brought under British control, and their relations with
INTRODUCTION xxvii
the paramount power were embodied in a series of treaties. In
this work of reform, reconstruction, and conciliation, Tod played
an active part, and the confidence and respect with which he was
regarded by the Princes, Chiefs, and peasantry enabled him to
interfere with good effect in tribal quarrels, to rearrange the fiefs
of the minor Chiefs, and to act as arbitrator between the Rana
of Me war and his subjects.
Tod was convinced that the miserable state of the country
was chiefly due to the hesitation of the Indian Government in
interfering for the re-establishment of order ; and on this ground
he does not hesitate to condemn the cautious policy of Lord
Cornwallis during his second term of office as Governor- General.
Few people at the present day would be disposed to defend the
policy of non-intervention. " This policy has been condemned
by historians and commentators, as well as by statesmen,
soldiers, and diplomatists ; by Mill and his editor, H. H. Wilson,
and by Thornton ; by Lord Lake and Sir John Malcolm. The
mischief was done and the loss of influence was not regained for
a decade. It was not till the conclusion of an expensive and pro-
tracted campaign, that the Indian Government was replaced in
the position where it had been left by Wellesley. The blame for
tliis weak and unfortmiate policy must be divided between Corn-
wallis and Barlow, between the Court of Directors and the Board
of Control." But it was carried out in pursuance of orders from
the Home Government. " The Court of Directors for some time
past had been alarmed at Lord Wellesley's vigorous foreign
policy. Castlereagh at the Board of Control had taken fright,
and even Pitt v/as carried away and committed himself to a hasty
oi^inion that the Governor -General had acted imprudently and
illegally." ^
Tod tells us little of his relations with the Supreme Government
during his four years' service as Political Agent. He was notori-
ously a partisan of the Rajput princes, iDarticularly those of Mewar
and Marwar ; he is never tired of abusing the policy of the
Emperor Aurangzeb, and, fortunately for the success of his work,
Muhammadans form only a shght minority in the population of
Rajputana. Tliis attitude naturally exposed him to criticism.
Writing in 1824, Bishop Heber,^ while he recognizes that he was
1 W. S. Seton Carr, The Marquess Cornwallis, 180, 189 f.
2 Narrative of a Journey through the Upper Provinces, ed. 1861, ii. 54-
xxviii INTRODUCTION
held in affection and respect by "all the upper and middhng
classes of society," goes on to say : " His misfortiine was that,
in consequence of his favouring the native princes so much, the
Government of Calcutta were led to suspect him of corruption,
and consequently to narrow his powers and associate other officers
with him in his trust till he was disgusted and resigned his place.
They are now, I beheve, well satisfied that their suspicions were
groundless. Captain Todd {sic) is strenuously vindicated from
the charge by all the officers with whom I have conversed, and
some of whom had abundant means of knowing what the natives
themselves thought of him." The Bishop's widow, in a later
issue of the Diary of her husband, adds that " she is anxious to
remove any unfavourable impressions which may exist on the
subject by stating, that she has now the authority of a gentleman,
who at the time was a member of the Supreme Covmcil, to say,
that no such imputation was ever fixed on Colonel Todd's (sic)
character."
Whatever may have been the real reason for the premature
termination of liis official career at the age of forty, iU-health
was put forward as the ostensible cause of his retirement. He
had served for about twenty-four years in the Indian plains
without any leave ; he had long suffered from malaria ; and,
though he hardly suspected it at the time, an attempt had been
made by one of his servants to poison him with Datura ; he
had met with a serious accident when, by chance or design, his
elephant-driver dashed his howdah against the gate of Begun
fort in eastern Mewar. In spite of all this, he retained sufficient
health to make, on the eve of his departure from India, the
extensive tour recorded in his Travels in Western India. Neither
on his retirement, nor at any subsequent period, were liis services,
official and hterary, rewarded by any distinction.
During his seventeen years' service in Central India and
Kajputana he showed indefatigable industry in the collection
of the materials which were partially used in liis great work.
His taste for the study of liistory and antiquities, etluiology,
popular religion, and superstitions was stimulated by the pioneer
work of Sir W. Jones and other writers in the Asiatic Researches.
He was not a trained philologist, and he gained much of liis
information from liis Guru, the Jain Yati Gyanchandra, and the
Brahman Pandits whom he employed to make inquiries on his
INTRODUCTION xxix
behalf. They, too, were not trained scholars in the modern
sense of the term, and many of his mistakes are due to his rash-
ness in following their guidance.
His hfe was prolonged for tliirteen years after he left India.
In 1824, he attained the rank of Major, and in 1826 that of Lieu-
tenant-Colonel. Much of his time in England was spent in
arranging liis materials and compiling the works upon which his
reputation depends : The Annals, pubhshed. between 1829 and
1832 ; and his Travels in Western India, published after his
death, in 1839. He was in close relations with the Royal Asiatic
Society, of wliich he acted for a time as Librarian. In this fine
collection of books and manuscripts he gained much of that
discursive learning which appears in' The Annals. He presented
to the Society niunerous manuscripts, inscriptions, and coins.
The fine series of drawings made to illustrate his works by Captain
P. T. Waugh and a native artist named Ghasi, have recently
been rearranged and catalogued in the Library of the Society.
They well deserve inspection by any one interested in Indian art.
He also made frequent tours on the Continent, and on one occasion
visited the great soldier, Comit Benoit de Boigne, who died in
1830, leaving a fortune of twenty millions of francs.
On November 16, 1826, Tod married Juha, daughter of Dr.
Henry Clutterbuck, an eminent London surgeon, by whom he
had two sons and a daughter. In 1835 he settled in a house in
Regent's Park, and on November 17 of the same year he died
suddenly wliile transacting business at the office of his bankers,
Messrs. Robarts of Lombard Street. The names of his descend-
ants will appear from the pedigree appended to this Introduction.
The Annals of Rajasthan, the two volumes of which were,
by permission, dedicated to Kings George IV. and WiUiam IV.
respectively, was received with considerable favour. A con-
temporary critic deals with it in the following terms : ^ " Colonel
Tod deserves the praise of a most delightful and industrious
collector of materials for history, and his own narrative style in
many places displays great freedom, vigour, and perspicuity.
Though not always correct, and occasionally stiff and formal, it
is not seldom highly animated and picturesque. The faults of
his work are inseparable from its nature ; it would have been
almost impossible to mould up into one continuous history the
^ Quarterly Review, vol. xlviii. Oct.-Dec. 1832, pp. 38 f.
X5£X INTRODUCTION
distinct and separate annals of the various Rajput races. The
patience of the reader is thus imavoidably put to a severe trial,
in having to reascend to the origin, and again to trace downwards
the parallel annals of some new tribe — sometimes interwoven
Avith, sometimes entirely distinct from, those which have gone
before. But, on the whole, as no one but Colonel Tod could have
gathered the materials for such a work, there are not many who
could have used them so well. No candid reader can arise from
its perusal without a very high sense of the character of the Author
— no scholar, more certainly, without respect for his attainments,
and gratitude for the service which he has rendered to a branch
of literature, if far from popular, by no means to be estimated, as
to its real importance, by the extent to which it may command
the favour of an age of duodecimos."
In estimating the value of the local authorities on which the
liistory is based. Tod reposed undue confidence in the epics and
ballads composed by the poet Chand and other tribal bards. It
is believed that more than one of these poems have disappeared
since his time, and these materials have been only in part edited
and translated. The value to be placed on bardic literature is a
question not free from difficulty. " On the faith of ancient songs,
the uncertain but the only memorials of barbarism," says Gibbon,
" they [Cassiodorus and Jornandes] deduced the first origin of the
Goths." ^ The poet may occasionally record facts of value, but
in his zeal for the honour of the tribe which he represents, he is
tempted to exaggerate victories, to minimize defeats. This is a
danger to which Indian poets are particularly exposed. Their
trade is one of fulsome adulation, and in a state of society like
that of the Rajputs, where tribal and personal rivalries flourish,
the temptation to give a false colouring to history is great. In
fact, bardic literature is often useful, not as evidence of occurrences
in antiquity, but as an indication of the habits and beliefs current
in the age of the writer. It exhibits the facts, not as they really
occurred, but as the writer and lais contemporaries supposed that
they occurred. The mind of the poet, with all its prejudices,
projects itself into the distant past. Good examples of the
methods of the bards will appear in the attempt to connect the
Rathors with the dynasty of Kanauj, or to represent the Chauhans
as the founders of an empire in the Deccan.
^ Decline and Fall, ed. W. Smith, i. 375.
INTRODUCTION xxxi
Recent investigation has thrown much new hght on the origin
of the Rajputs. A wide gulf hes between the Vedic Kshatriya
and the Rajput of medieval times which it is now impossible to
bridge. Some clans, with the help of an accommodating bard,
may be able to trace their lineage to the Kshatriyas of Buddhist
times, who v.ere recognized as one of the leading elements in
Hindu society, and, in their own estimation, stood even higher
tlxan the Brahmans.^ But it is now certain that the origin of
many clans dates from the Saka or Kushan invasion, which began
about the middle of the second century B.C., or more certainly,
from that of the ^Vl^lite Huns who destroyed the Gupta empire
about A.D. 480. The Gurjara tribe connected with the latter
people adopted Hinduism, and their leaders formed the main
stock from which the higher Rajput families sprang. When
these new claimants to princely honours accepted the faith and
institutions of Brahmanism, the attempt would naturally be made
to ainiiate themselves to the mythical heroes whose exploits are
recorded in the Mahabharata and Ramayana. Hence arose the
body of legend recorded in The Annals by wliich a fabulous
origin from the Sun or Moon is ascribed to two great Rajput
branches, a genealogy claimed by other princely families, like
the Incas of Peru or the Mikado of Japan. Or, as in the case of
the Rathors of Marwar, an equally fabulous story was invented
to link them with the royal house of Kanauj, one of the genuine
old Hindu ruling families. The same feeling lies at the root of
the Aeneid of Virgil, the court poet of the new empire. The clan
of the emperor Augustus, the lulii, a jiatrician family of Alban
origin, was represented as the heirs of lulus, the supposed sou of
Aeneas and founder of Alba Longa, thus linking the new Augustan
house with the heroes of the Iliad.
One of the merits of Tod's work is that, though his knowledge of
ethnology was imperfect, and he was unable to reject the local
chronicles of the Rajputs, he advocated, in anticipation of the
conclusions of later scholars, the so-called " Scythic " origin of
the race. To make up for the lack of direct evidence of Scythian
manners and sociology to support this position, he was forced
to rely on certain superficial resemblances of custom and belief,
not between Rajputs, Scythians and Hims, but between Rajputs,
1 V. A. Smith, Early History of India, 3rd ed. 408 ; Rhys Davids, Buddhist
India, 60 f.
xxxii INTRODUCTION
Getae or Thracians, or the Germans of Tacitus. In the same way
a supposed identity of name led him to identify the Jats of
northern India with the Getae or with the Goths, and finally to
bring them with the Jutes into Kent.
A similar process of groping in semi-darkness induced him to
make constant references to serpent worship, which, as Sir E.
Tylor remarked, " years ago fell into the hands of speculative
writers who mixed it up with occult philosophies, druidical
mysteries, and that portentous nonsense called the ' Arkite sym-
bolism,' till now sober students hear the very name of ophiolatry
with a shudder." ^ He repeatedly speaks of a people whom he
calls the " Takshaks," apparently one of the Scytliian tribes.
There is, however, no reason to beheve that serpent worship
formed an important element in the beliefs of the Scythians, or
to suppose that the cult, as we observe it in India, is of other than
indigenous origin.
The more recent \aews of the origin of the Rajputs may be
briefly illustrated in comiexion with some of the leading septs.
Dr. Vincent A. Smith holds that the term Kshatriya was not an
ethnical but an occupational designation. Rajaputra, ' son of a
Raja,' seems to have been a name applied to the cadets of ruhng
houses who, according to the ancient custom of tribal society,
were in the habit of seeking their fortunes abroad, winning by
some act of valour the hand of the princess whose land they visited,
and with it the succession to the kingdom vested in her under the
system of Mother Right. Sir James Frazer has described various
forms of this mode of succession in the case of the Kings of Rome,
Ashanti, Uganda, in certain Greek States, and other places.^
Dr. Smith goes on to say : " The term Kshatriya was, I beheve,
always one of very vague meaning, simply denoting the Hindu
ruhng classes wliich did not claim Brahnianical descent. Occasion-
ally a raja might be a Brahman by caste, but the Brahman's place
at court was that of a minister rather than that of king." " This
ollice in Rajputana, as we learn from numerous instances in The
Annals, was often taken by members of the Bania or mercantile
class, because the Brahmans of the Desert, by their laxity of
1 Primitive Culture, 2nd ed. ii. 239.
* Lectures on the Early History of the Kingship, 231 £E. ; The Golden Bough,
3rd ed. ; The Magic Art, ii. 269 ff.
3 Early History oj India, 408.
INTRODUCTION xxxiii
practice, had acquired an equivocal reputation, and were gener-
ally illiterate. The Rajput has always, untU recent times,
favoured the Bhat or bard more than the Brahman.
The group denoted by the name Kshatriya or Rajput thus
depended on status rather than on descent, and it was therefore
possible for foreigners to be introduced into the tribes without
any violation of the prejudices of caste, which was then only
partially developed. In later times, under Brahman guidance,
the rules of endogamy, exogamy, and confarreaiio have been
deiinitely formulated. But as the power of the priesthood
increased, it was necessary to disguise this admission of foreigners
imder a convenient fiction. Hence arose the legend, told in two
different forms in The Annals, wliich describes how, by a solemn
act of purification or initiation, under the superintendence of one
of the ancient Vedic Risiiis or inspired saints, the " fire-born "
septs were created to help the Brahmans in repressing Buddhism,
Jainism, or other heresies, and in estabhshing the ancient tradi-
tional Hindu social pohcy, the temporary downfall of which,
under the stress of foreign invasions, is carefully concealed in the
Hindu sacred Uterature. This privilege was, we are told, confined
to four septs, known as Agnikula, or ' fire-born ' — the Pramar,
Parihar, Chalukya or Solanki, and the Chauhan. But there is
good reason to beheve that the Pramar was the only sept which
laid claim to this distinction before the time of the poet Chand,
who flourished in the twelfth century of our era.^ The local
tradition in Rajputana was so vague that in one version of the
story Vasishtha, in the other Visvamitra, is said to have been the
olficiating priest.
In the case of the Sesodias of Mewar, Mr. D. R. Bhandarkar
has given reasons to beheve that Gehlot or Guliilot means simply
' son of Guliila,' an abbreviation of Guhadatta, the name of its
founder.^ He is said to have belonged to the Gurjara stock,
kinsmen or aUies of the Huns who entered India about the sixth
century of our era, and founded a kingdom in Rajputana with its
capital at Bhilmal or Srimal, about fifty miles from Mount Abu,
^ Journal Royal Asiatic /Society, 1905, I 11". The tradition seems to have
started earlier in Southern India, y. Krishnaswami Aiyangar, Ancient
India, 1911, 390 ff.
- Journal Asiatic Society Bengal, 1909, 167 ff. The criticism by Pandit
Mohaulal Vishnulal Pandia [ibid., 1912, 63 ff.) is extremely feeble.
xxxiv INTRODUCTION
the scene of the regeneration of the Rajputs. This branch, which
took the name of Maitrika, is said to be closely connected with the
Mer tribe, which gave its name to Merwara, and is fully described
in The Annals. The actual conqueror of Chitor, Bapa or Bappa,
is said in inscriptions to have belonged to the branch known as
Nagar, or ' City ' Brahmans which has its present headquarters
at the town of Vadnagar in the Baroda State. Tliis conversion
of a Brahman into a Rajput is at first sight starthng, but the fact
implies that the institution of caste, as we observe it, was then
only imperfectly estabfished, and there was no difficulty in
believing that a Brahman could be ancestor of a princely house
which now claims descent from the Sun. As will appear later on,
Bapa seems to be a historical personage. These facts help us to
understand the strange story in The Annals, which tells how
Gohaditya received inauguration as chief by having his forehead
smeared with blood drawn from the finger of a BhJl, a form of the
blood covenant which appears among many savage tribes.^ In
those days no definite hne was drawn between the Bhlls, now a
wild forest tribe, and the Rajputs. The Bhils were the free lords
of the jungle, original owners of the soil, and though they practised
rites and followed customs repulsive to orthodox Hindus, they
did not share in the impvu-ity which attached to foul outcastes
like the Dom or the Chandala. , As the Bhils were believed to be
autochthonous, and thus understood the methods of controlling
or conciliating the local spirits, by this form of inauguration they
passed on their knowledge to the Rajputs whom they accepted
as their lords. The relations of the Minas, another jungle tribe
of the same class, with the Kachhwahas of Jaipur were of the
same kind.
According to the bardic legend given in The Annals, the
Rathors, the second great Rajput clan, owed their origin to a
migration of a body of its members to the western Desert when
the territory of Kanauj was conquered by Shihabu-d-din in a.d.
1193. But it is now certain that the ruling dynasty of Kanauj
belonged, not to the Rathor, but to the Gaharwar clan, and that
the first Rathor settlement in Rajputana must have occurred
anterior to the conquest of Kanauj by the Musalmans. An
inscription, dated a.d. 997, found in the ruins of the ancient town
of Hathundi or Hastikundi in the Bali Hakumat of the Jodhpur
j ^ E. S. Hartland, Primitive Paternity, i. 258 ff.
INTRODUCTION xxxv
State, names four Rathor Rajas who reigned there in the tenth
century.^ The local legend is an attempt to connect the line of
Rathor princes with the Kanaiij dynasty. It has been suggested
that the Deccan dynasty of the Rashtrakiitas which, in name at
least, is identical with Rathor, reigning at Nasik or Malkhed from
A.D. 753 to 973, was connected with the Reddis or Raddis, a
caste of cultivators which seem to have migrated from Madras
into the Deccan at an early period. But any racial connexion
between the Deccan Reddis and the Rathors of Rajputana is
very doubtful.* *
The Chandel clan, ranked in The Annals among the Thirty-
six Royal Races, is believed to be closely connected with the
Bhars and Gonds, forest tribes of Bundelkhand and the Central
Provinces. Mr. R. V. Russell prefers to connect them with the
Bhars alone, on the ground that the Gonds, according to the best
traditions, entered the Central Provinces from the south, and
made no effective settlement in Bundelkhand, the headquarters
of the Chandels.^ But there was a Gond settlement in the
Hainlrpur District of Bundelkhand, and the close connexion
between the Gonds and the Chandels began in what is now the
Chhatarpur State.
The results of recent investigations into Rajput ethnology are >
thus of great importance, and enable us to correct the bardic
legends on which the genealogies recorded in The Annals were
founded. Much remains to be done before the question can be
finally settled. The local Rajput traditions and the ballads of
the bards must be collected and edited ; the ancient sites in
Rajputana must be excavated ; physical measurements, now
somewhat discredited as a test of racial affinities, must be made in
larger numbers and by more scientific methods. But the general
thesis that some of the nobler Rajput septs are descended from
Gurjaras or other foreigners, while others are closely connected
with the autochthonous races, may be regarded as definitely
proved.
One of the most valuable parts of The Annals is the chapter
1 K. D. Eiskine, Gazetteer Western Rajput States and Bikaner Agency,
A. i. 177.
2 Bombay Gazetteer,!. Part i. 385; Bombay Census Heport, 1911, i. 279;
Smith, Early History, 413.
s Tribes and Castes of llie Central Provinces, iv. 441.
xxxvi INTRODUCTION
describing the popular religion of Mewar, the festival and rites
in honour of Gauri, the Mother goddess. There are also many
incidental notices of cults and superstitions scattered through
the work. A race of warriors like the Rajputs naturally favours
the worship of Siva who, as the successor of Rudra, the Vedic
storm-god, was originally a terror-inspiring deity, a side of his
character only imperfectly veiled by his euphemistic title of Siva,
' the blessed or auspicious One.' In his phallic manifestation
his chief shrine is at Eklingji, ' the single or notable phallus,'
about fourteen miles north of Udaipur city. The Ranas hold
the office of priest-kings, Dlwans or prime-ministers of the god.
Their association with this deity has been explained by an in-
scription recently found in the temple of Natha, ' the Lord,'
now used as a storeroom of Jhe Eklingji temple.^ The inscription,
dated a.d. 971, is in form of a dedication to LakulTsa, a form of
Siva represented as bearing a club, and refers to the Saiva sect
known as Lakullsa-Pasapatas. It records the name of a king
named Sri-Bappaka, ' the moon among the princes of the Guhila
dynasty,' who reigned at a place called Nagahvada, identified
with Nagda, an ancient town several times mentioned in The
Annals, the ruins of which exist at the foot of the hill on which
the temple of Eklingji stands. Sri-Bappaka is certainly Bapa
or Bappa, the traditional founder of the Mewar dynasty, which
had at that time its capital at Nagda. From this inscription it is
clear that the Eklingji temple was in existence before a.d. 971,
and, as Mr. Bhandarkar remarks, " it shows that the old tradition
about Nagendra and Bappa Rawal's infancy given by Tod had
some historical foundation, and it is intelligible how the Ranas of
Udaipur could have come to have such an intimate connexion with
the temple as that of high priests, in which capacity they still
officiate." This office vested in them is a good example of one
of those dynasties of priest-kings of which Sir James Frazer has
given an elaborate account.^
The milder side of the Rajput character is represented in the
cult of Krishna at Nathdwara. The Mahant or Abbot of the
temple, situated at the old village of Siarh, twenty-two miles
^ D. R. Bhandarkar, Journal Bombay Branch Royal Asiatic Society,
1916, Art. xii.
2 The. Golden Bauqh, 3rd ed. ; The Magic Art, i. 44 flf. ; Adonis, Attis,
Osiris, i. 42 f., 143 £f.
INTRODUCTION xxxvii
from the city of Udaipur, enjoys semi-royal state. In anticipation
of tlie raid by Aurangzeb on Mathura, a.d. 1669-70, tlie ancient
image of Kesavadeva, a form of Krishna, ' He of the flowing
locks,' was removed out of reach of danger by Rana Raj Singh
of Mewar. When the cart bearing the image arrived at Siarh,
the god, by stopping the cart, is said to have expressed liis inten-
tion of remaining there. This was the origin of the famous temple,
still visited by crowds of pilgrims, and one of the leading seats
of the Vallabhacharya sect, ' the Epicureans of the East,' whose
practices, as disclosed in the famous Maharaja libel case, tried at
Bombay in 1861, gave rise to grievous scandal.^ The ill-feeling
against this sect, aroused by these revelations, was so intense that
the Maharaja of Jaipur ordered that the two famous images of
Krishna worshipped in his State, which originally came from
Gokul, near Mathura, should be removed from his territories
into those of the Bharatpur State.
Tod bears witness to the humanizing effect on the Rajputs of
the worship of this god, whom he calls " the Apollo of Braj," the
holy land of Krishna near Mathura. He also asserts that the
Emperor Akbar favoured the worship of Krishna, a feeling shared
by his successors Jahangir and Shah Jahan. Akbar, in his search
for a new faith to supersede Islam, of which he was parens cultor
et infrequens, dallied with Hindu Pandits, Parsi priests, and
Christian missionaries, and he was doubtless well informed about
the sensuous ritual of the temple of Nathdwara.^
The character of the Rajputs is discussed in many passages
in The Annals. The Author expresses marked sympathy with
the people among whom his official life was spent, and he expresses
gratitude for the courtesy and confidence which they bestowed
upon him. This applies specially to the Sesodias of Mewar and
the Rathors of Marwar, with whom he lived in the closest intimacy.
He sliows, on the other hand, a decided prejudice against the
Kachhwahas of Jaipur, of whose diplomacy he disapproved.
This feeling, we may suspect, was due in part to their hesitation
in accepting the British alliance, a policy in which he was deeply
interested.
1 Karsandas Mulji, History of the Sect of the Maharajas or Vallabhdcharyas,
London, 1865 ; Report of the Mahdrdj Libel Case, Bombay, 1862 ; F. S.
Growse, Mathura, 3rd ed. 283 f.
2 V. A. Smith, Akbar, The Great Mogul, 162 ff.
xxxviii INTRODUCTION
The virtues of the Rajput He on the surface — their loyalty,
devotion, and gallantry ; their chivalry towards women ; their
regard for their national customs. Their weaknesses — though
Tod does not enumerate them in detail — are obvious from a study
of their history — their instability of character, their liability to
sudden outbreaks of passion, their tendency to yield to panic on
the battlefield, their inability, as a result of their tribal system,
to form a permanent combination against a public enemy, their
occasional faithlessness to their chiefs and allies, their excessiv-e
use of opium. These defects they share with most orientals, but,
on the whole, they compare favourably with other races in the
Indian Empire. There is much in their character and institutions
which reminds us of the Gauls as pictured by Mommsen in a
striking passage.^ Rajput women are described as virtuous,
affectionate, and devoted, taking part in the control of the family,
sharing with their husbands the dangers of war and sport, con-
temptuous of the coward, and exercising a salutary influence in
public and domestic affairs.
Strangely enough, Tod omits to give us a detailed account of
their marriage regulations and ceremonies. According to Mr.
E. H. Kealy,^ while male children under one year old exceed the
females, " the excess is not sufficiently great to justify the con-
clusion that female babies are murdered, nor is the theory that
female infants lost their lives by neglect supported by the
statistics. Unhappily the returns show that a high proportion
of married women is combined with a very low percentage of
females as compared with males between the ages of ten and
fourteen, the early stage of married life, and this defect is largely
due to premature cohabitation, lack of medical attendance, and
of sanitary precautions." No one can read without horror the
many narratives of the Johar, the final sacrifice by which womei\
in the hour of defeat gave their lives to save their honour, and of
the numerous cases of Sati. Both these customs are now only
a matter of history, but so late as 1879 General Hervey was able
to count at the Bikaner palace the handmarks of at least thirty-
seven widows who ascended the pyre with their lords.*
Much space in The Annals is occupied by a review of the
1 History of Rome, ed. 1866, iv. 209 if. '
* Censufs Report, Rajpittana, 1911, i. 132.
* Some Rerorch of Crime, ii, 217 f.
INTRODUCTION xxxix
so-called ' Feudal ' system in Rajputana. Tod was naturally
attracted in the course of his discursive reading by Henry
Hallam's View of the State of Europe during the Middle Ages,
which first appeared in 1818, four years before Tod resigned his
Indian appointment. Hallam himself was careful to point out
that " it is of great importance to be on our guard against seeming
analogies which vanish away when they are closely observed." ^
This warning Tod unguardedly overlooked. Hallam recognized
that Feudalism was an institution the ultimate origin of which
is still, to some extent, obscure. It possibly began with the
desire for protection, the rakhzvdli of the Rajputs, but it seems
to have been ultimately based on the private law of Rome, while
the influence of the Church, interested in securing its endowments,
was a factor in its evolution. In its completed form it represented
the final stage of a process which began under the Frankish
conquerors of Gaul. At any rate, it was of European origin, and
though it absorbed much that was common to the types of tribal
organization found in other parts of the world, it was moulded by
the political, social, and economical environment amidst which
it was developed. Hence, while it is possible to trace, as Tod has
done, certain analogies between the tribal institutions of the
Rajputs and the social organization of medieval Europe —
analogies of feudal incidents connected with Reliefs, Fines upon
alienation, Escheats, Aids, Wardship, and Marriage — these
analogies, when more closely examined, are found to be in the
main superficial. If we desire to undertake a comparative study
of the Rajput tribal system, it is unnecessary to travel to medieval
Europe, while we have close at hand the social organization of
more or less kindred tribes on the Indian borderland, Pathans,
Afghans, or ^aloch ; or, in a more primitive stage, those of the
Kandhs, Gonds, Mtindas, or Oraons. It is of little service to
compare two systems of which only the nucleus is common to
both, and to place side by side institutions which present only
a factitious similitude, because the social development of each
has progressed on different lines.
The Author's excursions into philology are the diversions of
a- clever man, not of a trained scholar, but interested in the
subject as an amateur. In his time the new learning on oriental
subjects had only recently begun to attract the attention of
1 View of the State of Europe during the Middle Ages, 12th ed. 1868, i. 186.
VOL. I d
xl • INTRODUCTION
scholars, of which Sir W. Jones was the prophet. Tod was a
diligent student of The Asiatic Researches, the publication of
which began at Calcutta in 1788. While much material of value
is to be found in these volumes, many papers of Captain Francis
Wilford and others are full of rash speculations which have not
survived later criticism. Tod is not to blame because he followed
the guidance of scholars who contributed articles to the leading
Indian review of his time ; because he was ignorant of the laws
of Grimm or Verner ; because, like his contemporaries, he
believed that the mythology of Egypt or Palestine influenced the
beliefs of the Indian people. It was his fate that many of his
guesses were quoted with approval by writers like T, Maurice in
his Indian Antiquities, and by N. Pococke in his India in Greece.
It is also well to remember that many of the derivations of the
names of Indian deities, confidently proposed by Kuhn and Max
Muller a few years ago, are no longer accepted. Tod, at any
rate, published his views on Feudalism and Philology without
any pretence of dogmatism.
One special question deserves examination — the constant
references to the cult of Bal-Siva, a form of the Sun god. A
learned Indian scholar. Pandit Gaurishankar Ojha, who is now
engaged on an annotated edition of The Annals in Hindi, states
that no temple or image dedicated to tliis god is known in
Rajputana. It is, of course, not unlikely that Siva, as a deity
of fertility, should be associated with Sun worship, but there
is no evidence of the cult on which Tod lays special stress- It
is almost useless to speculate on the source of his error. It
may be based on a reference in the Ain-i-Akhari ^ to a certain
Balnath, Jogi, who occupied a cell in a place in the Sindh Sagar
Duab of the Panjab. At the same time, like many of the
writers of his day, he may have had the Semitic Baal in his
mind.
It was largely due to imperfect information received from his
assistants that he shared with other writers of the time the con-
fusion between Buddhism and Jainism, and supposed that the
former religion was introduced into India from Central Asia.
His elaborate attempt to extract history and a trustworthy
scheme of chronology from the Puranas must be pronounced to
be a failure. Recently a learned scholar, Mr. F. E. Pargiter, has
1 ii. 315.
INTRODUCTION xli
shown how far an examination of these authorities can be con-
ducted with any approach to probability.^
The questions wliich have been discussed do not, to any
important extent, detract from the real value of the work. Even
in those points which are most open to criticism, The Annals
possesses importance because it represents a phase in the study
of Indian religions, ethnology, and sociology'. No one can
examine it without increasing pleasure and admiration for a
writer who, immersed in arduous official work, was able to in-
dulge his tastes for research. His was the first real attempt to
investigate the beliefs of the peasantry as contrasted with the
official Brahmanism, a study which in recent years has revolu-
tionized the current conceptions of Hinduism. Even if his
versions of the inscriptions which he collected fail to satisfy the
requirements of more recent scholars, he deserves credit for
rescuing from neglect and almost certain destruction epigraphical
material for the use of his successors. The same may be said of
the drawings of buildings, some of which have fallen into decay,
or have been mutilated by their careless guardians. When he
deals with facts which came under his personal observation, his
accounts of beliefs, folk-lore, social life, customs, and manners
possess permanent value.
He observed the Rajputs when they were in a stage of transi-
tion. Isolated by the inaccessibility of their country, they were
the last guardians of Hindu beliefs, institutions, and manners
against the rising tide of the Muhammadan invasions ; without
their protection much that is important for the study of the Hindus
must have disappeared. To avoid anarchy and the ultimate
destruction of these States, it was necessary for them ta accept
a closer union with the British as the paramount power. By
this they lost something, but they gained much. The new
connexion involved new duties and responsibiUties in adapting
their primitive system of government to modern requirements.
Tod thus stood at the parting of the ways. With the introduction
of the railway and the post-office, the disappearance of the caravan
as a means of transport, the increase of trade, the gi-owth of new
wants and possibilities of development in association with the
^ " Ancient Indian Genealogies and Chronology," " Earliest Indian
Traditional History," Journal Royal Asiatic Society, January 1910, April
1914.
xlii INTRODUCTION
Empire, the period of Rajput isolation came to a close. To some
it may be a matter of regret that the personal rule of the Chief
over a people strongly influenced by what they term swdmldharma,
the reciprocal loyalty of subject to prince and of prince to people,
should be replaced by a government of a more popular type. But
this change was, in the nature of things, inevitable. As an
example of this, a statement made by the Maharaja of BIkaner,
when he was summoned to attend the Imperial Conference in 1917,
may be quoted. " In my own territories we inaugurated some years
ago the beginnings of a representative assembly. It now consists
of elected, as well as nominated, non-official members, and their
legislative powers follow the lines of those laid down for the
Legislatures of British India in the 1909 reforms. In respect to
the Budget they have the same powers as those conferred on the
Supreme and Provincial Legislatures in British India by the
Lansdowne reforms in force from 1893 to 1909. When announcing
my intention of creating this representative body, I intimated
that as the people showed their fitness they would be entrusted
with more powers. Accordingly, at the end of the first triennial
term, when the elections will take place, we are revising the rules
of business in the direction of greater liberality and of removing
unnecessary restrictions." It remains to be seen how far this
policy will prove to be successful.
It was a happy accident that before the period of transi-
tion had begun in earnest, such a competent and sympathetic
observer should have been able to examine and record one of
the most interesting surviving phases of the ancient Hindu
polity.
A soldier and a sportsman, Tod learned to understand the
romantic, adventurous side of the Rajput character, and he
recorded with full appreciation the fine stories of manly valour,
of the self-sacrifice of women, the tragedies of the sieges of Chitor,
the heroism of Ranas Sanga and Partab Singh, or of Durgadas.
Many of these tales recall the age of medieval chivalry, and Tod
is at his best in recording them. No one can read without admira-
tion his account of the attack of the Saktawats and Chondawats
on Untala ; of Suja and the tiger ; the tragedy of Krishna
Kunwari ; of the queen of Ganor ; of Sanjogta of Kanauj ; of
Guga Chauhan and Alu Hara. In many of these tales the Rajput
displays the loyalty and valour, the punctilious regard for his
INTRODUCTION xliu
personal honour wliicli in the case of the Spanish grandee have
passed into a proverb.
While the Rajput is courteous in his intercourse with those
who are prepared to take him as he is, when he meets an English
officer he resents any hint of patronage, he is jealous of any
intrusion on the secluded folk behind the curtain, and he is often
rather an acquaintance than a friend, inchned to shelter himself
behind a dignified reserve, unwilUng to open his mind to any one
who does not accept his traditional attitude towards men of a
different race and of a different faith. When he makes a cere-
monial visit to a European officer, his conversation is often con-
fined to conventional compliments, or chat about the weather
and the state of the crops.
To remove these difficulties which obstruct friendly and con-
fidential intercourse, the young officer in India may be advised
to study the methods illustrated in this work. But he will do
well to avoid Tod's openly expressed partisanship. He owed
the affection and respect bestowed upon Mm by prince and
peasant, and even by the jealously guarded ladies of the zenanah,
to his kindhness and sympathy, his readiness to converse freely
with men of aU classes, his patience in hstening to grievances,
even those wliich he had no power to redress, his impartiahty as
an arbitrator between the Rana of Mewar and his people or
between individuals or sects unfriendly to each other. He studied
the national traditions and usages ; he knew enough of reUgious
behefs and of social customs to save lihn from giving offence by
word or deed ; he could converse with the people in their own
patois, and could give point to a remark by an apt quotation of a
proverb or a scrap of an old ballad.
When, if ever, a new history of the Rajputs comes to be
written, it must be largely based on Tod's collections, supple-
mented by wider historical, antiquarian, and epigraphical research.
The liistory of the last century cannot be compiled until the
recent administration reports, now treated as confidential, and
the muniment rooms of Calcutta and London are open to the
student. But it is unlikely that, for the present at least, any
writer will enjoy, as Tod did, access to the records and correspond-
ence stored in the palaces of the Chiefs.
For the Rajput himself and for natives of India interested in
the history of their coimtry, the work will long retain its value.
xliv INTRODUCTION
It preserves a record of tribal rights and privileges, of claims
based on ancient tradition, of feuds and their settlement, of
genealogies and family history which, but for Tod's careful record,
might have been forgotten or misinterpreted even by the Rajputs
themselves. In the original Enghsh text which many Rajputs
are now able to study they will find a picture of tribal society,
now rapidly disappearing, drawn by a competent and friendly
hand. Its interest will not be diminished by the fact that while
the writer displays a hearty admiration for the Rajput character,
he is not blind to its defects. At any rate, the Rajput will enjoy
the satisfaction that his race has been selected to furnish the
materials for the most comprehensive monograph ever compiled
by a British officer describing one of the leading peoples of India.
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Kaye, Sir J. W. Life and Correspondence of Lord Metcalfe. 2 vols.
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Keene, H. G, The Turks in India, London, 1879,
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The Fall of the Moghul Empire of Hindustan. London, 1887.
Kennedy, M. Notes on the Criminal Classes of the Bombay Presi-
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1903,
AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION TO THE
FIRST VOLUME OF THE ORIGINAL
EDITION
Much disappointment has been felt in Europe at the sterility of
the liistoric muse of Hindustan. When Sir William Jones first
began to explore the vast mines of Sanskrit literature, great hopes
were entertained that the history of the world would acquire
considerable accessions from this source. The sanguine expecta-
tions that were then formed have not been realized ; and, as it
usually happens, excitement has been succeeded by apathy and
indifference. It is now generally regarded as an axiom, that
India possesses no national history ; to which we may oppose the
remark of a French Orientalist, who ingeniously asks, whence
Abu-1 Fazl obtained the materials for his outlines of ancient Hindu
history ? ^ Mr. Wilson has; indeed, done much to obviate this
prejudice, by his translation of the Raja Tarangini, or History
of Kashmir,^ which clearly demonstrates that regular historical
composition was an art not unknown in Hindustan, and affords
satisfactory ground for concluding that these productions were
once less rare than at present, and that further exertion may
bring more relics to Ught. Although the labours of Colebrooke,
Wilkins, Wilson, and others of our own countrymen, emulated by
^ M. Abel Remusat, in his Melanges Asiatiques, makes many apposite
and forcible remarks on this subject, which, without intention, convey a
just reproof to the lukewarmness of our countiymen. The institution of
the Royal Asiatic Society, especially that branch of it devoted to Oriental
translations, may yet redeem this reproach.
2 Asiatic Researches, vol. xv. [The Rajatarangini of Kalhana has been
translated by M. A. Stein, 2 vols., London, 1910.]
VOL. I Iv e
Ivi AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION
many learned men in France [viii] and Germany,^ have revealed
to Europe some of the hidden lore of India ; still it is not pre-
tended that we have done much more than pass the threshold of
Indian science ; and we are consequently not competent to speak
decisively of its extent or its character. Immense libraries, in
various parts of India, are still intact, which have sur^ved the
devastations of the Islamite. The collections of Jaisalmer and
Patan, for example, escaped the scrutiny of even the lynx-eyed
Alau-d-din who conquered both these kingdoms, and who would
have shown as little mercy to those literary treasures, as Omar
displayed towards the Alexandrine library. Many other minor
collections, consisting of thousands of volumes each, exist' in
Central and Western India, some of which are the private property
of princes, and others belong to the Jain commimities.^
If we consider the political changes and convulsions which have
happened in Hindustan since Mahmud's invasion, and the in-
tolerant bigotry of many of his successors, we shall be able to
account for the paucity of its national works on history, without
being driven to the improbable conclusion, that the Hindus were
^ When the genius and erudition of such men as Schlegel are added to
the zeal which characterizes that celebrated writer, what revelations may we
not yet expect from the cultivation of oriental literature ?
2 Some copies of these Jain MSS. from Jaisalmer, which were written
from five to eight centuries back, I presented to the Royal Asiatic Society.
Of the vast numbers of these MS. books in the libraries of Patan and Jaisal-
mer, many are of the most remote antiquity, and in a character no longer
understood by their possessors, or only by the supreme pontiff and liis
initiated librarians. There is one volume held so sacred for its magical
contents, that it is suspended by a chain in the temple of Chintaman, at the
last-named capital in the desert, and is only taken down to have its covering
renewed, or at the inauguration of a pontiff. Tradition assigns its author-
ship to Somaditya Suru Acharya, a pontiff of past days, before the Islamite
liad crossed the waters of the Indus, and whose diocese extended far beyond
that stream. His magic mantle is also here preserved, and used on every
new installation. The character is, doubtless, the nail-headed Pali ; and
could we introduce the ingenious, indefatigable, and modest Mons. E.
Burnouf, with his able coadjutor Dr. Lassen, into the temple, wo might
learn something of this Sibylline volume, without their incurring the risk
of loss of sight, which befcl the last individual, a female Yati of the Jains,
who sacrilegiously endeavoured to acquire its contents. [For tlie temple
library at Jaisalmer see I A, iv. 81 if; for those at Udaipur, ibid. xiii. 31.
J. Burgess visited the Patan library, described by the Author (WI, 232 ff.),
and found a collection of paliu-lcaf MSS., carefiilly wrapped in cloth and
deposited in large chests (BO, vii. 598).]
AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION Ivii
ignorant of an art which has been cultivated in other countries
from ahnost the earhest ages. Is it to be imagined that a nation
so highly civilized as the Hindus, amongst whom the exact
sciences flourished in perfection, by whom the fine arts [ix],
architecture, sculpture, poetry, music, were not only cultivated,
but taught and defined by the nicest and most elaborate rules,
were totally unacquainted with the simple art of recording the
events of their history, the characters of their princes, and the
acts of their reigns ? Where such ti'aces of mind exist, we can
hardly believe that there was a want of competent recorders of
events, which synchronical authorities tell us were worthy of
commemoration. The cities of Hastinapur and Indraprastha,
of Anhilwara and Somanatha, the triumphal columns of Delhi
and Chitpr, the shrines of Abu and Girnar, the cave-temples of
Elephanta and Ellora, are so many attestations of the same fact ;
nor can we imagine that the age in which these works were erected
was without an historian. Yet from the Mahabharata or Great
War, to Alexander's invasion, and from that grand event to the
era of Mahmud of Ghazni, scarcely a paragraph of pure native
Hindu history (except as before stated) has hitherto been revealed
to the curiosity of Western scholars. In the heroic history of
Prithiraj, the last of the Hindu sovereigns of Delhi, written by
his bard Chand, we find notices which authorize the inference that
works similar to his own were then extant, relating to the period
between Mahmud and Shihabu-d-din (a.d. 1000-1193) ; but these
have disappeared.
After eight centuries of galling subjection to conquerors totally
ignorant of the classical language of the Hindus ; after almost
every capital city had been repeatedly stormed and sacked by
barbarous, bigoted, and exasperated foes ; it is too much to expect
that the literature of the comitry should not have sustained, in
common with other important interests, irretrievable losses. My
own animadversions upon the defective condition of the annals
of Rajwara have more than once been checked by a very just
remark : " when our princes were in exile, driven from hold to
hold, and compelled to dwell in the clefts of the mountains, often
doubtful whether they would not be forced to [x] abandon the
very meal preparing for them, was that a time to think of historical
records ? "
Those who expect from a people like the Hindus a species of
Iviii AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION
composition of precisely the same character as the historical
works of Greece and Rome, commit the very egregious error of
overlooking the peculiarities which distinguish the natives of
India from all other races, and which strongly discriminate their
intellectual productions of every kind from those of the West.
Their philosophy, their poetry, their architecture, are marked
with traits of originality ; and the same may be expected to
pervade their history, which, like the arts enumerated, took a
character from its intimate association with the religion of the
people. It must be recollected, moreover, that until a more
correct taste was imparted to the literature of England and of
France, by the study of classical models, the chronicles of both
these countries, and indeed of all the polished nations of Europe,
were, at a much more recent date, as crude, as wild, and as barren
as those of the early Rajputs.
In the absence of regular and legitimate historical records,
there are, however, other native works (they may, indeed, be said
to aboimd), which, in the hands of a skilful and patient investi-
gator, would afford no despicable materials for the history of
India. The first of these are the Puranas and genealogical
legends of the princes, which, obscured as they are by mythological
details, allegory, and improbable circumstances, contain many
facts that serve as beacons to direct the research of the liistorian.
What Hume remarks of the annals and annalists of the Saxon
Heptarchy, may be applied with equal truth to those of the
Rajput Seven States : ^ " they aboimd in names, but are extremely
barren of events ; or they are related so much without circum-
stances and causes, that the most profound and eloquent writer
must despair [xi] of rendering them either instructive or enter-
taining to the reader. The monks " (for which we may read
" Brahmans "), " who hved remote from public affairs, considered
the civil transactions as subservient to the ecclesiastical, and were
strongly affected with credulity, with the love of wonder, and
with a propensity to imposture."
The heroic poems of India constitute another resource for
history. Bards may be regarded as the primitive historians of
mankind. Before fiction began to engross the attention of poets,
or rather, before the province of liistory was dignified by a class
of writers who made it a distinct department of literature, the
1 Mewar, Marwar, Amber, Bikaner, Jaisalmer, Kotah, and Bundi.
AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION lix
functions of the bard were doubtless employed in recording real
events and in commemorating real personages. In India Calliope
has been worshipped by the bards from the days of Vyasa, the
contemporary of Job, to the time of Benidasa, the present
chronicler of Mewar. The poets are the chief, though not the
sole, historians of Western India ; neither is there any deficiency
of them, though they speak in a peculiar tongue, which requires
to be translated into the sober language of probability. To
compensate for their magniloquence and obscurity, their pen is
free : the despotism of the Rajput princes does not extend to the
poet's lay, wliich flows unconfined except by the shackles of the
chand bhujanga^ or ' serpentine stanza ' ; no slight restraint, it
must be confessed, upon the freedom of the historic muse. On
the other hand, there is a sort of compact or understanding
between' the bard and the prince, a barter of "solid pudding
against empty praise," whereby the fidelity of the poetic chronicle
is somewhat impaired. This sale of " fame," as the bards term
it, by the court-laureates and historiographers of Rajasthan, will
continue until there shall arise in the community a class sufficiently
enlightened and independent, to look for no other recompense
for literary labour than public distinction.
Still, however, these chroniclers dare utter truths, sometimes
most [xii] unpalatable to their masters. When offended, or
actuated by a virtuous indignation against immorality, they are
fearless of consequences ; and woe to the individual who provokes
them ! Many a resolution has sunk under the lash of their satire,
which has condemned to eternal ridicule names that might other-
wise have escaped notoriety. The vish, or poison of the bard,
is more dreaded by the Rajput than the steel of the foe.
The absence of all mystery or reserve with regard to public
affairs in the Rajput principalities, in which every individual
takes an interest, from the noble to the porter at the city-gates,
is of great advantage to the chronicler of events. When matters
of moment in the disorganized state of the country rendered it
imperative to observe secrecy, the Rana of Mewar, being applied
to on the necessity of concealing them, rejoined as follows :
" this is Chaumukha-raj ; ^ Eklinga the sovereign, I his vicegerent ;
in liini I trust, and I have no secrets from my children." To this
^ ' Government of four mouths,' alluding to the quadriform image of
the tutelary divinity.
Ix AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION
publicity may be partly ascribed the inefficiency of every general
alliance against common foes ; but it gives a kind of patriarchal
character to the government, and inspires, if not loyalty and
patriotism in their most exalted sense, feelings at least much akin
to them.
A material drawback upon the value of these bardic histories
is, that they are confined almost exclusively to the martial
exploits of their heroes, and to the rang-ran-hhum, or ' field of
slaughter.' Writing for the amusement of a warlike race, the
authors disregard civil matters and the arts and pursuits of
peaceful life ; love and war are their favourite themes. Chand,
the last of the great bards of India, tells us, indeed, in his preface,
" that he will give rules for governing empires ; the laws of
grammar and composition ; lessons in diplomacy, home and
foreign, etc." : and he fulfils his promise, by interspersing precepts
on these points in various ejiisodes throughout his work [xiii].
Again : the bard, although he is admitted to the knowledge
of all the secret springs which direct each measure of the govern-
ment, enters too deeply into the intrigues, as well as the levities,
of the court, to be qualified to pronounce a sober judgment upon
its acts.
Nevertheless, although open to all these objections, the works
of the native bards afford many valuable data, in facts, incidents,
religious opinions, and traits of manners ; many of which, being
carelessly introduced, are thence to be regarded as the least
suspicious kind of historical evidence In the heroic history of
Prithiraj, by Chand, there occur many geogTaphical as well as
historical details, in the description of his sovereign's wars, of
which the bard was an eye-witness, having been his friend, his
herald, his ambassador, and finally discharging the melancholy
office of accessory to his death, that he might save him from
dishonour. The poetical histories of Chand were collected by the
great Amra Singh of Mewar, a patron of literature, as well as a
warrior and a legislator.^
Another species of historical records is found in the accoimts
given by the Brahmans of the endowments of the temples, their
dilapidation and repairs, wliich furnish occasions for the introduc-
tion of historical and chronological details. In the legends,
^ [Only portions of the Chand-raesa or Prithiraj Raesa have been trans-
lated (Smith, EHI, 387, note ; lA, i. 269 ff., iii. 17 ff., xxxii. 167 f.]
AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION Ixi
respecting places of pilgrimage and religious resort, profane events
are blended with superstitious rites and ordinances, local cere-
monies and customs. The controversies of the Jains furnish,
also, much historical information, especially with reference to
Gujarat and Nahrwala, during the Chaulukya dynasty. From
a close and attentive examination of the Jain records, which
embody all that those ancient sectarians knew of science, many
chasms in Hindu history might be filled up. The party-spirit of
the rival sects of India was, doubtless, adverse to the purity of
history ; and the very ground upon which the Brahmans built
their ascendency was the ignorance of the people. There appears
to have been in India [xiv], as well as in Egypt in early times,
a coalition between the hierarchy and the state, with the view of
keeping the mass of the nation in darkness and subjugation.
These different records, works of a mixed historical and geo-
graphical character which I know to exist ; raesas or poetical
legends of princes, which are common ; local Puranas, religious
comments, and traditionary couplets ; ^ with authorities of a less
dubious character, namely, inscriptions ' cut on the rock,' coins,
copper-plate grants, containing charters of immunities, and ex-
pressing many singular features of civil government, constitute,
as I have already observed, no despicable materials for the
historian, who would, moreover, be assisted by the synchronisms
which are capable of being established with ancient Pagan and
later Muhammadan writers.
From the earliest period of my official connexion with this
interesting country, I applied myself to collect and explore its
early historical records, with a ^^ew of throwing some light upon
a people scarcely yet known in Europe and whose political con-
nexion with England appeared to me to be capable of undergoing
a material change, with benefit to both parties. It would be
wearisome to the reader to be minutely informed of the process I
adopted, to collect the scattered rehcs of Rajput history into the
form and substance in which he now sees them. I began with the
sacred genealogy from the Puranas ; examined the Mahabharata,
1 Some of these preserve the names of princes who invaded India between
the time of Mahmud of Ghazni and Shihabu-d-din, who are not mentioned
by Ferishta, the Muhammadan historian. The invasion of Ajmer and the
capture of Bayana, the seat of the Yadu princes, were made known to us
by this means.
Ixii AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION
and the poems of Chand (a complete chronicle of his times) ;
the voluminous historical poems of Jaisalmer, Marwar, and
Mewar ; ^ the histories of the Khichis, and those of the Hara
princes [xv] of Kotah and Bundi, etc., by their respective bards.
A portion of the materials compiled by Jai Singh of Amber or
Jaipur (one of the greatest patrons of science amongst the modern
Hindu princes), to illustrate the history of his race, fell into my
hands. I have reason to believe that there existed more copious
materials, which his profligate descendant, the late prince, in
his division of the empire with a prostitute, may have disposed
of on the partition of the library of the State, which was the finest
collection in Rajasthan. Like some of the renowned princes of
Timur's dynasty, Jai Singh kept a diary, termed Kalpadruma, in
which he noted every event : a work written by such a man and
at such an interesting juncture, would be a valuable acquisition
to history. From the Datia prince I obtained a transcript of the
journal of his ancestor, who served with such eclat amongst the
great feudatories of Aurangzeb's army, and from which Scott made
many extracts in his history of the Deccan.
For a period of ten years I was employed, with the aid of a
learned Jain, in ransacking every work which could contribute
any facts or incidents to the history of the Rajputs, or diffuse
any light upon their manners and character. Extracts and
versions of all such passages were made by my Jain assistant into
the more familiar dialects (which are formed frona the Sanskrit)
of these tribes, in whose language my long residence amongst
them enabled me to converse with facility. At much expense,
and during many wearisome hours, to support which required
no ordinary degree of enthusiasm, I endeavoured to possess
myself not merely of their history, but of their religious notions,
their familiar opinions, and their characteristic manners, by
^ Of Marwar, there were the Vijaya Vilas, the Surya Prakas, and Khyat,
or legends, besides detached fragments of reigns. Of Mewar, there was the
Khuman Raesa, a modem work formed from old materials which are lost,
and commencing with the attack of Chitor by Mahmud, supposed to be the
son of Kasim of Siiid, in tlie very earliest ages of Muhammadanisni : also
the Jagat Vilas, tlic Raj -prakas, and the Jaya Vilas, all poems composed in
the reigns of the princes whose names they bear, but generally introducing
succinctly the early parts of history. Besides these, there were fragments
of the Jaipur family, from their archives ; and the Man Charilra, or history
of Raja Man.
AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION Ixiii
associating with their chiefs and bardic chroniclers, and by listen-
ing to their traditionary tales and allegorical poems. I might
ultimately, as the circle of my [xvi] inquiries enlarged, have
materially augmented my knowledge of these subjects ; but ill-
health compelled me to relinquish this pleasing though toilsome
pursuit, and forced me to revisit my native land just as I had
obtained permission to look across the threshold of the Hindu
Minerva ; whence, however, I brought some relics, the examina-
tion of which I now consign to other hands. The large collection
of ancient Sanskrit and Bhakha MSS., which I conveyed to
England, have been presented to the Royal Asiatic Society, in
whose library they are deposited. The contents of many, still
unexamined, may throw additional light on the history of ancient
India. I claim only the merit of having brought them to the
knowledge of European scholars ; but I may hope that this will
furnish a stimulus to others to make similar exertions.
The little exact knowledge that Europe has hitherto acquired
of the Rajput States, has probably originated a false idea of the
comparative importance of this portion of Hindustan. The
splendour of the Rajput courts, however, at an early period of
the history of that country, making every allowance for the
exaggeration of the bards, must have been great. Northern
India was rich from the earUest times ; that portion of it, situated
on either side the Indus, formed the richest satrapy of Darius.
It has aboiuided in the more striking events which constitute
the materials for history ; there is not a petty State in Rajasthan
that has not had its Thermopylae, and scarcely a city that has not
produced its Leonidas. But the mantle of ages has shrouded
from view what the magic pen of the historian might have con-
secrated to endless admiration : Somnath might have rivalled
Delphos ; the spoils of Hind might have vied with the wealth
of the Libyan king ; and compared with the array of the Pandus,
the army of Xerxes would have dwindled into insignificance. But
the Hindus either never had, or have unfortunately lost, their
Herodotus and Xenophon.
If " the moral effect of history depend on the sympathy it
excites" [xvii], the annals of these States possess commanding
interest. The struggles of a brave people for independence
during a series of ages, sacrificing whatever was dear to them for
the maintenance of the religion of their forefathers, and sturdily
Ixiv AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION
defending to death, and in spite of every temptation, their rights
and national hberty, form a picture which it is difficult to con-
template without emotion. Could I impart to the reader but
a small portion of the enthusiastic delight with which I have
listened to the tales of times that are past, amid scenes where
their events occurred, I should not despair of triumphing over the
apathy which dooms to neglect almost every effort to enlighten
my native country on the subject of India ; nor should I appre-
hend any ill effect from the sound of names, which, musical and
expressive as they are to a Hindu, are dissonant and unmeaning
to a European ear : for it should be remembered that almost
every Eastern name is significant of some quality, personal or
mental. Seated amidst the ruins of ancient cities, I have listened
to the traditions respecting their fall ; or have heard the exploits
of their illustrious defenders related by their descendants near the
altars erected to their memory. I have, whilst in the train of
the southern Goths (the Mahrattas), as they carried desolation
over the land, encamped on or traversed many a field of battle,
of civil strife or foreign aggression, to read in the rude memorials
on the tumuli of the slain their names and history. Such anecdotes
and records afford data of history as well as of manners. Even
the couplet recording the erection of a ' column of victory,' or
of a temple or its repairs, contributes something to our stock of
knowledge of the past.
As far as regards the antiquity of the djmasties now ruling in
Central and Western India, there are but two the origin of which
is not perfectly within the limits of historical probability ; the
rest ha\nng owed their present establishments to the progress of
the Muslim arms, their annals are confirmed by those of their
conquerors. All the existing [xviii] families, indeed, have attained
their present settlements subsequently to the Muhammadan
invasions, except Mewar, Jaisalmer, and some smaller princi-
pahtics in the desert ; whilst others of the first magnitude, such
as the Pramara and Solanki, who ruled at Dhar and Anhilwara,
have for centuries ceased to exist.
I have been so hardy as to affirm and endeavour to prove the
common origin of the martial tribes of Rajasthan and those of
ancient Europe. I have expatiated at some length upon the
evidence in favour of the existence of a feudal system in India,
similar to that which prevailed in the early ages on the European
AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION Ixv
continent, and of which reUcs still remain in the laws of our own
natipn. Hypotheses of this kind are, I am aware, viewed with
suspicion, and sometimes assailed with ridicule. With regard to
the notions which I have developed on these questions, and the
frequent allusions to them in the pages of this volume, I entertain
no obstinate prepossessions or prejudices in their favour. The
world is too enhghtened at the present day to be in danger of
being misled by any hypothetical writer, let him be ever so skilful ;
but the probability is, that we have been induced, by the multitude
of false theories which time has exposed, to fall into the opposite
error, and that we have become too sceptical with regard to the
common origin of the people of the east and west. However, I
submit my proofs to the candid judgment of the world ; the
analogies, if not conclusive on the questions, are still sufficiently
curious and remarkable to repay the trouble of perusal and
to provoke further investigation ; and they may, it is hoped,
vindicate the author for endeavouring to elucidate the subject,
" by steering through the dark channels of antiquity by the feeble
lights of forgotten chronicles and imperfect records."
I am conscious that there is much in this work which demands
the indulgence of the public ; and I trust it will not be necessary
for me to assign a more powerful argument in plea than that
which I have already [xix] adverted to, namely, the state of my
health, which has rendered it a matter of considerable difficulty,
indeed I may say of risk, to bring my bulky materials even into
their present imperfect form. I should observe, that it never
was my intention to treat the subject in the severe style of history,
which would have excluded many details useful to the politician
as well as to the curious student. I offer this work as a copious
collection of materials for the future historian ; and am far less
concerned at the idea of giving too much, than at the apprehension
of suppressing what might possibly be useful.
I cannot close these remarks without expressing my obligations
to my friend and kinsman, Major Waugh, to the genius of whose
pencil the world is indebted for the preservation and transmission
of the splendid monuments of art which adorn this work.
AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION TO THE
SECOND VOLUME OF THE ORIGI-
NAL EDITION
In placing before the public the concluding volume of the Annals
of Rajputana I have fulfilled what I considered to be a sacred
obligation to the races amongst whom I have passed the better
portion of my life ; and although no man can more highly
appreciate public approbation, I am far less eager to court that
approbation than to awaken a sympathy for the objects of my
work, the interesting people of Rajputana,
I need add nothing to what was urged in the Introduction to
the First Volume on the subject of Indian History ; and trust
that, however slight the analogy between the chronicles of the
Hindus and those of Europe, as historical works, they will serve
to banish the reproach, which India has so long laboured under,
of possessing no records of past events : my only fear now is,
that they may be thought redundant.
I think I may confidently affirm, that whoever, without being
alarmed at their bulk, has the patience attentively to peruse these
Annals, cannot fail to become well acquainted with all the peculiar
features of Hindu society, and will be enabled to trace the founda-
tion and progress of each State in Rajputana, as well as to form
a just notion of the character of a people, upon whom, at a future
period, our existence in India may depend.
Whatever novelty the inquirer into the origin of nations may
find in these [viii] pages, I am ambitious to claim for them a
higher title than a mass of mere archaeological data. To see
humanity under every aspect, and to observe the influence of
different creeds upon man in his social capacity, must ever be one
Ixvii
Ixviii AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION
of the higliest sources of mental enjoyment ; and I may hope that
the personal qualities herein delineated, will allow the labourer
in this vast field of philosophy to enlarge his sphere of acquaint-
ance with human varieties. In the present circumstances of our
alliance with these States, every trait of national character, and
even every traditional incident, which, by leading us to understand
and respect their peculiarities, may enable us to secure their
friendship and esteem, become of infinite importance. The more
we study their history, the better shall we comprehend the causes
of their international quarrels, the origin of their tributary engage-
ments, the secret principles of their mutual repulsion, and the
sources of their strength and their weakness as an aggregate body :
without which knowledge it is impossible we can arbitrate with
justice in their national disputes ; and, as respects ourselves, we
may convert a means of defence into a source of bitter hostility.
It has been my aim to diversify as much as possible the details
of this volume. In the Annals of Marwar I have traced the
conquest and peopling of an immense region by a handful of
strangers ; and have dwelt, perhaps, with tedious minuteness
on the long reign of Raja Ajit Singh and the Thirty Years' War ;
to show what the energy of one of these petty States, impelled by
a sense of oppression, effected against the colossal power of its
enemies. It is a portion of their history which should be deeply
studied by those who have succeeded to the paramount power ;
for Aurangzeb had less reason to distrust the stability of his
dominion than we have : yet what is now the house of Timur ?
The resources of Marwar were reduced to as low an ebb at the close
of Aurangzeb's reign, as they are at the present time ; yet did
that [ix] State surmount all its difficulties, and bring armies into
the field that annihilated the forces of the empire. I,,et us not,
then, mistake the supineness engendered by long oppression, for
want of feeling, nor mete out to these high-spirited people the
same measure of contumely, with which we have treated the
subjects of our earlier conquests.
The Annals of the Bhattis may be considered as the link connect-
ing the tribes of India Proper with the ancient races west of the Indus,
or Indo-Scythia ; and although they will but slightly interest the
general reader, the antiquary may find in them many new topics
for investigation, as well as in the Sketch of the Desert, which has
preserved the relics of names that once promised immortality.
AUTHOR'S INTRODUCTION Ixix
Tlie patriarchal simplicity of the Jat communities, upon whose
ruins the State of Bikaner was founded, affords a picture, however
imperfect, of petty republics — a form of government little known
to eastern despotism, and proving the tenacity of the ancient
Gete's attachment to hberty.
Amber, and its scion Shaikhavati, possess a still greater interest
from their contiguity to our frontier. A multitude of singular
privileges is attached to the Shaikhavati federation, wliich it
behoves the paramount power thorouglily to understand, lest it
should be led by false views to pursue a policy detrimental to
them as well as to ourselves. To this extensive community
belong the Larkhanis, so utterly imknown to us, that a recent
internal tumult of that tribe was at first mistaken for an irruption
of our old enemies, the Pindaris.
Haraoti may claim our regard from the high bearing of its
gallant race, the Haras ; and the singular character of the in-
dividual with whose biography its history closes, and which
cannot fail to impart juster notions of the genius of Asiatics [x].
So much for the matter of this volume — with regard to the
manner, as the Rajputs abhor all jileas ad misericordiam, so like-
wise does their annalist, who begs to repeat, in order to deprecate
a standard of criticism inapplicable to this performance, that it
professes not to be constructed on exact historical principles :
Non historia, sed particulae historiae.
In conclusion. I adopt the peroration of the ingenuous, pious,
and liberal Abu-1 Fazl, when completing his History of the Provinces
of India ; " Praise be unto God, that by the assistance of his
Divine Grace, I have completed the History of the Rajputs.
The accovmt cost me a great deal of trouble in collecting, and I
found such difficulty in ascertaining dates, and in reconcihng the
contradictions in the several histories of the Princes of Rajputana,
that I had nearly resolved to relinquish the task altogether : but
who can resist the decrees of Fate ? I trust that those, who have
been able to obtain better information, will not dwell upon my
errors ; but that upon the whole I may meet with approbation." '
1 [Atn, ii. 418.]
York Place, Portman Square,
March 10, 1832.
i
ANNALS AND ANTIQUITIES
OF RAJASTHAN
BOOK I
GEOGRAPHY OF RAJASTHAN OR RAJPUTANA
Boundaries of Rajputana. — Rajasthan is the collective and classi-
cal denomination of that portion of India which is ' the abode ^
of (Rajput) princes.' In the familiar dialect of these countries
it is termed Rajwara, but by the more refined Raethana, corrupted
to Rajputana, the common designation amongst the British to
denote the Rajput principalities.
\Miat might have been the nominal extent of Rajasthan prior
to the Muhammadan conqueror Shihabu-d-din (when it probably-
reached beyond the Jumna and Ganges, even to the base of the
Himalaya) cannot now be known. At present we may adhere to
its restrictive definition, still comprehending a wide space and a
variety of interesting races.
Previous to the erection of the minor Muhammadan monarchies
of ^landu and Ahmadabad (the capitals of Malwa and Gujarat),
on the ruins of Dhar and Anhilwara Patan, the term Rajasthan
would have been appropriated to the space comprehended in the
map prefixed to this work : the valley of the Indus on the west,
and Bundelkhand ^ on the east ; to the north, the sandy tracts
(south of the Sutlej) termed Jangaldes ; and the Vindhya moun-
tains to the south.
^ Or ' regal (raj) dwelling (than).'
* It is rather singular that the Sind River wiU mark this eastern boundary,
a.s does the Indus (or great Sind) that to the west. East of this minor Sind
the Hindu princes are not of pure blood, and are excluded from Rajasthan
or Rajwara.
VOL. I B
2 GEOGRAPHY OF RAJASTHAN
This space comprehends nearly 8° of latitude and 9° of longi-
tude, being from 22° to 30° north latitude, and 69° to 78° east
longitude, embracing a superficial area of 350,000 square miles ^ [2].
Although it is proposed to touch upon the annals of all the
States in this extensive tract, with their past and present condi-
tion, those in the centre will claim the most prominent regard ;
especially Mewar, which, copiously treated of, will afford a
specimen, obviating the necessity of like details of the rest.
The States of Rajputana. — The order in which these States will
be reviewed is as follows :
1. Mewar, or Udaipur.
2. Marwar, or Jodhpur.
3. Bikaner and Kishangarh.
4. Kotah^ __
I- T-. T or Haraoti.
5. BundiJ
6. Amber, or Jaipur, with its branches, dependent and
independent,
7. Jaisalmer.
8. The Indian desert to the valley of the Indus.
History o£ Geographical Surveys. — The basis of this work is
the geography of the country, the historical and statistical por-
tion being consequent and subordinate thereto. It was, indeed,
originally designed to be essentially geographical ; but circum-
stances have rendered it impossible to execute the intended
details, or even to make the map * so perfect as the superabxmdant
material at the command of the author might have enabled him
to do ; a matter of regret to himself rather than of loss to the
general reader, to whom geographic details, however important,
arc usually dry and uninteresting.
It was also intended to institute a comparison between the
map and such remains of ancient geography as can be extracted
from the Puranas and other Hindu authorities ; which, however,
must be deferred to a future period, when the deficiency of the
^ [Rajputana, as now officially defined, lies between lat. 23° 3' and 30° 12'
N., and long. 69° 30' and 78° 17' E., the total area, according to the Census
Report, 1911, including Ajmer-Merwara, being 131,698 square miles.]
^ Engraved by that meritorious artist Mr. Walker, engraver to the East
India Company, who, I trust, will be able to make a fuller use of my materials
hereafter. [This has been replaced by a modern map.]
PREVIOUS SURVEYS 3
present rapid and general sketch may be supplied, should the
author be enabled to resume his labours.
The laborious research, in the course of which these data were
accumulated, commenced in 1806. when the author was attached
to the embassy sent, at the close of the Mahratta wars, to the
court of Sindhia. This chieftain's army was then in Mewar, at
that period almost a terra incognita, the position of whose two
capitals, Udaipur and Chitor, in the best existing maps, was pre-
cisely reversed [3] ; that is, Chitor was inserted S.E. of Udaipur
instead of E.N.E., a proof of the scanty knowledge possessed at
that period.
In other respects there was almost a total blank. In the maps
prior to 1806 nearly all the western and central States of Rajasthan
will be found wanting. It had been imagined, but a little time
before, that the rivers had a southerly course into the Nerbudda ;
a notion corrected by the father of Indian geography, the distin-
guished Rennell.^
This blank the author filled up ; and in 1815, for the first
time, the geography of Rajasthan was put into combined form
and presented to the Marquess of Hastings, on the eve of a general
war, when the labour of ten years was amply rewarded by its
becoming in part the foundation of that illustrious commander's
plans of the campaign. It is a duty owing to himself to state that
every map, without exception, printed since this period has its
foundation, as regards Central and Western India, in the labours
of the author.^
1 [James Uennell, 1742-1830.]
^ When the war of 1817 broke out, copies of my map on a reduced scale
were sent to all the divisions of the armies in the field, and came into posses-
sion of many of the staff. Transcripts were made which were brought to
Europe, and portions introduced into every recent map of India. One map
has, indeed, been given, in a manner to induce a supposition that the
furnisher of the materials was the author of them. It has fulfilled a pre-
diction of the Marquess of Hastings, who, foreseeing the impossibility of
such materials remaining private property, " and the danger of their being
appropriated by others," and desirous that the author should derive the
full advantage of his labours, had it signified that the claims for recompense,
on the records of successive governments, should not be deferred. It will
not be inferred the author is surprised at what he remarks. While he
claims priority for himself, lie is the last person to wish to see a halt in
science —
" For emulation has a thousand sons."
4 GEOGRAPHY OF RAJASTHAN
The Author's Surveys. — The route of the embassy was from
Agra, through the southern frontier of Jaipur to Udaipur. A
portion of this had been surveyed and points laid down from
celestial observation, by Dr. W. Hunter, which I adopted as the
basis of my enterprise. The Resident Envoy ^ to the court of
Sindhia was possessed of the valuable sketch of the route of
Colonel Palmer's embassy in 1791, as laid down by Dr. Hunter, the
foundation of my subsequent surveys, as it merited from its im-
portance and general accuracy. It embraced all the extreme
points of Central India : Agra, Narwar, Datia, Jhansi, Bhopal,
.Sarangpur, Ujjain, and on return from this, the first meridian of
the Hindus, by Kotah; Bundi, Rampura (Tonk), Bayana, to
Agra. The position of all these places was more or less accurately
fixed, according to the time which could be bestowed, by astro-
nomical observation [4].
At Rampura Hunter ceased to be my guide : and from this
point commenced the new survey of Udaipur, where we arrived
in June 1806. The position then assigned to it, with most inade-
quate instruments, has been changed only 1 ' of longitude, though
the latitude amounted to about 5'.
From Udaipur the subsequent march of the army with which
we moved led past the celebrated Chitor, and through the centre
of Malwa, crossing in detail all the grand streams flowing from
the Vindhya, till we halted for a season on the Bundelkhand
frontier at Khimlasa. In this journey of seven hundred miles I
twice crossed the lines of route of the former embassy, and was
gratified to find my first attempts generally coincide with their
established points.
In 1807, the army having undertaken the siege of Rahatgarh,
I determined to avail myself of the time which Mahrattas waste
in such a process, and to pursue my favourite project. With a
small guard I determined to push through untrodden fields, by
tlte banks of the Betwa to Chanderi, and in its latitude proceed
in a westerly direction towards Kotah, trace the course once more
of all those streams from the south, and the points of junction
of the most important (the Kali Sind, Parbati, and Banas) with
the Chambal ; and having effected this, continue my journey to
Agra. This I accomplished in times very different from the
^ My esteemed friend, Graeme Mercer, Esq. (of Maevisbank), who stimu-
lated my exertions with his approbation.
THE AUTHOR'S SURVEYS 5
present, being often obliged to strike my tents and march at mid-
night, and more than once the object of plunder.^ The chief
points in this route were Khimlasa, Rajwara, Kotra on the Betwa,
Kanyadana,'' Buradungar,* Shahabad, Barah,* Puleta,* Baroda,
Sheopur, Pali,^ Ranthambhor, Karauli, Sri Mathura, and Agra.
On my return to the Mahratta camp I resolved further to
increase the sphere, and proceeded westward by Bharatpur,
Katumbar, Sentri, to Jaipur, Tonk, Indargarh, Gugal Chhapra,
Raghugarh, Aron, Kurwai, Borasa, to Sagar : a journey of more
than one thousand miles. I found the camp nearly where I left it.
With this ambulatory court I moved everywhere within this
region, constantly employed in surveying till 1812, when Sindhia's
court became stationary. It was then I formed my plans for
obtaining a knowledge of those countries into which I could not
personally penetrate [5].
Survey Parties. — In 1810-11 I had despatched two i^arties,
one to the Indus, the other to the desert south of the Sutlej. The
first party, under Shaikh Abu-1 Barakat, journeyed westward,
by Udaipur, through Gujarat, Saurashtra and Cutch, Lakhpat and
Hyderabad (the capital of the Sindi government) ; crossed the
Indus to Tatta, proceeded up the right bank to Sehwan ; re-
crossed, and continued on the left bank as far as lOiairpur, the
residence of one of the triumvirate governors of Sind, and having
reached the insulated Bakhar ' (the capital of the Sogdoi of
Alexander), returned by the desert of Umrasumra to Jaisalmer,
Marwar, and Jaipur, and joined me in camp at Narwar. It was
^ Many incidents in these journeys would require no aid of imagination
to touch on the romantic, but they can have no place here.
^ Eastern tableland. ^ Sind River.
* Paibati River. . ^ Kali Sind River.
* Passage of the Chambal and junction of the Par.
' The Shaikh brought me specimens of the rock, which is siliceous ; and
also a piece of brick of the very ancient fortress of Sehwan, and some of the
grain from its pits, charred and alleged by tradition to have lain there since
the period of Raja Bhartarihari, the brother of Vikramaditya. It is not
impossible that it might be owing to Alexander's terrific progress, and to
their supphes being destroyed by fire. Sehwan is conjectured by Captain
Pottinger to be the capital of Musicanus. [The capital of the Sogdoi has
been identified with Alor or Aror ; but Cunningham places it between Alor
and Uchh. The capital of Mousikanos was possibly Alor, and Sehwan the
Sindimana of the Greeks. But, owing to changes in the course of the
Lower Indus, it is very difiicult to identify ancient sites (McCrindle,
Akxaiider, 157, 354 f.).]
6 GEOGRAPHY OF RAJASTHAN
a perilous undertaking ; but the Shaikh was a fearless and enter-
prising character, and moreover a man with some tincture of
learning. His journals contained many hints and directions for
future research in the geography, statistics, and manners of the
various races amongst whom he travelled.
The other party was conducted by a most valuable, man,
Madari Lai, who became a perfect adept in these expeditions of
geographical discovery, and other knowledge resulting therefrom.
There is not a district of anj^ consequence in the wide space before
the reader which was not traversed by this spirited individual,
whose qualifications for such complicated and hazardous journeys
were never excelled. Ardent, persevering, prepossessing, and
generally well-informed, he made his way when others might have
perished.^
From these remote regions the best-informed native inhabitants
were, by persuasion and recompense, conducted to me ; and I
could at all times, in the Mahratta camp at Gwalior, from 1812
to 1817, have provided a native of the valley of the Indus, the
deserts of Dhat, Umrasumra, or any of the States of Rajasthan.
The precision with which Kasids and other public conveyers
of letters, in countries where posts are little used, can detail the
peculiarities of a long line of route, and the accuracy of their
distances would scarcely be credited in Europe. I have no
hesitation in asserting that if a correct estimate were obtained
of the measured [6] coss of a country, a line might be laid down
upon a flat surface with great exactitude. I have heard it
affirmed that it was the custom of the old Hindu governments
to have measurements made of the roads from town to town,
and that the Abu Mahatma ^ contains a notice of an instrument
for that purpose. Indeed, the singular coincidence between
lines measured by the perambulator and the estimated distances
of the natives is the best proof that the latter are deduced from
some more certain method than mere computation.
I never rested satisfied with the result of one set of my parties,
^ His health was worn out at length, and he became the victim of de-
pressed spirits. He died suddenly : I beUeve poisoned. Fateh, almost as
zealous as Madari, also died in the jmrsuit. Geography has been destructive
to all who have pursued it with ardour in the East.
* A valuable aiid ancient work, which I presented to the Royal Asiatic
Societj'.
THE AUTHOR'S SURVEYS 7
with the single exception of Madari's, always making the informa-
tion of one a basis for the instruction of another, who went over
the same ground ; but with additional views and advantages,
and with the aid of the natives brought successively by each,
till I exhausted every field.
Thus, in a few years, I had filled several volumes with lines of
route throughout this space ; and having many frontier and
intermediate points, the positions of which were fixed, a general
outline of the result was constructed, wherein all this information
was laid down. I speak more particularly of the western States,
as the central portion, or that watered by the Chambal and its
tributary streams, whether from the elevated Aravalli on the
west, or from the Vindhya mountains on the south, has been
personally surveyed and measured in every direction, with an
accuracy sufficient for every political or military purpose, until
the grand trigonometrical survey from the peninsula shall be
•extended throughout India. These coimtries form an extended
plain to the Sutlej north, and west to the Indus, rendering the
amalgamation of geographical materials much less difficult than
where mountainous regions intervene.
After having laid down these varied lines in the outline
described, I determined to check and confirm its accuracy by
recommencing the survey on a new plan, viz. trigonometrically.
My parties were again despatched to resume their labours
over fields now familiar to them. They commenced from points
whose positions were fixed (and my knowledge enabled me to
give a series of such), from each of which, as a centre, they col-
lected every radiating route to every town within the distance of
twenty miles. The points selected were generally such as to
approach equilateral [7] triangles ; and although to digest the
information became a severe toil, the method will appear, even
to the casual observer, one which must throw out its own errors ;
for these lines crossed in every direction, and consequently
corrected each other. By such means did I work my way in
those unknown tracts, and the result is in part before the reader.
I say, in part ; for my health compels me reluctantly to leave
out much which could be combined from ten folios of journeys
extending throughout these regions.
The Author's Map. — In 1815, as before stated, an outline map
containing all the information thus obtained, and which the
8 GEOGRAPHY OF RAJASTHAN
subsequent crisis rendered of essential importance, was presented
by me to the Governor- General of India. Upon the very eve of
the war I constructed and presented another, of the greater
portion of Malwa, to which it appeared expedient to confine the
oiDcrations against the Pindaris. The material feature in this
small map was the general position of the Vindhya mountains,
the sources and course of every river originating thence, and the
passes in this chain, an object of primary importance. The
boundaries of the various countries in this tract were likewise
defined, and it became essentially useful in the subsequent dis-
memberment of the Peshwa's dominions.
In the construction of this map I had many fixed points, both
of Dr. Hunter's and my own, to work from ; and it is gratifying
to observe that though several measured lines have since been
run through this space, not only the general, but often the identi-
cal features of mine have been preserved in the maps since given
to the world. As considerable improvement has been made by
several measured lines through this tract, and many positions
affixed by a scientific and zealous geographer, I have had no
hesitation in incorporating a small portion of this improved
geography in the map now presented.^
Many surveyed lines were made by ine from 1817 to 1822 ;
and here I express my obligations to my kinsman,^ to whom
alone I owe any aid for improving this portion of my geographical
labours. This officer made a circuitous survey, which compre-
hended nearly the extreme points of Mewar, from the capital
by Chitor, Mandalgarh, Jahazpur, Rajmahall, and in return by
Banai, Radnor, Deogarh [8], to the point of outset. From these
extreme points he was enabled to place many intermediate ones,
for which Mewar is so favourable, by reason of its isolated
hills.
In 1820 I made an important journey across the Aravalli, by
Kumbhalmer, Pali, to Jodhpur, the capital of Marwar, and
thence by Merta, tracing the course of the Luni to its source at
Ajmer ; and from this celebrated residence of the Chauhan
^ It is, however, limited to Malwa, whose geography was greatly im-
proved and enlarged by the labours of Captain Dangerfield ; and though
my materials could fill up the whole of tliis province, I merely insert the
chief points to connect it with Rajasthan.
^ Captain P. T. Waugh, 10th Regiment Light Cavalry, Bengal.
PHYSIOGRAPHY OF RAJASTHAN 9
kings and Mogul emperors; returning through the central lands
of Mewar, by Banai and Banera, to the capital.
I had the peculiar satisfaction to find that my position of
Jodhpur, which has been used as a capital point in fixing the
geography west and north, was only 3' of space out in latitude,
and little more in longitude ; which accounted for the coincidence
of my position of Bikaner with that assigned by Mr. Elphtnstone
in his account of the embassy to Kabul.
Besides Udaipur, Jodhpur, Ajmer, etc., whose positions I had
fixed by observations, and the points laid down by Hunter, I
availed myself of a few positions given to me by that enterprising
traveller, the author of the journey into Ivliorasan,^ who marched
from Delhi, by Nagor and Jodhpur, to Udaipur.
The outline of the countries of Gujarat,^ the Saurashtra
peninsula, and Cutch, inserted chiefly by way of connexion, is
entirely taken from the labours of that distinguished geographer,
the late General Reynolds. We had both gone over a great
portion of the same field, and my testimony is due to the value
of his researches in countries into which he never personally
penetrated, evincing what may be done by industry, and the
use of such materials as I have described.
Physiography of Bajputana. — I shall conclude with a rapid
sketch of the physiognomy of these regions ; minute and local
descriptions will appear more appropriately in the respective
historical portions
Rajasthan presents a great variety of feature. Let me place
the reader on the highest peak of the insulated Abu, ' the saint's
pinnacle,' ^ as it is termed, and guide his eye in a survey over this
wide expanse, from the ' blue waters ' of the Indus west to the
' withy-covered ' * Betwa on the east. From this, the most [9]
elevated spot in Hindustan, overlooking by fifteen hundred feet
the Aravalli moimtains, his eye descends to the plains of Medpat *
^ Sir. J. B. Fraser [whose book was published in 1825].
^ My last journey, in 1822-23, was from Udaipur, through these countries
towards the Delta of the Indus, but more with a view to historical and
antiquarian than geographical research. It proved the most fruitful of
all my many journeys. [The results are recorded in Travels in Western
India, pubhshed in 1839, after the author's death.] ® Guru Sikhar.
* Its classic name is Vetravati, Vetra being the common willow [or reed]
in Sanskrit ; said by WiLford to be the same in Welsh.
* Literally 'the central {madJiya] flat.' [It means 'Land of the Med tribe.']
10 GEOGRAPHY OF RAJASTHAN
(the classic term for Mewar), whose chief streams, flowing from
the base of the AravaUi, join the Berach and Banas, and are
prevented from uniting with the Chambal only by the Patar ^ or
plateau of Central India.
Ascending this plateau near the celebrated Chitor, let the eye
deviate slightly from the direct eastern line, and pursue the only
practicable path by Ratangarh, and Singoli, to Kotah, and he
will observe its three successive steppes, the miniature representa-
tion of those of Russian Tartary. Let the observer here glance
across the Chambal and traverse Haraoti to its eastern frontier,
guarded by the fortress of Shahabad : thence abruptly descend
the plateau to the level of the Sind, still proceeding eastward,
until the table-mountain, the western limit of Bundelkhand,
affords a resting-point.
To render this more distmct, I present a profile of the tract
described from Abu to Kotra on the Betwa : ^ from Abu to the
Chambal, the result of barometrical measurement, and from the
latter to the Betwa from my general observations ^ of the irregu-
larities of surface. The result is, that the Betwa at Kotra is one
thousand feet above the sea-level, and one thousand lower than
the city and valley of Udaipur, which again is on the same level
with the base of Abu, two thousand feet above the sea. This line,
the general direction of which is but a short distance from the
tropic, is about six geographic degrees in length : yet is this small
space highly diversified, both in its inhabitants and the produc-
tion of the soil, whether hidden or revealed.
^ Meaning ' table {pat) mountain (ar).' — Although ar may not be found
ill any Sanskrit dictionary with the signification ' mountain,' yet it appears
to be a primitive root possessing such meaning — instance, Ar-buddha,
'hill of Buddha'; Aravalli, 'hill of strength.' Ar is Hebrew for 'moun-
tain ' (qu. Ararat ?) "Opos in Greek ? The common word for a mountain
in Sanskrit, gir, is equally so in Hebrew. [These derivations are out of
date. The origin of the word pntdr is obscure. Sir G. Grierson, to whom
the question was referred, suggests a connexion with Marathi pathdr, ' a
tableland,' or Gujarati pathdr (Skr. prastara, ' expanse, extent '). The
word is probably not connected with Hindi pdt, ' a board.']
2 The Betwa River runs under the tableland just alluded to, on the east.
^ I am familiar with these regions, and confidently predict that when a
similar measurement shall be made from the Betwa to .Kotah, these results
will little err, and the error will be in having made Kotah somewhat too
elevated, and the bed of the Betwa a little too low. [Udaipur city is 1950
feet above sea-level.]
1^ i ^1
PHYSIOGRAPHY OF RAJASTHAN 11
Let us now from our eleva^d station (still turned to the east)
carry the eye both south and north of the line described, which
nearly bisects Madhyadesa,^ ' the central land ' of Rajasthan ;
best defined by the course of the Chambal and [10] its tributary
streams, to its confluence with the Jumna : while the regions
west of the transalpine Aravalli^^ may as justly be defined Western
Rajasthan.
Looking to the south, the eye rests on the long-extended and
strongly - defined line of the Vindhya mountains, the proper
bounds of Hindustan and the Deccan. Though, from our elevated
stand on ' the Saint's Pinnacle ' of Abu, we look down on the
Vindhya as a range of diminished importance, it is that our
position is the least favourable to viewing its grandeur, which
would be most apparent from the south ; though throughout
this skirt of descent, irregular elevations attain a height of many
hundred feet above such points of its abrupt descent.
The Aravalli itself may be said to coiuiect with the Vindhya,
and the point of junction to be towards Champaner ; though it
might be as correct to say the Aravalli thence rose upon and
stretched from the Vindhya. Whilst it is much less elevated
than more to the north, it presents bold features throughout,^
south by Lunawara, Dungarpur, and Idar, to Amba Bhawani
and Udaipur.
Still looking from Abu over the tableland of Malwa, we
observe her plains of black loam furrowed by the numerous
streams from the highest points of the Vindhya, pursuing their
northerly course ; some meandering through valleys or faUing
over precipices ; others bearing down all opposition, and actually
forcing an exit through the central plateau to join the Chambal.
The Aravalli Range. — Having thus glanced at the south, let
us cast the eye north of this line, and pause on the alpine Aravalli.*
^ Central India, a term which I first applied as the title of the map pre-
sented to the Marquess of Hastings, in 1815, 'of Central and Western India,'
and since become famiUar. [Usually applied to the Ganges-Jumna Duab.]
"^ Let it be remembered that the Aravalli, though it loses its tabular form,
sends its branches north, terminating at DeUii.
^ Those who have marched from Baroda towards Malwa and marked the
irregularities of surface will admit this chain of connexion of the Vmdhya
and AravaUi.
* ' The refuge of strength ' [?], a title justly merited, from its affording
protection to the most ancient sovereign race which holds dominion, whether
12 GEOGRAPHY OF RAJASTHAN
Let us take a section of it, from the capital, Udaipur, the line of
our station on Abu, passing through Oghna Panarwa, and Mirpur,
to the western descent near Sirohi, a space of nearly sixty miles
in a direct h"ne, where " hills o'er hills and alps on alps arise,"
from the ascent at Udaipur, to the descent to ISIarwar. All this
space to the Sirohi frontier is inhabited by communities of the
aboriginal races, living in a state of primeval and almost savage
independence, owning no paramount power, paying no tribute,
but with all the simplicity of republics ; their leaders, with the
title of Rawat, being hereditary. Thus the Rawat of the Oghna
commune can assemble five thousand bows, and several others [11 J
can on occasion muster considerable numbers. Their habitations
are dispersed through the valleys in small rude hamlets, near their
pastures or places of defence.^
Let me now transport the reader to the citadel pinnacle of
Kumbhalmer,^ thence surveying the range running north to Ajmer,
where, shortly after, it loses its tabular form, and breaking into
lofty ridges, sends numerous branches through the Shaikhavati
federation, and Alwar, till in low heights it terminates at Delhi.
From Kumbhalmer to Ajmer the whole space is termed
Merwara, and is inhabited by the mountain race of Mer or Mair,
the habits and history of which singular class will be hereafter
related. The range averages from six to fifteen miles in breadth,
in the east or west — the ancient stock of the Suryavans, the Hehadai of
India, our ' children of the sun,' the princes of Mewar. [Aravalli probably
means ' Comer Line.']
^ It was my intention to have penetrated through their singular abodes ;
and I had negotiated, and obtained of these ' forest lords ' a promise of
hospitable passport, of which I have never allowed myself to doubt, as the
virtues of pledged faith and hospitahty are ever to be found in stronger
keeping in the inverse ratio of civiUzation. Many years ago one of my
parties was permitted to range through this tract. In one of the passes of
their lengthened valleys ' The Lord of the Mountain ' was dead : the men
were all abroad, and his widow alone in the hut. Madari told his story,
and claimed her surety and passport ; which the Bhilni dehvered from the
quiver of her late lord ; and the arrow carried in his hand was as well
recognised as the cumbrous roll with all its seals and appendages of a
traveller in Europe.
* Meru signifies ' a hill ' in Sanskrit, hence Komal, or properly Kumbhal-
mer, is 'the hill' or 'mountain of Kumbha/ a prince whose exploits are
narrated. Likewise Ajmer is the 'hiU of Ajaj^a,' the 'Invincible' hill.
Mer is with the long e, like Mere in French, in classical orthography.
[Ajmer, ' hill of Aja, Cha^uhan.']
PHYSIOGRAPHY OF RAJASTHAN 13
having upwards of one hundred and fifty villages and hamlets
scattered over its valleys and rocks, abundantly watered, not
deficient in pasture, and with cultivation enough for all internal
wants, though it is raised with infinite labour on terraces, as the
vine is cultivated in Switzerland and on the Rhine.
In vain does the eye search for any trace of wheel-carriage
across this compound range from Idar to Ajmer ; and it conse-
quently well merits its appellation ara, ' the barrier,' for the
strongest arm of modern warfare, artillery, would have to turn
the chain by the north to avoid the impracticable descent to the
west.^
Views from the Aravalli Hills. — Guiding the eye along the chain,
several fortresses are observed on pinnacles guarding the passes
on either side, while numerous rills descend, pouring over the
declivities, seeking their devious exit between the projecting ribs
of the mountain. The Berach, the Banas, the Kothari, the
Khari, the Dahi all unite with the Banas to the east, while to
the west the still more numerous streams which fertilize the rich
province of Godwar, unite to ' the Salt River,' the Luni, and
mark the true line of the desert. Of these the chief are the Sukri
and the [12] Bandi ; while others which are not perennial, and
depend on atmospheric causes for their supply, receive the general
denomination of rela, indicative of rapid mountain torrents,
carrying in their descent a vast volume of alluvial deposit, to
enrich the siliceous soil below.
However grand the view of the chaotic mass of rock from this
elevated site of Kumbhalmer, it is from the plains of Marwar that its
majesty is most apparent ; where its ' splintered pinnacles ' are
seen rising over each other in varied form, or frowning over the
dark indented recesses of its forest-covered and rugged declivities.
On reflection, I am led to pronounce the Aravalli a connexion
of the ' Apennines of India ' ; the Ghats on the Malabar coast of
^ At the point of my descent this was characteristically illustrated by
my Rajput friend of Semar, whose domain had been invaded and cow-pens
emptied, but a few days before, by the mountain bandit of Sirohi. With
their booty they took the shortest and not most practicable road : but
though their alpine kine are pretty well accustomed to leaping in such abodes,
it would appear they had hesitated here. The difficulty was soon got over
by one of the Minas, who with his dagger transfixed one and rolled him over
the height, his carcase serving at once as a precedent and a stepping-stone
for his horned kindred.
14 GEOGRAPHY OF RAJASTHAN
the peninsula : nor does the passage of the Nerbudda or the
Tapti, through its diminished centre, mihtate against the hypo-
thesis, which might be better substantiated by the comparison of
their intrinsic character and structure.
Geology of the Aravallis. — The general character of the Aravalli
is its primitive formation : ^ granite, reposing in variety of angle
(the general dip is to the east) on massive, compact, dark blue
slate, the latter rarely appearing much above the surface or base
of the superincumbent granite. The internal valleys abound in
variegated quartz and a variety of schistous slate of every hue,
which gives a most singular appearance to the roofs of the houses
and temples when the sun shines upon them. Rocks of gneiss
and of syenite appear in the intervals ; and in the diverging
ridges west of Ajmer the summits are quite dazzling with the
enormous masses of vitreous rose-coloured quartz.
The Aravalli and its subordinate hills are rich in both mineral
and metallic products ; and, as stated in the annals of Mewar,
to the latter alone can be attributed the resources which enabled
this family so long to struggle against superior power, and to raise
those magnificent structures which would do honour to the most
potent kingdoms of the west.
The mines are royalties ; their produce a monopoly, increasing
the personal revenue of their prince. An-Dan- Khan is a triple
figurative expression, which comprehends the sum of sovereign
rights in Rajasthan, being allegiance, commercial duties, mines.
The tin-mines of Mewar were once very productive, and yielded,
it is asserted, no inconsiderable portion of silver : but the caste
of miners is extinct, and political reasons, during the Mogul
domination, led to the [13] concealment of such sources of wealth.
Copper of a very fine description is likewise abundant, and supplies
the currency ; and the chief of Salumbar even coins by sufferance
from the mines on his own estate. Surma, or the oxide of anti-
^ [" Oldest of all the physical features which intersect the continent is
the range of mountains known as the Aravallis, which strilies across the
Peninsula from north-east to south-west, overlooking the sandy wastes of
Rajputana. The Aravallis are but the depressed and degraded relics of a
far more prominent mountain system, which stood, in Palaeozoic times, on
the edge of the Rajputana Sea. The disintegrated rocks which once formed
part of the Aravallis are now spread out in wide red-stone plains to the
east" {lOI.i. 1).]
PHYSIOGRAPHY OF RAJASTHAN 15
mony, is found on the western frontier. The garnet, amethystine
quartz, rock crystal, the chrysolite, and inferior kinds of the
emerald family are all to be found within Mewar ; and though
I have seen no specimens decidedly valuable, the Rana has often
told me that, according to tradition, his native hills contained
every species of mineral wealth.
The Patar Plateau. — Let us now quit our alpine station on the
Aravalli, and make a tour of the Patar, or plateau of Central
India, not the least important feature of this interesting region.
It possesses a most decided character, and is distinct from the
Vindhya to the south and the Aravalli to the west, being of the
secondary formation, or trap, of the most regular horizontal
stratification.
The circimiference of the plateau is best explained in the map,
though its surface is most unequally detailed, and is continually
alternating its character between the tabular form and clustering
ridges.
Commencing the tour of Mandalgarh, let us proceed south,
skirting Chitor (both on insulated rocks detached from the
plateau), thence by Jawad, Dantoli, Rampura,^ Bhanpura, the
Mukunddarra Pass,^ to Gagraim (where the Kali Sind forces an
entrance through its table - barrier to Eklera)' and Margwas
(where the Parbati, taking advantage of the diminished eleva-
tion, passes fromMalwa to Haraoti), and by Raghugarh, Shahabad,
Ghazigarh, Gaswani, to Jadonwati, where the plateau terminates
on the Chambal, east ; while from the same point of outset,
Mandalgarh, soon losing much of its table form, it stretches away
in bold ranges, occasionally tabular, as in the Bundi fortress, by
Dablana, Indargarh,* and Lakheri,* to Ranthambhor and Karauli,
terminating at Dholpur Bari
The elevation and inequalities of this plateau are best seen by
crossing it from west to east, from the plains to the level of the
Chambal, where, with the exception of the short flat between
Kotah and Pali ferry, this noble stream is seen rushing through
the rocky barrier.
At Ranthambhor the plateau breaks into lofty ranges, their
^ Near this the Chambal first breaks into the Patar.
^ Here is the celebrated pass through the mountains.
^ Here the Niwaz breaks the chain.
* Both celebrated passes, where the ranges are very compHcated.
16 GEOGRAPHY OF RAJASTHAN
white summits [14] sparkling in the snn ; cragged but not peaked,
and preserving the characteristic formation, though disunited
from the mass. Here there are no less than seven distinct ranges
{Satpara), through all of which the Banas has to force a passage
to unite with the Chambal. Beyond Ranthambhor, and the
whole way from Karauli to the river, is an irregular tableland,
on the edge of whose summit are the fortresses of Utgir, Mandrel,
and that more celebrated of Thun. But east of the eastern side
there is still another steppe of descent, which may be said to
originate near the fountain of the Sind at Latoti, and passing
by Chanderi, Kanyadana, Narwar, and Gwalior, terminates at
Deogarh, in the plains of Gohad. The descent from this second
steppe is into Bundelkhand and the valley of the Betwa.
Distinguished as is this elevated region of the surface of
Central India, its summit is but little higher than the general
elevation of the crest of the Vindhya, and upon a level with the
valley of Udaipur and base of the Aravalli. The slope or descent,
therefore, from both these ranges to the skirts of the plateau is
great and abrupt, of which the most intelligible and simple proof
appears in the course of these streams. Few portions of the
globe attest more powerfully the force exerted by the action of
waters to subdue every obstacle, than a view of the rock-bound
channels of these streams in this adamantine barrier. Four
streams — one of v/hich, the Chambal, would rank with the Rhine
and almost with the Rhone — have here forced their way, laying
bare the stratification from the water's level to the summit, from
three to six hundred feet in perpendicular height, the rock appear-
ing as if chiselled by the hand of man. Here the geologist may
read the book of nature in distinct character ; few tracts (from
Rampura to Kotah) will be foimd more interesting to him, to the
antiquarian, or to the lover of nature in her most rugged attire.
The surface of this extensive plateau is greatly diversified.
At Kotah the bare protruding rock in some places presents
not a trace of vegetation ; but where it bevels off to the banks
of the Par it is one of the richest and most productive soils in
India, and better cultivated than any spot even of British India.
In its indented sides are glens of the most romantic description
(as the fountain of ' the snake King ' near Hinglaj), and deep
dells, the source of small streams, where many treasures of art,^
^ I have rescued a few of these from oblivion to present to my countrymen.
PHYSIOGRAPHY OF RAJASTHAN 17
in temples and ancient dwellings, yet remain to reward the
traveller [15].
This central elevation, as before described, is of the secondary
formation, called trap. Its prevailing colour, where laid bare by
the Chambal, is milk-white : it is compact and close-grained,
and though perhaps the mineral offering the greatest resistance
to the chisel, the sculptures at the celebrated BaroUi evince its
utility to the artist. White is also the prevailing colour to the
westward. About Kotah it is often mixed white and porphyritic,
and about .Shahabad of a mixed red and brown tint. When
exposed to the action of the atmosphere in its eastern declivity
the decomposed and rough surface would almost cause it to be
mistaken for gritstone.
This formation is not favourable to mineral wealth. The
only metals are lead and iron ; but their ores, especially the latter,
are abundant. There are mines, said to be of value, of sulphuret
of lead (galena) in the GAvalior province, from which I have had
specimens, but these also are closed. The natives fear to extract
their mineral wealth ; and though abounding in lead, tin, and
copper, they are indebted almost entirely to Europe even for the
materials of their culinary utensils.
Without attempting a delineation of inferior ranges, I will
only further direct the reader's attention to an important deduc-
tion from this superficial review of the physiognomy of Rajwara.
The Mountain System of Central India. — There are two dis-
tinctly marked declivities or slopes in Central India : the chief is
that from west to east, from the great rampart, the Aravalli
(interposed to prevent the drifting of the sands into the central
plains, bisected by the Chambal and his hundred arms) to the
Betwa ; the other slope is from south to north, from the Vindhya,
t he southern buttress of Central India, to the Jumna.
Extending our definition, we may pronounce the course of
the Jumna to indicate the central fall of that immense vale which
has its northern slope from the base of the Himalaya, and the
southern from that of the Vindhya mountains.
It is not in contemplation to delineate the varied course of the
magnificent Nerbudda, though I have abundant means ; for the
moment we ascend the summit of the tropical ^ Vindhya, to
^ Hence its name, Vindhija, ' the barrier,' to the further progress of the
sun in his northern decHnation. [Skr. root, bind, bid, ' to divide.']
VOL. I C
18 GEOGRAPHY OF RAJASTHAN
descend into the valley of the Nerbudda, we abandon Rajasthan
and the Rajputs for the aboriginal, races, the first proprietors of
the land. These I shall leave to others, and commence and end
with the Chambal, the paramount lord of the floods of Central
India [16].
The Chambal River. — The Chambal has his fountains in a very
elevated point of the Vindhya, amidst a cluster of hills on which
is bestowed the local appellation of Janapao. It has three co-
equal sources from the same cluster, the Chambal, Chambela,
and Gambhir ; while no less than nine other streams have their
origin on the south side, and pour their waters into the Nerbudda.
The Sipra from Pipalda, the little Sind ^ from Dewas, and other
minor streams passing Ujjain, all unite with the Chambal in
different stages before he breaks through the plateau.
The Kali Sind, from Bagri, and its petty branch, the Sodwia,
from Raghugarh ; the Niwaz (or Jamniri), from Morsukri and
Magarda ; the Parbati, from the pass of Amlakhera, with its more
eastern arm from Daulatpur, uniting at Pharhar, are all points in
the crest of the Vindhya range, whence they pursue their course
through the plateau, rolling over precipices,^ till engulfed in the
Chambal at the ferries of Nunera and Pali. All these unite on
the right bank.
On the left bank his flood is increased by the Banas, fed by
the perennial streams from the Aravalli, and the Berach from
the lakes of Udaipur ; and after watering Mewar, the southern
frontier of Jaipur, and the highlands of Karauli, the river turns
south to unite at the holy Sangam,' Rameswar. Minor streams
contribute (unworthy, however, of separate notice), and after a
thousand involutions he reaches the Jumna, at the holy Triveni,*
or ' triple-allied ' stream, between Etawa and Kalpi.
^ This ii the fourth Sind of India. We have, first, the Sind or Indus ;
this little Sind ; then the Kali Sind, or ' black river ' ; and again the Sind
rising at Latoti, on the plateau west and above Sironj. Sin is a Scythio
word for river (now unused), so applied by the Hindus. [Skr. Sindhu,
probably from the root syand, ' to flow.']
^ The falls of the Kali Sind through the rocks at Gagraun and the Par-
bati at Chapra (Gugal) are well worthy of a visit. The latter, though I
encamped twice at Chapra, from which it was reputed five miles, I did not
see.
^ Sangam is the point of confluence of two or more rivers, always sacred
to Mahadeva.
* The Jumna, Chambal, and Sind [triveni, ' triple braid '].
PHYSIOGRAPHY OF RAJASTHAN 19
The course of the Chambal, not reckoning the minor sinuosities,
is upwards of five hundred miles ; ^ and along its banks specimens
of nearly every race now existing in India may be found : Sondis,
Chandarawats, Sesodias, Haras, Gaur, Jadon, Sakarwal, Gujar,
Jat,* Tuar, Chauhan, Bhadauria, Kachhwaha, Sengar, Bundela ;
each in associations of various magnitudes, from the substantive
state of the little republic communes between the Chambal and
Kuwari' [17]-
The Western Desert. — Having thus sketched the central
portion of Rajasthan, or that eastward of the Aravalli, I shall
give a rapid general * view of that to the west, conducting the
reader over the ' Thai ka Tiba,' or ' sand hills ' of the desert, to
the valley of the Indus.
The Luni River. — Let the reader again take post on Abu, by
which he may be saved a painful journey over the Thal.^ The
most interesting object in this arid ' region of death ' is the ' salt
river,' the Luni, with its many arms falling from the Aravalli to
enrich the best portion of the principality of Jodhpur, and dis-
tinctly marking the line of that extensive plain of ever-shifting
sand, termed in Hindu geography Marusthali, corrupted to Marwar.
The Luni, from its sources, the sacred lakes of Pushkar and
Ajmer, and the more remote arm from Parbatsar to its em-
bouchure in the great western salt marsh, the Rann, has a course
of more than three hundred miles.
In the term Eirinon of the historians of Alexander, we have
the corruption of the word Ran or Rann,* still used to describe
that extensive fen formed by the deposits of the Luni, and the
equally saturated saline streams from the southern desert of
Dhat. It is one hundred and fifty miles in length ; and where
broadest, from Bhuj to Baliari, about seventy : ' in which direc-
^ [650 miles.]
2 The only tribes not of Rajput blood. ^ Tj^g ' virgin ' stream.
* I do not repeat the names of towns forming the arrondissements of the
various States ; they are distinctly laid down in the boundary lines of each.
5 Thai is the general term for the sand ridges of the desert. [Skr. slhala,
' firm ground.']
* Most probably a corruption of aranya, or desert ; [or iriiia, irina,
' desert, salt soil '], so that the Greek mode of writing it is more correct than
the present.
' [The area of the Rann is about 9000 square miles : its length 150,
breadth, 60 miles. Bhuj lies inland, not on the banks of the Rann.]
20 GEOGRAPHY OF RAJASTHAN
tion the caravans cross, having as a place of halt an insulated
oasis in this mediterranean salt marsh. In the dry season,
nothing meets the eye but an extensive and glaring sheet of salt,
spread over its insidious surface, full of dangerous quicksands :
and in the rains it is a dirty saline solution, up to the camels'
girths in many places. The little oasis, the Khari Kaba^ furnishes
pasture for this useful animal and rest for the traveller pursuing
his journey to either bank.
The Mirage. — It is on the desiccated borders ^ of this vast salt
marsh that the illusory phenomenon, the mirage, presents its
fantastic appearance, pleasing to all but the wearied traveller,
who sees a haven of rest in the embattled towers, the peaceful
hamlet,^ [18] or shady grove, to which he hastens in vain ; reced-
ing as he advances, till " the sun in his might," dissipating these
" cloud-capp'd towers," reveals the vanity of his pursuit.
Such phenomena are common to the desert, more particularly
where these extensive saline depositions exist, but varying from
certain causes. In most cases, this powerfully magnifying and
reflecting medium is a vertical stratum ; at first dense and
opaque, it gradually attenuates with increased temperature, till
the maximum of heat, which it can no longer resist, drives it off
in an ethereal vapour. This optical deception, well known to the
Rajputs, is called sikot, or ' winter castles,' because chiefly
visible in the cold season : hence, possibly, originated the equally
illusory and delightful ' Chateau en Espagne,' so well known in
the west.^
^ It is here the wild ass {ijorlJiar) roams at large, untamable as in the
day of the Arabian Patriarch of Uz, " whose house I have made the wilder-
ness, the barren land (or, according to the Hebrew, salt places), his dwelling.
He scorneth the multitude of the city, neither regardeth he the cr3ing of the
driver " (Job xxxix. 6, 7). ^ Purwa.
^ I have beheld it from the top of the ruined fortress of Hissar with un-
limited range of vision, no object to diverge its ray, save the miniature
forests ; the entire circle of tlie horizon a chain of more than fancy could
form of palaces, towers, and these airy ' pillars of heaven ' terminating in
turn their ephemeral existence. But in the deserts of Dhat and Umrasumra,
where the shepherds pasture their flocks, and especially where the alkaline
plant is produced, the stratification is more horizontal, and produces more
of the watery deception. It is this illusion to which the inspired writer
refers, when he says, " the mock pool of the desert shall become real water "
[Isaiah xxv. 7]. The inhabitants of the desert term it Chitram, literally
' the picture,' by no means an unhappy designation.
PHYSIOGRAPHY OF RAJASTHAN 21
The Desert. — From the north bank of the Luni to the south,
and the Shaikhavat frontier to the east, the sandy region com-
mences. Bikaner, Jodhpur, Jaisalmer are all sandy plains,
increasing in volume as you proceed westward. All this portion
of territory is incumbent on a sandstone formation : soundings of
all the new wells made from Jodhpur to Ajmer yielded the same
result : sand, concrete siliceous deposits, and chalk.
Jaisalmer is everywhere encircled by desert ; and that portion
round the capital might not be improperly termed an oasis, in
which wheat, barley, and even rice are produced. The fortress
is erected on the extremity of a range of some hundred feet in
elevation, which can be traced beyond its southern confines to the
ruins of the ancient Chhotan erected upon them, and which
tradition has preserved as the capital of a tribe, or prince, termed
Hapa, of whom no other trace exists. It is not unlikely that
this ridge may be connected with that which runs through the
rich provuice of Jalor ; consequently an offset from the base of
Abu.
Though all these regions collectively bear the terra Marusthali,
or ' region of death ' (the emphatic and figurative phrase for the
desert), the restrictive definition applies to a part only, that
under the dominion of the Rathor race [19].
From Balotra on the Luni, throughout the whole of Dhat and
Umrasumra, the western portion of Jaisalmer, and a broad strip
between the southern limits of Daudputra and Bikaner, there is
real solitude and desolation. But from the Sutlej to the Rann,
a space of five hundred miles of longitudinal distance, and varying
in breadth from fifty to one hundred miles, numerous oases are
found, where the shepherds from the valley of the Indus and the
Thai pasture their flocks. The springs of water in these places
have various appellations, tar, par, rar, dar, all expressive of the
element, round which assemble the Rajars, Sodhas, Mangalias,
and Sahariyas,^ inhabiting the desert.
^ Sehraie [in the text], from sahra, ' desert.' Hence Sarrazin, or Saracen,
is a corruption from sahra, ' desert,' and zadan, ' to strike,' contracted.
Rdhzani, ' to strike on the road ' (rah). Rdhbar, ' on the road,' corrupted
by the Pindaris to labar, the designation of their forays. [The true name
is Sahariya, which has been connected with that of the Savara, a tribe in
Eastern India. Saracen comes to us from the late Latin Saraceni,oi which
the origin is unknown ; it cannot be derived from the Arabic Sharqi,
' eastern ' (see New English Dictionary, s.v.).]
22 GEOGRAPHY OF RAJASTHAN
I will not touch on the salt lakes or natron beds, or the other
products of the desert, vegetable or mineral ; though the latter
might soon be described, being confined to the jasper rock near
Jaisalmer, which has been much used in the beautiful arabesques
of that fairy fabric, at Agra, the mausoleum of Shah Jahan's
queen.
Neither shall I describe the valley of the Indus, or that portion
eastward of the stream, the termination of the sand ridges of the
desert. I will inerely remark, that the small stream which
breaks from the Indus at Dara, seven miles north of the insulated
Bakhar, and falls into the ocean at Lakhpat, shows the breadth
of this eastern portion of the valley, which forms the western
boundary of the desert. A traveller proceeding from the Khichi
or flats of Sind to the east, sees the line of the desert distinctly
marked, with its elevated tibas or sand ridges under which flows
the Sankra, which is generally dry except at periodical inunda-
tions. These sand-hills are of considerable elevation, and may
be considered the limit of the inundation of the ' sweet river,'
the Mitha Maran, a Scythic or Tatar name for river, and by which
alone the Indus is known, from the Panjnad ^ to the ocean [20].
^ The confluent arms or sources of the Indus.
BOOK II
HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
CHAPTER 1
The Puranas. — Being desirous of epitomizing the chronicles of
the martial races of Central and Western India, it was essential to
ascertain the sources whence they draw, or claim to draw, their
lineage. For this purpose I obtained from the library of the
Rana of Udaipur their sacred volumes, the Puranas, and laid
them before a body of pandits, over whom presided the learned
Jati Gyanchandra. From these extracts were made of all the
genealogies of the great races of Surya and Chandra, and of facts
historical and geographical.
Most of the Puranas ^ contain portions of historical as well as
geographical knowledge ; but the Bhagavat, the Skanda, the I
Agni, and the Bhavishya are the chief guides. It is rather j
fortunate than to be regretted that their chronologies do not
perfectly agxee. The number of princes in each line varies, and
names are transposed ; but we recognize distinctly the principal
features in each, affording the conclusion that they are the
productions of various writers, borrowing from some common
original source [21].
^ " Every Parana," says the first authority existing in Sanskrit lore,
" treats of five subjects : the creation of the universe ; its progress, and the
renovation of the world ; the genealogy of gods and heroes ; chronology,
according to a fabulous system ; and heroic history, containing the achieve-
ments of demi-gods and heroes. Since each purana contains a cosmogony,
both mythological and heroic history, the works which bear that title may
not unaptly be compared to the Grecian theogonies " ('Essay on the
Sanskrit and Pracrit Languages,' by H. T. Colebrooke, Esq. ; As. Res.
vol. vii. p. 202). [On the age of the Puranas see Smith, EHI, 21 if.]
23
24 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
Deluge Legend. — The Genesis ^ of India commences with an
event described in the history of almost all nations, the deluge,
which, though treated with the fancy peculiar to the orientals, is
not the less entitled to attention. The essence of the extract
from the Agni Pur ana is this : " When ocean quitted his bounds
and caused universal destruction by Brahma's command, Vaiva-
swata ^ Manu (Noah), who dwelt near the Himalaya ^ mountains
was giving water to the gods in the Kritamala river, when a small
fish fell into his hand. A voice commanded him to preserve it.
The fish expanded to an enormous size. Manu, with his sons
and their wives, and the sages, with the seed of every living thing,
entered into a vessel which was fastened to a horn on the head of
the fish, and thus they were preser-fed."
Here, then, the grand northern chain is given to which the
abode of the great patriarch of mankind approximated. In the
Bhavishya it is stated, that " Vaivaswata (sun-born) Manu ruled
at the mountain Sumeru. Of his seed was Kakutstha Raja,
who obtained sovereignty at Ayodhya,* and his descendants
filled the land and spread over the earth."
I am aware of the meaning given to Sumeru, that thus the
Hindus designated the north pole of the earth. But they had
also a mountain with this same appellation of pre-eminence of
Meru, ' the hill,' with the prefix Su, ' good, sacred ' : the Sacred
Hill.
Meru, Sumeru. — In the geography of the Agni Purana, the
term is used as a substantial geographical limit ; ^ and some of
^ Resolvable into Sanskrit, janarn, ' birth,' and is and iswar, ' lords '
\jyivw, yl-yvofiai, Skr. root jan, ' to generate '].
^ Son of the sun.
^ The snowy Caucasus. Sir WiUiara Jones, in an extract from a work
entitled Essence of the Pooranas, says that this event took place at Dravira
in the Deccan.
* The present Ajodhya, capital of one of the twenty-two satrapies con-
stituting the Mogul Empire, and for some generations held by the titular
Vizir, who has recently assumed the regal title. [Ghaziu-d-din Haidar in
1819.]
* " To the south of Sumeru are the mountains Himavan, Hemakuta,
and Nishadha ; to the north are the countries Nil, Sveta, and Sringi.
Between Hemachal and the ocean the land is Bharatkhand, called Kukarraa
Bhumi (land of vice, opposed to Aryavarta, or land of virtue), in which the
seven grand ranges are Mahendra, Malaya, Sahya, Suktimat, Riksha,
Vindhya, and Paripatra " {Agni Purana).
EARLY TRADITIONS 25
the rivers flowing from the mountainous ranges, whose relative
position with Sumeru are thei'e defined, still retain their ancient
appellations. Let us not darken the subject, by supposing only
allegorical meanings attached to explicit points. In the distribu-
tion of their seven dwipas, or continents, though they interpose
seas of curds, milk, or wine, we should not reject strong and
evident facts, because subsequent ignorant interpolators filled
up the page with puerilities [22].
This sacred mountain (Sumeru) is claimed by the Brahmans
as the abode of Mahadeva,^ Adiswar,^ or Baghes ' ; by the Jains,
as the abode of Adinath,* the first Jiniswara, or Jain lord. Here
they say he taught mankind the arts of agriculture and civilized
life. The Greeks claimed it as the abode of Bacchus ; and hence
the Grecian fable of this god being taken from the thigh of Jupiter,
confounding rncros (thigh) with the merii (hill) of this Indian
deity. In this vicinity the followers of Alexander had their
Saturnalia, drank to excess of the wine from its indigenous vines,
and bound their brows with ivy (vela) ^ sacred to the Baghes of the
east and west, whose votaries alike indulge in ' strong drink.'
These traditions appear to point to one spot, and to one
individual, in the early history of mankind, when the Hindu and
the Greek approach a common focus ; for there is little doubt
that Adinath, Adiswara, Osiris, Baghes, Bacchus, Manu, Menes
designate the patriarch of majjikind, Noah.
The Hindus can at this time give only a very general idea of
the site of Meru ; but they appear to localize it in a space of
which Bamian, Kabul, and Ghazni would be the exterior points.
The former of these cities is Known to possess remains of the
^ The Creator, literally ' the Great God.
2 The ' first lord.'
^ Baghes, ' the tiger lord. He wears a tiger's or panther's hide ; which
he places beneath him. So Bacchus did. The phallus is the emblem of
each. Baghes has several temples in Mewar. [In identifying Bacchus with
a Hindu tiger god the author depended on Asiatic Researches, i. 258, viii. 51.
For the Greek story in the text see Quintus Curtius viii. 10; Diodorus iii. 63;
Arrian, Anabasis, vii.]
* First lord.
' Vela is the general term for a climber, sacred to the Indian Bacchus
(Baghes, Adiswara, or Mahadeva), whose priests, following his example,
are fond of intoxicating beverages, or drugs. The amarbel, or immortal
vela, is a noble cUmber.
26 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
religion of Buddha, in its caves and colossal statues.^ The
Paropamisaa Alexandria is near Baniian ; but the Meru and
Nyssa ^ of Alexander are placed more to the eastward by the
jGreek writers, and according to the cautious Arrian between
the Cophas and Indus. Authority localizes it between Peshawar
and Jalalabad, and calls it Merkoh, or Markoh,* " a bare rock
2000 feet high [23] with caves to the westward, termed Bedaulat
by the Emperor Humayun from its dismal appearance." * This
^ [" In the Tuman of Zohak and Bamiiin, the fortress of Zohak is a
monument of great antiquity, and in good preservation, but the fort of
Bamian is in ruins. In the mountain -side caves have been excavated and
ornamented with plaster and paintings. Of these there are 12,000 which
are called Sumaj, and in former times were used by the people as winter
retreats. Three colossal figures are here : one is the statue of a man,
80 yards in height ; another that of a woman, 50 yards high, and the third
that of a child measuring 15 yards. Strange to relate, in one of the caves
is placed a coffin containing the body of one who reposes in his last sleep.
The oldest and most learned of antiquarians can give no account of its
origin, but suppose it to be of great antiquity. In days of old the ancients
prepared a medicament with which they anointed corpses and consigned
them to earth in a hard soil. The simple, deceived by this art, attribute
their preservation to a miracle " {Ain, ii. 409 f., with Jarrett's notes). For
Bamian see EB, iii. 304 f.]
2 Nishadha is mentioned in the Parana as a mountain. If in the genitive
case (which the final syllable marks), it would be a local term given from
the city of Nissa. [Nysa has no connexion with Nishadha. It probably
lay near Jalalabad or Koh-i Mor (Smith^HI, 53).]
* Meru, Sanskrit, and Koh, Persian, for a ' hiU.'
* Asiatic Researches, vol. vi. p. 497. Wilford appears to have borrowed
largely from that ancient store-house (as the Hindu would call it) of learning.
Sir Walter Raleigh's History of the World. He combines, however, mucli of
what that great man had so singularly acquired and condensed, with what
he himself collected, and with the aid of imagination has formed a curious
mosaic. But when he took a peep into " the chorographical description of
the Terrestrial Paradise," I am surprised he did not separate the nurseries
of mankind before and after the flood. There is one passage, also, of Sir
Walter Raleigh which would have aided his hypothesis, that Eden was in
Higher Asia, between the common sources of the Jihun and other grand
rivers : the abundance of the Ficus Indica, or bar-tree, sacred to the first
lord, Adnath or Mahadeva.
" Now for the tree of knowledge of good and evil, some men have pre-
sumed further ; especially Gorapius Bocanus, who giveth liimself the honour
to have found out the kind of this tree, which none of the writers of former
times could ever guess at, whereat Gorapius much marvelleth."
" Both together went
Into the thickest v/ood ; there soon they chose
EARLY TRADITIONS 27
designation, however, of Dasht-i Bedaulat, or ' unhappy plain,'
was given to the tract between the cities beforementioned [24].
The only scope of these remarks on Sumeru is to show that
The fig tree ; not that kind for fruit renowned.
But such as at this day, to Indians known
In Malabar or Decan, spreads her arms
Branching so broad and long, that in the ground
The bended twigs take root, and daughters grow
About the mother tree, a pillar'd shade
High overarched, and echoing walks between.
There oft the Indian herdsman, shunning heat,
Shelters in cool and tends his pasturing herds."
" Those leaves
They gathered, broad as Amazonian targe."
Paradise Lost, Book ix. 1100 ff.
Sir V/alter strongly supports the Hindu hypothesis regarding the locality
of the nursery for rearing mankind, and that " India was the first planted
and peopled countrie after the flood " (p. 99). His first argument is, that
it was a place where the vine and olive were indigenous, as amongst the
Sakai Scythai (and as they still are, together with oats, between Kabul and
Bamian) ; and that Ararat could not be in Armenia, because the Gordian
mountains on which the ark rested were in longitude 75°, and the VaUey of
Shinar 79° to 80°, which would be reversing the tide of migration. "As
they journeyed from the East, they found a plain, in the land of Shinar, and
they dwelt there " (Genesis, chap. xi. ver. 2). He adds, " Ararat, named
by Moses, is not any one hill, but a general term for the great Caucasian
range ; therefore we must blow up this mountain Ararat, or dig it down
and carry it out of Armenia, or find it elsewhere in a warmer country, and
east from Shinar." He therefore places it in Indo-Scythia, in 140° of
longitude and 35° to 37° of latitude, " where the mountains do build them-
selves exceeding high " : and concludes, " It was in the plentiful warm East
where Noah rested, where he planted the viae, where he tilled the ground
and hved thereon. Placuit vero Noacho agricultur£e studium in qua trac-
tanda ipse omnium peritissimus esse dicitur ; ob eamque rem, sua ipsius
lingua, Ish-Adamath : * hoc est, Telluris Vir, appellatur, celebratusque est.
The study of husbandry pleased Noah (says the excellent learned man, Arius
Montanus) in the order and knowledge of which it is said that Noah excelled
all men, and therefore was he called in his own language, a man exercised in
the earth." The title, character, and abode exactly suit the description
* In Sanskrit, Ish, ' Lord,' adi, ' the first,' matti, ' Earth.' [The deriva-
tion is absurd : matti, ' clay,' is modern Hindi.] Here the Sanskrit and
Hebrew have the same meaning, ' first lord of the earth.' In these remote
Rajput regions, where early manners and language remain, the strongest
phrase to denote a man or human being is literally ' earth.' A chief de-
scribing a fray between his own followers and borderers whence death
ensued, says, Meri matti mdri, ' My earth has been struck ' : a phrase
requiring no comment, and denoting that he must have blood in return.
28 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
the Hindus themselves do not make India within the Indus the
cradle of their race, but west, amidst the hills of Caucasus,'
whence the sons of Vaivaswata, or the ' sun-born,' migrated
eastward to the Indus and Ganges, and founded their first estab-
lishment in Kosala, the capital, Ayodhya, or Oudh.
Most nations have indulged the desire of fixing the source
whence they issued, and few spots possess more interest than
this elevated Madhya-Bhumi, or ' central region ' of Asia, where
the Amu, Oxus, or Jihun, and other rivers, have their rise, and in
which both the Surya and Indu * races (Sakha) claim the hill,'
the Jains give of their first Jiniswara, Adinath, the first lordly man, who
taught them agriculture, even to " muzzling the bull in treading out the corn."
Had Sir Walter been aware that the Hindu sacred books styled their
country Aryavarta,* and of which the great Imaus is the northern boundary,
he would doubtless have seized it for his Ararat. [Needless to say, these
speculations are obsolete.]
^ Hindu, or Indu-kush or koh, is the local appellation ; ' mountain of
the moon.' [Hindu-kush is said to mean ' Hindu-slayer ' or ' Indian
Caucasus.'] ^ Solar and lunar.
* Meru, ' the hill,' is used distinctively, as in Jaisalmer (the capital of the
Bhatti tribe in the Western Desert), ' the hill of Jaisal ' ; Merwara, or the
' mountainous region ' ; and its inhabitants Meras, or ' mountaineers.'
Thus, also, in the grand epic the Ramayana (Book i. p. 236), Mena is the
mountain-nymph, the daughter of Meru and spouse of Himavat ; from
whom sprung two daughters, the river goddess Ganga and the mountain-
nymph Parbati. She is, in the Mahabharata, also termed Saila, the daughter
of Sail, another designation of the snowy chain ; and hence mountain
streams are called in Sanskrit sillelee [?]. Saila bears the same attributes
with the Phrygian Cybele, who was also the daughter of a mountain of the
same name ; the one is carried, the other drawn, by lions. Thus the Greeks
also metamorphosed Parbat Pamer, or ' the mountain Pamer,' into Paro-
pamisan, apphed to the Hindu Koh west of Bamian : but the Parbat pat
Pamer, or ' Pamer chief of hills,' is mentioned by the bard Chand as being
far cast of that tract, and under it resided Hamira, one of the great feuda-
tories of Prithwiraja of Delhi. Had it been Paropanisan (as some authorities
write it), it would better accord with the locality where it takes up the name,
being near to'Nyssa and Meru, of which Parbat or Pahar would be a version,
and form Paronisan, ' the Mountain of Nyssa,' the range Nishadha of the
Puranas. [The true form is Paropanisos : the suggested derivation is
impossible.]
. ^
* Afydvarta, or the land of promise or virtue, cannot extend to the flat
plains of India south of the Himavat ; for this is styled in the Puranas the
very reverse, kukarma des, or land of vice. [Aryavarta is the land bounded
by the Himalaya and Vindhya, from the eastern to the western seas (Manu,
Laws, ii. 22).]
EARLY TRADITIONS : GENEALOGIES 29
sacred to a great patriarchal ancestor, whence they migrated
eastward.
The Rajput tribes could scarcely have acquired some of their
still existing Scythic habits and warlike superstitions on the
burning plains of Ind It was too hot to hail with fervent adora-
tion the return of the sun from his southern course to enliven the
northern hemisphere. This should be the religion of a colder
clime, brought from their first haunts, the sources of the Jihim
and Jaxartes. The grand solstitial festival, the Aswamedha, or
sacrifice of the horse (the type of the sun), practised by the
children of Vaivaswata, the ' sun-born,' was most probably
simultaneously introduced from Scythia into the plains of Ind,
and west, by the sons of Odin, Woden, or Budha, into Scandinavia,
where it became the Hi-el or Hi-ul,^ the festival of the winter
solstice ; the grand jubilee of northern nations, and in the first
ages of Christianity, being so near the epoch of its rise, gladly
used by the first fathers of the church to perpetuate that
event- [25|,
CHAPTER 2
Puranie Genealogies. — The chronicles of the Bhagavat and Agni,
containing the genealogies of the Surya (sun) and Indu [moon)
races, shall now be examined. The first of these, by calculation,
brings down the chain to a period six centuries subsequent to
Vikramaditya (a.d. 650), so that these books may have beeiV
remodelled or commented on about this period : their fabrication'
cannot be supposed.
Althovigh portions of these genealogies by Sir William Jones,
Mr. Bentley, and Colonel Wilford, have appeared in the volumes of
the Asiatic Researches, yet no one should rest satisfied with the
inquiries of others, if by any process he can reach the fountain-
head himself.
If, after all, these are fabricated genealogies of tbe ancient
^ Ilaya or Hi, in Sanskrit, ' horse ' — El, ' sun ' : whence ittttos and rJ\(os.
HX appears to have been a term of Scythian origin for the sun ; and Hari,
the Indian Apollo, is addressed as the sun. Hiul, or Jul, of northern nations
(qu. Noel of France ?), is the Hindu Sankranti, of which more will be said
hereafter. [The feast was known as Hvil, .Tnl, or Yule, and the suggested
derivation is impossible.]
* Mallet's Northern Antiquities.
30 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
families of India, the fabrication is of ancient date, and they are
all they know themselves upon the subject. The step next in
importance to obtaining a perfect acquaintance with the genuine
early history of nations, is to learn Avhat those nations repute
to be such.
I Doubtless the original Puranas contained much valuable
historical matter ; but, at present, it is difficult to separate a
little pure metal from the base alloy of ignorant expounders and
interpolators. I have but skimmed the surface : research, to
the capable, may yet be rewarded by many isolated facts and
important transactions, now hid under the veil of ignorance and
allegory.
Neglect of History by the Hindus. — The Hindus, with the de-
crease of intellectual power, their possession of which is evinced
by their architectural remains, where just proportion and elegant
mythological device are still visible, lost the relish for the beauty
of truth, and adopted the monstrous in their writings as well as
their edifices. But for detection and shame, matters of history
would be hideously distorted even in civilized Europe ; but in
the East, in the moral decrepitude of ancient Asia, with no judge
to condemn, no public to praise, each priestly expounder may
revel in a:n unfettered imagination, and reckon his admirers in
proportion to the mixture of the marvellous ^ [26]. Plain histori-
cal truths have long ceased to interest this artificially fed people.
If at such a comparatively modern period as the third century
before Christ, the Babylonian historian Berosus composed his
fictions, which assigned to that monarchy such incredible anti-
quity, it became capable of refutation from the many historians
of repute who preceded him. But on the fabulist of India we
have no such check. If Vyasa himself penned these legends as
now existing, then is the stream of knowledge corrupt from the
fountain-head. If such the source, the stream, filtering through
ages of ignorance, has only been increased by fresh impurities.
It is difficult to conceive how the arts and sciences could advance,
^ The celebrated Goguet remarks on the ii'.adness of most nations pre-
tending to trace their origin to infinity. The Babylonians, the Egyptians,
and the Scythians, particularly, piqued themselves on their high antiquity,
and the first assimilate with- the Hindus in boasting they had observed the
course of the stars 473,000 years. Each heaped ages on ages ; but the
foundations of this pretended antiquity are not supported by probability,
and are even of modern invention (Origin of Laws).
PURANIC GENEALOGIES 31
when it is held impious to doubt the truth of whatever has been
handed down, and still more to suppose that the degenerate could
improve thereon. The highest ambition of the present learned
priesthood, generation after generation, is to be able to compre-
hend what has thus reached them, and to form commentaries
upon past wisdom ; v>'hich commentaries are commented on ad J
infinitum. \Mioever dare now aspire to improve thereon mustj
keep the secret in his own breast. They are but the expounders
of the olden oracles ; were they more they would be infidels.
But this could not always Imve been the case. ^
With the Hindus, as with other nations, the progress to the
heights of science they attained must have been gradual ; unless
we take from them the merit of original invention, and set them
down as borrowers of a system. These slavish fetters of the
mind must have been forged at a later period, and it is fair to
infer that the monopoly of science and religion was simultaneous.
What must be the effect of such monopoly on the impulses and
operations of the understanding ? Where such exists, knowledge
could not long remain stationary' ; it must perforce retrograde.
Could we but discover the period when religion ^ ceased to be a
profession [27] and became hereditary (and that such there was
these very genealogies bear evidence), we might approximate the
era when science attained its height.
The Priestly Office. — In the early ages of these Solar and Lunar
dynasties, the priestly office was not hereditary in families ; it
was a profession ; and the genealogies exhibit frequent instances
of branches of these races terminating their martial career in the
^ It has been said that the Brahmanical religion was foreign to India ;
but as to the period of importation we have but loose assertion. We can
easily give credit to various creeds and tenets of faith being from time to
time incorporated, ere the present books were composed, and that previously
the sons of royalty alone possessed the office. Authorities of weight infonn t
us of these grafts ; for instance, Mr. Colebrooke gives a passage in his I
Indian Classes : " A chief of the twice-bom tribe was brought by Vishnu's j "it
eagle from Saca Dwipa ; hence Saca Dwipa Brahmins were known in Jambu 1
Dwipa." By Saka Dwipa, Scythia is understood, of which more will be '
said hereafter. Ferishta also, translating from ancient authorities, says,
to the same effect, that " in the reign of Mahraje, King of Canouj, a Brahmin '
came from Persia, who introduced magic, idolatry, and the worship of tlie
stars " ; so that there is no want of authority for the introduction of new
tenets of faith. [The passage, inaccurately quoted, is taken from Dow i. 16.
See Briggs's translation, i. Introd. Ixviii.]
7f
32 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
commencement of a religions sect, or gotra, and of their descend-
ants reassuming their warhke occupations. Thus, of the ten
sons of Ikshwaku,^ three are represented as abandoning worldly
affairs and taking to religion ; and one of these, Kanina, is said to
be the first who made an agnihotra, or pyreum, and worshipped
fire, while another son embraced commerce. Of the Lunar line
and the six sons of Pururavas, the name of the fourth was Raya ;
" from him the fifteenth generation was Harita, who with his
eight brothers took to the office of religion, and established the
Kausika Gotra, or tribe of Brahmans."
From the twenty-fourth prince in lineal descent from Yayati,
by name Bharadwaja, originated a celebrated sect, who still
bear his name, and are the spiritual teachers of several Rajput
tribes.
Of the twenty-sixth prince, Manava, two sons devoted them-
selves to religion, and established celebrated sects, viz. Mahavira,
whose descendants were the Pushkar Brahmans ; and Sankriti.
whose issue were learned in the Vedas From the line of Ajamidha
these ministers of religion were continually branching off.
In the very early periods, the princes of the Solar line, like the
Egyptians and Romans, combined the offices of the priesthood
with kingly power, and this whether Brahmanical or Buddhist.*
Many of the royal line, before and subsequent to Rama, passed
great part of their lives as ascetics ; and in ancient sculpture and
drawings the head is as often adorned with the braided lock of
the ascetic as with the diadem of royalty.*
The greatest monarchs bestowed their daughters on these
royal hermits and sages [28]. Ahalya, the daughter of the power-
ful Panchala,* became the wife of the ascetic Gautama. Tlie
sage .Jamadagni espoused the daughter of Sahasra '^ Arjuna, of
^ Sec Table T. [now obsolete, not reprinted].
^ Some of the earlier of the twenty-four Tirthakaras, or Jain hierarchs,
trace their origin from the solar race of princes. [As usual, Buchlhisni
confused with Jainism.]
' Even now the Rana of Mewar mingles sj^iritual duties with those of
royalty, and when he attends the temple of the tutelary deity of his race,
he performs himself all the offices of the high priest for the day. In this
point a strong resemblance exists to many of the races of antiquity.
■• Prince of the country of Panjab, or five streams east of the Indus.
[Panchrda was in the Ganges-Jumna Duab and its neighbourhood.]
'' The legend of this monarch stealing his son-in-law's, the hermit's, cow
(of which the Ramayana gives another version), the incarnation of Para-
PURANIC GENEALOGIES 33
Mahishmat,' king of the Haihaya tribe, a great branch of the
Yadu race.
Among the Egyptians, according to Herodotus [ii. 87, 141], the
priests succeeded to sovereignty, as they and the mihtary class
alone could hold lands ; and Sethos, the priest of Vulcan, caused
a revolution, by depriving the military of their estates.
We have various instances in India of the Brahmans from
Jamadagni to the Mahratta Peshwa, contesting for sovereignty ;
power * and homage being still their great aim, as in the days of
Vishvamitra ^ and Vasishtha, the royal sages [29] whom " Janaka
suram, son of Jamadagni, and his exploits, appear purely allegorical, signify-
ing the violence and oj)pression of royalty over the earth (prithivi), personified
by the sacred gao, or cow^ and that the Brahmans were enabled to 'wrest
royalty from the martial tribe, shows how they had multiplied.
On the derivatives from the word gao, I venture an etymologj^ for others
to pursue :
I'AI A, yia, yij (Dor. 7a), that which produces aU things (from ydoj, genero) ;
the earth. — Jones's Dictionary.
TAAA, IVIilk. Gaola, Herdsman, in Sanskrit. VaXariKoi, KeXroL,
Galatians, or Gauls, and Celts (allowed to be the same) would be the shep-
herd races, the pastoral invaders of Europe [?].
^ Maheswar, on the Nerbudda River.
^ Hindustan abounds with Brahmans, who make excellent soldiers, as
far as bravery is a virtue ; but our oflficers are cautious, from experience, of
admitting too many into a troop or company, for they still retain their
intriguing habits. I have seen nearly as many of the Brahmans as of
mihtary in some companies ; a dangerous error [reaUzed in the Great
Mutiny]. ;
* The Brahman Vasishtha possessed a cow named Savala, so fruitful that
with her assistance he could accomplish whatever he desired. By her aid
he entertained King Vishvamitra and his army. It is evident that this cow
denotes some tract of country which the priest held (bearing in mind that
gao, prithivi, signify ' the earth,' as well as ' cow ') : a grant, beyond doubt,
by some of Vishvamitra's unwise ancestors, and which he wislied to resume.
From her were suppUed " the oblations to the gods and the pitrideva (father-
gods, or ancestors), the perpetual sacrificial fire, the burnt-oli'erings and
sacrifices." This was " the fountain of devotional acts " ; this was the
Savala for which the king offered " a hundred thousand cows " ; this was
" the jewel of which a king only should be proprietor." — The subjects of the
Brahman appeared not to relish such transfer, and by " the lowing of the
I cow Savala " obtained numerous foreign auxiliaries, which enabled the
I Brahman to set his sovereign at defiance. Of these " the Pahlavi (Persian)
; kings, the dreadful Sakas (Sakai), and Yavanas (Greeks), with scymitars and
; gold armour, the Kambojas," etc., were each in turn created by the aU-
producing cow. The armies of the Pahlavi kings were cut to pieces by
Vishvamitra ; who at last, by continual reinforcements, was overpowered
VOL. I D
34 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIRES
sovereign of Mitliila, addressed witli folded hands in token of
superiority."
Relations of Rajputs with Brahmans. — But this deference for
the Brahmans is certainly, with many Rajput classes, very weak.
In obedience to prejudice, they show them outward civility ; but,
unless when their fears or wishes interfere, they are less esteemed
than the bards.
The story of the King Vishvamitra of Gadhipura ^ and the
Brahman Vasishtha, which fills so many sections of the first book
of the Ramayana,^ exemplifies, under the veil of allegory, the
by the Brahman's levies. These reinforcements would appear to have been
the ancient Persians, the Sacae, the Greeks, the inhabitants of Assam and
Southern India, and various races out of the jiale of the Hindu rehgion ;
all classed under the term Mlechchha, equivalent»to the ' barbarian ' of the
Greeks and Romans.
The King Vishvamitra, defeated and disgraced by this powerful priest,
" like a serpent with his teeth broken, like the sun robbed by the eclipse of
its splendour, was filled with perturbation. Deprived of his sons and array,
stripped of his pride and confidence, he was left without resource as a bird
bereft of his wings." He abandoned his kingdom to his son, and like all
Hindu princes in distress, determined, by penitential rites and austerities,
" to obtain Brahmanhood." He took up his abode at the sacred Pushkar,
living on fruits and roots, and fixing his mind, said, " I will become a Brah-
man." By these penances he attained such spiritual power that he was
enabled to usurp the Brahman's office. The theocrats caution Vishvamitra,
thus determined to become a Brahman by austerity, that " the divine books
are to be observed with care only by those acquainted with their evidence ;
nor does it become thee (Vishvamitra) to subvert the order of things estab-
lished by the ancients." The history of his wanderings, austerities, and the
temptations thrown in his way is related. The celestial fair were com-
missioned to break in upon his meditations. The mother of love herself
descended ; while Indra, joining the cause of the Brahmans, took the shape
of the kokila, and added the melody of his notes to the allurements of
Rambha, and the perfumed zephyrs which assailed the royal saint in the
wilderness. He was proof against all temptation, and condemned the fair
to become a pillar of stone. He persevered " till every passion was subdued,"
till " not a tincture of sin appeared in him," and gave such alarm to the
whole priesthood, that they dreaded lest his excessive sanctity should be
fatal to them : they feared " mankind would become atheists." " The
gods and Brahma at their head were obliged to grant his desire of Brahman-
hood ; and Vashishtha, conciliated by the gods, acquiesced in their wish,
and formed a friendship with Vishvamitra " [Muir, Original Sanskril Texts,
Part i. (1858), 75 ff.].
^ Kanauj, the ancient capital of the present race of Marwar. [This is a
myth. J
* See translation of this epic, by Messrs. Carey and Marshman [in verse,
by R. T. H. Griffith].
PURANIC GENEALOGIES 35
contests for power between the Brahmanical and military classes,
and will serve to indicate the probable period when the castes
became immutable. Stripped of its allegory, the legend appears to
point to a time when the division of the classes was yet imperfect ;
though we may infer, from the violence of the struggle, that it was
the last in which Brahmanhood could be obtained by the military.
Vishvamitra was the son of Gadhi (of the race of Kausika), King
of Gadhipura, and contemporary of Ambarisha, King of Ayodhya
or Oudh, the fortieth prince from Ikshwaku ; consequently about
two hundred years anterior to Rama. This event therefore,
whence we infer that the system of castes was approaching per-
fection, was probably about one thousand foiu' hundred years
before Christ.
Dates o£ the Genealogies. — If proof can be given that these
genealogies existed in the days of Alexander, the fact would be
interesting. The legend in the Puranas, of the origin of the
Lunar race, appears to afford this testimonj^
Vyasa, the author of the grand epic the Mahabharata, was son
of Santanu (of the race of Hari),^ sovereign of Delhi, by Yojana-
gandha, a fisherman's daughter,^ [30] consequently illegitimate.
He became the spiritual father, or preceptor, of his nieces, the
daughters of Vichitravirya, the son and successor of Santanu.
The Herakles Legend. — Vichitravirya had no male offspring.
Of his three daughters, one was named Pandaia * ; and Vyasa,
^ Hari-Kula.
^ It is a very curious circumstance that Hindu legend gives to two of
their most celebrated authors, whom they have invested with a sacred
character, a descent from the aboriginal and impure tribe3"of India : Vyasa
from a fisherman, and Valmiki, the author of the other grand epic the
Ramayana, from a Baddhik or robber, an associate of the Bhil tribe at
Abu. The conversion of Vahniki (said to have been miraculous, when in
the act of robbing the shrine of the deity) is worked into a story of con-
siderable effect, in the works of Chand, from olden authority.
3 The reason for this name is thus given. One of these daughters being
by a slave, it was necessary to ascertain which : a difficult matter, from the
secl\ision in which they were kept. It was therefore left to Vyasa to discover
the pure of birth, who determined that nobihty of blood would show itself,
and comm.anded that the princesses should wallc uncovered before him.
The elder, from shame, closed her eyes, and from her was born the blind
Dhritarashtra, sovereign of Hastinapura ; the second, from the same feeling,
covered herself with yellow ochre, called pandit, and henceforth she bore the
name of Pandya, and her son was called Pandu ; while the third stepped forth
unabashed. She was adjudged not of gentle blood, and her issue was Vidura.
36 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
being the sole remaining male branch of the house of Santanu,
took his niece, and spiritual daughter, Pandaia, to wife, and
became the father of Pandu, afterwards sovereign of Indraprastha.
Arrian gives the story thus : "It is further said that he
[Herakles] ^ had a very niunerous progeny of children born to
^ A generic term for the sovereigns of the race of Hari, used by Arrian
as a proper name [?]. A section of the Mahabharata is devoted to the
history of the Harikula, of which race was Vyasa.
Arrian notices the similarity of the Theban and the Hindu Hercules, and
cites as authority the ambassador of Seleucus, Megasthenes, who says :
" This Herakles is held in special honour by the Sourasenoi, an Indian tribe
who possess two large cities, Methora and Cleisobora. . . . But the dress
which this Herakles wore, Megasthenes tells us, resembled that of the
Theban Herakles, as the Indians themselves admit." [Arrian, Indika, viii.,
Methora is Mathura ; Growse {Mathura, 3rd ed. 279) suggests that Cleiso-
bora is Krishnapura, ' city of Krishna.']
Diodorus has the same legend, with some vai'iety. He says : " Hercules
was bom amongst the Indians, and Uke the Greeks they furnish him with
a club and lion's hide. In strength (bala) he excelled all men, and cleared
the sea and land of monsters and wild beasts. He had many sons, but only
one daughter. It is said that he built Pahbothra, and divided his kingdom
amongst his sons (the Bahka-putras, sons of Bah). They never colonized ;
but in time most of the cities assumed a democratical form of government
(though some were monarchical) till Alexander's time." The combats of
Hercules, to which Diodorus alludes, are those in the legendary haunts of
the Harikulas, during their twelve years' exile from the seats of their fore-
fathers.
How invaluable such remnants of the ancient race of Harikula ! How
refreshing to the mind yet to discover, amidst the riiins on the Yamuna,
Hercules (Baldeva, god of strength) retaining his club and lion's hide, stand-
ing on his pedestal at Baldeo, and yet worshipped by the Suraseni ! This
name was given to a large tract of country round Mathura, or rather round
Surpura, the ancient capital founded by Surasena, the grandfather of the
Indian brother-deities, Krishna and Baldeva, ApoUo and Hercules. The
title would apply to either ; though Baldeva has the attributes of the ' god
of strength.' Both are es (lords) of the race (Jcula) of Hari (Hari-kul-es), of
which the Greeks might have made the compound Hercules. Might not a
colony after the Great War have migrated westward ? The period of the
return of the HeracUdae, the descendants of Atrens (Atri is progenitor of
the Harikula), would answer : it was about half a century after the Great
War. [These speculations are worthless.]
It is unfortunate that Alexander's historians were unable to penetrate
into the arcana of the Hindus, as Herodotus appears to have done with those
of the Egyptians. The shortness of Alexander's stay, the unknown language
in which their science and rehgion were hid, presented an insuperable
difficulty. They could have made very little progress in the study of the
language without discovering its analogy to their own.
PURANIC GENEALOGIES 37
!
him in India . . . [31] but that he had only one daughter.^ The
name of this cliild was Pandaia, and the land in which she was
born, and with the sovereignty of which Herakles entrusted her,
was called after her name Pandaia " (Indika, viii.).
This is the very legend contained in the Puranas, of Vyasa
(who was Hari-kul-es, or chief of the race of Hari) and his spiritual
daughter Pandaia, from whom the grand race the Pandavas, and
from whom Delhi and its dependencies were designated the
Pandava sovereignty.
Her issue ruled for thirty-one generations in direct descents,
or frona 1120 to 610 before Christ ; when the military minister,'
connected by blood, was chosen by the chiefs who rebelled against
the last Pandu king, represented as " neglectful of all the cares
of government," and whose deposition and death introduced a
new dynasty.
Two other dynasties succeeded in like manner by the usurpa-
tion of these military ministers, untU Vikramaditya, when the
Pandava sovereignty and era of Yudhishthirawere both overturned.
^ Arrian generally exercises his judgment in these matters, and is the
reverse of credulous. On this point he says, " Now to me it seems that even
if Herakles could have done a thing so marvellous, he could have made
himself longer-hved, in order to have intercourse with his daughter when
she was of mature age " [Indika, ix.].
Sandrocottus is mentioned by Arrian to be of this line ; and we can
have no hesitation, therefore, in giving him a place in the dynasty of Puru,
the second son of Yayati, whence the patronymic used by the race now
extinct, as was Yadu, the elder brother of Puru. Hence Sandrocottus, if
not a Puru himself, is connected with the chain of which the hnks are
Jarasandha (a hero of the Bharat), Ripunjaya, the twenty-third in descent,
when a new race, headed by Sanaka and Sheshnag, about six hundred years
before Christ, usurped the seat of the lineal descendants of Puru ; in which
line of usurpation is Chandragupta, of the tribe Maurya, the Sandrocottus
of Alexander, a branch of this Sheshnag, Takshak, or Snake race, a race
whicli, stripped of its allegory, will afiford room for subsequent dissertation.
The Prasioi of Arrian would be the stock of Puru j Prayag is claimed in
the annals yet existing as the cradle of their race. This is the modern
Allahabad ; and the Eranaboas must be the Jumna, and the point of
junction with the Ganges, where we must place the capital of the Prasioi.
[For Sandrokottos or Chandragupta Maurya see Smith, EIII, 42 ff. He
certainly did not belong to the ' Snake Race.' The Erannoboas (Skr.
Hiranyavaha, ' gold-bearing ') is the river Son. The Prasioi (Skr. Prachyas,
dweUers in the east') had their capital at Patahputra, the modem Patna
(McCrindle, Alexander, 365 f.).]
* Analogous to the maire du 2}alaiii of the first races of the Franks.
38 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
Indraprastha remained without a sovereign, supreme power
being removed from the north to the southern parts of India, till
the fourth, or, according to some authorities, the eighth century
after Vikrama, when the throne of Yudhishthira was once more
occupied by the Tuar tribe of Rajputs, claiming descents from the
Pandus. To this ancient capital, thus re founded, the new
appellation of Delhi was given ; and the dynasty of the founder,
Anangpal, lasted to the twelfth century, when he abdicated in
favour of his grandson,^ Prithiviraja, the last imperial Rajput
sovereign of India, whose defeat and death introduced the
Muhammadans.
This line has also closed with the pageant of a prince, and a
colony returned from the extreme west is now the sole arbiter of
the thrones of Pandu and Timur.
Britain has become heir to the monuments of Indraprastha
raised by the descendants of Budha and Ila ; to the iron pillar of
the Pandavas, " whose pedestal ^ [32] is fixed in hell " ; to the
columns reared to victory, inscribed with characters yet unknown ;
to the massive ruins of its ancient continuous cities, encompassing a
space still larger than the largest city in the world, whose moulder-
ing domes and sites of fortresses,' the very names of which are
^ His daughter's son. This is not the first or only instance of the SaUc
law of India being set aside. There are two in the history of the sovereigns
of Anhilwara Patan. In all adoptions of this nature, when the child
' binds round his head the turban ' of his adopted father, he is finally
severed from the stock whence he had his birth. [For the early history of
Delhi see Smith, EHI, 386 ff.]
^ The khil, or iron pillar of the Pandus, is mentioned in the poems of
Chand. An infidel Tuar prince wished to prove the truth of the tradition
of its depth of foundation : " blood gushed up from the earth's centre, the
pillar became loose (dhili)," as did the fortune of the house from such im-
piety. This is the origin of Delhi. [The inscription on the pillar proves
the falsity of the legend, and the name Delhi is older than the Tuar dynasty
{/G/, xi.233).]
' I doubt if Shahpur is yet known. I traced its extent from the remains
of a tower between Humayun's tomb and the grand column, the Kutb. In
1809 I resided four months at the mausoleum of Safdar Jang, the ancestor
of the present [late] King of Oudh. amidst the ruins of Indraprastha, several
miles from inhabited Delhi, but with which these ruins forms detached links
of connexion. I went to that retirement with a friend now no more,
Lieutenant Macartney, a name well known and honoured. We had both
been employed in surveying the canals which had their sources in common
from the head of the Jumna, where this river leaves its rocky barriers, the
Siwalik chain, and issues into the plains of Hindustan. These canals on
GENEALOGIES 3D
lost, present a noble field for speculation on the ephemeral nature
of power and glory. What monument would Britain bequeath
to distant posterity of her succession to this dominion ? Not
one : except it be that of a still less perishable nature, the monu-
ment of national benefit. Much is in our power : much has been
given, and posterity will demand the result.
CHAPTER 3
Princes of the Solar Line.— Vyasa gives but fifty-seven prhiccs
of the Solar line, from Vaivaswata Manu to Rama ; and no list
which has come under my observation exhibits more than fifty-
eight, for the same period, of the Lunar race. How different
from the Egyptian priesthood, who, according to Herodotus,
gave a list up to that period of three hundred and thirty ^
sovereigns from their first prince, also the ' sun-born ^ Menes ! '
Ikshwaku was the son of Manu, and the first who moved to
the eastward, and founded Ayodhya.
Budha (Mercury) founded the Lunar line ; but we are not told
who established their first capital, Prayag,' though we are author-
ized to infer that it was founded by Puru, the sixth in descent
from Budha [33].
A succession of fifty-seven princes occupied Ayodhya from
Ikshwaku to Rama. From Yayati's sons the Lunar races descend
each side, fed by the parent stream, returned the waters again into it ; one
through the city of Delhi, the other on the opposite side. [Cunningham
(ASR, i. 207 £f.) proved that the true site of the ancient city, Siri, was the
old ruined fort to the north-east of Ral Pithora's stronghold, which is at
present called Shahpur. This identification has been disputed by C. J.
Campbell (JASB, 1866, p. 206). But Cunningham gives good reasons for
maintaining his opinion. The place took its name from Sher Shah and his
son Islam or Salim Shah. See also Carr Stephens, Archaeological and
Monumental Remains of DeUii (1876), pp. 87 f., 190.]
1 Herodotus ii. 99, 100.
2 The Egyptians claim the sun, also, as the first founder of the kingdom
of Egypt.
' The Jaisalmer annals give in succession Prayag, Mathura, Kusasthala,
Dwaraka, as capitals of the Indu or Lunar race, in the ages preceding the
Bharat or Great War. Hastinapur was founded twenty generations after
, these, by Hastin, from whom ramified the three grand Sakha, viz. Ajamidha,
Vimidha, and Purumidha, which diversified the Yadu race.
40 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
in unequal lengths. The lines from Yadu,^ concluding with
Krishna and his cousin Kansa, exhibit fifty-seven and fifty-nine
descents from Yayati ; while Yudhishthira,' Salya,' Jarasandha,*
and Vahurita,* all contemporaries of Krishna and Kansa, are
fifty-one, forty-six, and forty-seven generations respectively, from
the common ancestor Yayati.
Solar and Lunar Genealogies. — There is a wide difference
between the Solar and the Yadu branches of the Lunar lines ;
yet is that now given fuUer than any I have met with. Sir
William Jones's lists of the Solar line give fifty-six, and of the
Limar (Budha to Yudhishthira) forty-six, being one less in each
than in the tables now presented ; nor has he given the important
branch terminating with Krishna. So close an affinity between
lists, derived from such different authorities as this distinguished
character and myself had access to, shows that there was some
general source entitled to credit.
Mr. Bentley's * lists agree with Sir William Jones's, exhibiting
fifty-six and forty-six respectively for the last-mentioned Solar
and Lunar races. But, on a close comparison, he has either
copied them or taken from the same original source ; afterwards
transposing names which, though aiding a likely hypothesis,
will not accord with their historical belief.
Colonel Wllford's ' Solar list is of no use ; but his two dynasties
of Puru and Yadu of the Liuiar race are excellent, that part of the
line of Furu, from Jarasandha to Chandragupta, being the only
correct one in print.
It is surprising Wilford did not make use of Sir William Jones's
Solar chronology ; but he appears to have dreaded bringing
down Rama to the period of Krishna, as he is known to have
preceded by four generations ' the Great War ' of the Yadu races.
It is evident that the lAmar line has reached us defective. It
is supposed so by their genealogists ; and WUl'ord would have
^ See Table I. [not reprinted].
* Of Delhi — Indraprastlia.
' Salya, the founder of Aror on the Indus, a capital Ihad the good
fortune to discover. Salya is the Siharas of Abu-1 Fazl. [Ain, ii. 343.]
* Jarasandha of Bihar.
' Vahoorita, unknown yet. [? Bahuratha.]
* Asiatic Researches, vol. v. p. 341.
' Ibid. vol. V. p. 241.
GENEALOGIES 41
increased the error by taking it as the standard, and reducing
the Solar to conform thereto.
Mr. Bentley's method is therefore preferable ; namely, to
suppose eleven princes omitted in the Lunar between Janmejaya
and Prachinvat. But as there is no [34] authority for this, the
Lunar princes are distributed in the tables collaterally with the
Solar, preserving contemporaneous affinity where synchronisms
will authorise. By this means all hypothesis will be avoided, and
the genealogies will speak for themselves.
There is very little difference between Sir William Jones's and
Colonel Wilford's lists, in that main branch of the Lunar race,
of which Puru, Hastin, Ajamidha, Kuru, Santanu, and Yud-
hishthira are the most distinguished links. The coincidence is
so near as to warrant a supposition of identity of source ; but
close inspection shows WUford to have had a fuller supply, for
he produces new branches, both of Hastin's and Kuru's progeny.
He has also one name (Bhimasena) towards the close, which is in
my lists, but not in Sir William Jones's ; and immediately follow-
ing Bhimasena, both these lists exhibit Dilipa, wanting in my
copy of the Bhagavat, though contained in the Agni Purana :
proofs of the diversity of the sources of supply, and highly grati-
fying when the remoteness of those sources is considered. There
is also in my lists Tansu, the nineteenth from Budlia, who is not
in the lists either of Sir William Jones or Wilford. Again ;
Wilford has a Suhotra preceding Hastin, who is not in Sir William
Jones's genealogies. '^
Again ; Jahnu is made the successor to Kuru ; whereas the
Purana (whence my extracts) makes Parikshit the successor,
who adopts the son of Jahnu. This son is Viduratha, who has a
place in all tliree. Other variations are merely orthographical.
A comparison of Sir William Jones's Solar genealogies with my
tables will yield nearly the same satisfactory result as to original
authenticity. I say Sir William Jones's list, because there is no
other efficient one. We first differ at the fourth from Iksliwaku.
In my list this is Am-Prithu, of which he makes two names,
Anenas and Prithu. Thence to Purukutsa, the eighteenth, the
difference is only in orthography. To Irisuaka, the twenty-third
in mine, the twenty-sixth in Sir William Jones's list, one name is
above accounted for ; but here are two wanting in mine, Trasa-
^ I find them, however, in the Agni Purana.
42 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
dasyu and Haryaswa. There is, also, considerable difference in
the orthography of those names which we have in common.
Again ; we differ as to the successors of Champa, the twenty-
seventh, the founder of Champapur in Bihar. In Sir William's,
Sadeva succeeds, and he is followed by Vijaya ; but my authorities
state these both to be sons of Champa, and that Vijaya, the [35]
younger, was his successor, as the elder, Sadeva, took to religious
austerity. The thirty-third and thirty-sixth, Kesi and Dilipa,
are not noticed by Sir William Jones ; but there is a much more
important person than either of these omitted, who is a grand
link of connexion, and affording a good synchronism of the
earliest history. This is Ambarisha, the fortieth, the contem-
porary of Gadhi, who was the founder of Gadhipura or Kanauj.
Nala, Sarura, and Dilipa (Nos. 4i, 45, 54 of my lists) are all
omitted by Sir William Jones.
This comparative analysis of the chronologies of both these
grand races cannot fail to be satisfactory. Those which I furnish
are from the sacred genealogies in the library of a prince who
claims common origin with them, and are less liable to inter-
polation. There is scarcely a chief of character for knowledge
who cannot repeat the genealogy of his line. The Prince of
Mewar has a peculiarly retentive memory in this way. The pro-
fessed genealogists, the Bhats, must have them graven on their
memory, and the Charanas (the* encomiasts) ought to be well
versed therein.
The first table exhibits two dynasties of the Solar race of
Princes of Ayodhya and Mithila Des, or Tirhut, which latter I have
seen nowhere else. It also exhibits four great and three lesser
dynasties of the Lunar race ; and an eighth line is added, of the
race of Yadu, from the annals of the Bhatti tribe at Jaisalmer.
Ere quitting this halting-place in the genealogical history of
the ancient races, where the celebrated names of Rama, Krishna,
and Yudhishthira close the brazen age of India, and whose issue
introduce the present iron age, or Kali Yuga, I shall shortly refer
to the few synchronic points which the various authorities admit.
Of periods so remote, approximations to truth are the utmost
to be looked for ; and it is from the Ramayana and the Puranas
these synchronisms are hazarded.
Harischandra. — The first commences with a celebrated name of
the Solar line, Harischandra, son of Trisanku, still proverbial for
GENEALOGIES 43
his humility.^ He is the twenty-fourth,^ and declared contem-
porary of Parasurama, who slew the celebrated Sahasra-Arjuna ^
of [36] the Haihaya (Lunar) race, Prince of Mahishniati on the
Nerbudda. This is confirmed by the Ramayana, which details
the destruction of the military class and assumption of political
power by the Brahmans, under their chief Parasurama, marking
the period when the military class ' lost the umbrella of royalty,'
and, as the Brahmans ridiculously assert, their purity of blood.
This last, however, their own books sufficiently contradict, as the
next synchronism will show.
Sagara. — This synchronism we have in Sagara, the thirty -
second prince of the Solar line, the contemporary of Talajangha, of
the Lunar line, the sixth in descent from Sahasra Arjuna, who had
five sons preserved from the general slaughter of the military class
by Parasurama, whose names are given in the Bhavishya Purana.
Wars were constantly carried on between these great rival
races, Surya and Indu, recorded in the Puranas and Ramayana.
The Bhavishya describes that between Sagara and Talajangha
^ [The tragical story of Harischandra is told by J. Muir, Original Sanskrit
Texts, i. 88 ff.]
^ Sahyadri Khanda of the Skanda Purana.
' In the Bhavishya Purana this prince, Sahasra-Arjuna, is termed a
Chakravartin, or paramount sovereign. It is said that iie conquered Kar-
kotaka of the Takshak, Turushka, or Snake race, and brought with him the
population of Mahishmati, and founded Hemanagara in the north of India,
on his expulsion from his dominions on the Nerbudda. Traditionary legends
yet remain of this prince on the Nerbudda, where be is styled Sahasrabahu,
or ' with a thousand arms,' figurative of his numerous progeny. The
Takshak, or Snake race, here alluded to, will hereafter engage our attention.
The names of animals in early times, planets, and things inanimate, all
furnished symbolic appellations for the various races. In Scrii^ture we have
the fly, the bee, the ram to describe the princes of Egypt, Assyria, and
Macedonia ; here we have the snake, horse, monkey, etc. The Snake or
Takshak race was one of the most extensive and earliest of Higher Asia,
and celebrated in all its extent, and to which I shall have to recur hereafter.
[By the Takshak race, so often referred to, the author seems to mean a body
of Scythian snake-worshippers. There are instances of a serpent barrow,
and of the use of the snake as a form of ornament among the Scythians ;
but bej'ond this the evidence of worship of the serpent is scanty (E. H.
Minns, Scythians and Greeks, 328 f., 66 note, 294, 318, 323, etc.). It was
really the Takka, a Panjab tribe (Beal, Si-yu-ki, i. 165 ft". ; Cunningham,
Ancient Geography of India, 148 ff. ; Stein, Rdjatarangini, i. 204 f.).]
In the Ramayana it is stated that the sacrificial horse was stolen by " a
serpent (Takshak) assuming the form of Ananta."
44 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
" to resemble that of their ancestors, in which the Haihayas
suffered as severely as before." But that they had recovered all
their power since Parasuraina is evident from their having com-
pletely retaliated on the Suryas, and expelled the father ^ of
Sagara from his capital of Ayodhya. Sagara and Talajangha
appear to have been contemporary with Hastin of Hastinapura,
and with Anga, descended from Budha, the founder of Angadesa,^
or Ongdesa, and the Anga race.
Ambarisha. — The Ramayana affords another synchronism ;
namely, that Ambarisha of Ayodhya, the fortieth prince of the
Solar line, was the contemporary of Gadhi, the foimder of Kanauj,
and of Lomapada the Prince of Angadesa.
Krishna. — The last synchronism is that of Krishna and Yud-
hishthira, which terminates the [37] brazen, and introduces the Kali
Yuga or iron age. But this is in the Lunar line ; nor have we
any guide by which the difference can be adjusted between the
appearance of Rama of the Solar and Krishna of the Lunar races.
Thus of the race of Krostu we have Kansa, Prince of Mathura,
the fifty-ninth, and his cousin Krishna, the fifty-eighth from
Budha ; while of the hne of Puru, descending through Ajamidha
and Dvimidha, we have Salya, Jarasandha, and YudhLshthira.
the fifty-flrstj fifty-third, and fifty-fourth respectively.
The race of Anga gives Prithusena as one of the actors and
survivors of the Mahabharata, and the fifty-third from Budha.
Thus, taking an average of the whole, we may consider fifty-
five princes to be the number of descents from Budha to Krishna
^ " Asita, the father of Sagara, expelled by hostile kings of the Haihaj'as,
the Talajanghas, and the Sasa-vindus, fled to the Himavat mountains, whei'o
he died, leaving his wives pregnant, and from one of these Sagara was born "
(Ramayana, i. 41). It was to preserve the Solar race from the destruction
which threatened it from the prohfic Lunar race, that the Brahman Parasu-
rama armed : evidently proving that the Brahmanicai faith was held by
the Solar race ; while the rehgion of Budha, the great progenitor of the
Lunar, still governed his descendants. This strengthened the opposition
of the sages of the Solar line to Vishvamitra's (of Budha's or the Lunar
line) obtaining Brahmanhood. That Krishna, of Lunar stock, prior to
founding a new sect, worshipped Budha, is susceptible of proof.
^ Angdcs, Ongdes, or Undes adjoins Tibet. The inhabitants call them-
selves Hungias, and appear to be the Hong-niu of the Chinese authors, the
Huns (Huns) of Europe and India, which prove this Tartar race to be Lunar,
and of Budha. [Anga, the modern Bhagalpur, is confounded with Hundes
or Tibet.]
THE FOUNDATION OF ANCIENT CITIES 45
and Yudhishthira ; and, admitting an average of twenty years
for each reign, a period of eleven hundred years ; which being
added to a. Hke period calculated from thence to Vikramaditya,
who reigned fifty-six years before Christ, I venture to place the
establishment in India Proper of these two grand races, distinct-
ively called those of Surj^a and Chandra, at about 2256 years
before the Christian era ; at which period, though somewhat
later, the Egyptian, Chinese, and Assyrian monarchies are gener-
ally stated to have been established,^ and about a century and
a half after that great event, the Flood.
Though a passage in the Agni Purana indicates that the line of
Surj^a, of which Ikshwaku was the head, was the first colony
which entered India from Central Asia, yet we are compelled to
place the patriarch Budha as his contemporary, he being stated
to have come from a distant region, and married to Ila, the sister
of Ikshwaku.
Ere we proceed to make any remarks on the descendants of
Krishna and Arjuna, who carry on the Lunar line, or of the
Kushites and Lavites, from Kusa and Lava, the sons of Rama,
who carry on that of the Sun, a few observations on the chief
kingdoms established by their progenitors on the continent of
India will be hazarded in the ensuing Chapter [38].
CHAPTER 4
Ayodhya. — iVyodhya ^ was the first city founded by the race of
Surya. Like other capitals, its importance must have risen by
^ Egyptian, under Misraim, 2188 b.c. ; Assyrian, 2059 ; Chinese, 2207.
[The first Egyptian dynasty is now dated 5500 B.C. ; Chinese, 2852 B.C. ;
Babylonian, 2300 B.C. Any attempt to establish an Indian chronology from
the materials used by the Author does not promise to be successful.]
^ The picture drawn by Valmild of the capital of the Solar race is so
highly coloured that Ayodhya might stand for Utopia, and it would be
difficult to find such a catalogue of metropolitan embellishments in this,
the iron age of Oudh. " On the banks of the Surayu is a large country
called Kosala, in which is Ayodhya, built by Mann, twelve yojans (forty-
eight miles) in extent, with streets regular and well watered. It was filled
with merchants, beautified by gardens, ornamented with stately gates and
high-arched porticoes, furnished v/ith arms, crowded with chariots, elephants,
and horses, and with ambassadors from foreign lands ; embeUisbed with
palaces whose domes resembled the mountain tops, dwellings of equal height,
resounding with the delightful music of the tabor, the flute, and the harp.
46 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
slow degrees ; ye^ making every allowance for exaggeration, it
must have attained great splendour long anterior to Rama. Its
site is well known at this day under the contracted name of
Oudh, which also designates the country appertaining to the
titular wazir of the Mogul empire ; which country, twenty-five
years ago, nearly marked the limits of Kosala, the pristine
kingdom of the Surya race. Overgrown greatness characterized
all the ancient Asiatic capitals, and that of Ayodhya was immense.
Lucknow, the present capital, is traditionally asserted to have been
one of the suburbs of ancient Oudh, and so named by Rama, in
compliment to his brother Lakshman.
Mithila. — Nearly coeval in point of. time with Ayodhya was
Mithila,^ the capital of a country of the same name, founded by
Mithila, the grandson of Ikshwaku.
The name of .Janaka,^ son of Mithila, eclipsed that of the founder
and became the patronymic of this branch of the Solar race.
Other Kingdoms. — These are the two chief capitals of the
kingdoms of the Solar line described in [39] this early age : though
there were others of a minor order, such as Rohtas, Champapura,^
etc., all founded previously to Rama.
By the numerous dynasties of the Lunar race of Budha many
kingdoms were founded. Much has been said of the antiquity
of Prayag ; yet the first capital of the Indu or Lunar race appears
It was surrounded by an impassable moat, and guarded by archers. Dasa-
ratha was its king, a mighty charioteer. There were no atheists. The
affections of the men were in their consorts. The women were chaste and
obedient to their lords, endowed with beautj, wit, sweetness, prudence,
and industry, with bright ornaments and fair apparel ; the men devoted
to truth and hospitality, regardful of their superiors, their ancestors, and
their gods.
" There were eight councillors ; two chosen priests profoimd in the law,
besides another inferior council of six. Of subdued appetites, disinterested,
forbearing, pleasant, patient ; not avaricious ; well acquainted with their
duties and popular customs ; attentive to the army, the treasury ; im-
partially awarding punishment even on their own sons ; never oppressing
even an enemy ; not arrogant ; comely in dress ; never confident about
doubtful matters ; devoted to the sovereign."
^ Mithila, the modern Tirhut in Bengal [including the modern districts
of Darbhanga, Champaran, and Muzaffarpur].
^ Kusadhwaja, father of Sita (spouse of Rama), is also called Janaka ;
a name common in this line, and borne by the third prince in succession
after Suvarna Roma, the ' golden-haired ' chief Mithila.
I ' [Rohtas in the modern Shahabad district ; Charapapura in Ehagalpur.]
THE FOUNDATION OF ANCIENT CITIES 47
to have ITeen founded by Sahasra Arjuna, of the Haihaya tribe.
This was Mahishmati on tlie Nerbudda, still existing in Mahes-
war.^ The rivalry between the Lnnar race and that of the Suryas
of Ayodhya, in whose aid the priesthood armed, and expelled
Sahasra Arjuna from Mahishmati, has been mentioned. A small
branch of these ancient Haihayas ^ yet exist in the line of the
Nerbudda, near the very top of the valley at Sohagpur, in Baghel-
khand, aware of their ancient lineage ; and, though few in number,
are still celebrated for their valour.^
Dwarka. — Kusasthali Dwarka, the capital of Krishna, was
founded prior to Prayag, to Surpur, or Mathura. The Bhagavat
attributes the foundation of the city to Anrita, the brother of
Ikshwaku, of the Solar race, but states not how or when the
Yadus became possessed thereof.
The ancient annals of the Jaisalmer family of the Yadu stock
give the priority of foundation to Prayag, next to Mathura, and
last to Dwarka. All these cities are too well known to require
description ; especially Prayag, at the confluence of the Yamuna
and Ganges. The Prasioi were the descendants of Puru * of
Prayag, visited by Megasthenes, ambassador of Seleucus, and the
principal city of the Yadus, ere it sent forth the four branches
from Satwata. At Prayag resided the celebrated Bharat, the
son of Sakuntala.
In the Ramayana the Sasavindus ^ (another Yadu race) are
inscribed as allied with the Haihayas in the wars with the race of
Surya ; and of this race was Sisupal " (the founder of Chedi ^),
one of the foes of Krishna [40].
* Familiarly designated as Sahasra Bahu ki Basti, or ' the town of the
thousand-armed.' [In Indore State {IGI, xvii. 8).]
2 The Haihaya race, of the line of Budha, may claim affinity with the
Chinese race which first gave nionarchs to China [?].
* Of this I have heard the most romantic proofs in very recent times.
* Puru became the patronymic of this branch of the Lunar race. Of this
Alexander's historians made Porus. The Suraseni of Methoras (descendants
of the Sursen of Mathura) were all Purus, the Prasioi of Megasthenes [see
p. .37, n.]. Allahabad yet retains its Hindu name of Prayag, pronounced
Prag.
^ The Hares. Sesodia is said to have the same derivation. [From
Sesoda in Mewar.]
* The princes of Ranthambhor, expelled by Prithwiraja of Delhi, were
of this race.
' The modern Chanderi [in the Gwalior State, IQI, x. 163 f.] is said to be
48 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
Surpur. — We are assured by Alexander's historians that the
country and people round Mathura, when he invaded India, were
termed Surasenoi. There are two princes of the name of Sursen
in the immediate ancestry of Krishna ; one his grandfather, the
other eight generations anterior Which of these founded the
capital Surpur/ whence the country and inhabitants had their
appellation, we cannot say Mathura and Cleisobara are men-
tioned by the historians of Alexander as the chief cities of the
Surasenoi. Though the Greeks sadly disfigure names, we cannot
trace any affinity between Cleisobara and Surpur.
this capito.l, and one of the few to which no Englishman has obtained
entrance, though I tried hard in 1807. Doubtless it would afford food for
curiosity ; for, being out of the path of armies in the days of conquest and
revolution, it may, and I believe does, retain much worthy of research.
[The capital of the Chedi or Kalachuri dynasty was Tripura or Karanbel,
near Jabalpur {IGI, x. 12).]
^ I had the pleasure, in 1814, of discovering a remnant of this city, which
the Yamuna has overwhelmed. [The ancient Surj^apura was near Batesar,
40 miles south-east of Agra city. Sir H. Elliot (Supplemental Glossary, 187)
remarks that it is strange that the Author so often claims the credit of dis-
covery when its position is fixed in a set of familiar verses. For Suryapura
see A. Fiihrer, Monumental Antiquities and Inscriptions, 69.] The sacred
place of pilgrimage, Batesar, stands on part of it. My discovery of it was
doubly gratifying, for while I found out the Surasenoi of the Greeks, I
obtained a medal of the little known ApoUodotus, who carried his arms to
the mouths of the Indus, and possibly to the centre of the land of the Yadus.
He is not included by Bayer in his lists of the kings of Bactria, but wo have
only an imperfect knowledge of the extent of that dynasty. The Bhagavat
Purana asserts thirteen Yavan or Ionian princes to have ruled in Balichdes
[?] or Bactria, in which they mention Pushpamitra Dvimitra. We are
justified in asserting this to be Demetrius, the son of Euthydemus, but who
did not succeed his father, as Menander intervened. Of this last conqueror
I also possess a medal, obtained amongst the Surasenoi, and struck in com-
memoration of victory, as the winged messenger of heavenly peace extends
the palm branch from her hand. These two will fill up a chasm in the
Bactrian annals, for Menander is well known to them. ApoUodotus would
have perished but for Arrian, who wrote the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea
in the second century, while commercial agent at Broach, or classically
Brigukachchha, the Barugaza of the Greeks. [The Periplus of the Erythraean
Sea was written by an unknown Greek merchant of first century a.d.
(McCrindlo, Commerce and Navigation, Introd. p. 1).]
Without the notice this writer has afforded us, my ApoUodotus would
have lost half its value. Since my arrival in Europe I have also been made
acquainted with the existence of a medal of Demetrius, discovered in
Bokhara, and on which an essay has been written by a savant at St.
Petersburg.
THE FOUNDATION OF ANCIENT CITIES 49
Hastinapura. — The city of Hastinapura was built by Hastin
a name celebrated in the Lunar dynasties. The name of this
city is still preserved on the Ganges, about forty miles south of
Hardwar,^ where the Ganges breaks through the Siwalik moun-
tains and enters the plains of India. This mighty stream, rolling
its masses of waters from the glaciers of the Himalaya, and joined
by many auxiliary streams, frequently carries destruction before
it. In one night a column of thirty feet in perpendicular height
has been known to bear away all within its sweep, and to such an
occurrence the capital of Hastin is said to have owed its ruin.^
As it existed, however, long after the Mahabharata, it is surpris-
ing it is not mentioned by the historians of Alexander, who in-
vaded India probably about eight centuries after that event. In
this abode of the sons of Puru resided Porus, one of the two
princes of that name, opponents of Alexander, and probably
Bindusara the son of Chandragupta, surmised to be the Abisares ^
and Sandrakottos of Grecian authorities. Of the two princes
named Porus mentioned by Alexander's [41] historians, one
resided in the very cradle of the Puru dynasties ; the abode of
the other bordered on the Panjab : warranting an assertion that
the Pori of Alexander were of the Lunar race, and destroying
all the claims various authors * have advanced on behalf of the
princes of Mewar.*
Hastin sent forth three grand branches, Ajamidha, Dvimidha,
and Purumidha. Of the two last we lose sight altogether ; but
Ajamidha's progeny spread over all the northern parts of India,
in the Panjab and across the Indus. The period, probably one
thousand six hundred years before Christ.
^ The portal of Hari or Hara, whose trisula or trident is there.
^ Wilford says this event is mentioned in two Puranas as occurring in the
sixth or eighth generation of the Great War. Those who have travelled in
the Duab must have remarked where both the Ganges and Jumna have
shifted their beds.
' [Abisares is Abhisara in the modern Kashmir State (Smith, EHI, 59).]
* Sir Thomas Roe ; Sir Thomas Herbert ; the Holstein ambassador (by
Olearius) ; Delia Valle ; Churchill, in his collection : and borrowing from
these, D'Anville, Bayer, Orme, Rennell, etc.
'' The ignorance of the family of Mewar of the fact would by no means
be a conclusive argument against it, could it be otherwise substantiated ;
but the race of Surya was completely eclipsed at that period by the Lunar
and new races which soon poured in from the west of the Indu.s, and in time
displaced them all.
VOL. I E
50 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
From Ajamidha/ in the fourth generation, was Bajaswa, who
obtained possessions towards the Indus, and whose five sons gave
their name, Panchala, to the Panjab, or space watered by the
five rivers. The capital founded by the younger brother, Kam-
pila, was named Kampilnagara.^
The descendants of Ajamidha by his second "wife, Kesini,
founded another kingdom and dynasty, celebrated in the heroic
history of Northern India. This is the Kausika dynasty.
Kanauj. — Kusa had four sons, two of whom, Kusanablia and
Kusamba, are well known to traditional history, and by the still
surviving cities founded by them. Kusanabha founded the city of
Mahodaya on the Ganges, afterwards changed to Kanyakubja, or
Kanauj, which maintained its celebrity until the Muhammadan
invasion of Shihabu-d-din (a.d. 1193), when this overgrown city
was laid prostrate for ever. It was not unfrequently called
Gadhipura, or the ' city of Gadhi.' This practice of multiply-
ing names of cities in the east is very destructive to history.
Abu-1 Fazl has taken from Hindu authorities an account of
Kanauj ; and could we admit the authority of a poet on such
subjects, Chand, the bard of Prithwiraja,* would afford materials.
Ferishta states it in the early ages to have been twenty-
five coss [42] (thirty-five miles) in circumference, and that
there were thirty thousand shops for the sale of the areca or
beetle - nut only ; * and this in the sixth century, at which
period the Rathor dynasty, which terminated with Jaichand,
in the twelfth, had been in possession from the end of the fiftli
century.
Kusamba also founded a city, called after his own name
^ Ajamidha, by his wife Nila, had five sons, who spread their branches
(Sakha) on both sides the Indus. Regarding three the Puranas are silent,
which impHes their migration to distant regions. Is it possible they might
be the origin of the Medes ? Tliese Medes are descendants of Yayati, third
son of the patriarch Manu ; and Madai, founder of the Medes, was of Japhet's
line. Ajamidha, the patronymic of the branch of Bajaswa, is from Aja, ' a
goat.' The Assyrian Mode, in Scripture, is typified by the goat. [These
speculations are worthless.]
^ Of this house was Draupadi, the wife, in common, of the five Pandava
brothers : manners peculiar to Scythia.
' King of Delhi.
* [Briggs i. 57. The accounts of tlie size of the citj' are extravagant
(Elphinstone, HI, 3.32 note ; Cunningham, ASR, i. 270 tf.).]
THE FOUNDATION OF ANCIENT CITIES 51
Kaiisambi.^ The name was in existence in the eleventh century ;
and ruins might yet exist, if search were made on the shores of
the Ganges, from Kanauj southward.
The otlier sons built two capitals, Dharmaranya and Vasumati ;
but of neither have we any correct knowledge.
Kuru had two sons, Sudhanush and Parikhshita. The descend-
ants of the former terminated with Jarasandha, whose capital was
Rajagriha (the modern Rajmahal) on the Ganges, in the province
of Bihar.^ From Parikhshita descended the monarchs Santanu
and Balaka : the first producing the rivals of the Great War,
Yudhishthira and Duryodhana ; the other the Balakaputras.
Duryodhana, the successor to the throne of Kuru, resided at
the ancient capital, Hastinapura ; while the junior branch,
Yudhishthira, founded Indraprastha, on the Yamuna or Jumna,
which name in the eighth century was changed to Delhi.
The sons of Balaka founded two kingdoms : Palibothra, on
the lower Ganges ; and Aror,' on the eastern bank of the Indus,
founded by Sahl [43].
^ An inscription was discovered at Kara on the Ganges, in which Yaspal
is mentioned as prince of the realm of Kausambi {As. Res. vol. ix. p. 440).
WiKord, in his Essay on the Geography of the Purans, says " Causambi,
near Alluhabad " {As. Res. vol. xiv.). [The site is uncertain (Smith, EHI,
29.3, note).] ^ [Rajglr in Patna District.]
' Aror, or Alor, was the capital of Sind in remote antiquity : a bridge
over the stream which branched from the Indus, near Dara, is almost the
sole vestige of this capital of the Sogdoi of Alexander. On its site the
shepherds of the desert have estabhshed an extensive hamlet ; it is placed
on a ridge of siliceous rock, seven miles east of the insular Bakhar, and free
from the inundations of the Indus. The Sodha tribe, a powerful branch of
the Pramara race, has ruled in these countries from remote antiquity, and
to a very late period they were lords of Umarkot and Umrasurara, in which
divisions was Aror. Sahl and his capital were known to Abu-1 Fazl, though
he was ignorant of its position, which he transferred to Debal, or Dewal, the
modern Tatta. This indefatigable historian thus describes it : '' In ancient
times there lived a raja named Siharas (Sahl), whose capital was Alor, and
his dominions extended north to Kashmir and south to the ocean " [Atn,
ii. 343]. Sahl, or Sahr, becaine a titular appellation of the country, its
princes, and its inhabitants, the Sehraes. [See p. 21 above.] Alor appears
to have been the capital of the kingdom of Sigerdis, conquered by Menander
of Bactria. Ibn Haukal, the Arabian geographer, mentions it ; but a
superfluous point in writing has changed Aror into Azor, or Azour, as
translated by Sir W. Ouseley. The illustrious D'AnviUe mentions it ; but,
in ignorance of its position, quoting AbuLfeda, says, in grandeur " Azour
est presque comparable a Mooltan." I have to claim the discovery of
52 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
One great arm of the tree of Yayati remains unnoticed, that of
Uru or Urvasu, written by others Turvasu. Uru was the father
of a hne of kings who founded several empires. Virupa, the
eighth prince from Uru, had eight sons, two of whom are particu-
larly mentioned as sending forth two grand shoots, Druhyu and
Bhabru. From Druhyu a dynasty was established in the north.
Aradwat, with his son Gandhara, is stated to have founded a
State : Prachetas is said to have become king of Mlecchhades, or
the barbarous regions. This line terminated with Dushyanta,
the husband of the celebrated Sakuntala, father of Bharat, and
who, labouring under the displeasure of some offended deity, is
said by the Hindus to have been the cause of all the woes which
subsequent^ befell the race. The four grandsons of Dushyanta,
Kalanjar, Keral, Pand, and Chaul, gave their names to countries.
Kalanjar.^ — Kalanjar is the celebrated fortress in Bundelkhand,
so well known for its antiquities, which have claimed considerable
notice.
Kerala. — Of the second, Kerala, it is only known that in the list
of the thirty-six royal races in the twelfth century, the Kerala
makes one, but the capital is unknown.^
several ancient capital cities in the north of India : Surpur, on the Jumna,
the capital of the Yadus ; Alor, on the Indus, the capital of the Sodhas ;
Mandodri, capital of the Pariharas ; Chandravati, at the foot of the Aravalli
mountains ; and Valabhipura, in Gujarat, capital of the Balaka-raes, the
Balharas of Arab travellers. The Bala Rajput of Saurashtra may have
given the name to Valabhipura, as descendants of Balaka, from Sahl of
Aror. The blessing of the bard to them is yet, Tatta Multan ka Rao ( ' lord
of Tatta and Multan,' the seats of the Balaka-putras) : nor is it improbable
that a branch of these under the Indian Hercules, Balaram, who left India
after the Great War, may have founded Bahch, or Balkh, emphatically
called the ' mother of cities.' The Jaisalmer annals assert that the Yadu
and Balaka branches of the Indu race ruled Khorasan after the Great War,
the Indo-Scythic races of Grecian authors. Besides the Balakas, and the
numerous branches of the Indo-Medes, many of the sons of Kuru dispersed
over these regions : amongst whom we may place Uttara Kuru (Northern
Kurus) of the Puranas, the Ottorokorrhai of the Greek authors. Both the
Indu and Surya races were eternally sending their superfluous population
to those distant regions, when ])robably the same primeval rchgion governed
the races east and west of the Indus. [Much of this is incorrect.]
^ [The Chera or Kerala kingdom comj)rised the Southern Konkans or
Malabar coast, the present Malabar district with Travancore and Cochin,
the dynasty being in e.Kistence early in the Christian era (Smith, EHI, 447 ;
IGI, X. 192 f.).]
THE FOUNDATION OF ANCIENT CITIES 53
Fandya. — The kingdom founded by Pand may be that on the
coast of Malabar, the Pandu-Mandal of the Hindus, the Regia
Pandiona of the geographers of the west, and of which, probably,
Tanjore is the modern capital.^
Chaul.— Chaul ^ is in the Saurashtra penmsula, and on the
coast, towards Jagat Khunt, ' the world's end,' and still retains its
appellation.
Anga. — The other shoot from Bhabru became celebrated.
The thirty-fourth prince, Anga, founded the kingdom of Angadesa,
of which Champapuri * was the [44] capital, estabhshed about
the same time with Kanauj, probably fifteen himdred years
before Christ. With him the patronymic was changed, and the
Anga race became famous in ancient Hindu history ; and to this
day Un-des still designates the Alpine regions of Tibet bordering
on Chinese Tartary.
Prithusena terminates the line of Anga ; and as he survived
the disasters of the Great War, his race probably multiplied in
those regions, where caste appears never to have been introduced.
Recapitulation. — Thus have we rapidly reviewed the dynasties
of Surya and Chandra, from Manu and Budha to Rama, Krishna,
Yudhishthira, and Jarasandha ; estabhshing, it is hoped, some
new points, and perhaps adding to the credibility of the whole.
The wrecks of almost all the vast cities founded by them are
yet to be traced in ruins. The city of Ikshwaku and Rama, on
the Sarju ; Indraprastha, Mathura, Surpura, Prayag on the
Yamuna ; Hastinapura, Kanyakubja, Rajagriha on the Ganges ;
Maheswar on the Nerbudda ; Aror on the Indus ; and Kusasthali
^ [The Pandya kingdom included the Madura and Tinnevelly districts,
with parts of Trichinopoly, and sometimes Travancore, its capitals being
Madura, or Kudal, and Korkai (Smith, op. cil. 449 f. ; IGI, xix. 394 f.).]
^ From Chaul on the coast, in journeying towards Junagarh, and about
seven miles from the former, are the remains of an ancient city.
* From the description in the Raraayana of King Dasaratha proceeding
to Champamalina, the capital of Lomapada, king of Anga (sixth in descent
from the founder), it is evident that it was a very mountainous region, and
the deep forests and large rivers presented serious obstructions to his journey.
From this 1 should imagine it impossible that Angadesa should apply to a
portion of Bengal, in which there is a Champamalina, described by Colonel
Francklin in his Essay on PaUbothra. [The Anga kingdom, with its capital
at Champapuri, near Bhagalpur, corresponded to the modern districts of
North Monghyr, North Bhagalpur, and Purnea west of the Mahananda
river {IGI, v. 373).]
54 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
Dwarka on the shore of the Indian Ocean. Each has left some
memorial of former grandeur : research may discover others.
There is yet an unexplored region in Panchala ; Kampilana-
gara its capital, and those cities established west of the Indus by
the sons of Bajaswa.
Traces of the early Indo-Scythic nations may possibly reward
the search of some adventurous traveller who may penetrate into
Transoxiana, on the sites of Cyropolis, and the most northern
Alexandria ; in Balkh, and amidst the caves of Bamian.
The plains of India retain yet many ancient cities, from whose
ruins somewhat may be gleaned to add a mite to knowledge ; and
where inscriptions may be foimd in a character which, though
yet unintelligible,- will not always remain so in this age of dis-
covery. For such let the search be general, and when once a key
is obtained, they will enlighten each other. Wherever the races
of Kuru, Urn, and Yadu have swayed, have been found ancient
and yet imdeciphered characters.
Much would reward him who would make a better digest of
the historical and geographical matter in the Puranas. But we
must discard the idea that the history of Rama, the INIahabharata
of Krishna and the five Pandava ^ brothers, are [45] mere alle-
gory : an idea supported by some, although their races, their
cities, and their coins still exist. Let us master the characters
on the columns of Indraprastha, of Prayag and Mewar, on the
rocks of Junagarh,^ at Bijolli, on the Aravalli, and in the Jain
^ The history and exploits of the Pandavas and Harikulas are best known
in the most remote parts of India : amidst the forest-covered mountains of
Saurashtra, the deep woods and caves of Hidiniba and Virat (still the shelter
of the savage Bhil and KoH), or on the craggy banks of the Charmanvati
(Chambal). In each, tradition has locaUzed the shelter of these heroes
when exiled from the Yamuna ; and colossal figures cut from the mountain,
ancient temples and caves inscribed with characters yet unknown, attributed
to the Pandavas, confirm the legendary tale.
* The ' ancient city,' par eminence, is the only name this old capital, at
the foot of, and guarding, the sacred mount Girnar, is known by. Abu-1
Fazl says it had long remained desolate and unknown, and was discovered
by mere accident. {Ain, ii. 245. For a description of the place see BG,
viii. 487 ; E. C. Bayley, Local Muhammadan Dynasties, Gujarat, 182 ff.]
Tradition even being silent, they gave it the emphatic appellation of Juna
(old) Garh (fortress). J have httle doubt that it is the Aaaldur g a , or |
Asalgarh, of the Guhilot annals ; where it is said that prince Asal raised a
fortress, called after him, near to Girnar, by the consent of the Dabhi i^rince,
his uncle.
LATER DYNASTIES 5S
temples scattered over India, and then we shall be able to arrive
at just and satisfactory conclusions.
CHAPTER 5
Having investigated the line from Ikshwaku to Rama, and that
from Budha (the parent and first emigrant of the Indu ^ race, I
from Saka Dwipa, or Scythia, to Hindustan) to Krishna andj
Yudhishthira, a period of twelve hundred years, we proceed to'
the second division and second table of the genealogies.
The Suryavansa or Solar Line. — From Rama all the tribes
termed Surj'avansa, or ' Race of the Sun,' claim descent, as the
present princes of Mewar, Jaipur, Marwar, Bikaner, and their
numerous clans ; while from the Lunar (Indu) line of Budha and
Krishna, the families of Jaisalmer and Cutch (the Bhatti ^ and
Jareja races), extending throughout the Indian desert from the
Sutlej to the ocean, deduce their pedigTees.
Rama preceded Krishna : but as their historians, Valmiki and
Vyasa, who wrote the events they witnessed, were contemporaries,
it could not have been by many years [46].
The present table contains the dynasties which succeeded these
great beacons of the Solar and Lvmar races, and are three in
number.^
1. The Suryavansa, descendants of Rama
2. The Induvansa, descendants of Pandu through Yudhish-
thira.
3. The Induvansa, descendants of Jarasandha, monarch of
Rajagriha.
The Bhagavat and Agni Puranas are the authorities for the
^ Indu, Som, Chandra, in Sanskrit ' the moon ' ; hence the Lunar race
is termed the Chandravansa, Sotnvansa, or Induvansa, most probably the
' root of Hindu. [Pers. hindu. Skr. sindhu.]
; ^ The isolated and now dependent chieftainship of Dhat, of which
• Umarkot is the capital, separates the Bhattis from the Jarejas. Dhat is
] now amalgamated with Sind ; its prince, of Pramara race and Sodha tribe,
I ancient lords of all Sind.
,! ' A fourth and fifth might have been given, but imperfect. First the
descendants of Kusa, second son of Rama, from whence the princes of
j Narwar and Amber : secondly, the descendants of Krishna, from whom
[the princes of Jaisalmer.
66 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
lines from Rama and Jarasandha ; while that of Pandu is from
the Raja Tarangini and Raj avail.
The existing Rajput tribes of the Solar race claim descent from
Lava and Kusa, the two elder sons of Rama ; nor do I believe
any existing tribes trace their ancestry to his other children, or
to his brothers.
From the eldest son, Lava, the Ranas of Mewar claim descent :
so do the Bargujar tribe, formerly powerful within the confines
of the present Amber, whose representative now dwells at Anup-
shahr on the Ganges.
From Kusa descend the Kachhwaha ^ princes of Narwar and
Amber, and their numerous clans. Amber, though the first in
power, is but a scion of Narwar, transplanted about one thousand
years back, whose chief, the representative of the celebrated
Prince Nala, enjoys but a sorry district ^ of all his ancient pos-
sessions.
The house of Marwar also claims descent from this stem, which
appears to originate in an error of the genealogists, confounding
the race of Kusa with the Kausika of Kanauj and Kausambi.
Nor do the Solar genealogists admit this assumed pedigree.
The Amber prince in his genealogies traces the descent of the
Mewar ^ family from Rama to Sumitra, through Lava, the eldest
brother, and not through Kusa,* as in some copies of the Puranas,
and in that whence Sir William Jones had his lists [47J.
Mr. Bentley, taking this genealogy from the same authority
as Sir William Jones, has mutilated it by a transposition, for
^ In modem times always written and pronounced KiUchwdha.
^ It is in the plateau of Central India, near Shahabad.
^ Whatever dignity attaches to this pedigree, whether true or false,
every prince, and every Hindu of learning, admit the claims of the princes
of Mewar as heir to ' the chair of Rama ' ; and a degree of reverence has
consequently attached, not only to his person, but to the seat of his power.
When Mahadaji Sindhia was called by the Rana to reduce a traitorous
noble in Chitor, such was the reverence which actuated that (in other
respects) little scrupulous chieftain, that he could not be prevailed on to
point his cannon on the walls within which consent established ' the throne
of Rama.' The Rana himself, then a jouth, had to break the ice, and fired
a cannon agauist his own ancient abode.
* Bryant, in his Analysis, mentions that the children of the Cushite
Ham used his name in salutation as a mark of recognition. ' Ram, Ram,'
is the common salutation in these Hindu countries ; the respondent often
joining Sita's name with that of her consort Rama, ' Sita Ram.'
LATER DYNASTIES 57
which his reasons are insufficient, and militate against every
opinion of the Hindus. Finding the names Vrihadbala and
Vridasura, declared to be princes contemporary with Yudhish-
thira, he transposes the whole ten princes of his list intervening
between Takshak ^ and Bahuman.^
Bahuman,* or ' the man witli arms ' (Darazdaslit or Longi-
manus) is the thirty-fourth prince from Rama ; and his reign
must be placed nearly intermediate between Rama and Sumitra,
or his contemporary Vikrama, and in the sixth century from
either.
Sumitra concludes the line of Surya or Rama from the Bhaga-
vat Purana. Thence it is connected with the present line of
Mewar, by Jai Singh's authorities ; which list has been compared
with various others^ chiefly Jain, as will be related in the annals
of Mewar. ,
It will be seen that the line of Surya exliibits fifty-six princes, \
from Lava, the son of Rama, to Sumitra, the last prince given in I
the Puranas. Sir William Jones exhibits fifty-seven.
To these fifty-six reigns I sliould be willing to allow the average
of twenty years, which would give 1120 from Rama to Sumitra,
who preceded by a short period Vikramaditya ; and as 1100 have
been already calculated to have preceded the era of Rama and
Yudhishthira, the inference is, that 2200 years elapsed from
Ikshwaku, the founder of the Solar line, to Sumitra.
Chandravansa or the Lunar Line. — From the Raja Tarangini 1
and Rajavali the Induvansa family (descendants of Pandu 1
tlirough Yudhishthira) is supplied. These works, celebrated in
llajwara as collections of genealogies and historical facts, by the |
^ Twenty-eighth prince from Rama in JMr. Bentley's list, and twenty- ^
fifth in mine.
2 Thirty-seventh in Mr. Bentley's hst and thirty-fourth in mine ; but
the intervening names being made to follow Rama, Bahuman (written by
him Banumat) follows Takshak.
* The period of time, also, would allow of their grafting the son of
Artaxerxes and father of Darius, the worshipper of Mthras, on the stem
of the adorers of Surya, while a curious notice of the Raja Jai Singh's on a
subsequent name on this list which he calls Naushirwan, strengthens the
coincidence. Bahuman (see article ' Bahaman,' D'Herbelot's Bibl. Orient.)
actually carried his arms into India, and invaded the kingdoms of the Solar
race of Mithila and Magadha. The time is appropriate to the first Darius
and his father ; and Herodotus [iii. 94] tells us that the richest and best of
the satrapies of his empire was the Hindu,
58 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
Pandils Vidyadhara and Raghunatli, were compUed under the
eye of the most learned prince of his period, Sawai Jai Singh of
Amber, and give the various dynasties which ruled at Indra-
prastha, or Delhi, from Yudhishtliira to Vikramaditya ; and
although barren of events, may be considered of value in filling up
a period of entire darkness [48].
The Tarangini commences with Adinath ^ or Rishabhdeva,^
being the Jain * theogony. Rapidly noticing the leading princes
of the dynasties discussed, they pass to the birth of the kings
Dhritarashtra and Pandu, and their offspring, detailing the
causes of their civil strife, to that conflict termed the Mahabharata
or Great War.
The Pandava Family. — The origin of every family, whether
of east or west, is involved in fable. That of the Pandu * is
entitled to as much credence as the birth of Romulus, or other
founders of a race.
Such traditions ^ were probably invented to cover some great
disgrace in the Pandu family, and have relation to the story
already related of Vyasa, and the debasement of this branch of
the Harikulas. Accordingly, on the death of Pandu, Duryo-
dhana, nephew of Pandu (son of Dhritarashtra, who from blindness
could not inherit), asserted their illegitimacy before the assembled
kin at Hastinapura. With the aid, however, of the priesthood,
and the blind Dhritarashtra, his nephew, Yudhishthira, elder son
of Pandu, was invested by him with the seal of royalty, in the
capital, Hastinapura.
Duryodhana's plots against the Pandu and his partisans were
1 First lord. ^ j^qj.^ ^f ^^^^ 5^11.
^ Vidhyadhar was a Jain.
* Pandu not being blessed with progeny, his queen made use of a charm
by which she enticed the deities from their spheres. To Dharma Raj
(Minos) she bore Yudhishthira ; by Pavan (Aeolus) she had Bhima ; by
Indra (Jupiter Coelus) she had Arjuna, who was taught by his sire the use
of the bow, so fatal in the Great War ; and Nakula and Sahadeva owed
their birth to Aswini Kumar (Aesculapius) the physician of the gods.
* We must not disregard the intellect of the Amber prince, who allowed
these ancient traditions to be incorporated with the genealogy compiled
under his eye. The prince who obtained De Silva from Emmanuel III. of
Portugal, who combined the astronomical tables of Europe and Asia, and
raised these monuments of his scientific genius in his favourite pursuit
(astronomy) in all the capital cities of India, while engrossed in war and
pohtics, requires neither eulogy nor defence.
LATER DYNASTIES 59
so numerous that the five brothers determined to leave for a
while their ancestral abodes on the Ganges. They sought shelter
in foreign countries about the Indus, and were first protected by
Drupada, king of Panchala, at whose capital, Kampilanagara,
the surrounding princes had arrived as suitors for the hand of his
daughter, Draupadi.^ But the prize was destined for the exiled
Pandu, and the skill of Arjuna in archery obtained him the fair,
who " threw roimd his neck the (barmala) garland of marriage."
The disappointed princes indulged their resentment against the
exile ; but by Arjuna's bow they suffered the fate of Penelope's
suitors, and the Pandu brought home his bride, who became the
wife in common of the five brothers : manners ^ decisively
Scythic [49].
The deeds of the brothers abroad were bruited in Hastinapura
and the blind Dhritarashtra's influence effected their recall. To
stop, however, their intestine feuds, he partitioned the Pandu
sovereignty ; and while his son, Duryodhana, retained Hastina-
pura, Yudhishthira founded the new capital of Indraprastha ; but
shortly after the Mahabharata he abdicated in favour of his gi-and-
nephew, Parikshita, introducing a new era, called after himself,
which existed for eleven hundred years, when it was overturned,
and Indraprastha was conquered by Vila-amaditya Tuar of Ujjain,
of the same race, who established an era of his own.
On the division of the Pandu sovereignty, the new kingdom
of Indraprastha eclipsed that of Hastinapura. The brothers
reduced to obedience the surrounding ^ nations, and compelled
their princes to sign tributary engagements {paenama)^
Yudhishthira, firmly seated on his throne, determined to
^ Drupada was of the Aswa race, being descended from Bajaswa (or
Hyaswa) of the line of Ajamidha.
^ This marriage, so inconsistent with Hindu deUcacy, is glossed over.
Admitting the polyandry, but in ignorance of its being a national custom,
puerile reasons are interpolated. In the early annals of the same race,
predecessors of the Jaisalmer family, the younger son is made to succeed :
also Scythic or Tatar. The manners of the Scythae described by Herodotus
are found still to exist among their descendants : "a pair of shppers at the
wife's door " is a signal well understood by all Eimauk husbands (Elphin-
stone's Caubul, vol. ii. p. 251).
' Tarangini.
* Paenama is a [Persian] word pecuharly expressive of subserviency to
paramount authority, whether the engagement be in money or service :
from pae, ' the foot.'
60 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
signalize his reign and paramount sovereignty, by the imposing
and solemn rites of Asvamedha ^ and Rajasuya.
The Asvamedha. — In these magnificent ceremonies, in which
princes alone officiate, every duty, down to that of porter, is per-
formed by royalty.
The ' Steed of Sacrifice ' was liberated under Arjuna's care,
having wandered whither he listed for twelve months ; and none
daring to accept this challenge of supremacy, he was reconducted
to Indraprastha, Avhere, in the meanwhile, the hall of sacrifice was
prepared, and all the princes of the land were summoned to
attend.
The hearts of the Kurus ^ burned with envy at the assumption
of supremacy by the Pandus, for the Prmce of Hastinapura's
office was to serve out the sacred food [50].
The rivalry between the races burst forth afresh ; but Duryo-
dhana, who so often failed in his schemes against the safety of his
antagonists, determined to make the virtue of Yudhishthira the
instrument of his success. He availed himself of the national
propensity for play, in which the Rajput continues to preserve
his Scythic ^ resemblance. Yudhishthira fell into the snare
prepared for him. He lost his kingdom, his wife, and even his
personal liberty and that of his brothers, for twelve years, and
became an exile from the plains of the Yamuna.
The traditional historj'^ of these wanderers during the term of
probation, their many lurking jilaces now sacred, the return
to their ancestral abodes, and the grand battle (Mahabharata)
which ensued, form highly interesting episodes in the legends of
Hindu antiquity.
To decide this civil strife, every tribe and chief of fame, from
the Caucasus to the ocean, assembled on Kurukshetra, the field
^ Sacrifice of the horse to the sun, of which a full description is given
hereafter.
^ Duryodhana, as the elder ))ranch, retained his title as head of the
Kurus ; while the junior, Yudhishthira, on the separation of authority,
adopted his father's name, Pandu, as the patronymic of his new dynasty.
The site of the great conflict (or Mahabharata) between these rival clans, is
called Kurukshetra, or ' Field of the Kurus.'
* Herodotus describes the ruinous passion for play amongst the Scythic
hordes, and which may have been carried west by Odin into Scandinavia
and Germany. Tacitus tells us that the Germans, like the Pandus, staked
even iiersonal liberty, and were sold as slaves by the winner [Germania, 24].
LATER DYNASTIES 61
on which the empire of India has since more than once been
contested ^ and lost.
This combat was fatal to the dominant influence of the " fifty-
six tribes of Yadu." On each of its eighteen days' combat, myriads
were slain ; for " the father knew not the son, nor the disciple his
preceptor."
Victory brought no happiness to Yudhishthira. The slaughter
of his friends disgusted him with the world, and he determined
to withdraw frona it ; previously performing, at Hastinapura,
funeral rites for Duryodhana (slain by the hands of Bhima),
whose ambition and bad faith had originated this exterminating
war. " Having regained his kingdom, he proclaimed a new era,
and placing on the throne of Indraprastha, Parikshita, grandson
to Arjuna, retired to Dwarka with KJrislina and Baldeva : and
since the war to the period of writing, 4638 j^ears have elapsed." -
Yudhishthira, Baldeva, and Krishna, having retired with the
wreck of this ill-fated struggle to Dwarka, the two former had
soon to lament the death of Krishna, slain by one of the aboriginal
tribes of Bhils ; against whom, from their shattered condition,
they were luiable to contend. After this event, Yudhishthira,
with [51] Baldeva and a few followers, entirely withdrew from
India, and emigrating northwards, by Sind, to the Himalayan
mountains, are there abandoned by Hindu traditional history,
and are supposed to have perished in the snows.'
^ On it the last Hindu monarch, Prithwiraja, lost his kingdom, his hberty,
and life.
2 Rajatarangini. The period of writing was a.d. 1740. ;
^ Having ventured to surmise analogies between the Hercules of the east
and west, I shall carry them a point further. Amidst the snows of Caucasus,
Hindu legend abandons the Harikulas, under their leaders Yudhishthira
and Baldeva : yet if Alexander estabhshed his altars in Panchala, amongst
the sons of Puru and the Harikulas, what physical impossibility exists that
a colony of them, under Yudhishthira and Baldeva, eight centuries anterior,
should have penetrated to Greece ? Comparatively far advanced in science
and arms, the conquest would have been easy. When Alexander attacked
the ' free cities ' of Panchala, the Purus and Harikulas who opposed him
evinced the recollections of their ancestor, in carrying the figure of Hercules
as their standard. Comparison proves a common origin to Hindu and
Grecian mythology ; and Plato says the Greeks had theirs from Egypt and
the East. May not this colony of the Harikulas be the Herachdae, who pene-
trated into the Peloponnesus (according to Volney) 1078 years before Christ,
sufficiently near our calculated period of the Great War ? The Herachdae
claimed from Atreus : the Harikxilas claim from Atri. Eurysthenes was
62 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
From Parikshita, who succeeded Yudhishthira, to Vikrama-
ditya, four ^ dynasties are given in a continuous chain, exhibiting
sixty-six princes to Rajpal, who, invading Kumaon, was slain by
Sukwanti. The Kumaun conqueror seized upon Delhi, but was
soon dispossessed by Vikramaditya, who transferred the seat of
imperial power from Indraprastha to Avanti, or Ujjain, from
which time it became the first meridian of the Hindu astronomy.
Indraprastha ceased to be a regal abode for eight centuries,
when it was re-established by Anangpal,^ the founder of the Tuar
race, claiming descent from the Pandus. Then the name of Delhi
superseded that of Indraprastha.
the first king of the HeracUdae : Yudhishthira has suflEicient affinity in
name to the first Spartan king not to startle the etymologist, the d and
r being always permutable in Sanskrit. The Greeks or lonians are de-
scended from Yavan, or Javan, the seventh from Japhet. The Harikulas
are also Yavans claiming from Javan or Yavan, the thirteenth in descent
from Yayati, the third son of the primeval patriarch. The ancient Hera-
clidae of Greece asserted they were as old as the sun, and older than the
moon. May not this boast conceal the fact that the Heliadae (or Suryct-
vansa) of Greece had settled there anterior to the colony of the Indu (Lunar)
race of Harikula ? In all that relates to the mythological history of the
Indian demi-gods, Baldeva (Hercules), Krishna or Kanhaiya (Apollo), and
Budha (Mercury), a powerful and almost perfect resemblance can be traced
))etween those of Hindu legend, Greece, and Egypt. Baldeva (the god of
strength) Harikula, is still worshipped as in the days of Alexander ; his
shrine at Baldeo in Vraj (the Surasenoi of the Greeks), his club a plough-
share, and a lion's skin his covering. A Hindu intaglio of rare value
represents Hercules exactly as described by Arrian, with a monogram con-
sisting of two ancient characters now unknown, but which I have found
wherever tradition assigns a spot to the Harikulas ; especially in Saurashtra,
where they were long concealed on their exile from Delhi. This we may
at once decide to be the exact figure of Hercules which Arrian describes
his descendants to have carried as their standard, when Porus opposed
Alexander. The intaglio will appear in the Trans. li.A.S. [The specula-
tions in this note have no authority.]
^ The twenty-eighth prince, Khemraj, was the last in lineal descent from
Parikshita, the grand-nephew of Yudhishthira. The first dynasty lasted
1 864 years. The second dynasty was of Visarwa, and consisted of fourteen
princes ; this lasted five hundred years. The third dynasty was headed by
Mahraj, and terminated by Antinai, the fifteenth prince. The fourth
dynasty was headed by Dudhsen, and terminated by Rajpal, the ninth and
last king (Rajatarangini).
'^ The Rajatarangini gives the date A.v. 848, or a.v. 792, for this ; and
adds : " Princes from Siwalik, or northern hills, held it during this time,
and it long continued desolate until the Tuars."
LATER DYNASTIES 63
" Sukwanti, a prince from the northern mountains of Kumaun,
ruled fourteen [52] years, when he was slain by Vikramaditya ; ^
and from the Bharat to this period 2915 years have elapsed." *
Such a period asserted to have elapsed while sixty-six princes
occupied the throne, gives an average of forty-four years to each ;
which is incredible, if not absolutely impossible.
In another passage the compiler says : " I have read many
books (shastras), and all agreed to make one hundred princes,
all of Khatri ^ race, occupy the throne of Delhi from Yudhishthira
to Pritliwiraja, a period of 4100 years,* after which the Ravad *
race succeeded."
It is fortunate for these remnants of historical data that thej^
have only extended the duration of reigns, and not added more
heads. Sixty-six links are quite sufficient to connect Yudhishthira
and Vikramaditya.
We cannot object to the " one hundred princes " who fill the
space assigned from Yudhishthira to Prithwiraja, though there
is no proportion between the number which precedes and that
which follows Vikramaditya, the former being sixty-six, the latter
only thirty-four princes, although the period cannot differ half
a century.
I^et us apply a test to these one hundred kings, from Yudhish
thira to Prithwiraja : the result will be 2250 years.
This test is derived from the average rate of reigns of the chief
dynasties of Rajasthan, during a pei-iod of 63.S ® to 663 ' years, I
or from Prithwiraja to the present date. \>^©:.\ OP K<^^
1 .50 B.C. [Cunningham remarks that the defeat of Raja Pal of Delhi Vw'^
bj^ Sukwanti, Sukdati, or Sukaditya, Raja of Kumaun, must be assigned to
A.D. 79 : but he has little confidence in such. traditions, iniless supported by
independent evidence {ASB, i. 1.38).]
- Raghunath. ^ J^^jput, or Kshatriya.
* 'J'his period of 4100 years may have been arrived at by the compiler
taking for granted the number of years mentioned by Raghunath as having
elapsed from the Mahabharata to Vikrainaditya, namely 291.5, and adding
thereto the well-authenticated period of Prithwiraja, who was born in
iSamvat 1215 : for if 2915 be subtracted from 4100, it leaves 1185, the period
within thirty years of the birth of Prithwiraja, according to the Chauhan
chronicles.
* Solar.
* From S. 1250, or a.d. 1194, captivity and dethronement of Pritliwiraja.
' From S. 1212, a.d. 1516, the founding of Jaisalmer by Jaisal, to the
accession of Gaj Singh, the present prince, in S. 1876, or a.d. 1820.
64 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
Of Mewar . . 34 ^ princes, or 19 years to each reign.
Of Marwar . . 28 princes, or 23i „ ,,
Of Amber . . 29 princes, or 22i ,, ,,
Of Jaisalmer . . 28 princes, or 23J ,, ,,
giving an average of twenty-two years for each reign [53].
It would not be proper to ascribe a longer period to each reign,
and it were perhaps better to give the minimum, nineteen, to
extended dynasties ; and to the sixty-six princes from Yudhish-
thira and Vikramaditya not even so much, four revolutions ^ and
usurpations marking this period.
Jarasandha. — The remaining line, that of Jarasandha, taken
from the Bhagavat, is of considerable importance, and will afford
scope for further speculation.
Jarasandha was the monarch of Rajagriha,^ or Bihar, whose
son Sahadeva, and grandson Marjari, are declared to have been
contemporaries of the Mahabharata, and consequently coeval
with Parikshita, the Delhi sovereign.
The direct line of Jarasandha terminates in twenty-three
descents with Ripimjaya, who was slain, and his throne assumed
by his minister, Sanaka, whose dynasty terminated in the fifth
generation with Nandivardandhana. Sanaka derived no personal
advantage from his usurpation, as he immediately placed his son,
Pradyota, on the throne. To these five princes one hundred and
thirty-eight years are assigned.
A new race entered Hindustan, led by a conqueror termed
Sheshnag, from Sheshnagdesa,* who ascended the Pandu throne,
^ Many of its early princes were killed in battle ; and the present prince's
father succeeded his own nephew, which was retrograding.
^ The historians sanction the propriety of these changes, in their remarks,
that the deposed were " deficient in [capacity for] the cares and duties of
government."
® Rajagriha, or Rajmahal, capital of Magadhades, or Bihar. [In Patna
district, lOI, xxi. 72.]
* Figuratively, the country of the ' head of the Snakes ' ; Nag, Talc, or
Takshak, being synonymous : and which I conclude to be the abode of the
ancient Scythic Tachari of Strabo, the Tak-i-uks of the Cliinese, the Tajiks
of the present day of Turkistan. This race appears to be the same with
that of the Turushka (of the Puranas), who ruled on the Arvarma (the
Araxes), in Sakadwipa, or Scytliia. [This is a confused reference to the
Saisunaga dynasty, which took its name from its founder, Sisunaga, and
comprised roughly the present Patna and Gaya districts, its capital being
LATER DYNASTIES 65
and whose line terminates in ten descents with Mahanandin, of
spurious birth. This last prince, who was also named Baikyat,
carried on an exterminating warfare against the ancient Rajput
princes of pui-e blood, the Puranas declaring that since the dynasty
of Sheshnag the princes were Sudras. Three hundred and sixty
years are allotted to these ten princes.
Chandragupta Maurya. — A fourth dynasty commenced with
Chandragupta Maurya, of the same Takshak race.^ The Maurya
dynasty consisted of ten princes, who are stated to have passed
away in one hundred and thirty-seven years. [322-185 B.C.]
Sunga, Kanva Dynasties. — The fifth dynasty of eight princes
were from Sringides, and are said to have ruled one hundred and
twelve years, when a prince of Kanvades deprived the last of life
and kingdom. Of these eight princes, four were of pure blood,
when Kistna, by a Sudra woman, succeeded. The dynasty of
Kanvades terminates in twenty-three generations with Sus-
arman* [54].
Recapitulation. — Thus from the Great War six successive
dynasties are given, presenting a continuous chain of eighty-two
princes, reckoning from Sahadeva, the successor of Jarasandha,
to Susarman.
To some of the short dynasties periods are assigned of moderate
length : but as the first and last are without such data, the test
Rajagriha ; the modern Rajglr-Sisunaga means ' a young elephant,' and
has no connexion with Sheshnag, the serpent king {Vishnu Purana, 466 f. ;
Smith, EHI, 31).]
^ [Chandragupta Maurya was certainly not a " Takshak " : he was
probably " an illegitimate scion of the Nanda family " (Smith, EHI, 42).]
2 ]\'Ir. Bentley {' On the Hindu System of Astronomy,' As. Res. vol. viii.
pp. 236-7) states that the astronomer, Brahmagupta, flourished about
A.D. 527, or of Vikrama 583, shortly preceding the reign of Susarman ; that
he was the founder of the system called the Kalpa of Brahma, on v/hich the
present Hindu chronology is founded, and to which Mr. Bentley says their
historical data was transferred. This would strengthen my calculations ;
but the weight of Mr. Bentley's authority has been much weakened by his
unwarrantable attack on Mr. Colebrooke, whose extent of knowledge is of
double value from his entire aversion to hypothesis. [The Sunga dynasty,
founded by Pushyamitra, about 185 B.C., lasted till about 73 B.C., when the
tenth king, Devabhuti, was slain by his Brahman minister, Vasudeva, who
founded the Kanva dynasty. He was followed by three kings, and the
dynasty lasted only forty-five years, the last member of it being slain, about
28 B.C., by a king of the Andhra or Satavahana dynasty, then reigning in
the Deccan. For the scanty details see Smith, EHI, 198 fr.l
VOL. I F
66 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
already decided on must be applied ; which will yield 1704 years,
being six hundred and four after Vikramaditya, whose contem-
porary will thus be Basdeva, the fifty-fifth prince from Sahadeva
of the sixth dynasty, said to be a conqueror from the country of
Katehr [or Rohilkhand]. If these calculations possess any value,
the genealogies of the Bhagavat are brought down to the close of
the fifth century following Vikramaditya. As we cannot admit
the gift of prophecy to the compilers of these books, we may infer
that they remodelled their ancient chronicles during the reign of
Susarman, about the year of Vikrama 600, or a.d. 540.
With regard to calculations already adduced, as to the average
number of years for the reigns of the foregoing dynasties, a com-
parison with those which history affords of other parts of the
world will supply the best criterion of the correctness of the
assumed data.
From the revolt of the ten tribes against Rehoboam ^ to the
capture of Jerusalem, a period of three hundred and eighty-seven
years, twenty kings sat on the throne of Judah, making each reign
nineteen and a half years ; but if we include the three anterior
reigns of Saul, David, and Solomon, prior to the revolt, the result
will be twenty-six and a half years each.
From the dismemberment of the Assjrrian ^ empire under
Sardanapalus, nearly nine hundred years before Christ, the three
consequent confluent dynasties of Babylonia, Assyria, and Media
afford very different results for comparison.
The Assyrian preserves the medium, while the Babylonish and
Median run into extremes. Of the nine princes who swayed
Babylon, from the period of its separation from, till its reunion
to Assyria, a space of fifty-two years, Darius, who ruled Media
sixty [thirty-six] years [55], outhved the whole. Of the line of
Darius there were but six princes, from the separation of the
kingdoms to their reunion imder Cyrus, a period of one hundred
and seventy-four years, or twenty-nine to each reign.
The Assjo-ian reigns form a juster medium. From Nebuchad-
nezzar to Sardanapalus we have twenty-two years to a reign ;
but from thence to the extinction of this dynasty, eighteen.
The first eleven kings, the Heraclidae of Laced aemon, com-
^ 987 years l^efore Christ.
^ For these and tV.e following elates I am indebted to Goguet's chrono-
logical tables in his Origin of Laws.
LATER DYNASTIES 67
mencing with Eiirysthenes (1078 before Christ), average thirty-
two years ; while in repubhcan Athens, nearly contemporary^
from the first perpetual archon until the office became decennial
in the seventh Olympiad, the reigns of the twelve chief magis-
trates average twenty-eight years and a half.
Thus we have three periods, Jewish, Spartan, and Athenian,
each commencing about eleven hundred years before Christ, not
half a century remote from the Mahabharata ; with those of
Babylonia, Assyria, and Media, commencing where we quit the
Grecian, in the eighth century before the Christian era, the Jewish
ending in the sixth century.
However short, compared with our Solar and Lunar dynasties,
yet these, combined Avith the average reigns of existing Hindu
dynasties, will aid the judgment in estimating the periods to be
assigned to the lines thus afforded, instead of following the improb-
able value attached by the Brahmans.
From such data, longevity appears in unison with climate and
simplicity of life : the Spartan yielding the maximimi of thirty-
two to a reign, while the more luxurious Athens gives twenty-
eight and a half. The Jews, from Saul t6 their exile " to the waters
of Babylon," twenty-six and a half. The Medes equal the Lace-
daemonians, and in all history can only be paralleled by the
princes of Anhilwara, one of whom, Chawand, almost equalled
Darius.^ ^
Of the separated ten tribes, from the revolt to the captivity,
twenty kings of Israel passed away in two centuries, or ten years
eacli.
The Spartan and Assyrian present the extremes of thirty-two
and eighteen, giving a medium of twenty-five years to a reign.
The average result of our four Hindu dynasties, in a period of
nearly seven hundred years, is twenty-two years.
From all which data, I would presume to assign from twenty
to twenty- two years to each reign in lines of fifty princes [56].
If the value thus obtained be satisfactory, and the lines of
dynasties derived from so many authorities correct, we shall
arrive at the same conclusion with Mr. Bentley ; who, by the
more philosophical process of astronomical and genealogical
^ [It is not clear to whom the author refers ; Chamunda Chavada (a.d.
880-908): or Chamunda Chauhikya (a.d. 997-1010), {EG, i. Part 1. 151,
162).]
68 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
combination, places Yudhishtliira's era in the year 2825 of the
world ; which being taken from 4004 (the world's age at the birth
of Christ) will leave 1179 before Christ for Yudhishthira's era,
or 1123 before Vikramaditya.^
CHAPTER 6
Rajputs and Mongols. — Having thus brought down the genea-
logical history of the ancient martial races of India, from the earliest
period to Yudhishthira and Krishna, and thence to Vikrama-
ditya and the present day, a few observations on the races invading
India during that time, and now ranked amongst the thirty-six
royal races of Rajasthan, affording scope for sonic curious analogies,
may not be inopportune.
The tribes here alluded to are the Haihaya or Aswa, the Takshak,
and the Jat or Getae ; the similitude of whose theogony, names
in their early genealogies, and many other points, with the Chinese,
Tatar, Mogul, Hindu, and Scythic races, would appear to warrant
the assertion of one common origin.
Though the periods of the passage of these tribes into India
cannot be stated with exactitude, the regions whence they migrated
may more easily be ascertained.
Mongol Origin. — Let us compare the origin of the Tatars and
Moguls, as given by their historian, Abulghazi, with the races we
have been treating of from the Puranas.
Mogol was the name of the Tatarian patriarch. His son was
Aghuz,'' the founder of all the races of those northern regions,
called Tatars and Mogol [57]. Aghuz had six sons.^ First, Kun,*
' the sun,' the Surya of the Puranas ; secondly, Ai,^ ' the moon,'
^ [The evidence quoted in this chapter bj^ which the author endeavours
1 1 frame a chronology for this early period, is untrustworthy. Mr. Pargiter
tentatively dates the great Bharata battle about 1000 B.C., but the evidence
is very uncertain {JRAS, January 1910, p. 56 ; April 1914, p. 294).]
^ Query, if from Mogol and Aghuz, compounded, we have not the Magog,
son of Japhet, of Scripture ?
^ The other four sons are the remaining elements, personified : whence
the six races of Tatars. The Hindus had long but two races, till the four
AgnOcula made them also six, and now thirty-six !
* In Tatar, according to Abulghazi, the sun and moon.
^ De Giiignes.
I
MONGOL AND HINDU TRADITIONS 69
the Indu of the Puranas. In the latter, Ai, we have even the
same name [Ayus] as in the Puranas for the Lunar ancestor. The
Tatars all claim from Ai, ' the moon,' the Indus of the Puranas.
Hence with them, as with the German tribes, the moon was always
a male deity. The Tatar Ai had a son, Yulduz. His son^was
Hyu, from whom ^ came the first race of the kings of China. The
Puranic Ayus had a son, Yadu (pronounced Jadon) ; from whose
third son, Haya, the Hindu genealogist deduces no line, and
from whom the Chinese may claim their Indu ^ origin. II Khan
(ninth from Ai) had two sons : first, Kian ; and secondly, Nagas ;
whose descendants peopled all Tatary. From Kian, Jenghiz
Ivlian claimed descent.^ Nagas was probablj- the founder of the
Takshak, or Snake race ' of the Puranas and Tatar genealogists,
the Tak-i-uk Moguls of De Guignes.
Such are the comparative genealogical origins of the three
races. Let us compare their thcogony, the fabulous birth assigned
by each for the founder of the Indu race.
Mongol and Hindu Traditions. — 1. The Puranic. " Ila {the
earth), daughter of the sun-born Ikshwaku, while wandering in the
forests was encountered by Budha {Mercury), and from the rape
of Ila sprimg the Indu race."
2. The Chinese account of the birth of Yu (Ayu), their first
monarch. " A star * (Mercury or Fo) struck his mother while
journeying. She conceived, and gave to the world Yu, the
founder of the first dynasty which reigned in China. Yu divided
China into nine provinces, and began to reign 2207 ^ years before
Christ " [58].
Thus the Ai of the Tatars, the Yu of the Chinese, and the Ayus
^ Sir W. Jones says the Chinese assert their Hindu origin ; but a com-
parison proves both these Indu races to be of Scj^thic origin. [Yadu was son
of Yayati, and Haya was Yadu's grandson, not son. The comparison of
Mongol with Hindu tradition is of no value.]
^ [For the Mongol genealogy see Howorth, History of the Mongols, Part i.
35. Abu-I Fazl {Akbarnama, trans. H. Beveridge, i. 171 f.) gives the names
as follows : Aghuz Khan, whose sons were — Kun (Sun) ; Ai (Moon) ; Yulduz
(Star) ; Kok or Gok (Sky) ; Tagh (Mountain) ; Tangiz (Sky)].
^ Naga and Takshak are Sanskrit names for a snake or serpent, the
emblem of Budha or Mercury. The Naga race, so well known to India,
the Takshaks or Takiuks of Scythia, invaded India about six centuries
before Clirist.
* De Guignes, Sur Us Dynasties des Huns, vol. i. p. 7.
^ Nearly the calculated period from the Puranas.
70 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
of the Puranas, evidently indicate the great Indu (Lunar) pro-
genitor of the three races. Budha (Mercury), the son of Indu
(the moon), became the patriarchal and spiritual leader ; as Fo,
in China ; Woden and Teutates,^ of the tribes migrating to
Europe. Hence it follows that the religion of Buddha must be
coeval with the existence of these nations ; that it was brought
into India Proper by them, and guided them until the schism of
Krishna and the Suryas, worshippers of Bal, in time depressed
them, when the Buddha reUgion was modified into its present mild
form, the Jain.^
Scythian Traditions. — Let us contrast with these the origin of
the Scythic nations, as related by Diodorus ; * when it will be
observed the same legends were known to him which have been
handed down by the Puranas and Abulghazi.
" The Scythians had their first abodes on the Araxes.* Their
origin was from a virgin born of the earth ^ of the shape of a
woman from the waist upwards, and below a serpent (symbol
of Budlia or Mercury) ; that Jupiter had a son by her, named
Scythes," whose name the nation adopted. Scythes had two
sons, Palas and Napas (qu. the Nagas, or Snake race, of the Tatar
genealogy ?), who were celebrated for their great actions, and who
divided the countries ; and the nations were called after them,
the Palians {qu. Pali ?) ' and Napians. They led their forces as
far as the Nile on Egypt, and subdued many nations. They
enlarged the empire of the Scythians as far as the Eastern ocean,
^ Taulh, ' father ' in Sanskrit [? tata]. Qu. Tenths, and Toth, the
Mercury of Egypt ?
* [The author seems to confuse Budha (Mercury) with Gautama Bnddha,
the teacher. Buddhism arose in India, not in Central Asia, and Jainism
was not a milder form of it, but an independent, and probably earher,
rehgion.]
3 Diodorus Siculus book ii.
* The Arvarma of the Puranas ; the Jaxartes or Sihun. The Puranas
thus describe Sakadwipa or Scythia. Diodorus (Mb. ii.) makes the Hemodus
the boundary between Saka-Scythia and India Proper.
^ Ila, the mother of the Lunar race, is the earth personified. Ertha of
the Saxons ; e'pa of the Greeks ; ard in Hebrew [?].
* Scythes, from Sakaiai, ' Sakadwipa,' and is, ' Lord ' : Lord of Sakatai,
or Scythia [?].
^ Qu. Whether the Scythic Pali may not be the shepherd invaders of
Egypt [?]. The Pali character yet exists, and appears the same as ancient
fragments of the Buddha inscriptions in my possession : manj'^ letters
assimilate with the Coptic.
LATER GENEALOGIES 71
and to the Caspian and lake INIoeotis. The nation had many kings,
from whom the Sacans (Sakae), the Massagetae ( Getae or Jats), the
Ari-aspians (Aswas of Aria), and many other races. They over-
ran Assyria and Media ^ [59], overturning the empire, and trans-
I^hinting the inliabitants to tlie Araxes under the name of Sauro-
Matians." ^
As the Sakae, Getae, Aswa, and Takshak are names which
have crept in amongst our thirty-six royal races, common with
others also to early civilization in Europe, let us seek further
ancient authority on the original abodes.
Strabo ^ says : " All the tribes east of the Caspian are called
Scythic. The Dahae * next the sea, the Massagetae (great Gete)
and Sakae more eastward ; but every tribe has a particular name.
All are nomadic : but of these nomads the best -known are the
Asii,^ the Pasiani, Tochari, Sacarauli, who took Bactria from the
Greeks. The Sakae " (' races ') have made in Asia irruptions
similar to those of the Cimmerians ; thus they have been seen to
possess themselves of Bactria, and the best district of Armenia,
called after them Sakasenae." '
Which of the tribes of Rajasthan are the offspring of the Aswa
and Medes, of Indu race, returned under new appellations, we
^ The three great branches of the Indu (Lunar) Aswa bore the epithet of
Midia (pronounced Mede), viz. Urumidha, Ajamidha, and Dvimidha. Qii.
The Aswa invaders of Assyria and Media, the sons of Bajaswa, expressly
stated to have multiplied in the countries west of the Indus, emigrating
from their paternal seats in Panchalaka ? {Mldha means ' pouring out
seed, prolific,' and has no connexion with Mede, the Madai of Genesis
X. 2 ; the Assyrian Mada.]
^ Sun-worshippers, the Suryavansa.
3 Strabo lib. xi. p. 511.
* Dahya (one of the thirty-six tribes), now extinct.
* The Asii and Tochari, the Aswa and Takshak, or Turushka races, of
the Puranas, of Sakadwipa [?]. " C'est vraisemblablement d'apres le nom
de Tachari, que M. D'Anville aura cru devoir placer les tribus ainsi de-
nommees dans le territoire qui s'appelle aujourdhui Tokarist'hpon, situe,
dit ce grand geographe, entre les montagnes et le Gihon ou Amou " (Note 3,
hv. xi. p. 254, Strabon).
* Once more I may state Sakha in Sanskrit has the aspirate : literally,
the ' branches ' or ' races.' [Saka and Sakha have no connexion ; see
Smith, EHI, 226.]
' " La Sacasene etoit une contree do I'Armenie sur les confins de I'Albanie
ou du Shirvan" (Note 4, tome i. p. 191, Strabon). " The Sacasenae v.'cre
the ancestors of the Saxons" (Turner's History of the Anglo -Saxons).
72 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
shall not now stop to inquire, limiting our hypothesis to the fact
of invasions, and adducing some evidence of such being simul-
taneous with migrations of the same bands into Europe. Hence
the inference of a common origin between the Rajput and early
races of Europe ; to support which, a similar mythology, martial
manners and poetry, language, and even music and architectural
ornaments, may be adduced.^
Of the first migrations of the Indu-Scythic Getae, Takshak,
and Asii, into India, that of Sheshnag (Takshak), from Shesh-
nagdes (Tocharistan ?) or Sheshnag, six centuries, by calculation,
before Christ, is the first noticed by the Puranas.^ About this
period a grand irruption of the same races conquered Asia Minor,
and [60] eventually Scandinavia ; and not long after the
Asii and Tochari overturned the Greek kingdom of Bactria, the
Romans felt the power of the Asi,' the Chatti, and Cimbri, from
the Baltic shore.
" If we can show the Germans to have been originally Scythae
or Goths (Getes or Jits), a wide field of curiosity and inquiry is
open to the origin of government, manners, etc. ; all the anti-
quities of Europe will assume a new appearance, and, instead of
being traced to the bands of Germany, as Montesquieu and the
greatest writers have hitherto done, may be followed through
long descriptions of the manners of the Scythians, etc., as given
by Herodotus. Scandinavia was occupied by the Scythae five
hundred years before Christ. These Scythians worshipped
Mercury (Budha), Woden or Odin, and believed themselves his
progeny. The Gothic mythology, by parallel, might be shown
^ Herodotus (iv. 12) says : " The Cimmerians, expelled by the Massa-
getae, migrated to the Crimea." Here were the Thj'ssagetae, or western
Getae [the lesser Getae, Herodotus iv..22]; and thence both the Getae and
Cimbri found their way to the Baltic. Rubruc{uis the Jesuit, describing the
monuments of the Comani in the Dasht-i Kipchak, whence these tribes, saj's :
" Their monuments and circles of stones are like our Celtic or Druidical
remains " (Bell's Collection). The Khuman are a branch of the Kathi tribe
of Saurashtra, whose paliyas, or funeral monumental pillars, are seen in
groups at every town and village. The Chatti were one of the early German
tribes. [Needless to say, the German Chatti had no connexion with the
Kathi of Gujarat.]
^ [The reference, again, is to the Saisunaga dynasty, p. 64 above.]
' Asi was the term applied to the Getes, Yeuts, or Juts, when they in-
vaded Scandinavia and founded Yeutland or Jutland (see ' Edda,^ Mallet's
Introduction).
SCYTHIANS AND GERMANS 73
to be Grecian, whose gods were the progeny of Coehis and Terra
(Budha and EUa).^ Dryads, satyrs, fairies, and all the Greek
and Roman superstition, may be found in the Scandinavian
creed. The Goths consulted the heart of victims^ had oracles,
had sibyls, had a Venus in Freya, and Parcae in the Valkyrie." ^
The Scythian Descent of the Rajputs. — Ere we proceed to trace
these mythological resemblances, let us adduce further opinions
in proof of the'position assumed of a common origin of the tribes
of early Europe and the Scj^thic Rajput.
The translator of Abulghazi, in his preface, observes : " Our
contempt for the Tatars would lessen did we consider how nearly
we stand related to them, and that our ancestors originally came
from the north of Asia, and that our customs, laws, and way of
living were formerly the same as theirs. In short, that we are
no other than a colony of Tatars.
" It was from Tatary those jDcople came, who, imder the suc-
cessive names of Cymbrians,* Kelts, and Gauls, possessed all the
northern part of Europe. What were the Goths, Huns, Alans,
Swedes, Vandals, Franks, but swarms of the same hive ? The
Swedish chronicles bring the Swedes * from Cashgar, and [61] the
affinity between the Saxon language and Kipchak is great ; and
the Keltick language still subsisting in Britany and Wales is a
demonstration that the inhabitants are descended from Tatar
nations."
^ Mercury and earth.
^ Pinkerton, On the Goths, vol. ii. p. 94. [All this is obsolete.]
^ Camari was one of the eight sons of Japhet, says Abulghazi : whence
the Camari, Cimmerii, or Cimbri. Karaari is one of the tribes of Saurashtra.
[Kymry = fellow-countrymen (Rhys, Celtic Britain, 116).]
* The Suiones, Suevi, or Su. Now the Su, Yueh-chi, or Yuti, are Getes,
according to De Guignes. Marco Polo calls Cashgar, where he was in the
sixth century, the birthplace of the Swedes ; and De la Croix adds, that in
1691 Sparvenfeldt, the Swedish ambassador at Paris, told him he had read
in Swedish chronicles that Cashgar was their country. When the Huns
were chased from the north of China, the greater part retired into the
southern countries adjoining Europe. The rest passed directly to the Oxus
and Jaxartes ; thence they spread to the Caspian and Persian frontiers.
In Mawaru-1-nahr (Transoxiana) they mixed with the Su, the Yueh-chi, or
Getes, who were particularly powerful, and extended into Europe. One
would be tempted to regard them as the ancestors of those Getes who were
known in Europe. Some bands of Su might equally pass into the north of
Europe, known as the Suevi. [The meaning of Suevi is uncertain, but the
word has no connexion with that of any Central Asian tribe.]
74 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
From between the parallels of 30° and 50° of north latitude,
and from 75° to 95° of east longitude, the highlands of Central
Asia, alike removed from the fires of the equator and the cold of
the arctic circle, migrated the races which passed into Europe and
within the Indus. We must therefore voyage up the Indus,
cross the Paropanisos, to the Oxus or Jihun, to Sakatai ^ or
Sakadwipa, and from thence and the Dasht-i Kipchak conduct
the Takshaks, the Getae, the Kamari, the Chatti, and the Huns,
into the plains of Hindustan.
We have much to learn in these unexplored regions, the abode
of ancient civilisation, and which, so late as Jenghiz Khan's
invasion, abounded with large cities. It is an error to suppose
that the nations of Higher Asia were merely pastoral ; and De
Guignes, from original authorities, informs us that when the Su
invaded the Yueh-chi or Jats, they found upwards of a hundred
cities containing the merchandise of India, and with the currency
bearing the effigies of the prince.
Such was the state of Central Asia long before the Christian
era, though now depopulated and rendered desert by desolating
wars, which have raged in these countries, and to which Europe
can exhibit no parallel. Timur's wars, in more modern times,
against the Getic nation, will illustrate the paths of his ambitious
predecessors in the career of destruction.
If we examine the political limits of the great Getic nation in
the time of Cyrus, six centuries before Christ, we shall find them
little circumscribed in power on the rise of Timur, though twenty
centuries had elapsed [62].
Jats and Getae. — At this period (a.d. 1.330), under the last
prince of Getic race, Tuglilak Timur Khan, the kingdom of
Chagatai ^ was bounded on the west by the Dasht-i Kipchak, and
^ Mr. Pinkerton's research had discovered Sakatai, though he does not
give his authority (D'Anville) for the Sakadwipa of the Puranas ! " Sakitai,
a region at the fountains of the Oxus and Jaxartes, styled Sakita from the
Sacae" (D'Anville, Anc. Geog.). The Yadus of Jaisalmer, who ruled
Zabulistan and founded Ghazni, claim the Chagatais as of their own Indu
stock : a claim which, without deep reflection, appeared inadmissible ;
but which I now deem worthy of credit.
- Chagatai, or Sakatai, the Sakadwipa of the Puranas (corrupted by the
Greeks to Scythia), " whose inhabitants worship the sun and whence is the
river Arvarma." [For the Chagatai Mongols see EUas-Ross, History of the
Moghuh of Central Asia, Introd. 28 if.]
JATS and GETAE 75
on the south by the Jihun, on which river the Getic Khan, hke
Tomyris, had his capital. Kokhand, Tashkent, Utrar,^ Cyropolis,
and the most northern of the Alexandrias, were within the bounds
of Chagatai.
The Getae, Jut, or Jat, and Takshak races, which occupy
places amongst the thirty-six royal races of India, are all from
the region of Sakatai. Regarding their earliest migrations, v/e
shall endeavour to make the Puranas contribute ; but of their
invasions in more modem times the histories of Mahmud of Ghazni,
and Timur abundantly acquaint us.
From the mountains of Jud ^ to the shores of Makran,' and
along the Ganges, the Jat is widely spread ; while the Takshak
name is now confined to inscriptions or old writings.
Inquiries in their original haunts, and among tribes now under
different names, might doubtless bring to light their original
designation, now best known within the Indus ; whUe the Takshak
or Takiuk may probably be discovered in the Tajik, still in his
ancient haunts, the Transoxiana and Chorasinia of classic authors ;
the Mawaru-n-nahr of the Persians ; the Turan, Turkistan, or
Tocharistan of native geography ; the abode of the Tochari,
Takshak, or Turushka invaders of India, described in the Puranas
and existing inscriptions.
The Getae had long maintained their independence when
Tomyris defended their liberty against Cyrus. Driven in success-
ive wars across the Sutlej, we shall elsewhere show them preserv-
ing their ancient habits, as desultory cavaliers, under the Jat
leader of Lahore, in pastoral communities in Bikaner^ the Indian
^ Utrar, probably the Uttarakuru of ancient geography : the uttara
(northern) kuru (race) ; a branch of Indu stock.
2 Jadu ka dang, the Joudes of Rennell's map ; the Yadu hills high up in
the Panjab, where a colony of the Yadu race dwelt when expelled Saurashtra.
[The Salt Range in the Jhelum, Shahpur, and Mian wall districts of the
Panjab, was known to ancient historians as Koh-i-Jud, or ' the hiUs of Jud,'
the name being applied by the Muhammadans to this range on account of
its resemblance to Mount Al-Jiidi, or Ararat. The author constantly refers
to it, and suggests that the name was connected with the Indian Yadu, or
Yadava tribe (IGI, xxi._412; Abu-1 Fazl, Akbarndma, i. 237; Elliot-
Dowson, ii. 235, v. 561 ; Aln, ii. 405 ; ASR, ii. 17 ; Hughes, Diet, of Islam,
23).]
^ The Numri, or Lumri (foxes) of Baluchistan, are Jats [?]. These are
the Noniardies of Rennell. [They are beheved to be aborigines {IGI, xvi.
146; Census Report, Baluchistan, 1911, i. 17).]
76 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
desert and elsewhere, though they have lost sight of their early
history. The transition from pastoral to agricultural pursuits is
but short, and the descendant of the nomadic Getae of Transoxiana
is now the best husbandman on the plains of Hindustan^ [63].
The invasion of these Indu-Scytliic tribes, Getae, Takshaks,
Asii, Chatti, Rajpali,^ Huns, Kamari, introduced the worship of
Budha, the founder of the Indu or Lunar race.
Herodotus says the Getae were theists,^ and held the tenets
of the soul's immortality ; so with the Buddhists.
Before, however, touching on points of religious resemblance
between the Asii, Getae, or Jut of Scandinavia (who gave his
name to the Cimbric Chersonese) and the Getae of Scythia and
India, let us make a few remarks on the Asii or Aswa.
The Aswa. — To the Indu race of Aswa (the descendants of
Dvimidha and Bajaswa), spread over the countries on both sides
the Indus, do we probably owe the distinctive appellation of
Asia. Herodotus * says the Greeks denominated Asia from the
wife of Prometheus ; while others deduce it from a grandson of
Manes, indicating the Aswa descendants of the patriarch Manu.
Asa,* Sakambhari,^ Mata,' is the divinity Hope, ' mother-pro-
tectress of the Sakha,' or races. Every Rajput adores Asapurna,
' the fulfiller of desire ' ; or, as Sakambhari Devi (goddess pro-
tectress), she is invoked previous to any undertaking.
The Aswas were chiefly of the Indu race ; yet a branch of the
Suryas also bore this designation. It appears to indicate their
celebrity as horsemen.* All of them worshipped the horse, which
they sacrificed to the sun. This grand rite, the Asvamedha, on
^ [There is no evidence, beyond resemblance of name, to connect the
Jats with the Getae.] ^ Royal pastors [?].
^ [iv. 59.] The sun was their ' great deity,' though they had in Xamolxis
a lord of terror, with aiJSnity to Yama, or the Hindu Pluto. " The chief
divinity of the Fenns, a Scythic race, was Yammalu " (Pinkerton's Hist,
of the Goths, vol. ii. p. 215).
* iv. 45 [Asia probably means ' land of the rising sun.']
' Asa, ' hope.'
® Sakambhari : from sakham, the plural of sahha, ' branch or race,' and
ambhar, ' covering, protecting.' [The word means ' herb nourishing.']
' IMata, ' mother.'
* Asica and haya are synonymous Sanskrit terms for ' horse ' ; as]} in
Persian ; and as apphed by the prophet Ezelciel [xxxviti. 6] to the Getic
invasion of Scythia, a.c. 600 : " the sons of Togarmah riding on hojses " ;
described by Diodorus, the period the same as the Takshak invasion of India.
JATS AND GETAE 77
the festival of the winter solstice, would alone go far to exemplify
their common Scythic origin with the Getic Saka, authorising the
inference of Pinkerton, " that a grand Scythic nation extended
from the Caspian to the Ganges."
The Asvamedha. — The Asvamedha was practised on the
Ganges and Sarju by the Solar princes [64], twelve hundred years
before Christ, as by the Getae in the time of Cyrus ; " deeming it
right," says Herodotus [i. 216] " to offer the swiftest of created
to the chief of uncreated beings " : and this worship and sacrifice
of the horse has been handed down to the Rajput of the present
day. A description of this grand ceremony shall close these
analogies.
The Getic Asii carried this veneration for the steed, symbolic
of their chief deity the sun, into Scandinavia : equally so of all
the early German tribes, the Su, Suevi, Chatti, Sucimbri, Getae,
in the forests of Germany, and on the banks of the Elbe and Weser.
The milk-white steed was supposed to be the organ of the gods,
from whose neighing they calculated future events ; notions
possessed also by the Aswa, sons of Budha (Woden), on the
Yamuna and Ganges, when the rocks of Scandinavia and the
shores of the Baltic were yet untrod by man. It was this omen
which gave Darius Hystaspes ^ (hinsna, ' to neigh,' aspa, ' a horse ')
a crown. The bard Chand makes it the omen of death to his
principal heroes. The steed of the Seandina%aan god of battle
was kept in the temple of Upsala, and always " found foaming
and sweating after battle." " Money," says Tacitus, " was only
acceptable to the German when bearing the effigies of the horse." *
In the Edda we are informed that the Getae, or Jats, who
entered Scandinavia, were termed Asi, and their first settlement
As-gard.^
Pinkerton rejects the authority of the Edda and follows
Torfaeus, who " from Icelandic chronicles and genealogies con-
cludes Odin to have come into Scandinavia in the time of Darius
Hystaspes, five hundred years before Christ."
^ [Hystaspes is from old Persian, Vishtaspa, ' possessor of horses.' The
author derives it from a modern Hindi word hinsna, ' to neigh,' possibly
from recollection of the story in Herodotus iii. 85.]
^ [He possibly refers to the statement (Gennania, v.), that their coins
bore the impress of a two-horse chariot.]
^ Asirgarb, ' fortress of the Asi ' [IGI, vi. 12].
78 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
This is the period of the last Buddha, or Mahavira, whose era
is four hundred and seventy-seven years before Vikrama, or five
hundred and thirty-three before Christ.
The successor of Odin in Scandinavia was Gotama ; and
Gautama was the successor of the last Buddha, Mahavira,^ who
as Gotama, or Gaudama, is still adored from the Straits of Malacca
to the Caspian Sea.
" Other antiquaries," says Pinkerton, " assert another Odin,
who was put as the supreme deity one thousand years before
Christ" [65].
Mallet admits two Odins, but Mr. Pinkerton wishes he had
abided Ijy that of Torfaeus, in 500 a.c.
It is a singular fact that the periods of both the Scandinavian
Odins should assimilate with the twenty-second Buddha [Jain
Tirthakara], Neminath, and twenty-fourth and last, Mahavira ;
the first the contemporary of Krishna, about 1000 or 1100 years,
the last 533, before Christ. The Asii, Getae, etc., of Europe
worshipped Mercury as founder of their line, as did the Eastern
Asi, Takshaks, and Getae. The Chinese and Tatar historians
also say Buddha, or Fo, appeared 1027 years before Christ. " The
Yuchi, established in Bactria and along the Jihun, eventually
bore the name of Jeta or Yetan,^ that is to say, Getae. Their
empire subsisted a long time in this part of Asia, and extended
even into India. These are the people whom the Greeks knew
under the name of Indo-Scythes. Their manners are the same
as those of the Turks .^ Revolutions occurred in the very heart
of the East, whose consequences were felt afar." *
The period allowed by all these authorities for the migration
of these Scythic hordes into Europe is also that for their entry
into India.
The sixth century is that calculated for the Takshak from
Sheshnagdesa ; and it is on this event and reign that the Puranas
declare, that from this period " no prince of pure blood would be
^ The great [maha) warrior [vir). [Buddha lived 567-487 b.c. : Mahavira,
founder of Jainism, died about 527 B.C.]
- Yeutland was the name given to the whole Cimbric Chersonese, or
Jutland (Pinkerton, On the Goths).
* Turk, Turushka, Takshak, or ' Taunak, fils de Tnrc ' (Abulghazi,
History of the Tatars).
* Histoire des Huns, vol. i. p. 42.
PERSONAL HL^BITS, DRESS, THEOGONY, RITES 79
found, but that the Sudra, the Turushka, and the Yavan, would
prevail."
All these Indu-Scythic invaders held the religion of Buddha :
and hence the conformity of manners and mythology between the
Scandinavian or German tribes and the Rajputs increased by
comparing their martial poetry.
Similarity of religious manners affords stronger proofs of
original identity than language. Language is eternally changing
— so are manners ; but an exploded custom or rite traced to its
source, and maintained in opposition to climate, is a testimony
not to be rejected.
Personal Habits, Dress. — When Tacitus informs us that the
first act of a German on rising was ablution, it will be conceded
this habit was not acquired in [66] the cold climate of Germany,
but must have been of eastern ^ origin ; as were " the loose
flowing robe ; the long and braided hair, tied in a knot at the top
of the head " ; with many other customs, personal habits, and
superstitions of the Scj'thic Cimbri, Juts, Chatti, Suevi, analogous
to the Getic nations of the same name, as described by Herodotus,
Justin, and Strabo, and which yet obtain amongst the Rajput
Sakhae of the present day.
Let us contrast what history affords of resemblance in religion
or manners. First, as to religion.
Taeogony. — Tuisto (IVIercury) and Ertha (the earth) were the
chief divinities of the early German tribes. Tuisto ^ was born of
the Earth (Ila) and Manus (Manu). Ke is often confounded
with Odin, or Woden, the Budha of the eastern tribes, though
they are the Mars and Mercury of these nations.
^ Though Tacitus calls the German tribes indigenous, it is evident he
knew their claim to Asiatic origin, when he asks, " Who would leave the
softer abodes of Asia for Germany, where Nature yields nothing but
deformity ? "
2 In an inscription of the Geta or Jat Prince of SaUndrapur (Salpur) of the
fifth century, he is styled " of the race of Tusta " {qu. Tuisto ?). It is in that
ancient nail-headed character used by the ancient Buddhists of India, and
still the sacred character of the Tatar Lamas : in short, the Pali. All the
ancient inscriptions I possess of the branches of the Agnikulas, as the
Chauhan, Pramara, Solanki, and Parihara, are in this cha,racter. That of
the Jat prince styles liim " Jat Kathida " {qu. of (da) Cathay ?). From Tuisto
and Woden v.e have our Tuesdaj^ and Wednesday. In India, Wednesday is
Budhwar (Dies Mercurii), and Tuesday Mangalwar (Dies Martis), the Mardi
of the French.
80 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
Religious Rites. — The Suiones or Suevi, the most powerful
Getie nation of Scandinavia, were divided into many tribes, one
of whom, the Su (Yueh-chi or Jat), made human sacrifices in their
consecrated groves ^ to Ertha (Ila), whom all worshipped, and
whose chariot was drawn by a cow.^ The Suevi worshipped Tsis
(Isa, Gauri, the Isis and Ceres of Rajasthan), in whose rites the
figure of a ship is introduced ; " symbolic," observes Tacitus,
" of its foreign origin." ^ The festival of Isa, or Gauri, wife of
Iswara, at Udaipur, is performed on the lake, and appears to be
exactly that of Isis and Osiriain Egypt, as described by Herodotus.
On this occasion Iswara (Osiris), who is secondary to his wife, has
a stalk of the onion in blossom in his hand ; a root detested by
the Hindus generally, though adored by the Egyptians.
Customs of War. — They sung hymns in praise of Hercules, as
well as Tuisto or Odin, whose banners and images they carried
to the field ; and fought in clans, using the feram or javelin, both
in close and distant combat. In all maintaining [67] the resem-
blance to the Harikula, descendants of Budha, and the Aswa,
offspring of Bajaswa, who peopled those regions west of the
Indus, and whose redundant population spread both east and
west.
The Suevi, or Suiones, erected the celebrated temple of Upsala,
in which they placed the statues of Thor, Woden, and Freya, the
triple divinity of the Scandinavian Asii, the Trimurti of the Solar
and Lunar races. The first (Thor, the thunderer, or god of war)
is Hara, or Mahadeva, the destroyer ; the second (Woden) is
Budha,* the preserver ; and the third (Freya) is Uma, the creative
power.
The grand festival to Freya was in spring, when all nature
revived ; then boars were offered to her by the Scandinavians,
and even boars of paste were made and swallowed by the
peasantry.
As Vasanti, or spring personified, the consort of Hara is
worshipped by the Rajput, who opens the season with a grand
^ Tacitus, Germania, xxxviii.
^ The gau, or cow, symbolic of Prithivi, the earth. On this see note,
p. 33.
' [Oermania, ix.]
* Krishna is the preserving deity of the Hindu triad. Krishna is of the
Tndu line of Budha, whom he worshipped prior to his own deification.
COMPARISON OF RAJPUTwS WITH N. EUROPEANS 81
hunt/ led by the j^rince and his vassal chiefs, when they chase,
slay, and eat the boar. Personal danger is disregarded on this
day, as want of success is ominous that the Great Mother will
refuse all petitions throughout the year.
Pinkerton, quoting Ptolemy (who was fifty years after Tacitus),
says there were six nations in Yeutland or Jutland, the country
of the Juts, of whom were the Sablingii (Suevi,^ or Suiones), the
Chatti and Hermandri, who extended to the estuary of the Elbe
and Weser. There they erected the pillar Irmansul to " the god
of war," regarding which Sammes ^ observes : " some will have
it to be Mars his pillar, others Hermes Saul, or the pillar of Hermes
or Mercury " ; and he naturally asks, " how did the Saxons come
to be acquainted with the Greek name of Mercury ? "
Sacrificial pillars are termed Sula in Sanskrit ; which, con-
joined with Hara,* the Indian god of war, would be Harsula. The
Rajput warrior invokes Hara with his trident (trisula) to help
him in battle, while his battle-shout is ' mar ! mar ! ' The
Cimbri, one of the most celebrated of the six tribes of Yeutland,
derive their name from their fame as warriors [68].^
Kumara * is the Rajput god of war. He is represented with
seven heads in the Hindu mythology : the Saxon god of war has
six.' The six-headed Mars of the Cimbri Chersonese, to whom
was raised the Ii'mansul on the Weser, was worshipped by the
Sakasenae, the Chatti, the Siebi or Suevi, the Jotae or Getae, and
the Cimbri, evincing in name, as in religious rites, a common
origin with the martial warriors of Hindustan.
Rajput Religion. — ^The religion of the martial Rajput, and the
rites of Hara, the god of battle, are little analogous to those of
1 ' Mahurat ka shikar.' 2 ^he Siebi of Tacitus.
^ Sammes's Saxon Ardiquities.
* Hara is the Thor of Scandinavia ; Hari is Budha, Hermes, or Mercury.
^ Mallet derives it from kempfer, ' to fight.' [The name is said to mean
'comrades' (Rhys, Celtic Britain, 116). Irmansul means ' a colossus,' and
has no connexion with Skr. sfda (CTrimm, Teutonic 3Iythologi/, i. 115).]
** Ku is a mere prefix, meaning ' evil ' ; ' the evil striker (Mar).' Hence,
probably, the Mars of Rome. The birth of Kumar, the general of the army
of the gods, with the Hindus, is exactly that of the Grecians, born of the
goddess Jahnavi (Juno) without sexual intercourse. Kumara is always
accompanied by the peacock, the bird of Juno. [Kumara probably means
' easily dying ' ; there is no connexion with Mars, originally a deity of
vegetation.]
' For a drawing of the Scandinavian god of battle see Sammes.
VOL I Q
82 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
the meek Hindus, the followers of the pastoral divinity, the
worshippers of kine, and feeders on fruits, herbs, and water.
The Rajput delights in blood : his offerings to the god of battle
are sanguinary, blood and wine. The cup (kharpara) of libation
is the human skull. He loves them because they are emblematic
of the deity he worships ; and he is taught to believe that Hara
loves them, who in war is represented with tb.e skull to drink
the foeman's blood, and in peace is the patron of wine and women.
With Parbati on his knee, his eyes rolling from the juice of the
phul (ardent spirits) and opium, such is this Bacchanalian divinity
of war. Is this Hinduism, acquired on the burning plains of
India ? Is it not rather a perfect picture of the manners of the
Scandinavian heroes ?
The Rajput slays buffaloes, hunts and eats the boar and deer,
and shoots ducks and wild fowl (kukkut) ; he worships his horse,
his sword, and the sun, and attends more to the martial song of
the bard than to the litany of the Brahman. In the martial
mythology and warlike poetry of the Scandinavians a wide field
exists for assimilation, and a comparison of the poetical remains
of the Asi of the east and west would alone suffice to suggest a
common origin.
Bards. — In the sacred Bardai of the Rajput we have the bard
of our Saxon ancestry ; those reciters of warlike poetry, of whom
Tacitus says, " with their barbarous strains, they influence their
minds in the day of battle with a chorus of military virtue."
A comparison, in so extensive a field, would include the whole
of their manners and religious opinions, and must be reserved for
a distinct work.'- The Valkyrie [69], or fatal sisters of the Suevi
or Siebi, would be the twin sisters of the Apsaras, who summon the
Rajput warrior from the field of battle, and bear him to " the
mansion of the sun," equally the object of attainment with the
children of Odin in Scandinavia, and of Budha and Surya in the
^ I have in contemplation to give to the public a few of the sixty-nine
books of the poems of Chand, the last great bard of the last Hindu emperor
of India, Prithwiraja. They are entirely heroic : each book a relation of
one of the exploits of this prince, the first warrior of his time. Thej' will
aid a comparison between the Rajput and Scandinavian bards, and sliow
how far the Proven9al Troubadour, the Neustrienne Trouveur, and Minne-
singer of Germany, have anytliing in common witli the Rajput Bardai.
[For Rajput bards on horseback, drunk with opium, singing songs to arouse
warriors' courage, see Manucci ii. 4'M f.l
COMPARISON OF RAJPUTS WITH N. EUROPEANS 83
plains of Scythia and on the Ganges, like the Elysium ^ of the
Heliadae of Greece.
In the day of battle we should see in each the same excitements
to glory and contempt of death, and the dramatis personae of the
field, both celestial and terrestrial, move and act alike. We should
see Thor, the thunderer, leading the Siebi, and Hara (Siva) the
Indian Jove, his own worshippers (Sivseva) ; in which Freya,
or Bhavani, and even the preserver (Krislma) himself, not
un frequently mingle.
War Chariots. — The war chariot is peculiar to the Indu-Seythic
nations, from Dasaratha,^ and the heroes of the Mahabharata, to
the conquest of Hindustan by the Muhammadans, when it was
laid aside. On the plains of Kurukshetra, Krishna became
charioteer to his friend Arjun ; and the Getic hordes of the
Jaxartes, when they aided Xerxes in Greece, and Darius on the
plains of Arbela,' had their chief strength in the war chariot.
The war chariot continued to be used later in the south-west
of India than elsewhere, and the Kathi,* Khuman, Kumari of
. ^ 'EXvaioi, from "HXtos, ' the sun ' ; also a title of Apollo, the Hari of
India. [The two words, from the accentuation, can have no connexion.]
^ This title of tlie father of Rama denotes a ' charioteer ' [' having ten
chariots.' Harsha (a.d. 612-647) discarded the chariot (Smith, EHI, 339)].
^ The Indian satrapy of Darius, saj's Herodotus [iii. 94], was the richest
of all the Persian provinces, and yielded six himdred talents of gold. Arrian
informs us that his Indo-Scythic subjects, in his wars with Alexander, were
the elite of his army. Besides the Sakasenae, we find tribes in name similar
to those included in the thirty-six Rajkula ; especially the Dahae (Dahya,
one of the thirty-six races). The Indo-Scythic contingent was two hundred
war chariots and fifteen elephants, which were marshalled with the Parthii
on the right, and also near Darius's person. By this disposition they were
opposed to the cohort commanded by Alexander in person. The chariots
commenced the action, and prevented a manoeuvre of Alexander to turn
the left flank of the Persians. Of their horse, also, the most honourable
mention is made ; they penetrated into the division where Parmenio com-
manded, to whom Alexander was compelled to send reinforcements. The
Grecian historian dwells with pleasure on Indo-Scythic valour : " there
were no equestrian feats, no distant fighting with darts, but each fought as
if victory depended on his sole arm." They fought the Greeks hand to
hand [Arrian, Anabasis, iii. 15].
But the loss of empire was decreed at Arbela, and the Sakae and Indo
Scythae had the honour of being slaughtered by the Yavans of Greece, far
from their native land, in the aid of the king of kings.
* The Kathi are celebrated in Alexander's wars. The Kathiawar Kathi
can be traced from Multan {the ancient abode) {mtdasthcma, ' principal place '].
84 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
Saurashtra have to recent times retained their Scythie habits, as
their monumental stones testify, expressing their being slain
from their cars [70].
Position of Women. — In no point does resemblance more
attach between the ancient German and Scandinavian tribes, and
the martial Rajput or ancient Getae, than in their delicacy towards
females,
" The Germans," says Tacitus [Germania, viii.], " deemed the
advice of a woman in periods of exigence oracular." So does the
Rajput, as the bard Chand often exemplifies ; and hence they
append to her name the epithet Devi (or contracted De), ' god-
like.' " To a German mind," says Tacitus, " the idea of a woman
led into captivity is insupportable " ; and to prevent this the
Rajput raises the poignard against the heart which beats only for
him, though never to survive the dire necessity. It is then they
perform the sacrifice ' johar,' when every sakha (branch) is cut
off : and hence the Rajput glories in the title of Sakha-band, from
having performed the sakha ; an awful rite, and with every
appearance of being the sacaea of the Scythie Getae, as described
by Strabo.^
The Dahya (Dahae), Johya (the latter Hunnish), and Kathi are amongst
the thirty-six races. All dwelt, six centuries ago, within the five streams
and in the deserts south of the Ghara. The two last have left but a name.
^ The Sakae had invaded the inhabitants on the borders of the Pontic
Sea : whilst engaged in dividing the booty, the Persian generals surprised
them at night, and exterminated them. To eternize the remembrance of
this event, the Persians heaped up the earth round a rock in the plain where
the battle was fought, on which they erected two temples, one to the goddess
Anaitis, the other to the divinities Omanus and Anandate, and then founded
the anmial festival called Sacaea, still celebrated by the possessors of Zela.
Such is tlie account by some authors of the origin of Sacaea. According to
others it dates from the reign of Cyrus only. This prince, they say, having
carried the war into the country of the Sakae (Massagetae of Herodotus)
lost a battle. Compelled to fall back on his magazines, abundantly stored
with provisions, but especially wine, and having halted some time to refresh
his army, he departed before the enemy, feigning a flight, and leaving his
camp standing full of provisions. The Sakae, who pursued, reaching the
abandoned camp stored with provisions, gave themselves up to debauch.
Cyrus returned and surprised the inebriated and senseless barbarians.
Some, buried in profound sleep, were easily massacred ; others occupied in
drinking and dancing, without defence, fell into the hands of armed foes :
so that all perished. The conqueror, attributing his success to divine pro-
tection, consecrated this day to the goddess honoured in his country, and
decreed it should be called ' the day of the Sacaea.' This is the battle
GAMING, OMENS, AUGURIES 85
Gaming. — In passion for play at games of cliance, its extent
and dire consequences, the Rajput, from the earliest times, has
evinced a predilection, and will stand comparison with the Scythian
and his German offspring. The German staked his personal
liberty, became a slave, and was sold as the property of the
winner. To this vice the Pandavas owed the loss of their
sovereignty and personal liberty, involving at last the destruction
of all the Indu [71] races ; nor has the passion abated. Religion
even consecrates the vice ; and once a year, on ' the Festival of
Lamps ' (Diivali), all propitiate the goddess of wealth and fortune
(Lakshmi) by offering at her shrine.
Destitute of mental pursuits, the martial Rajput is often
slothful or attached to sensual pleasures, and when roused, reck-
less on what he may wreak a fit of energy. Yet when order and
discipline prevail in a wealthy chieftainship, there is much of that
patriarchal mode of life, with its amusements, alike suited to the
Rajput, the Getae of the Jihun, or Scandinavian.
Omens, Auguries. — Divination by lots, auguries, and omens
by flights of birds, as practised by the Getic nations described by
Herodotus, and amongst the Germans by Tacitus, will be found
amongst the Rajputs, from whose works ^ on this subject might
have been supplied the whole of the Augurs and Aruspices,
German or Roman.
Love of Strong Drink. — Love of liquor, and indulgence in it to
excess, were deep-rooted in the Scandinavian Asi and German
tribes, and in which they showed their Getic origin ; nor is the
related by Herodotus, to which Strabo alludes, between the Persian monarch
and Tomyris, queen of the Getae. Amongst the Rajput Sakha, all grand
battles attended with fatal results are termed sakha. When besieged,
without hope of relief, in the last effort of despair, the females are immolated,
and the warriors, decorated in saffron robes, rush on inevitable destruction.
This is to perform sakha., where every branch (sakha) is cut off. Chitor has
to boast of having thrice (and a half) suffered sakha. Chitor sakha ka pap,
' by the sin of the sack of Chitor,' the most solemn adjuration of the Guhilot
Rajput. If such the origin of the festival from the slaughter of the Sakae
of Tomyris, it will be allowed to strengthen the analogy contended for
between the Sakae east and west the Indus. [For the Sacaea festival see
Sir J. Frazer, The Golden Bough, The Dying God, 113 ff. It has no connexion
with the Rajput Sakha, ' a fight,' which, again, is a different word from
Sakha, ' a branch, clan.']
^ I presented a work on this subject to the Royal Asiatic Society, as well
as another on Palmistry, etc.
86 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
Rajput behind his brethren either of Scythia or Europe, It is
the free use of this and similar indulgences, prohibited by ordin-
ances which govern the ordinary Hindu, that first induced me to
believe that these warlike races were little indebted to India.
The Rajput welcomes his guest with the munawzoar ph/ala, or
' cup of request,' in which they drown ancient enmities. The
heroes of Odin never relished a cup of mead more than the Rajput
his madhu ; -^ and the bards of Scandinavia and Rajwara are alike
eloquent in the praise of the bowl, on which the Bardai exhausts
every metaphor, and calls it ambrosial, immortal.^ " The bard,
as he sipped the ambrosia, in which sparkled the ruby seed of the
pomegranate, rehearsed the glory of the" race of the fearless.^
May the king live for ever, alike bounteous in gifts to the bard
and the foe ! " Even in the heaven of Indra, the Hindu warrior's
paradise, akin to Valhalla [72], the Rajput has his cup, which is
served by the Apsaras, the twin sister of the celestial Hebe of
Scania. " I shall quaff full goblets amongst the gods," says the
dying Getic warrior ; * "I die laughing " : sentiments which
would be appreciated by a Rajput.
A Rajput inebriated is a rare sight : but a more destructive
and recent vice has usurped much of the honours of the ' invita-
tion cup,' which has been degi-aded from the pure ' flower ' *
to an infusion of the poppy, destructive of every quality. Of this
pernicious habit we may use the words which the historian of
Gerinan manners applies to the tribes of the Weser and Elbe, in
respect to their love of strong drink : " Indulge it, and you need not
employ the terror of your arms ; their own vices will subdue them."
^ Madlm is intoxicating drink, from madhu, ' a bee,' in Sanskrit [madhu,
' anything sweet ']. It is well known that mead is from honey. It would
be curious if the German mead was from the Indian madhu (bee) : then
both cup {kharpnra) and beverage would be borrowed. [3IadJm does not
mean ' a bee ' in Sanskrit.]
2 Anirila (immortal), from the initial privative and mrit, ' death.' Thu.s
the Immurthal, or ' vale of immortality,' at Neufchatel, is as good Sanskrit
as German [?].
=» Abhai Singh, ' the fearless lion,' prince of Marwar, whose bard makes
this speech at the festal board, when the prince presented with his own
hand the cup to the bard.
* Regner Lodbrog, in his dying ode, when the destinies summon him.
* Phul, the flower of the mahua tree, the favourite drink of a Rajput.
Classically, in Sanskrit it is madhuka, of the class Polyandria Monogynia
[Bassia latifolia] (see As. Ecs. vol. i. p. 300).
FUNERAL CEREMONIES 87
The Clip of the Scandinavian worshippers of Thor, the god of
battle, was a human skull, that of the foe, in which they showed
their thirst of blood ; also borrowed from the chief of the Hindu
Triad, Hara, the god of battle, who leads his heroes in the ' red
field of slaughter ' with the kkopra ^ in his hand, with which he
gorges on the blood of the slain.
Kara is the patron of all who love war and strong drink, and is
especially the object of the Rajput warrior's devotion : accord-
ingly blood and wine form the chief oblations to the great god of
the Indus. The Gosains,^ the peculiar priests of Hara, or Bal,
the sun, all indulge in intoxicating drugs, herbs, and drinks.
Seated on their lion, leopard, or deer skins, their bodies covered
with ashes, their hair matted and braided, with iron tongs to
5'ecd the penitential fires, their savage appearance makes them fit
organs for the commands of the blood and slaughter. Contrary,
lllcewise, to general practice, the minister of Hara, the god of war,
at his death is committed to the earth, and a circular tumulus is
raised over him ; and with some classes of Gosains, small tumuli,
whose form is the frustrum of a cone, with lateral steps, the apex
crowned with a cylindrical stone [73].'
Funeral Ceremonies. — In the last rites for the dead, compari-
son will yield proofs of original similarity. The funeral cere-
monies of Scandinavia have distinguished the national eras, and
the ' age of fire ' and ' the age of hills,' * designated the periods
when the warrior was committed to mother earth or consumed
on the pyre.
Odin (Budha) introduced the latter custom, and the raising
of tiunuli over the ashes when the body was burned ; as also the
practice of the wife burning with her deceased lord. These
^ A human skull ; in the dialects pronounced kho2Mr : Qu. cup in Saxon ?
JCup, in Low Latin cuppa.]
' The Kanphara [or Kanphata] Jogis, or Gosains, are in great bodies,
often in many thousands, and are sought as aUies, especially in defensive
warfare. In the grand miutary festivals at Udaipur to the god of war,
the scyiuitar, symboho of Mars, worshipped by the Guhilots, is entrusted
to them [I A, vii. 47 ff. ; BO, ix. part i. 543].
' An entire cemetery of these, besides many detached, I have seen, and
also the sacred rites to their manes by the disciples occupying these abodes
of austerity, when the flowers of the ak [Calatropis gigantea] and leaves of
evergreen were strewed on the grave, and sprinkled with the pure element.
* Mallet's Northern Antiquities, chap. xii.
88 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
manners were carried from Sakadwipa, or Saka Scythia, " where
the Geta," says Herodotus [v. 5], " was consumed on the pyre
or burned ahve with her lord." With the Getae, the Siebi or
Suevi of Scandinavia, if the deceased had more than one wife,
the elder claimed the privilege of burning.'^ Thus, " Nanna was
consumed in the same fire with the body of her husband, Balder,
one of Odin's companions." But the Scandinavians were anxious
to forget this naark of their Asiatic origin, and were not always
willing to burn, or to make " so cruel and absurd a sacrifice to the
manes of their husbands, the idea of which had been picked up
by their Scythian ancestors, when they inhabited the warmer
climates of Asia, where they had their first abodes." -
" The Scythic Geta," says Herodotus [iv. 71], " had his horse
sacrificed on his funeral pyre ; and the Scandinavian Geta had
his horse and arms buried with him, as they could not approach
Odin on foot." ^ The Rajput warrior is carried to his final abode
armed at all points as when alive, his shield on his back and brand
in hand ; while his steed, though not sacrificed, is often presented
to the deity, and becomes a perquisite of the priest.
Sati. — The burning of the dead warrior, and female immolation,
or Sati, are well-known rites, though the magnificent cenotaphs
raised on the spot of sacrifice are little known or visited by Euro-
peans ; than which there are no better memorials of the rise and
decline of the States of the Rajput heptarchy. It is the son who
raises the mausoleum to the memory of his father ; which last
token of respect, or laudable vanity, is only limited by the means
of the treasury. It is commemorative [74] of the splendour of
his reign that the dome of his father sbould eclipse that of his
predecessor. In every principality of Rajwara, the remark is
applicable to chieftains as well as princes.
Each sacred spot, termed ' the place of great sacrifice ' (Maha-
sati), is the haunted ground of legendary lore. Amongst the
altars on which have burned the beauteous and the brave, the
harpy * takes up her abode, and stalks forth to devour the hearts
1 Mallet chap. xii. vol. i. p. 289. ^ Edda.
^ Mallet's Northern Antiquities, chap. xii. The Celtic Franks had the
same custom. The arms of Chilperic, and the bones of the horse on which
he was to be presented to Odin, were found in his tomb.
* The Dakini (the Jigarkhor of Sindh) is the genuine vampire [Atn, ii.
338 f .]. Captain Waugh, after a long chase in the valley of Udaipur, speared
FUNERAL RITES 89
of her victims. The Rajput never enters these places of silence
but to perform stated rites, or anniversary offerings of flowers
and water to the manes (pitri-deva ^) of his ancestors.
Odin ^ guarded his warriors' final abode from rapine by means
of " wandering fires which played around the tombs " ; and the
tenth chapter of the Salic law is on punishments against " carrying
off the boards or carpets of the tombs." Fire and water are
interdicted to such sacrilegious spoliators.
The shihaba,^ or wandering meteoric fires, on fields of battle
and in the places of ' great sacrifice,' produce a pleasing yet
melancholy effect ; and are the source of superstitious dread and
reverence to the Hindu, having their origin in the same natural
cause as the ' wandering fires of Odin ' ; the phosphorescent
salts produced from animal decomposition.
The Scandinavian reared the tumulus over the ashes of the
dead ; so did the Geta of the Jaxartes, and the officiating priests
of Hara, the Hindu god of battle.
The noble picture drawn by Gibbon of the sepulture of the
Getic Alaric is paralleled by that of the great Jenghiz Khan.
When the lofty mound was raised, extensive forests were planted,
to exclude for ever the footsteps of man from his remains.
The tumulus, the cairn, or the pillar, still rises over the Rajput
who falls in [75] battle ; and throughout Rajwara these sacri-
ficial monuments are foimd, where are seen carved in relief the
warrior on his steed, armed at all points ; his faithful wife (Sati)
a hyena, whose abode was the tombs, and well known as the steed on which
the witch of Ar sallied forth at night. Evil was predicted : and a dangerous
fall, subsequently, in chasing an elk, was attributed to his sacrilegious
slaughter of the weird sister's steed.
^ Pitri-deva, ' Father-lords.' ^ MaUet chap. xii.
^ At Gwalior, on the east side of that famed fortress, where myriads of
M^arriors have fattened the soil, these phosphorescent lights often present a
singular appearance. I have, with friends whose eyes this will meet, marked
the procession of these lambent night-fires, becoming extinguished at one
place and rising at another, which, aided by the unequal locale, have been
frequently mistaken for the Mahratta prince returning with his numerous
torch-bearers from a distant day's sport. I have dared as bold a Rajput
as ever lived to approach them ; whose sense of the levity of my desire was
strongly depicted, both in speech and mien : " men he would encounter,
but not the spirits of those erst slain in battle." It was generally about the
conclusion of the rains that these lights were observed, v/hen evaporation
took place from these marshy grounds impregnated with salts.
90 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
beside him, denoting a sacrifice, and the sun and moon on either
side, emblematic of never-dying fame. •
Cairns, Pillars. — In Saurashtra, amidst the Kathi, Khuman,
Bala, and others of Scythic descent, the Paliya, or Jujhar (sacri-
ficial pillars), are conspicuous under the walls of every town, in
lines, irregular groups, and circles. On each is displayed in rude
relief the warrior, with the manner of his death, lance in hand,
generally on horseback, though sometimes in his ear ; and on the
coast ' the pirates of Budha ' ^ are depicted boarding from the
shrouds. Amidst the Khuman of Tatary the Jesuits found stone
circles, similar to those met with wherever the Celtic rites pre-
vailed ; and it would require no great ingenuity to prove an
analogy, if not a common origin, between Druidic circles and the
Indo-Scythic monumental remains. The trilithon, or seat, in
the centre of the judicial circle, is formed by a number sacred to
Hara, Bal, or the sun, whose priest expounds the law.
Worship o£ Arms. The Sword. — The devotion of the Rajput
is still paid to his arms, as to his horse. He swears ' by the steel,'
and prostrates himself before his defensive buckler, his lance, his
sword, or his dagger.
The worship of the sword (asi) may divide with that of the
horse (aszva) the honour of giving a name to the continent of Asia.
It prevailed amongst the Scythic Getae, and is described exactly
by Herodotus [iv. 62]. To Dacia and Thrace it was carried by
Getic colonies from the Jaxartes, and fostered by these lovers of
liberty when their hordes overran Europe.
The worship of the sword in the Acropolis of Athens by the
Getic Attila, with all the accompaniments of pomp and place,
forms an admirable episode in the history of the decline and fall
of Rome ; and had Gibbon witnessed the worship of the double-
edged sword (khanda) by the prince of Mewar and all his chivalry,
he might even have embellished his animated account of the
adoration of the scymitar, the symbol of Mars.
Initiation to Arms. — Initiation to military fame was the same
with the [76] German as with the Rajput, when the youthful
candidate was presented with the lance, or buckled with the
sword ; a ceremony which will be noticed when their feudal
^ At I)warka, the god of thieves is called Budha Trivikrama, or of triple
energy : the Hermes Triplex, or three-headed Mercury of the Egyptians.
[No such cult is mentioned in the account of Dwarka, BG, viii. GOl.J
INITIATION TO ARMS : ASVAAIEDHA 91
manners are described ; many other traits of character will then
be depicted. It would be easy to swell the list of analogous
customs, which even to the objects of dislike in food ^ would
furnish comparison between the ancient Celt and Rajput ; but
they shall close with the detail of the most ancient of rites.
Asvamedha, the Horse Sacrifice. — There are some things,
animate and inanimate, which have been common objects of
adoration amongst the nations of the earth, the sun, the moon,
and all the host of heaven ; the sword ; reptiles, as the serpent ;
animals, as the noblest, the horse. This last was not worshipped
as an abstract object of devotion, but as a type of that glorious
orb which has had reverence from every child of nature. The
plains of Tatary, the sands of Libya, the rocks of Persia, the valley
of the Ganges, and the wilds of Orinoco, have each yielded votaries
alike ardent in devotion to his effulgence :
Of this great world both eye and soul.
His symbolic worship and offerings varied with clime and habit ;
and while the altars of Bal in Asia, of Belenus among the Celts
of Gaul and Britain, smoked with human sacrifices, the bull ^
bled to Mithras in Babylon, and the steed was the victim to Surya
on the Jaxartes and Ganges.
The father of history says that the great Getae of Central Asia
deemed it right to offer the swiftest of created to the swiftest of
non-created beings. It is fair to infer that the sun's festival with
the Getae and Aswa nations of the Jaxartes, as with those of
Scandinavia, was the winter solstice, the Sankrant of the Rajput
^ Caesar informs us that the Celts of Britain would not eat the hare,
goose, or domestic fowl. The Rajput will hunt the first, but neither eats it,
nor the goose, sacred to the god of battle (Hara). The Rajput of Mewar
eats the jungle fowl, but rarely the domestic.
'^ As he did also to Balnath (the god Bal) in the ancient times of India.
The baldan, or gift of the bull to the sun, is well recorded. [Balddn, baliddna
does not mean the offering of a bull : it is the daily presentation of a portion
of the meat to Earth and other deities.] There are numerous temples in
Rajasthan of Baahm [?] ; and Balpur (Mahadeo) has several in vSaurashtra.
All represent the sun —
Peor his other name, when he enticed
Israel in Sittim, on their march from Nile.
Paradise Lost, book i. 412 f. [77],
The temple of Solomon was to Bal, and all the idolaters of that day seem-
to have held to the grosser tenets of Hinduism.
92 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
and Hindu in general. Hi, Haija, Hyimr, Aswa denote the
steed in Sanskrit and its dialects. In Gothic, hyrsa ; Teutonic,
hors ; Saxon, horse. The grand festival of the German tribes of
the Baltic was the Hiul, or Hid (already commented on), the
Asvamedha ^ of the children of Surya, on the Ganges.
The Asvamedha Ceremonies. — The ceremonies of the Asvamediia
are too expensive, and attended with too great risk, to be attempted
by modern princes. Of its fatal results we have many historical
records, from the first dawn of Indian history to the last of its
princes, Prithwiraja. The Ramayana, the Mahabharata, and the
poems of Chand all illustrate this imposing rite and its effects.^
The Ramayana affords a magnificent picture of the Asvamedha.
Dasaratha, monarch of Ayodhya, father of Rama, is represented
as commanding the rite : " Let the sacrifice be prepared, and the
horse ' liberated from the north bank of the Sarju ! " * A year
being ended, and the horse having returned from his wanderings,*
the sacrificial ground was prepared on the spot of liberation.
^ In Aswa {medha signifies ' to kill ') we have the derivation of the ancient
races, sons of Bajaswa, who peopled the countries on both sides the Indus,
and the probable etymon of Asia [?]. The Assakenoi, the Ariaspai of
Alexander's historians, and Aspasianae, to whom Arsaces fled from Seleucus,
and whom Strabo terms a Getic race, have the same origin ; hence Asigarh,
' the fortress of the Asi ' (erroneously termed Hansi), and Asgard were the
first settlements of the Getic Asi in Scandinavia. Alexander received the
homage of all these Getic races at ' the mother of cities,' Balkh, ' seat of
Cathaian Khan ' (the Jat Kathida of my inscription), according to Marco
Polo, from whom Milton took his geography.
^ The last was undertaken by the celebrated Sawai Jai Singh of Amber ;
but the milk-white steed of the sun, I believe, was not turned out, or
assuredly the Ratliors would liave accepted the challenge.
^ A milk-white steed is selected with peculiar marks. On hberation,
properly guarded, he wanders where he listeth. It is a virtual challenge.
Arjuna guarded the steed liberated by Yudhishthira ; but that sent round
by Parikshita, his grandson, " was seized by the Takshak of the north."
The same fate occurred to Sagara, father of Dasaratha, which involved the
loss of his kingdom.
* The Sarju, or Gandak, from the Kumaun mountains, passes through
Kosalades, the dominion of Dasaratha.
* The liorse's return after a year evidently indicates an astronomical
revolution, or the sun's return to the same point in the echptic. Tliis
return from his southern dechnation must have been always a day of rejoic-
ing to the Scythic and Scandinavian nations, who could not, says Gibbon,
fancy a worse hell than a large abode open to the cold wind of the north.
To the south they looked for the deity ; and hence, with the Rajputs, a
religious law forbids their doors being to the north.
THE ASVAMEDHiV 93
Invitations were sent to all surrounding monarchs to repair
to Ayodhya : King Kaikeya,^ the king of Kasi,^ Lomapada of
Angadesa,^ Kosala of Magadhadesa,* with the kings of Sindhu/
Sauvira,® and Saurashtra [78].'
WTien the sacrificial pillars are erected, the rites commence.
This portion of the ceremony, termed Yupochchraya, is tlius
minutely detailed : " There were twenty-one yupas, or pillars,*
of octagonal shape, each twenty-one feet in height and four feet
in diameter, the capitals bearing the figure of a man, an elephant,
or a bull. They were of the various sorts of wood appropriated
to holy rites, overlaid with plates of gold and ornamented cloth,
and adorned with festoons of flowers. Wliile the yupas were
erecting, the Adhvaryu, receiving his instructions from the Hotri.
or sacrificing priest, recited aloud the incantations.
^ Kaike3^a is supposed by the translator, Dr. Carey, to be a king of Persia,
the Kaivansa preceding Dariu'i. The epithet Kai not unfrequently occurs
in Hindu traditional couplets.- One, which I remember, is connected with
the ancient ruins of Abhaner in Jaipur, recording the marriage of one of its
princes with a daughter of Kaikamb.
Tu beti Kaikamb /./, 7iam Panyiala ho, etc. ' Thou art the daughter of
Kaikamb : thy name Fairy Garland.' Kai was the epithet of one of the
Persian dynasties. Qu. Kam-bakhsh, the Cambj^ses of the Greeks ? [Cam-
byses, Kabuziya or Kambuzlya, possibly ' a bard ' (Rawlinson, Herodotvs,
iii. 543).] ^ Benares.
3 Tibet or Ava [N. Bengal]. * Bihar. s Sind valley.
^ Unknown to me [W. and S. Panjab and its vicinity].
' Peninsula of Kathiawar.
* I have seen several of these sacrificial pillars of stone of very ancient
date. Many years ago, when all the Rajput States were suffering from the
thraldom of the Mahrattas, a most worthy and wealthy banker of Surat,
known by the family name of Trivedi, who felt acutely for the woes inflicted
by incessant predatory foes on the sons of Rama and Krishna, told me,
with tears in his eyes, that the evils which afflicted Jaipur were to be attri-
buted to the sacrilege of the prince, Jagat Singh, who had dared to abstract
the gold plates of the sacrificial pillars, and send them to his treasure' :
worse than Rehoboam, who, when he took awaj' from the temple " the
shields of gold Solomon had made," had the grace to substitute others of
brass. Whether, when turned into currencj', it went as a war contribution
to the Mahrattas, or was applied to the less worthj' use of his concubine
queen, ' the essence of camphor/ it was of a piece with the rest of this
prince's unwise conduct. Jai Singh, who erected the pillars, did honour to his
countrj', of which he was a second founder, and under whom it attained the
height from which it has now fallen. [Some sacrificial pillars (yiipa) were
recently found in the bed of the .Jumna near I'lathura, with inscriptions
dated in the twenty -fourth j'car of Kanishka's reign, about a.d. 102.]
94 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
" The sacrificial pits were in triple rows, eighteen in number,
and arranged in the form of the eagle. Here were placed
the victims for immolation ; birds, aquatic animals, and the
horse.
" Thrice was the steed of King Dasaratha led round the sacred
fire by Kosala, and as the priests pronounced the incantations he
was immolated ^ amidst shouts of joy.
" The king and queen, placed by the high priest near the horse,
sat up all night watching the birds ; and the officiating priest,
having taken out the hearts, dressed them agreeably to the holy
books. The sovereign of men smelled the smoke of the offered
hearts, acknowledging his transgressions in the order in which
they were committed.
" The sixteen sacrificing priests then placed (as commanded in
the ordinances) on the fire the parts of the horse. The oblation
of all the animals was made on wood, except that of the horse,
which was on cane.
" The rite concluded with gifts of land to the sacrificing priests
and augurs ; but the holy men preferring gold, ten millions of
jambunada ^ were bestowed on them" [79].
Such is the circumstantial account of the Asvamedha, the
most imposing and the earliest heathen rite on record. It were
superfluous to point out the analogy between it and similar rites
of various nations, from the chosen people to the Auspex of
Rome and the confessional rite of the Catholic church.
The Sankrant,^ or Sivaratri (night of Siva), is the winter
solstice. On it the horse bled to the sun, or Balnath.
^ On the Nauroz, or festival of the new year, the Great Mogul slays a
camel with his own hand, which is distributed, and eaten by the court
favourites. [A camel is sacrificed at the Tdu-1-azha festival (Hughes, Did.
Islam, 192 ff.).]
2 This was native gold, of a pecuharly dark and brilliant hue, which was
compared to the fruit jambu (not unlike a damson). Everything forms an
allegory with the Hindus ; and the production of this metal is appropriated
to the period of gestation of Jahnavi, the river-goddess (Ganges), when by
Agni, or fire, she produced Kumara, the god of war, the commander of the
army of the gods. This was when she left the place of her birth, the Hima-
laya mountain (the great storehouse of metallic substances), whose daughter
she is : and doubtless this is in allusion to some very remote period, when,
bursting her rock-bound bed, Ganga exposed from ' her side ' veins of this
precious metal.
^ Little bags of brocade, filled with seeds of the sesamum or cakes of the
SACRED TREES 95
The Scandinavians termed the longest night the ' mother
night,' ^ on which they held that the world was born. Hence
the Beltane, the fires of Bal or Belenus ; the Hiul of northern
nations, the sacrificial fires on the Asvamedha, or worship of the
sun, by the Suryas on the Ganges, and the Swians (I'VO find
Sauromatae on the shores of the Mediterranean.
The altars of the Phoenician Ileliopohs, Balbec ^ or Tadmor,*
were sacred to the same divmity as on the banks of Sarju, or
Balpiir, in Saurashtra, where " the horses of the sun ascended
from his fountain {Surya-kund),'" to carry its princes to conquest.
From Syria came the instructors of the Celtic Druids, v,^ho
made human sacrifices, and set up the pillar of Belenus on the
hills of Cambria and Caledonia.
Wlien " Judah did evil in the sight of the Lord, and built
them high places, and images, and groves, on every high hill and
under every tree," the object was Bal, and the pillar (the lingam)
was his symbol. It was on his altar they burned incense, and
" sacrificed unto the calf on the fifteenth * day of the month "
(the sacred Amavas of the Hindus). The calf of Israel is the
bull (nandi) of Balkesar or Iswara ; the Apis of the Egyptian
Osiris [80].
Sacred Trees. — The ash was sacred to the sun-god in the west.
The asvattha (or pipal) ^ is the ' chief of trees,' say the books
same, are distributed by the chiefs to friends on this occasion. While the
author writes, he has before him two of these, sent to hini by the young
Mahratta prince, Holkar.
^ Sivaratri would be ' father night ' [?]. Siva-Iswara is the ' universal
father.'
^ Ferishta, the compiler of the imperial history of India, gives us a
Persian or Arabic derivation of this, from Bal, ' the sun,' and bee, ' an idol."
[This has not been traced in Dow or Briggs.]
^ Corrupted ^o Palmyra, the etymon of which, I beUeve, has never been
given, which is a version of Tadiiior. In Sanskrit, tal, or tar, is the ' date-
tree ' ; mor signifies ' chief.' We have more than one ' city of palms '
{Talpur) in India ; and the tribe ruhng in Haidarabad, on the Indus, is
called Talpuri, from the place whence they originated. [Tadmor is Semitic,
probably meaning ' abounding in palms.' The suggested derivation is
impossible.]
* 1 Kings xiv. 23.
* Ficus religiosa. It presents a perfect resemblance to the popul (poplar)
of Germany and Italy, a species of which is the aspen. [They belong to
different orders.] So similar is it, that the specimen of the pipal from
Carohna is called, in the Isola Bella of the Lago Maggiore, Populufi angulata ;
96 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
sacred to Bal in the East : and death, or loss of Hmb, is incurred
by the sacrilegious mutilator of his consecrated groves/ where a
pillar is raised bearing the inhibitory edict.
We shall here conclude the analogy between the Indo-Scythic
Rajput races and those of early Europe. Much more might be
adduced ; the old Runic characters of Scandinavia, the Celtic,
and the Osci or Etruscan, might, by comparison with those found
in the cave temples and rocks in Rajasthan and Saurashtra, yield
yet more important evidence of original similarity ; and the very
and another, in the Jardin des Plantes at Toulon, is termed the Ficuspopuli-
folia, oufiguier dfeuilles de peuplier. The aspen, or ash, held sacred by the
Celtic priests, is said to be the mountain-ash. ' The calf of Bal ' is generally
placed under the pipal ; and Hindu tradition sanctifies a never-dying stem,
which marks the spot where the Hindu ApoUo, Ilari (the sun), was slain by
the savage Bhil on the shores of Saurashtra. [This is known as the Prachi
Pipal, and death rites are performed close to it (BQ, viii. 271, note 2).]
^ The rehgious feelings of the Rajput, though outraged for centuries by
Moguls and mercenary Pathans, wiU not permit him to see the axe appUed
to the noble pipal or umbrageous bar (Ficus indica), without execrating the
destroyer. Unhappy the constitution of mind which knowingly wounds
rehgious prejudices of such ancient date ! Yet is it thus with our country-
men in the East, who treat all foreign prejudices with contempt, shoot the
bird sacred to the Indian Mars, slay the calves of Bal, and fell the noble
pipal before the eyes of the native without remorse. He is unphilosophic
and unwise who treats such prejudices with contumely : prejudices beyond
the reach of reason. He is uncharitable who does not respect them ; im-
politic, who does not use every means to prevent such offence by ignorance
or levity. It is an abuse of our strength, and an ungenerous advantage
over their weakness. Let us recollect who are the guardians of these fanes
of Bal, his pipal, and sacred bird (the peacock) ; the children of Surya and
Chandra, and the descendants of the sages of yore, they who fill the ranks
of our array, and are attentive, though silent, observers of all our actions :
the most attached, the most faithful, and the most obedient of mankind !
Let us maintain them in duty, obedience, and attachment, by respecting
their prejudices and conciliating their pride. On the fulfilment of this
depends the maintenance of our sovereignty in India : but the last fifteen
years have assuredly not increased their devotion to us. Let the question
be put to the unprejudiced, whether their welfare has advanced in pro-
portion to the dominion they have conquered for us, or if it has not been in
the inverse ratio of this prosperity ? Have not their allowances and com-
forts decreased ? Does the same relative standard between the currency
and conveniences of life exist as twenty years ago ? Has not the first
depreciated twenty-five per cent, as baM-batta stations and duties have
increased ? For the good of ruler and servant, let these be rectified. With
the utmost solemnity, I aver, 1 have but the welfare of all at heart in these
observations. I loved the service, I loved the native soldier. I have
THE THIRTY-SIX ROYAL RACES 97
name of German (from wer, bellum) ^ might be found to be deri\'ed
from the feud (vair) and foe-man (vairi) of the Rajput.
If these coincidences are merely accidental, then has too much
been already said ; if not, authorities are here recorded, and
hypotheses founded, for the assistance of others [81 J.
CHAPTER 7
Having discussed the ancient genealogies of the martial races
of Rajasthan, as well as the chief points in their character and
religion analogous to those of early Europe, we proceed to the
catalogue of the Chhattis Rajkula, or ' thirty-six royal races.' ^
The table before the reader presents, at one view, the authori-
ties on which this list is given : they are as good as al)undant.
The first is from a detached leaf of an ancient work, obtained
from a Yati of a Jain temple at the old city of Nado!, in Marwar.
The second is from the poems of Chand,^ the bard of the last
Hmdu kino- of Dellii. The third is from an estimable work
proved what he will do, where devoted, when, in 1817, thirty-two firelocks
of my guard attacked, defeated, and dispersed a camp of fifteen hundred
men, sla3ring thrice their numbers.* Having quitted the scene for ever, I
submit my opinion dispassionately for the welfare of the one, and with it
the stability or reverse of the other.
^ D'Anville's derivation of Gersnan, from wer (bellum) and nMnus.
[Possiblv 0. Irish, gair, ' neighbour,' or (jairm, ' battle-cry ' {New Eng. Diet.
s.v.).]
^ [This catalogue is now of historical or traditional, rather than of
ethnographical value. It includes some which are admittedly extinct :
others wiiich are proved to be derived from Gurjara and other foreign tribes,
while it omits many clans which are most influential at the present day,
and some of those included in the list are now represented by scattered
groups outside Rajputana.]
^ Of his works I possess the most complete copy existing.
* What says the Thermopylae of India, Corygaum ? Five hundred fire-
locks against twenty thousand men ! Do the annals of Napoleon record a
more brilUant exploit ? Has a column been reared to the manes of the
brave, European and native, of this memorable day, to excite to future
achievement ? What order decks the breast of the gaUant Fitzgerald, for
the exploit on the field of Nagpur ? At another time and place his word.s,
" At my peril be it ! Charge ! " would have crowned his crest ! These
things call for remedy ! [Koregaon in Poona District, where Captain
Staunton defeated a large force of Mahrattas on January 1, 1818 (Wilson-
Mill, Hist, of India, ii. (1846), 303 ff.).]
VOL. I H
98 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
contemporary with Chand's, the Kumarjjal Charitra' or " History
of the Monarchy of Anhilwara Patan." The fourth list is from
the Khichi bard.^ The fifth, from a bard of Saurashtra.
From every one of the bardic profession, from all the collectors
and collections of Rajasthan, lists have been received, from which
the catalogue No. 6 has been formed, admitted by the genealogists
to be more perfect than any existing document. From it, there-
fore, in succession, each race shall have its history rapidly
sketched ; though, as a text, a single name is sufficient to fill
many pages.
The first list is headed by an invocation to Mata Sakambhari
Devi, or mother-goddess, protectress of the races (sakha) [the
mother of vegetation].
Each race (sakha) has its Gotracharya,^ a genealogical creed,
describing [82] the essential peculiarities, religious tenets, and
pristine locale of the clan. Every Rajput should be able to
repeat this ; though it is now confined to the family priest or the
genealogist. Many chiefs, in these degenerate days, would be
astonished if asked to repeat their gotracharya, and would refer
to the bard. It is a touchstone of affinities, and guardian of the
laws of intermarriage. When the inhibited degrees of propinquity
have been broken, it has been known to rectify the mistake,
where, however, " ignorance was bliss." *
^ Presented to the Royal Asiatic Society.
2 Moghji, one of the most intelligent bards of the present day ; but,
heartbroken, he has now but the woes of his race to sing. Yet has he forgot
them for a moment to rehearse the deeds of Parsanga, who sealed his fidelity
by his death on the Ghaggar. Then the invisible mantle of Bhavani was
wrapt around him ; and with the birad (fvror poeticus) flowing freely of
their deeds of yore, their present degradation, time, and place were all
forgot. But the time is fast approaching when he may sing with the
Cambrian bard :
" Ye lost companions of my tuneful art,
Where are ye fled ? "
^ One or two specimens shall be given in the proper place.
* A prince of Bundi had married a Rajputni of the Malani tribe, a name
now unknown : but a bard repeating the ' gotracharya,' it was discovered
to have been about eight centuries before a ramification (sa! ha) (if the
Chauhan, to which the Hara of Bundi belonged— divorce and expiatory
rites, with great unhappiness, were the consequences. What a contrast to
the unhallowed doctrmes of polyandry, as mentioned amongst the Pandavas,
the Scythic nations, the inhabitants of Sirmor of the present day,- and
pertaining even to Britain in the days of Caesar ! — " Uxores habent deni
ANCIENT MSS.l
10
15
20
Ikshwaku.
Surya.
Soma or Chandra.
Yadu. • I
Chahuman (Chauha
Pramara. 1
Chalukya or Solany
Parihara.
Chawara.
Dudia.
Rathor.
Gohil.
Dabhi.
Makwahaua.
Norka.
Aswaria.
Salar or Silara.
Sinda.
Sepat.
Huu or nun.
Kirjal.
Haraira.
Rajpali.
Dhanpali.
25 Agnipali.
Bala.
Jhala.
Bhagdola.
Motdan.
30 Mohor.
Kagair.
Karjeo.
Chadlia.
Pokara.
Nikumbha.
3<) Salala.
LKI MaTA
do not,
feie.
ace).
35
26
16
12
Single.
CORRECTED LIST BY THE AUTHOR.
Ikshwaku, Kakutstha, or Surya
Anwai, Indu, Som, or Chandra.
Grahilot or Guhilot . . 24 Saljha.
Yadu 4
5 Tuar . . . . | jy
Rathor . . . . .13
Kushwaha or Kachluvaha.'
l^ramara
Chahuman or Chauhan
10 Chalukya or Solanki .
Parihara
Chawara
Tak, Tak, or Takshak.
Jat or Geta.
15 Hun or Htin.
Kathi.
Bala.
Jhala 2
Jethwa or Kaniari.
20 Gohil.
Sarfveya.
Silar.
Dabhi.
Gaur 5
Doda or Dor.
Gaharwal.
Bargujar ... 3
Sengar ....." single.
Sikarwal . . . Ho
30 Bais . . . . ; do'
Dahia.
Johya.
Mohll.
Nikumbha.
RajpaU.
36 Dahima .... do.
Extni.
Hul.
Daharya.
25
1 The author, aftei
2 The bard Chand ?i Are."
i As the work is chn to the last " of all the mightiest is the Chauhan
■» By name Moghji,
LIST OP THE 1
HIBTV.SIX KOVAJ
[. BACK OF BA.IAST
«N.-Oa!S.ii»«.iiu.. M
ITA
««..^».,..
ncia -^
l oiuiunu..
Kiuom o»..i..'
Ikflhwnku, Kalrauihs
HEAUTUOi..
^!!'m?',.r i.-|,uailrn.
S"""-'
aatohnr Oohll.
ci'SS'tSS:
G^ahliototliuiXt"'
. ai Sokba.
ICalEuttha.
K^tbt'''^'
Saluikl.
Yodu .
. 4
^ r'ra^ri"" "'''""'^''
'Sis
1-n^m.
TUM." ■
"HiU..;!.;,,,,,
. IT
in ^'iiV™""-
i« S."
'|Sx^^
SSSi.
as-
10 vS:
"''"■. 3S
Hr
■. fiS'""''
',. i'ls:"'
Parihara" ""^ . " "I'
■i ,
axiS"-
ohSjij;
"-'■Jiijs-jsras-
gkr^..^.rTnk;>.«k
. .,„i..
"it .
" aSi,«i
" sr''
,5 sEL
Jcf*hi« or Eaman
,
"st-
.. iiKr-
Sir'
" a*
"!''■
..|C'"
^S!."-
SZAV
"eSr^^j.""^-
■ '
JboJft.
fas:--
Kr-*
" fss'-
16 gjSC''
Sli- : :
: si,.i..
30 Mohor.
10 uSSu.
>!:K:
KMraJr.
sag.
8*n^ru"(rMol/ri«i
" fww"? '"^■'" """■
S.^.
an aliSi'*'''"'
ass
lirr"""'
30 SS""' .
_. __
gliry.
THE THIRTY-SIX ROYAL RACES 99
Most of tlie kula (races) are divided into numerous branches ^
(sakha), and these sakha subdivided into innumerable clans
(gotra),^ the most important of which shall be given. A few of
the kula never ramified : these are termed eka, or ' single ' ; and
nearly one-third are eka.
A table of the ' eighty-four ' mercantile tribes, chiefly of
Rajput origin, shall also be furnished, in which the remembrance
of some races are preserved which would have perished. Lists
of the aboriginal, the agricultural and the pastoral tribes are also
given to complete the subject.
Solar and Lunar Races. — In the earlier ages there were but
two races, Surya and Chandra, to which were added the four
Agnikulas * ; in all six. The others are subdivisions of Surya
and Chandra, or the sakha of Indo-Seythic origin, who found no
difficulty in obtaining a place (though a low one), before the
Muhammadan era, amongst the thirty-six regal races of Rajasthan.
The former we may not imaptly consider as to the time, as the
Celtic, the latter as the Gothic, races of India. On the generic
terms Surya and Chandra, I need add nothing [83].
Grahilot or Guhilot. — Pedigree * of the Suryavansi Rana, of
royal race, Lord of Chitor, the ornament of the thirty -six royal
races.
By universal consent, as well as by the gotra of this race, its
princes are admitted to be the direct descendants of Rama, of the
Solar line. The pedigree is deduced from him, and connected
duodenique inter se communes," says that accurate writer, speaking of the
natives of this island ; " et maxime fratres cum fratribus, parentesque cum
liberis : sed si qui sint ex his nati, eorura habentur liheri, quo primura virgo
quaeque deducta est." A strange medley of polyandry and polygamy !
^ Aparam sakham, ' of innumerable branches,' is inscribed on an ancient
tablet of the Guhilot race.
2 Got, khanp, denote a clan ; its subdivisions have the patronymic
terminating with the syllable ' of,' ' awat,' ' sot,' in the use of which euphony
alone is their guide : thus, Saldawat, ' sons of Sakta ' ; Kurmasot, ' of
Kurma ' ; Mairawat, or mairot, mountaineers, ' sons of the mountains.'
Such is the Greek Mainote, from maina, a mountain, in the ancient Albanian
dialect, of eastern origin.
* From agni {qu. ignis ?) ' fire,' the sons of Vulcan, as the others of Sol
and Luna, or Lunus, to change the sex of the parent of the Indu (moou)
race.
* Vansavali, Suryavansi Rajkuli Rana Chitor ka Dhani, ChJiattis Kuli
Sengar. — MSS. from the Rana's library, entitled KJiuman Raesa.
100 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
with Sumitra, the last prince mentioned in the genealogy of the
Puranas.
As the origin and progressive history of this family will be
fully discussed in the " Annals of Mewar," we shall here only
notice the changes which have marked the patronymic, as well
as the regions which have been under their sway, from Kanaksen,
who, in the second century, abandoned his native kingdom,
Kosala, and established the race of Surya in Saurashtra.
On the site of Vairat, the celebrated abode of the Pandavas
during exile, the descendant of Ikshwaku established his line, and
his descendant Vijaya, in a few generations, built Vijayapur.^
They became sovereigns, if not founders, of Valabhi, which
had a separate era of its own, called the Valabhi Samvat, according
with S. Vikrama 375.^ Hence they became the Balakaraes, or
kings of Valabhi ; a title maintained by successive dynasties of
Saurashtra for a thousand years after this period, as can be
satisfactorily proved by genuine history and inscriptions.
Gajni, or Gaini, was another capital, whence the last prince,
Siladitya (who was slain), and his family, were expelled by
Parthian invaders in the sixth century.
A posthumous son, called Grahaditya, obtained a petty
sovereignty at Idar. The change was marked by his name
becoming the patronymic, and Grahilot, vulgo Guhilot, designated
the Suryavansa of Rama.
With reverses and migration from the wilds of Idar to Ahar,'
the Guhilot was changed to Aharya, by which title the race con-
tinued to be designated till the twelfth century, when the elder
brother, Rahup, abandoned his claim to " the [84] throne of Chitor,"
obtained ^ by force of arms from the Mori,* and settled at Dungar-
^ Always conjoined with Vairat — ' Vijayapur Vairatgarh.' [Vairat
forty-one miles north of Jaipur city. The reference in the text is merely
a bardie fable, there being no connexion between Vijaya and this place
{ASM, ii. 249).]
2 A.D. 319. The inscription recording this, as well as others relating to
Valabhi and this era, I discovered in Saurashtra, as well as the site of this
ancient capital, occupying the position of ' Byzantium ' in Ptolemy's geo-
graphy of India. They will be given in the Transactions of the Royal
Asiatic Society. [The Valabhi agrees with the Gupta era (Smith, EH I, 20).]
3 Anandpur Ahar, or ' Ahar the city of repose.' By the tide of events,
the family was destined to fix their last capital, Udaipur, near Ahar.
* The middle of the eighth century.
* [Or Maurya], a Pramara prince.
THE THIRTY-SIX ROYAL RACES
101
pur, which he yet holds, as well as the title Aliarya ; while the
younger, Mahup. established the seat of power at Sesoda, whence
Sesodia set aside both Aharya and Guhilot.
Sesodia is now the common title of the race ; but being only
a subdivision, the Guhilot holds its rank in the kula.
The Guliilot kula is subdivided mto twenty-four saklia,^ or
ramifications, few of which exist :
1. Aharya
2. Mangalia
3. Sesodia
4. Pipara
5. Kalam
6. Gahor
7. Dhornia
8. Goda
9. Magrasa
10. Bhiinla
11. Kamliotak
12. Kotecha
1.3. Sora
14. Uhar
15. Useba
16. Nirrup
17. Nadoria
18. Nadhota
19. Ojakra
20. Kuclilira
21. Dosadh
22. Betwara
23. Paha
24. Purot
At Dungarpur.
In the Deserts.
Mewar.
In Marwar.
, In few numbers, and mostly
' now imknown.
' ^\Jmost extinct.
i [85]
Yadu, Yadava. — The Yadu was the most illustrious of all the
tribes of Ind, and became the patronymic of the descendants
of Budha, progenitor of the Lunar (Indu) race. Yudhishthira
and Baladeva, on the death of Krishna and their expulsion from
Delhi and Dwaraka, the last stronghold of their power, retired
by Multan across the Indus. The two first are abandoned by
[For a different list, see Census Report, RajputMna, 1911, i. 256.]
102 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
tradition ; but the sons of Krishna, who accompanied them after
an intermediate halt in the further Duab ^ of the five rivers,
eventually left the Indus behind, and passed into Zabulistan,^
founded Gajni, and peopled these countries even to Samarkand.
The annals of Jaisalmer, which give this early history of their
founder, mix up in a confused manner ^ the cause of their being
again driven back into India ; so that it is impossible to say
whether it was owing to the Greek princes who ruled all these
countries for a century after Alexander, or to the rise of
Islamism.
Driven back on the Indus, they obtained possession of the
Panjab and founded Salivahanpur. Thence expelled, they re-
tired across the Sutlej and Ghara into the Indian deserts ; whence
expelling the Langahas, the Johyas, Mohilas, etc., they founded
successively Tanot, Derawar, and Jaisalmer,* in S. 1212/ the
present capital of the Bhattis, the lineal successors of Krishna.
Bhatti was the exile from Zabulistan, and as usual with the
Rajput races on any such event in their annals, his name set aside
the more ancient patronymic, Yadu. The Bhattis subdued all
the tracts south of the Ghara ; but their power has been greatly
circumscribed since the arrival of the Rathors. The Map defines
their existing limits, and their annals will detail their past
history.
Jareja, Jadeja is the most important tribe of Yadu race next
to the Bhatti. Its history is similar. Descended from Krishna,
and migrating simultaneously with the remains of the Harikulas,
there is the strongest ground for believing that their range was not
so wide as that of the elder branch, but that they settled them-
selves in the valley of the Indus, more especially on the west shore
in Seistan ; and in nominal and armorial distinctions, even in
Alexander's time, they retained the marks of their ancestry [86].
Sambos, who brought on him the arms of the Grecians, was in
^ The place where they found refuge was in the cluster of hills still called
Yadu ka dang, ' the Yadu hills ' : — the Joudes of Rennell's geography
[see p. 75 above].
2 [Zabuhstan, with its capital, Ghazni, in Afghanistan.]
' The date assigned long prior to the Christian era, agrees with the
Grecian, but the names and manners are Muhammadan.
* Lodorwa Patau, whence they expelled an ancient race, was their capital
before Jaisalmer. There is much to leam of these regions.
fi A.D. 1155.
THE THIRTY-SIX ROYAL RACES 103
all likelihood a Harikula ; and the Minnagara of Greek historians
Samanagara (' city of Sama '), his capital.^
The most common epithet of Krishna, or Hari, was Shania or
Syama, from his dark complexion. Hence the Jareja bore it as a
patronymic, and the whole race were Samaputras (children of
Sama), whence the titular name Sambos of its princes.^
Tlie modern Jareja, who, from circumstances has so mixed
with the Muhammadans of Sind as to have forfeited all pretensions
to purity of blood, partly in ignorance and partly to cover dis-
grace, says that his origin is from Sham, or Syria, and of the stock
of tlie Persian Jamshid : consequently, Sam has been converted
into Jam ^ ; which epithet designates one of the Jareja petty
governments, the Jam Raj.
These are the most conspicuous of the Yadu race ; but there
are others who still bear the original title, of which the head is
the prince of the petty State of Karauli on the Chambal.
This portion of the Yadu stock would appear never to have
strayed far beyond the ancient limits of the Suraseni,* their
ancestral abodes. They held the celebrated Bay ana ; whence
expelled, they established Karauli west, and Sabalgarh east, of
the Chambal. The tract under the latter, called Yaduvati, has
been wrested from the family by Sindhia. Sri Mathura ^ is an
independent fief of Karauli, held by a junior branch.
The Yadus, or as pronounced in the dialects Jadon, arc
scattered over India, and many chiefs of consequence amongst
the Mahrattas are of this tribe.
There are eight sakha of the Yadu race : ,
1. Yadu . . . Chief Karauli.
2. Bhatti . . Chief Jaisalmer.
3. Jareja . . Chief Cutch Bhuj.
4. Samecha . . Muhammadans in Sind.
^ [The capital of Sambos was Sindiraana, perhaps the modern Sihwan
(Smith, EHI, 101).]
2 [This is very doubtful.]
^ They have an infinitely better etymology for this, in being descendants
of Jambuvati, one of Hari's eight wives. [The origin of the term Jam is
very doubtful : see Yule, Hobson-Jobson, s.v.]
* The Suraseni of Vraj, the tract so named, thirty miles around Mathura.
^ Its chief, Rao Manohar Singh, was well known to me, and was, I may
say, my friend. For years letters passed between us, and he had made for
me a transcript of a valuable copy of the Mahabharata.
104 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
5. Madecha
6. Bidman . . j. Unknown [87].
7. Baddi
8. Soha
7. Badda . . j
Tuar, Tonwar, Tomara. — The Tuar, though acknowledged as
a subdivision of the Yadu, is placed by the best genealogists
as one of the ' thirty-six,' a rank to which its celebrity justly
entitles it.
We have in almost every ease the etymon of each celebrated
race. For the Tuar we have none ; and we must rest satisfied
in delivering the dictum of the Bardai, who declares it of Pandu
origin.
If it had to boast only of Vikramaditya, the paramoimt lord of
India, whose era, established fifty-six years before the Christian,
still serves as the grand beacon of Hindu clironology, this alone
would entitle the Tuar to the highest rank. But it has other
claims to respect. Delhi, the ancient Indraprastha, founded by
Yudhishthira, and which tradition says lay desolate for eight
centuries, was rebuilt and peopled by Anangpal Tuar, in 8. 848
(a.d. 792), who was followed by a dynasty of twenty princes,
which concluded with the name of the founder, Anangpal, in
S. 1220 (a.d. 1164),^ when, contrary to the SaUc law of the Raj-
puts, he abdicated (having no issue) in favour of his grandchild,
the Chauhan Prithviraja.
The Tuar must now rest on his ancient fame ; for not an inde-
pendent possession remains to the race ^ which traces its lineage
to the Pandavas, boasts of Vikrama, and which furnished the
last dynasty, emperors of Hindustan.
It would be a fact unparalleled in the history of the world,
could we establish to conviction that the last Anangpal Tuar was
the lineal descendant of the founder of Indraprastha; that the
issue of Y'^udhishthira sat on the throne which he erected, after a
lapse of 2250 years Universal consent admits it, and the fact is
^ [Vigraha-raja, known as Visaladeva, BTsal Deo, in the middle of the
twelfth century, is alleged to have conqueredDelhi from a chief of the
Tomara clan. That chief was a descendant of Anangapala, who, a century
before, had built the Red Fort (Smith, EHI, 386).]
* Several Mahratta chieftains deduce their origin from the Tuar race, as
Ram Rao Phalkia, a very gallant leader of horse in Sindhia's State.
THE THIRTY-SIX ROYAL RACES 105
us well established as most others of a historic nature of such a
distant period : nor can any dynasty or family of Europe produce
evidence so strong as the Tuar, even to a much less remote
antiquity.
The chief possessions left to the Tuars are the district of
Tuargarh, on the right bank of the Chambal towards its junction
with the Jumna, and the small [88] chieftainship of Patau Tuar-
vati in the Jaipur State, and whose head claims affinity with the
ancient kings of Indraprastha.
Rathor. — A doubt hangs on the origin of this justly celebrated
race. The Rathor genealogies trace their pedigi'ee to Kusa, the'
second son of Rama ; consequently they would be Suryavansa.
But by the bards of this race they are denied this honour ; and
although Kushite, they are held to be the descendants of Kasyapa,
of the Solar race, by the daughter of a Daitya (Titan). The pro-
geny of Hiranyakasipu is accordingly stigmatized as being of
demoniac origin. It is rather singular that they should have suc-
ceeded to the Lunar race of Kusanabha, descendants of Ajamidha,
the fomiders of Kanauj. Indeed, some genealogists maintain the
Rathors to be of Kusika race.
The pristine locale of the Rathors is Gadhipura, or Kanauj,
A\here they are found entlironed in the fifth centurj^ ; and though
beyond that period they connect their line with the princes of
Kosala or Ayodhya, the fact rests on assertion only.
From the fifth century their history is cleared from the mist
of ages, which envelops them all prior to this time ; and in the
period approaching the Tatar conquest of India, we find them
contesting with the last Tuar and Chauhan kings of Delhi, and the
Balakaraes of Anhilwara, the right to paramount importance
amidst the princes of Ind. The combats for this phantom supre-
macy destroyed them all. Weakened by internal strife, the
Chauhan of Delhi fell, and his death exposed the north-west
frontier. Kanauj followed ; and while its last prince, Jaichand,
found a grave in the Ganges, his son sought an asylum in Marust-
hali, ' the regions of death.' ^ Siahji was this son ; the founder
of the Rathor dynasty in Marwar, on the ruins of the Pariharas of
Mandor. Here they brought their ancient martial spirit, and a
more valiant being exists not than can be found amongst the sons
of Siahji. The Mogul emperors were indebted for half their
1 [This is a pure myth (Smith, EUI, 385, 413).]
106 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
conquests to the Lakh Tarwar Rathoran, ' the 100,000 swords of
the Rathors ' ; for it is beyond a doubt that 50,000 of the blood
of Siahji have been embodied at once. But enough of the noble
Rathors for the present.
The Rathor has twenty-four sakha : Dhandal, Bhadel, Chachkit,
Duharia, Khokra, Badara, Chajira, Ramdeva, Kabria, Hatundia,
Malavat, Sunda, Katecha, Maholi, Gogadeva, Mahecha, .Taisingha,
Mursia, Jobsia, Jora, etc., etc.^ [89].
Rathor Gotracharya. — Gotama ^ Gotra (race), — Mardawandani
Sakha (branch), — Sukracharya Guru (Regent of the planet Venus,
Preceptor), — Garupata Agni,' — Pankhani Devi (tutelary goddess,
winged).*
Kachhwaha. — The Kachhwaha race ^ is descended from Kusa^
the second son of Rama. They are the Kushites ® as the Rajputs
of Mewar are the Lavites of India. Two branches migrated from
Kosala : one founded Rohtas on the Son, the other established
a colony amidst the ravines of the Kuwari, at Lahar.' In the
course of time they erected the celebrated fortress of Narwar, or
Nirwar, the abode of the celebrated Raja Nala, whose descendants
continued to hold possession throughout all the vicissitudes of
the Tatar and Mogul domination, when they were deprived of
^ [For a fuller list, see Census Report, Rajputana, 1911, i. 255 f.]
^ From this I should be inclined to pronounce the Rathors descendants
of a race (probably Scythic) professing the Buddhist faith, of which Gotama
was the last great teacher, and disciple of the last Buddha Mahivira, in S. 477
(a.d. 533). [Buddhism and Jainism are, as usual, confused.]
* Enigmatical — ' Clay formation by fire ' (agni).
* [The Kuldevi, or family goddess, of the Rathors in Nagnaichian, whose
original title was Rajeswari or Ratheswari, her present name being taken
from tl^e village of Nagana in Pachbhadra ; and she has a temple in the
Jodhpur fort, with shrines under the mm tree {AzadirocJda Indica) which is
held sacred in all Rathor settlements [Census Report, Marwar, 1891, ii. 25).]
^ Erroneously written and pronounced Kutchwaha.
^ The resemblance between the Kushite Ramcsa of Ayodhya and the
Rameses of Egypt is strong. Each was attended by his army of satyrs,
Anubis and Cynocephalus, which last is a Greek misnomer, for the animal
bearing this title is of the Simian family, as his images (in the Turin museum)
disclose, and the brother of the faithful Hanuman. The comparison be-
tween the deities within the Indus (called Nilab, ' blue waters ') and those
of the Nile in Egypt, is a point well worth discussifhi. [These speculations
are untenable.]
^ A name in comphment, probably, to the elder branch of their race,
Lava.
THE THIRTY-SIX ROYAL RACES 107
it by the Mahrattas, and the abode of Nala is now a dependency
of Sindhia.
In the tenth century a branch emigrated and founded Amber,
dispossessing the aborigines, the Minas, and adding from the
Rajput tribe Bargujar, who held Rajor and large possessions
around. But even in the twelfth century the Kachhwahas were
but principal vassals to the Chauhan king of Delhi ; and they
have to date their greatness, as the other families (espeoi^-lly the
Ranas of Mewar) of Rajasthan their decline, from the ascent of
the house of Timur to the throne of Delhi. The map shows the
limits of the sway of the Kachhwahas, including their branches,
the independent Narukas of Macheri, and the tributary con-
federated Shaikhavats. The Kachhwaha subdivisions have been
mislaid ;^ but the present partition into Kothris (chambers), of
which there are twelve, shall be given in their annals.
Agnikulas, Pramara. — 1st Pramara. There are four races to
whom the Hindu genealogists have given Agni, or the element
of fire, as progenitor. The Agnikulas are therefore the sons of
Vulcan, as the others are of Sol,^ Mercurius, and Terra [90].
The Agnikulas are the Pramara, the Parihara, the Chalukya
or Solanki, and the Chauhan.^
That these races, the sons of Agni, were but regenerated, and
converted by the Brahm'ans to fight their battles, the clearest
interpretations of their allegorical history will disclose ; and,
' [See a list in Census Report, Rajputana, 1911, i. 255.]
^ There is a captivating elegance thrown around the theogonies of Greece
and Rome, which we fail to impart to the Hindu ; though that elegant
scholar. Sir Wilham Jones, could make even Sanskrit literature fascinating ;
and that it merits the attempt intrinsically, we may infer from the charm
it possesses to the learned chieftain of Rajasthan. That it is perfectly
analogous to the Greek and Roman, we have but to translate the names to
show. For instance : —
Sol XT.
Lunar.
Maricha
(Lux) . . Atri.
Kasyapa
(Uranus) . Samudra (Oceanus).
Vaivaswata or Surya
(Sol) . . Soma, or Ind (Luna ; qu. Lunus ?).
Vaivaswa Manu
(Fihus Soils) Brihaspati (Jupiter).
Ha . . . .
(Terra) . Budha (Mercurius).
^ [Hoernle {JRAS, 1905, p. 20) believes that the Pariharas were the only
sept which claimed fire-origin before Chand (flor. a.d. 1191). But a legend
of the kind was current in South India in the second century a.d. {IA,
xxxiv. 263).]
108 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
as the most ancient of their inscriptions are in the Pali character,
discovered wherever the Buddhist rehgion prevailed, their being
declared of the race of Tasta or Takshak,^ warrants our asserting
the Agnikulas to be of this same race, which invaded India about
two centuries before Christ. It was about this period that
Parsvanatha the twenty-third Buddha,^ appeared in India ; his
symbol, the serpent. The legend of the snake (Takshak) escap-
ing wife the celebrated work Pingala, which was recovered by
Garuda, the eagle of Krishna, is purely allegorical ; and descrip-
tive of the contentions between the followers of Parswanatha,
figured under his emblem, the snake, and those of Krishna,
depicted under his sign, the eagle.
The worshippers of Surya probably recovered their power on
the exterminating civil wars of the Lunar races, but the creation
of the Agnikulas is expressly stated to be for the preservation of
the altars of Bal, or Iswara, against the Daityas, or Atheists.
The ijelebrated Abu, or Arbuda, the Olympus of Rajasthan,
was tlic scene of contention between the mmisters of Surya and
these Titans, and their relation might, with the aid of imagination,
be equally amusing with the Titanic war of the ancient poets of
the west [91]. The Buddhists claim it for Adinath, their first
Buddlia ; the Brahmans for Iswara, or, as the local divinity styled
Achaleswara.* The Agnikunda is still shown on the summit of
Abu, where the four races were created by the Brahmans to fight
the battles of Achaleswara and polytheism, against the mono-
theistic Buddhists, represented as tlie serpents or Takshaks. The
probable period of this conversion has been hinted at ; but of the
^ Figuratively, ' the serpent.'
^ To me it appears that there were four distinguished Buddhas or -wise
men, teachers of monotheism in India, which they brought from Central
Asia, with their science and its written character, the arrow or nail-headed,
which I have discovered wherever they have been,— in the deserts of Jaisal-
mer, in the heart of Rajasthan, and the shores of Saurashtra ; which were
their nurseries.
The first Budha is the parent of the Lunar race, a.c. 2250.
The second (twenty-second of the Jains), Nemnath, a.c. 1120.
The third (twenty-third do. ), Parsawanath, a.c. 650.
The fourth (twenty-fourth do. ), Mahivira, A.c. 533.
[The author confuses Budha, Mercury, with Buddha, the Teacher, and mixes
up Buddhists with Jains.]
^ AcJial, ' immovable,' eswara, ' lord.'
THE PRAMARAS 109
dynasties issuing from the Agnikulas, many of the princes
professed the Buddhist or Jain faith, to periods so late as the
Muhammadan invasion.
The Pramara, though not, as his name implies, the ' chief
warrior,' was the most potent of the Agnikulas. He sent forth
thirty-five sakha, or branches, several of whom enjoyed extensive
sovereignties. ' The world is the Pramar's,' is an ancient saying,
denoting their extensive sway ; and the Naukot ^ Marusthali
signified the nine divisions into which the country, from th<»
Sutlej to the ocean, was partitioned amongst them.
Maheswar, Dhar, Mandu, Ujjain, Chandrabhaga, Chitor, Abu,
Chandravati, Mhau Maidana, Parmavati, Umarkot, Bakhar,
Lodorva, and Patau are the most conspicuous of the cajjitals
they conquered or founded.
Though the Pramara family never equalled in wealth the
famed Solanki princes of Anhilwara, or shone with such lustre as
the Chauhan, it attained a wider range and an earlier consolida-
tion of dominion than either, and far excelled in all, the Parihara,
the last and least of the Agnikulas, which it long held tributary.
Maheswar, the ancient seat of the Haihaya kings, appears to
have been the first seat of government of the Pramaras. They
subsequently founded Dharanagar, and Mandu on the crest of
the Vindhya hills ; and to them is even attributed the city of
Ujjain, the first meridian of the Hindus, and the seat of Vikrama.
There are numerous records of the family, fixing eras in their
history of more modern times ; and it is to be hoped that the
interpretation of yet undeciphered inscriptions may carry us
back beyond the seventh century.
The era ^ of Bhoj, the son of Munja, has been satisfactorily
settled ; and an [92] inscription * in the nail-headed character,
carries it back a step further,* and elicits an historical fact of
infinite value, giving the date of the last prince of the Pramaras
of Chitor, and the consequent accession of the Guhilots.
^ It extended from the Indus almost to the Jumna, occupying all the
sandy regions, Naukot, Arbuda or Abu, Dhat, Mandodri, Kheralu, Parkar,
Lodorva, and Pugal.
2 See Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. i. p. 227. [Raja
Munja of Malwa reigned a.d. 974-995. The famous Bhoja, his nephew, not
bis son, 1018-60 (Smith, EHI, 395).]
3 Which will be given in the Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society.
* S. 770, or A.D. 714.
110 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
The Nerbudda was no limit to the power of the Pramaras
About the very period of the foregoing inscription, Ram Pramar
held his court in Telingana, and is invested by the Chauhan Bard,
Chand, with the dignity of paramount sovereign of India, and
head of a splendid feudal ^ association, whose members became
independent on his death. The Bard makes this a voluntary act
of the Pramaras ; but coupled with the Guhilots' violent acquisi-
tion of Chitor, we may suppose the successor of Ram was unable
to maintain such supremacy.
While Hindu literature survives the name of Bhoj Pramara
and ' the nine gems ' of his court cannot perish ; though it is
difficult to say which of the three ^ princes of this name is particu-
larly alluded to, as they all appear to have been patrons of science
Chandragupta, the supposed opponent of Alexander, was a
Maurya, and in the sacred genealogies is declared of the race of
Takshak. The ancient inscriptions of the Pramars, of which the
Maurya is a principal branch, declare it of the race of Tasta and
Takshak, as does that now given from the seat of their power, Chitor.^
Salivahana, the conqueror of Vikramaditya, was a Takshak,
and his era set aside that of the Tuar in the Deccan.
Not one remnant of independence exists to mark the greatness
of the Pramaras : ruins are the sole records of their power. The
1 " When the Pramar of Tilang took sanctuary with Har, to the thirty-
six tribes he made gifts of land. To Kehar he gave Katehr, to Rae Pahar
the coast of Sind, to the heroes of the shell the forest lands. Ram Pramar
of Tilang, the Chal<ravartin lord of Uj jain, made the gift. He bestowed Delhi
on the Tuars, and Patan on the Chawaras ; Sambhar on the Chauhans, and
Kanauj on the Kamdliuj ; Mardes on the Parihar, Sorath on the Jadon, the
Deccan on Jawala, and Cutch on the Charan '' (Poems of Chand). [This is
an invention of the courtly bard.]
2 The inscrii^tion gives S. 1100 (a.d. 1044) for the third Bhoj : and this
date agrees with the period assigned to this prince in an ancient Chrono-
grammatic Catalogue of reigns embracing all the Princes of the name of
Bhoj, which may therefore be considered authentic. This authority assigns
S. 631 and 721 (or a.d. 575 and 665) to the first and second Bhoj.
^ Herbert has a curious story of Chitor being called Taxila ; thence the
story of the Ranas being sons of Porus. I have an inscription from a temple
on the Chambal, within the ancient limits of Mewar, which mentions Taksha-
silanagara, ' the stone fort of the Tak,' but I cannot apply it. The city of
Toda (Tonk, or properly Tanka) is called in the Chauhan chronicles, Takat-
pur. [Takshasila, the Taxila of the Greeks, the name meaning ' the hewn
rock,' or more probably, ' the rock of Taksha,' the Naga king, is the modern
Shahderi in the Rawalpindi District, Panjab (IGI, xxii. 200 f.).]
THE PRAMARAS 111
prince of Dhat,^ in the Indian [93] desert, is the last phantom of
royalty of the race ; and the descendant of the prince who pro-
tected Humayun, when driven from the throne of Tin\ur, in
whose capital, Umarkot, the great Akbar was born, is at the foot
of fortune's ladder ; his throne in the desert, the footstool of the
Baloeh, on whose bounty he is dependent for support.
Among the thirty-five sakha of the Pramaras the Vihal was
eminent, the princes of which line appear to have been lords of
Chandravati, at the foot of the Aravalli. The Rao of Bijolia,
one of the sixteen superior nobles of the Rana's court, is a Pramara
of the ancient stock of Dhar, and perhaps its most respectable
representative.
Thirty-Five Sakha of the Pramaras
Mori [or Mauryn]. — Of which was Chandragupta, and the
princes of Chitor prior to the Guhilot.
Sodha. — Sogdoi of Alexander, the princes of Dhat in the
Indian desert.
Sankhla. — Chiefs of Pugal, and in Marwar.
Khair. — Capital Khairalu.
Umra and Suinra. — Anciently in the desert, nowMuhammadans.
Vihal, or Bihal. — Princes of Chandravati.
Mepawat. — Present chief of Bijolia in Mewar.
Balhar. — Northern desert.
Kaba. — Celebrated in Saui-ashtra in ancient times, a few yet
in Sirohi.
Vmata. — The princes of Umatwara in Malwa, there established
for twelve generations. Umatwara is the largest tract left to
the Pramaras. Since the war in 1817, being under the British
interference, they cannot be called independent.
Rehar
IGu
Dhunda . • . • \ Girasia petty chiefs in Malwa.
Sorathia
Harer^ . . . '
^ Of the Sodha tribe, a grand division of the Pramaras, and who held all
the desert regions in remote times. Their subdivisions, Umra and Sumra,
gave the names to Umarkot and Umrasumra, in which was the insular Bakhar,
on the Indus : so that we do not misapply etymology, when we say in Sodha
we have the Sogdoi of Alexander. "
2 [For a different list see Census Report MaJ2nitana, 1911, i. 255.]
112 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
Besides others unknown ; as Chaonda, Khejar, Sagra, Barkota,
Puni, Sampal, Bhiba, Kalpusar, Kalmoh, KohiJa, Papa, Kahoria,
Dhand, Deba, Barhar, Jipra, Posra, Dhunta, Rikamva, and
Taika. Many of these are proselytes to Islamism, and several
beyond the Indus [94].
Chahuman or Chauhan. — On this race so much has been said
elsewhere,^ that it would be superfluous to give more than a
rapid sketch of them here.
This is the most vahant of the Agnikulas, and it niay be
asserted not of them only, but of the whole Rajput race. Actions
may be recorded of the greater part of each of the Chhattis-kula,
which would yield to none in the ample and varied pages of
history ; and though the ' Talwar Rathoran ' would be ready to
contest the point, impartial decision, with a knowledge of their
respective merits, must assign to the Chauhan the van in the
long career of arms.
Its branches (sakha) have maintained all the vigour of the
original stem ; and the Haras, the Khichis, the Deoras, the
Sonigiras, and others of the twenty-four, have their names
immortalised in the song of the bard.
The derivation of Chauhan is coeval vnth his fabulous birth :
'the four-handed warrior' {Chatur-bhuja Chatur-bahu Vira).
All failed when sent against the demons, but the Chauhan, the
last creation of the Brahmans to fight their battles against
infidelity.
A short extract may be acceptable fi-om the original respecting
the birth of the Chauhan, to guard the rites of our Indian Jove
on this Olympus, the sacred Abu : " the Guru of mountains, like
Sumer or Kailas, which Achaleswara made his abode. Fast but
one day on its summit, and your sins will be forgiven ; reside
there for a year, and you may become the preceptor of mankind."
The Agnikunda Fire-pit. — Notwithstanding the sanctity of
Abu, and the little temptation to disturb the anchorites of Bal,
" the Munis, who passed their time in devotion, whom desire
never approached, who drew support from the cow, from roots,
fruits, and flowers," yet did the Daityas, envying their felicity,
render the sacrifice impure, and stop in transit the share of the
gods. " The Brahmans dug' the pit for burnt-sacrifice to the
^ See Traiisactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. i. p. 133, ' Comments
on a Sanskrit Inscription.' ^
THE CHAUHANS 113
south-west (nairrit) ; but the demons ^ raised storms which
darkened the air and filled it with clouds of sand, showering
ordure, blood, bones and flesh, with every imjijurity, on their
rites. Their penance was of no avail."
Again they kindled the sacred fire ; and the priests, assembling
round the Agnikunda,^ prayed for aid to Mahadeo [95]. " From
the fire-fountain a figure issued forth, but he had not a warrior's
mien. The Brahmans placed him as guardian of the gate, and
thence his name, Prithivi-dwara.* A second issued forth, and
being formed in the palm (challu) of the hand was named Chalukya.
A third appeared and was named Pramara.* He had the blessing
of the Rishis, and with the others went against the demons, but
they did not prevail. Again Vasishtha,* seated on the lotus,
prepared incantations ; again he called the gods to aid : and, as
he poured forth the libation, a figure arose, lofty in stature, of
elevated front, hair like jet, eyes rolling, breast expanded, fierce,
terrific, clad in armour, quiver filled, a bow in one hand and a
brand in the other, quadriform (Chaturanga),^ whence his name,
Chauhxin.
" Vasishtha prayed that his hope ' might be at length fulfilled,
as the Chauhan was despatched against the demons. Sakti-devi *
on her lion, armed with the trident, descended, and bestowed her
blessing on the Chauhan, and as Asapurna, or Kalika, promised
always to hear his prayer. He went against the demons ; their
leaders he slew. The rest fled, nor halted till they reached the
depths of hell. Anhal slew the demons. The Brahmans were
made happy ; and of his race was Prithwiraja." ^
^ Asura-Daitya, which Titans were either the aboriginal Bhils or tlie
Scythic hordes.
- I have visited this classic spot in Hindu mythology. An image of
Adipal (the ' first-created '), in marble, still adorns its embankment, and is
a piece of very fine sculpture. It was too sacred a relic to remove.
^ ' Portal or door (dwar) of the earth ' ; contracted to Prithihara and
Parihara. * ' The first striker.'
^ [In the Hara version of the legend the presiding priest is Visvamitra.]
^ Clmtur ; anga, ' body ' [chaturbdh^i'].
' Asa, ' hope,' puma, to ' fulfil ' ; whence the tutelary goddess of the
Chauhan race, Asapurna.
^ The goddess of energy (Sakti).
^ [Cunningham points out that in the original story only the Chauhan
was created from the fire-pit, the reference to other clans being a later addi-
tion (ASR, ii. 255).]
VOL. I 1
114 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
The genealogical tree of the Chauhans exhibits thirty-nine
princes, from Anhal, the first created Chauhan, to Prithwiraja,
the last of the Hindu emperors of India.^ But whether the chain
is entire we cannot say. The inference is decidedly against its
being so ; for this creation or regeneration is assigned to an age
centuries anterior to Vikramaditya : and we may safely state
these converts to be of the Takshak race, invaders of India ut a
very early period.
Ajaipal is a name celebrated in the Chauhan chronicles, as the
founder of the fortress of Ajmer, one of the earliest establishments
of Chauhan power. ^
Sambhar,^ on the banks of the extensive salt lake of the same
name, was probably anterior to Ajmer, and yielded an epithet
to the princes of this race, who [96] were styled Sambhari Rao.
These continued to be the most important places of Chauhan
power, until the translation of Prithwiraja to the imperial throne
of Delhi threw a parting halo of splendour over the last of its
independent kings. There were several princes whose actions
emblazon the history of the Chauhans. Of these was Manika
Rae, who first opposed the progress of the Muhammadan arms.
Even the history of the conquerors records that the most obstinate
opposition which the arms of Mahmud of Ghazni encountered
was from the prince of Ajmer,* who forced him to retreat, foiled
and disgraced, from this celebrated stronghold, in his destructive
route to Saurashtra.
The attack on Manika Rae appears to have been by Kasim, the
general of Walid, on the close of the first century of the Hegira.'
The second attack was at the end of the fourth century. A third
was (luring the reign of Bisaladeva, who headed a grand con-
^ Born in S. 1215, or a.d. 1159. [Anhala or Agnipala is here the head of
the Chauhan line ; but a different list appears in the Hammira Maha-
kavya of Nayachhandra Suri (I A, viii. 55 ff.).]
" [Ajmer is commonly said to have been founded by Raja Aja, a.d. 145.
It was founded by Ajayadeva Chauhan about a.d. 1100 {lA, xxv. 162 f.).]
' A name derived from the goddess Sakambhari, the tutelar^' divinity of
the tribes, whose statue is in the middle of the lake.
* Dharma Dhiraj, father of Bisaladeva, must have been the defender on
this occasion.
^ [Muhammad bin Kasim seems to have marched along the Indus valley,
not in the direction of Ajmer (Malik Muhammad Din, Bcihawalpur Gazet-
teer, i. 28).]
THE CHAUHANS 115
federacy of the Rajput princes against the foes of their religion.
The celebrated Udayaditya Pramar is enumerated amongst the
chiefs acting in subserviency to the Chauhan prince on this
occasion, and as his death has been fixed by unerring records in
A.D. 1096, this combination must have been against the Islamite
king Maudud, the fourth from Mahmud ; and to this victory is the
allusion in the inscription on the ancient pillar of Delhi.^ But
these irruptions continued to the captivity and death of the last
of the Chauhans, whose reign exhibits a splendid picture of
feudal manners.
The Chauhans sent forth twenty-four branches, of whom the
most celebrated are the existing families of Bundi and Kotah, in
the division termed Haravati. They have well maintained the
Chauhan reputation for valour. Six princely brothers shed their
blood in one field, in the support of the aged Shah Jahan against his
rebellious son Aurangzeb, and of the six but one survived his wounds.
The Khichis ^ of Gagraun and Raghugarh, the Deoras of Sirohi,
the Sonigiras of Jalor, the Chauhans of Sui Bah and Sanchor, and
the Pawechas of Pawagarh, have all immortalized themselves by
the most heroic and devoted deeds. Most of these famihes yet
exist, brave as in the days of Prithwiraja.
Many chiefs of the Chauhan race abandoned their faith to
preserve their lands, the Kaimkhani,^ the Sarwanis, the Lowanis,
the Kararwanis, and the Bedwanas [97], chiefly residing in Shaik-
havati, are the most conspicuous. No less than twelve petty
princes thus deserted their faith : which, however, is not contrary
to the Rajput creed ; for even Manu says, they may part with
wife to preserve their land. Isaridas, nephew of Prithwiraja, was
the first who set this example.
Twenty-four Sakha of the Chauhans. — Chauhan, Hara, Khichi,
Sonigira, Deora, Pabia, Sanchora, Goelwal, Bhadauria, Nirwan,
Malani, Purbia, Sura, Madrecha, Sankrecha, Bhurecha, Balecha,
Tasera, Chachera, Rosia, Chanda, Nikumbha, Bhawar, and
Bankat.*
^ [This is doubtful. Maudud seems to have not come further south
than Sialkot (Al Badaoni, Muntakhabu-t-tawdrilch, i. 49 ; EIIiot-Dowson
ii. 273, iv. 139 f., 199 f., v. 160 f.)-]
^ [The author has barely noticed the Khichis ; for an account of them
see ASR, ii. 249 ff.] ^ About Fatehp ir Jhunjhunu.
* [For a different Ust see Rajputana Censiis Report, 1911, i. 255.]
116 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
Chalukya or Solanki. — Though we cannot trace the history of
this branch of the Agnikulas to such periods of antiquity as the
Pramara or Chauhan, it is from the deficiency of materials, rather
than any want of celebrity, that we are unable to place it, in this
respect, on a level with them. The tradition of the bard makes
the Solankis important as princes of Sura on the Ganges, ere
the Rathors obtained Kanauj.^ The genealogical test^ claims
Lohkot, said to be the ancient Lahore, as a residence, which
makes them of the same Sakha (Madhwani) as the Chauhans.
Certain it is, that in the eighth century we find the Langahas '
and Togras inhabiting Multan and the surrounding country, the
chief opponents of the Bhattis on their establishment in the
desert. They were princes of Kalyan, on the Malabar coast,*
which city still exhibits vestiges of ancient grandeur. It was
from Kalyan that a scion of the Solanki tree was taken, and
engrafted on the royal stem of the Chawaras of Anhilwara Patan.
It was in S. 987 (a.d. 931) that Bhojraj, the last of the Chawa-
ras, and the Salic law of India were both set aside, to make way
for the young Solanki, Mulraj,* who ruled Anhilwara for the space
of fifty-eight years. During the reign of his son and successor,
Chamimd Rae,*^ Mahmud of Ghazni carried his desolatiag arms into
the kingdom of Anhilwara. With its wealth he raised those [98]
magnificent trophies of his conquest, among which the ' Celestial
^ [The Chalukya is a Gurjara tribe, the name being the Sanskritized form
of the old dynastic title, Chalkya, of the Deccan dynasty (a.d. 552—973) ; and
of this Solanki is a dialectical variant {lA, xi. 24 ; BG, i. Part i. 156, Part ii.
336).]
2 Solanki Gotracharya is thus: ''Madhwani Sakha — Bharadwaja
Gotra — Garh Lohkot nikas — Sarasvati Nadi (river) — Sama Veda — Kapalis-
war Deva — Karduman Rikheswar — Tin Parwar Zunar (zone of three threads)
— -Keonj Devi — Mahipal Putra (one of the Penates)." [Lohkot is Lohara
in Kashmir (Stein, Bajatarangini, i. Introd. 108, ii. 293 ff.)-]
* Called Malkhani, being the sons of Mai Khan, the first apostate from
his faith to Islamism. Whether these branches of the Solankis were com-
pelled to quit their religion, or did it voluntarily, we know not.
* Near Bombay. [In Thana District, not Malabar coast.]
^ Son of Jai Singh Solanki, the emigrant prince of Kalyan, who married
the daughter of Bhojraj. These particulars are taken from a valuable little
geographical and historical treatise, incomplete and without title. [Mul-
araja Chaulnkya, a.d. 961—96, was son of Bhubhata : Chamunda, a.d. 997-
1010 ; it was in the reign of Bhima I. (1022-64) that Mahmiid's invasion in
A.D. 1024 occurred {BG, i. Part i. 156 ff. 164).]
* ('ailed Chamund by Muhammadan historians.
THE CHALUKYAS 117
Bride ' might have vied with anything ever erected by man as
a monument of folly .^ The wealth abstracted, as reported in
the liistory of the conquerors, by this scourge of India, though
deemed incredible, would obtain belief, if the commercial riches
of Anhilwara could be appreciated. It was to India what Venice
was to Europe, the entrepot of the products of both the eastern
and western hemispheres. It fully recovered the shock given by
Mahmud and the desultory wars of his successors ; and we find
Siddharaja Jayasingha,^ the seventh from the founder, at the
head of the richest, if not the most warlike, kingdom of India.
Two-and-twenty principalities at one time owned his power, from
the Carnatic to the base of the Himalaya Mountains ; but his
unwise successor drew upon himself the vengeance of the Chauhan,
PrithAviraja, a slip of which race was engrafted, in the person of
Kumarapala, on the genealogical tree of the Solankis ; * and it is
a curious fact that this dynasty of the Balakaraes alone gives us
two examples of the Salic law of India being violated. Kumara-
pala, installed on the throne of Anhilwara, ' tied round his head
the turban of the Solanki.' He became of the tribe into which
he was adopted. Kumarapala, as well as Siddharaja, was the
patron of Buddhism ; * and the monuments erected under them
and their successors claim our admiration, from their magnificence
and the perfection of the arts ; for at no period were they more
cultivated than at the courts of AnhUwara.
The lieutenants of Shihabu-d-din disturbed the close of Kumara-
pal's reign ; and his successor, Balo Muldeo, closed this dynasty
in S. 1284 (a.d. 1228), when a new dynasty, called the Vaghela
(descendants of Siddharaja) under BIsaldeo, succeeded.^ The
dilapidations from religious persecution were repaired ; Somnath,
renowned as Delphos of old, rose from its ruins, and the kingdom
1 [Ferishta i. 61.]
2 He ruled from S. 1150 to 1201 [a.d. 1094-1143]. It was his court that
was visited by EI Edrisi, commonly called the Nubian geographer, who
particularly describes this ijrince as following the tenets of Buddha. [He
was probably not a Jain {BG, i. Part i. 179).]
* [The Gujarat account of the campaign is different (BG, i. Part i. 184 f.).]
* [Kumarapala made many benefactions to the Jains {Ibid. i. Part i.
190 f.).]
* [Ajayapala succeeded Kumarapala. BhimaIl.(A.D. 1179-1242), called
Bholo, ' the simpleton,' was the last of the Ghaulukya dynasty, which was
succeeded by that of the \'aghelas (1219-1304). Visaladeva reigned a.d.
1243-61. See a full account. Ibid. 194 ff.]
118 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
of the Balakaraes was attaining its pristine magnificence, when,
under the fourth prince, Karandeva, the angel of destruction
appeared in the shape of Alau-d-din, and the kingdom of Anhilw^ra
was annihilated. The lieutenants of the Tatar despot of Delhi
let loose the spirit of intolerance and avarice on the rich cities
and fertile plains of Gujarat and Saurashtra. In contempt of
their faith, the altar of an Islamite Darvesh was placed in contact
with the shrine of Adinath, on the [99] most accessible of their
sacred mounts : ^ the statues of Buddha [the Jain Tirthankaras]
were thrown down, and the books containing the mysteries of
their faith suffered the same fate as the Alexandrian library.
The walls of Anhilwara were demolished ; its foundations ex-
cavated, and again filled up with the fragments of their ancient
temples.^
The remnants of the Solanki dynasty were scattered over the
land, and this portion of India remained for upwards of a century
without any paramount head, until, by a singular dispensation
of Providence, its splendour was renovated, and its foundations
rebuilt, by an adventurer of the same race from which the Agni-
kulas were originally converts, though Saharan the Tak hid his
name and his tribe under his new epithet of Zafar Khan, and as
Muzaffar ascended the throne of Gujarat, which he left to his son.
This son was Ahmad, who founded Ahmadabad, whose most
splendid edifices were built from the ancient cities around it.*
Baghels. — Though the stem of the Solankis was thus uprooted,
yet was it not before many of its branches (Sakha), like their own
indigenous bar-tree, had fixed themselves in other soils. The
most conspicuous of these is the Baghela * family, which gave its
1 Satranjaya. [IGI, xix. 361 ff.]
^ In 1822 I made a journey to explore the remains of antiquity in Sau-
rashtra. I discovered a ruined suburb of the ancient Patan stil] bearing the
name of Anhilwara, the Nahrwara, which D'Anville had "fort a cceur de
retrouver." I meditate a separate account of this kingdom, and the
dynasties which governed it.
* [Zafar Khan, son of Saharan of the Tank tribe of Rajputs, embraced
Islam, and became viceroy of Gujarat. According to Ferishta, he threw
off his allegiance to Delhi in 1396, or rather maintained a nominal allegiance
till 1403. Ahmad was grandson, not son, of Muzaffar. (Ferishta iv. 2 f. ;
Bayley, Dynasties of Gujarat, 67 ff. ; BG, i. Part i. 232 f.).]
* The name of this subdivision is from Bagh Rao, the son of Siddharaja ;
though the bards have another tradition for its origin. [They take their
name from the village Vaghela near Anhilwara {BG, i. Part i. 198).]
THE CHALUKYAS AND PARIHARAS 119
name to an entire division of Hindustan ; and Bagtielkhand lias
now been ruled for many centuries by the descendants of Siddha-
raja.
Besides Bandhugarh, tliere are minor cliieftainsliips still in
Gujarat of the Baghela tribe. Of these, Pethapur and Tharad
are the most conspicuous. One of the chieftains of the second
class in Mewar is a Solanki, and traces his line immediately from
Siddharaja : this is the chief of Rupnagar,^ whose stronghold com-
mands one of the passes leading to Marwar, and whose family
annals would furnish a fine picture of the state of border-feuds.
Few of them, till of late years, have died natural deaths.
The Solanki is divided into sixteen branches [100].
1. Baghela — Raja of Baghelkhand (capital Bandhugarh),
Raos of Pitapur, Tharad, and Adalaj, etc.
2. Birpura — Rao of Lunawara.
3. Bahala — Kalyanpur in Mewar, styled Rao, but serving
the chief of Salumbar.
' ^ , ^ , oil" Baru, Tekra, and Chahir, in Jaisalmer.
5. Kalacha ^ J
6. Langaha — ^Muslims about Multan.
7. Togra— -Muslims in the Panjnad.
8. Brika — ,, „
9. Surki — In Deccan.
10. Sarwaria ' — Girnar in Saurashtra.
11. Raka — Toda in Jaipur.
12. Ranakia — Desuri in Mewar.
13. Kharara — Alota and Jawara, in Malwa.
14. Tantia — Chandbhar Sakanbari.*
15. Almecha — No land.
16. Kalamor — Gujarat.^
Pratihara or Parihara. — Of this, the last and least of _the
^ I knew this chieftain well, and a very good specimen he is of the race.
He is in possession of the famous war-shell of Jai Singh, which is an heirloom.
^ Famous robbers in the deserts, known as the Malduts.
' Celebrated in traditional history.
* Desperate robbers. I saw this place fired and levelled in 1807, when
the noted Karim Pindari was made prisoner by Sindhia. It afterwards
cost some British blood in 1817.
* [For another list see Census Report, Eajputana, 1911, i. 256.]
120 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
Agnikulas, we have not much to say. The Pariharas never
acted a conspicuous part in the history of Rajasthan. They are
always discovered in a subordinate capacity, acting in feudal
subjection to the Tuars of Delhi or the Chauhans of Aimer ; and
the brightest page of their history is the record of an abortive
attemi^t of Nahar Rao to maintain his independence against
Prithwiraja. Though a failure, it has immortalized his name,
and given to the scene of action,^ one of the passes of the Aravalli,
a merited celebrity. Mandor ^ (classically Maddodara) was the
capital of the Parihars, and was the chief city of Marwar which
owned the sway of this tribe prior to the invasion and settlement
of the Rathors. It is placed five miles northward of the modern
[101] Jodhpur, and preserves some specimens of the ancient Pali
character, fragments of sculpture and Jain temples.
The Rathor emigrant princes of Kanauj found an asylum with
the Parihars. They repaid it by treachery, and Chonda, a name
celebrated in the Rathor annals, dispossessed the last of the
Parihars, and pitched the flag of the Rathors on the battlements
of Mandor. The power of the Parihars had, however, been much
reduced previously by the princes of Mewar, who not only ab-
stracted much territory from them, but assumed the title of its
princes— Rana.^
The Parihara is scattered over Rajasthan, but I am unaware
of the existence of any independent chieftainship there. At the
confluence of the Kuhari, the Sind, and the Chambal, there is a
colony of this race, which has given its name to a commune of
twenty-four villages, besides hamlets, situated amidst the ravines
of these streams. They were nominally subjects of Sindhia ;
but it was deemed requisite for the line of defence along the
Chambal that it should be included within the British demarca-
tion, by which we incorporated with our rule the most notorious
body of thieves in the annals of Thug history.
The Parihars had twelve subdivisions, of which the chief were
^ Though now desolate, the walls of this fortress attest its antiquity,
and it is a work that could not be undertaken in this degenerate age. The
remains of it bring to mind those of Volterra or Cortona, and other ancient
cities of Tuscany : enormous squared masses of stone without any cement.
[For a full account of Mandor, see Ersldne iii. ^.196 ff.]
* This Avas in the thirteenth century [a.d. 1381], whc:i Mandor was cap-
tured, and its prince slain, by the Rawal of Chitor.
THE CHAWARAS OR CHAURAS 121
the Indha and Sindhal : a few of both are still to be found about
the banks of the Luni.^
Chawara or Chaura. — This tribe was once renowned in the
history of India, though its name is now scarcely kno\^Ti, or only
in the chronicles of the bard. Of its origin we are in ignorance.
It belongs neither to the Solar nor Lunar race, and consequently
v/e iTiay presume it to be of Scythic origin.^ The name is un-
known in Hindustan, and is confined, with many others originat-
ing from beyond the Indus, to the peninsula of Saurashtra. If
foreign to India proper, its establishment must have been at a
remote period, as we find individuals of it intermarrying with the
Suryavansa ancestry of the present princes of Mewar, when this
family were the lords of Valabhi.
The capital of the Chawaras was the insular Deobandar, on
the coast of Saurashtra, and the celebrated temple of Sonmath,
with many others on this coast, dedicated to Balnath, or the sun,
is attributed to this tribe of the Sauras,* or [102] worshippers of
the sun ; most probably the generic name of the tribe as well as
of the peninsula.*
By a natural catastrophe, or as the Hindu superstitious
chroniclers will have it, as a punishment for the piracies of the
prince of Deo, the element whose privilege he abused rose and
overwhelmed his capital. As all this coast is very low, such an
occurrence is not improbable ; though the abandonment of Deo
might have been compelled by the irruptions of the Arabians,
who at this period carried on a trade with these parts, and the
plunder of some of their vessels may have brought this punisli-
meut on the Chawaras. That it was owing to some such political
^ [Six sub-clans are named in Census Report, Bajputana, 1911, i. 255.]
" [They have been supposed to be a branch of the Pramars, but they arc
certainly of Gurjara origin {IA,\y. 145 f. ; BG,i^. Parti. 124, 488 f. ; i. Parti.
149 ff.). According to Wilberforce-Bell, the word Chaura in Gujarat means
' robber ' {History of Katliiawad, 51).]
' The "ZvpoL of the Greek writers on Bactria, the boundary of the Bactrian
kingdom under ApoUodotus. On this see the paper on Grecian medals in
the Transactions of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. i.
* Many of the inhabitants of the south and west of India cannot pro-
nounce the ch, and invariably substitute the s. Thus the noted Pindari
leader Chitu was always called Situ by the Deccanis. Again, with many
of the tribes of the desert, the s is alike a stumbHng-block, which causes
many singular mistakes, when Jaisalmer, the ' hill of Jaisal,' becomes
Jahlmer, ' the hiU of fools.'
122 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
catastrophe, we have additional gxounds for beh'ef from the annals
of Mewar, which state that its princes inducted the Chawaras into
the seats of the power they abandoned on the continent and penin-
sula of Saurashtra.
At all events, the prince of Deo laid the foundation of Anhil-
wara Patan in S. 802 (a.d. 74.6), which henceforth became the
capital city of this portion of India, in lieu of Valabhipura, which
gave the title of Balakaraes to its princes, the Balhara of the
earlier Arabian travellers, and following them, the geographers
of Europe. "^
Vana Raja (or, in the dialects, Banraj) was this founder, and
his dynasty ruled for one hundred and eighty-four years, when,
as related in the sketch of the Solanki tribe, Bhojraj, the seventh
from the founder, was deposed by his nephew.^ It was during
this dynasty that the Arabian travellers ^ visited this court, of
which they have left but a confused picture. We are not, how-
ever, altogether in darkness regarding the Chawara race, as in
the Khuman Raesa, one of the chronicles of Mewar, mention
is made of the auxiliaries under a leader named Chatansi, in
the defence of Chitor against the first attack on record of the
Muhammadans .
When Mahmud of Ghazni invaded Saurashtra and captured
its capital, Anhilwara, he deposed its jDrince, and placed upon the
throne, according to Ferishta, a prince of the former dynasty,
renowned for his ancient line and purity of blood, and who is
styled Dabichalima ; a name which has jiuzzled all European
commentators. Now the Dabhi was a celebrated tribe, said by
some to be a branch of the [103] Chawara, and this therefore may
be a compound of Dabhi Chawara, or the Chaurasima, by some
called a branch of the ancient Yadus.*
^ [The Balhara of Arab travellers of the tenth century were the Rash-
trakuta dynasty of Malkhed, Balhara teing a corruption of Vallabha-
raja, Vallabha being the royal title {BG, i. Part ii. 209).]
^ [Vanaraja reigned from a.d. 765 to 780, and the dynasty is said to have
lasted 196 years, but the evidence is still incomplete. The name of Bhojraj
does not appear in the most recent lists [BG, i. Part i. 152 ff.).]
^ Relations anciennes des Voyageurs, par Renaudot.
* [The true form of this puzzling term seems to be Dabshalim, whose
story is told in EUiot-Dowson (ii. 500 ff., iv. 183). Much of the account is
mere tradition, but it has been plausibly suggested that when Bhima I., the
Chaulukya king of Anhilwara was defeated by Mahmud of Ghazni in a.d.
THE TAKS or TAKSHAKS 123
This ancient connexion between the Surya\ansi cliiefs and the
Chawaras, or Sauras, of Saurashtra, is still maintained after a
lapse of more than one thousand years ; for although an alliance
with the Rana's family is deemed the highest honour that a Hindu
prince can obtain, as being the first in rank in Rajasthan, yet is
the humble Chawara sought out, even at the foot of fortune's
ladder, whence to carry on the blood of Rama. The present
heir-apparent of a line of ' one hundred kings,' the prince Jawan
Singh [1828-38], is the offspring of a Chawara mother, the daughter
of a petty chieftain of Gujarat.
It were vain to give any account of the present stale of the
families bearing this name. They must depend upon the fame
of past days ; to this we leave them.
Tak or Takshak. — Takshak appears to be the generic term of
the race from which the various Scythic tribes, the early invaders
of India, branched off. It appears of more ancient application
than Getae, which was the parent of innumerable sakha. It
might not be judicious to separate them, though it would be
speculative to say which was the primitive title of the races called
Scythic, after their country, Sakatai or Sakadwipa, the land of
the great Getae.
Abulghazi makes Taunak^ the son of Turk or Targetai, who
appears to be the Turushka of the Puranas, the Tukyuks of the
Chinese historians, the nomadic Tokhari of Strabo, who aided to
overturn the Greek kingdom of Bactria, and gave their name to
1024, the latter may have appointed Durlabha, uncle of Bhima, to keep
order in Gujarat, and that the two Dabshalims may be identified with
Durlabha and his son [BG, i. Part i. 168). Also see Ferishta i. 76 ; Bayley,
Muhammadan Dynasties of Gujarat, 32 ff.]
^ Abulghazi [Hist, of the Turks, Moguls, and Tartars, 1730, i. 5 f .] says,
when Noah left the ark he divided the earth amongst his three sons : Shem
had Iran : Japhet, the country of ' Kuttup Shamach,' the name of the
regions between the Caspian Sea and India. There he Hved two hundred
and fifty years. He left eight sons, of whom Turk was the elder and the
seventh Camari, supposed the Gomer of Scripture. Turk had four sons ;
the eldest of whom was Taunak, the fourth from whom was Mogul, a cor-
ruption of Mongol, signifying sad, whose successors made the Jaxartes their
winter abode. [The word means ' brave ' (Howorth, Hist, of the Mongols,
i. 27).] Under his reign no trace of the true rehgion remained : idolatry
reigned everywhere. Aghuz Khan succeeded. The ancient Cimbri, who
went west with Odin's horde of Jats, Chattis, and Su , were probably the tribes
descended from Camari, the son of Turk.
124 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
the grand division of Asia, Tokharistan ^ or Turkistan : and there
is every appearance of that singular race, tlie Tajik,* still
scattered over these [104] regions, and whose history appears a
mystery, being the descendants of the Takshak.
It has been already observed, that ancient inscriptions in t)ie
Pali or Buddhist character have been discovered in various parts
of Rajasthan, of the race called Tasta, Takshak, and Tak, relating
to the tribes, the Mori [or Maurya], Pramara, their descendants.
Naga and Takshak are synonymous appellations in Sanskrit for
the snake, and the Takshak is the celebrated Nagvansa of the
early heroic history of India. The Mahabharata describes^ in its
usual allegorical style, the wars between the Pandavas of Indra-
prastha and the Takshaks of the north. The assassination of
Parikshita by the Takshak, and the exterminating warfare carried
on against them by his son and successor, Janamejaya, who at
last compelled them to sign tributary engagements, divested of
its allegory,' is plain historical fact.
^ Tacash continued to be a proper name with the great Khans of
Kharizm (Chorasmia) until they adopted the faith of Muhammad. The
father of Jala], the foe of Jenghiz Khan, was named Tacash. Tashkent on
the .Jaxartes, the cajDital of Turkistan, may be derived from the name of the
race. Bayer says, " Tocharistan was the region of the Tochari, who were
• the ancient Tijxapoi (Tochari), or Taxcipot(TachaA'oi)." Amraianus Marcellinus
says, " many nations obey the Bactrians, whom the Tochari surjoass "
(Hist. Beg. Bad. p. 7).
^ This singular race, the Tajiks, are repeatedly mentioned by Mr. Elpliin-
stone in his admirable account of the kingdom of Kabul. They are also
particularly noticed as monopoHsing the commercial transactions of the
kingdom of Bokhara, in that interesting work. Voyage (TOrenbourg a Bokhara,
the map accompanying whicli, for the first time, lays down authentically the
sources and course of the Oxus and Jaxartes. [The term Tajik means the
settled population, as opposed to the Turks or tent-dM'ellers. It is the same
word as Tazi, ' Arab,' still surviving in the name of the Persian greyhound,
which was apparently introduced by the Arabs. Sykes (Hist, of Persia, ii.
153, note) and Skrine-Ross {The Heart of Asia, 3, 364 note) state that the
Tajiks represent the Iranian branch of the Aryans.]
3 The Mahabharata describes this warfare against the snakes literally :
of which, in one attack, he seized and made a burnt-oft'ering (hom) of twenty
thousand. It is surprising that the Hindu will accept these things hterally.
It might be said he had but a choice of difficulties, and that it would be as
impossible for any human being to make the barbarous sacrifice of twenty
thousand of his species, as it would be difficult to find twenty thousand
snakes for the purpose. The author's knowledge of what barbarity will
inflict leaves the fact of the human sacrifice, though not perhaps to this
extent, not even improbable. In 1811 his duties called him to a survey
THE TAKS OR TAKSHAKS 125
When Alexander invaded India, he found the Paraitakai, the
mountain (pahar) Tak, inhabiting the Paropamisos range ; nor
is it by any means unlikely that Taxiles,^ the ally of the Mace-
donian king, was the chief (es) of the Taks ; and in the early
history of the Bhatti princes of Jaisalmer, when driven from
Zabulistan, they dispossessed the Taks on the Indus, and estab-
lished themselves in their land, the capital of which was called
Salivahanpura ; and as the date of this event is given as 3008 of
the Yudhishthira era, it is by no means unlikely that Salivahana,
or Salbhan (who was a Takshak), the conqueror of the Tuar
Vikrama, was of the very family dispossessed by the Bhattis,
who compelled them to migrate to the south.
The calculated period of the invasion of the Takshaks, or
. Nagvansa, under Sheshnag, is about six or seven centuries before
the Christian era, at which very [105] period the Scythic invasion
of Egypt and Syria, " by the sons of Togarmah riding on horses "
(the Aswas, or Asi), is alike recorded by tlie prophet Ezekiel and
Diodorus. The Abu Mahatma calls the Takshaks " the sons of
Himachal," all evincing Scythic descent ; and it was only eight
reigns anterior to this change in the Lunar dynasties of India,
that Parsvanath, the twenty-third Buddha [Jain Tirthankara],
introduced his tenets into India, and fixed his abode in the holy
mount Sarnet.^
amidst the ravines of the Chambal, the tract called Gujargarh, a district
inhabited by the Gujar tribe. Turbulent and independent, like the sons of
Esau, their hand against every man and every man's hand against them,
their nominal prince, SurajmaU, the Jat chief of Bharatpur, pursued exactlj'
the same plan towards the population of these villages, whom they captured
in a night attack, that Janamejaya did to the Takshaks : he threw them
into pits with combustibles, and actually thus consumed them ! This
occurred not three-quarters of a century ago.
^ Arrian says that his name was Omphis [Ambhi], and that his father
dying at this time, he did homage to Alexander, who invested him with the
title and estates of his father Taxiles. Hence, perhaps (from Tak), the name
of the Indus, Attak ; [?] not Atak, or ' forbidden,' according to modern
signification, and which has only been given since the Muhammadan religion
for a time made it the boundary between the two faiths. [All these specu-
lations are valueless.]
2 In Bihar, during the reign of Pradyota, the successor of Ripunjaya.
Parsva's symbol is the serpent of Takshak. His doctrines spread to the
remotest parts of India, and the princes of Valabhipura of Ma'ndor and
Anhilwara all held to the tenets of Buddha. [As usual, Jains are con-
founded with Buddhists. There is no reason to beheve that the Nagas, a
serpent-wor.shipping tribe, were not indigenous in India.]
126 HISTORY OP THE RAJPUT TRIBES
Enough of the ancient history of the Tak ; we wiU now descend
to more modern times, on which we shall be brief. We have
already mentioned the Takshak Mori [or Maurya] as being lords
of Chitor from a very early period ; and but a few generations
after the Guhilots supplanted the Moris, this palladium of Hindu
liberty was assailed by the arms of Islam. We find amongst the
numerous defenders who appear to have considered the cause of
Chitor their own, " the Tak from Asirgarh." ^ This race appears to
liave retained possession of Asir for at least two centuries after this
event, as its chieftain was one of the most conspicuous leaders in
the array of Prithwiraja. In the poems of Chand he is called the
" standard-bearer, Tak of Asir." ^
This ancient race, the foe of Janamejaya and the friend of
Alexander, closed its career in a blaze of splendour. The celeb-,
rity of the kings of Gujarat will make amends for the obscurity
of the Taks of modern times, of whom a dynasty of fourteen kings
followed each other in succession, commencing and ending with
the proud title of Muzaffar. It was in the reign of Muhammad,^
son of the first Tughlak, that an accident to his nephew Firoz
proved the dawn of the fortunes of the Tak ; purchased, however,
with the change of name and religion. Saharan the Tak was the
lirst apostate of his line, who, under the name of Wajihu-1-mulk,
concealed both his origin and tribe. His son, Zafar Khan, was
raised by his patron Firoz to the government of Gujarat, about the
period when Timur invaded India. Zafar availed himself of the
weakness of his master and the distraction of the times, and
mounted the throne of Gujarat under the name of [106] Muzaffar.*
He was assassinated by the hand of his grandson, Ahmad, who
changed the ancient capital, Anhilwara, for the city founded by
himself, and called Ahmadabad, one of the most splendid in the
east. With the apostasy of the Tak,^ the name appears to have
^ Tliis is the celebrated fortress in Khandesh, now in the possession of the
British.
2 In the list of the wounded at the battle of Kanauj he is mentioned by
name, as " Chatto the Tak." ^ He reigned from a.d. 1324 to 1351.
* 'The victorious' [see p. 118 above].
'' Tlie Miratu-l-Sikandari gives the ancestry of the apostate for twenty-
three generations ; the last of whom was Sesh, the same which introduced
the Nagvansa, seven centuries before the Christian era, into India. The
author of the work gives the origin of the name of Tak, or Tank, frojn tarka,
' expulsion,' from his caste, which he styles Khatri, evincing his ignorance of
this ancient race.
THE JATS 127
been obliterated from the tribes of Rajasthan ; nor has my
search ever discovered one of this name now existing.
Jat, Jat. — In all the ancient catalogues of the thirty-six royal
races of India the Jat has a place, though by none is he ever
styled ' Rajput ' ; nor am I aware of any instance of a Rajput's
intermarriage with a Jat.^ It is a name widely disseminated
over India, though it does not now occupy a very elevated place
amongst the inhabitants, belonging chiefly to the agricultural
classes.
In the Panjab they still retain their ancient name of Jat. On
the Jumna and Ganges they are styled Jats, of whom the chief
of Bharatpur is the most conspicuous. On the Indus and in
Saurashtra they are termed Jats. The greater portion of tlie
husbandmen in Rajasthan are Jats ; and there are numerous
tribes beyond the Indus, now proselytes to the Muhammadan
religion, who derive their origin from this class.
Of its ancient history sufficient has been already said. We
will merely add, that the kingdom of the great Getae, whose
capital was on the Jaxartes, preserved its integrity and name
from the period of Cyrus to the fourteenth century, when it was
converted from idolatry to the faith of Islam. Herodotus [iv.
93-4] informs us that the Getae were theists and held the tenet
of the soul's immortality ; and De Guignes,^ from Chinese authori-
ties, asserts that at a very early period they had embraced the
religion of Fo or Buddha.
The traditions of the Jats claim the regions west of the Indus
as the cradle of the race, and make them of Yadu extraction ;
thus corroborating the annals of the Yadus, whieli state their
migration from Zabulistan, and almost inducing us to [107] dis-
pense with the descent of this tribe from Krishna, and to pro-
1 [Thougli apparently there is no legal connubium between Jats and
Rajputs, the two tribes are closely connected, and it has been suggested
that both had their origin in invaders from Central Asia, the leaders becoming
Rajputs, the lower orders Jat peasants. The author, at the close of Vol. II.,
gives an inscription recording the marriage of a Jat with a Yadava princess.]
^ " The superiority of the Chinese over the Turks caused the great Khan
to turn his arms against the Nomadic Getae of Mawaru-l-nahr (Transoxiana),
descended fi-om the Yueh-chi, and bred on the Jihun or Oxus, whence they
had extended themselves along the Indus and even Ganges, and are there
yet found. These Getae had embraced the religion of Fo " {Hist. Gen.
des Huns, tom. i. p. 375).
128 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
nounee it an important colony of the Yueh-chi, Yuti, or Jats.
Of the first migration from Central Asia of this race within the
Indus we have no record ; it might have been simultaneous with
the Takshak, from the wars of Cyrus or his ancestors.
It has been already remarked that the Jat divided with the
Takshak the claim of being the parent name of the various tribes
called Scythic, invaders of India ; and there is now before the
author an inscription of the fifth century applying both epithets
to the same prince/ who is invested moreover with the Scythic
quality of worshipping the sun. It states, likewise, that the
mother of this Jat prince was of Yadu race : strengthening their
claims to a niche amongst the thirty-six Rajkulas, as well as their
Yadu descent.
The fifth century of the Christian era, to which this inscription
belongs, is a period of interest in Jat history. De Guignes, from
original authorities, states the Yueh-chi or Jats to have estab-
lished themselves in the Panjab in the fifth and sixth centuries,
and the inscription now quoted applies to a prince whose capital
is styled Salindrapura in these regions ; and doubtless the Saliva-
hanpur ^ where the Yadu Bhattis established themselves on the
expulsion of the Tak.
'^ " To my foe, salutation ! This foe how shall I describe ? Of the race
of Jat Kathida, whose ancestor, the warrior Takshak, formed the garland
on the neck of Mahadeva." Though this is a figurative allusion to the snake
necklace of the father of creation, yet it evidently pointed to the Jat's
descent from the Takshak. But enough has been said elsewhere of the
snake race, the parent of the Scythic tribes, which the divine Milton seems
to have taken from Diodorus's account of the mother of the Scythae :
" Woman to the waist, and fair ;
But ended foul in many a scaly fold ! "
Paradise Lost, Book ii. 650 f.
Whether the Jat Kathida is the Jat or Getae of Cathay {da being the mark
of the genitive case) we will leav^e to conjecture [?]. [Ney Ehas {History
of the Moghuls of Central Asia, 75) suggests that the theory of the connexion
between Jats and Getae was largely based on an error regarding the term
jatah, ' rascal,' apphed as a mark of reproach to the Moguls by the
Chagatai.]
^ This place existed in the twelfth century as a capital ; since an in-
scription of Kamarpal, prince of Anhilwara, declares that this monarch
carried his conquests " even to Salpur." There is Sialkot in Rennell's
geography, and Wilford mentions " Sangala, a famous city in ruins, sixty
miles west by north of Lahore, situated in a forest, and said to be built by
Piiru.'
THE JATS 129
How much earlier than this the Jat penetrated into Rajasthan
must be left to more ancient inscriptions to determine : suffice
it that in a.d. 440 we find him in power. ^
When the Yadu was expelled from Salivahanpura, and forced
to seek refuge [108] across the Sutlej among the Dahia and Johya
Rajputs of the Indian desiert, where they founded their first
capital, Derawar, many from compulsion embraced the Muham-
madan faith ; on which occasion they assumed the name of Jat,^
of which at least twenty different offsets are enumerated in the
Yadu chronicles.
That the Jats continued as a powerful community on the east
bank of the Indus and in the Panjab, fully five centuries after
the period our inscription and their annals illustrate, we have the
most interesting records in the history of Mahmud, the conqueror
of India, whose progress they checked in a manner unprecedented
in the annals of continental warfare. It was in 416 of the Hegira
(a.d. 1026) that Mahmud marched an army against the Jats, who
had harassed and insulted him on the return from his last expedi-
tion against Saurashtra. The interest of the account authorizes
its being given from the original.
" The Jats inhabited the country on the borders of Multan,
along the river that runs by the mountains of Jud.* When
Mahmud reached Multan, finding the Jat country defended by
great rivers, he built fifteen hundred boats,* each armed with six
iron spikes projecting from their prows, to prevent their being
i At this time (a.d. 449) the Jut brothers, Hengist and Horsa, led a
colony from Jutland and founded the kingdom of Kent {qu. Kantha, ' a
coast,' in Sanskrit, as m Gothic Konta ?). The laws they there introduced,
more especially the still prevailing one of gavelkind, where all the sons share
equally, except the youngest who has a double portion, are purely Scythic,
and brought by the original Goth from the Jaxartes. Alaric had finished
his career, and Theodoric and Genseric {ric, ' king,' in Sanskrit [?]) were
carrying their arms into Spain and Africa. [These speculations are valueless.]
2 Why should these proselytes, if originally Yadu, assume the name of
Jat or Jat ? It must be either that the Yadus were themselves the Scythic
Yuti or Yueh-chi, or that the branches intermarried with the Jats, and'
consequently became degraded as Yadus, and the mixed issue bore the name
of the mother.
^ The Jadu ka Dang, ' or hills of Yadu,' mentioned in the sketch of this
race as one of their intermediate points of halt when they were driven from
India after the Mahabharata.
* Near the spot where Alexander built his fleet, which navigated to
Babylon thirteen hundred years before.
VOL. I K
130 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
boarded by the enemy, expert in this kind of warfare. In each
boat he placed twenty archers, and some with fire-balls of naphtha
to burn the Jat fleet. The monarch having determined on their
extirpation, awaited the result at Multan. The Jats sent their
wives, children, and effects to Sind Sagar,^ and laimched four
thousand, or, as others say, eight thousand boats well armed to
meet the Ghaznians. A terrible conflict ensued, but the project-
ing spikes sunk the Jat boats while others were set on fire. Few
escaped from this scene of terror ; and those who did, met with
the more severe fate of capti\'ity." ^
Many doubtless did escape ; and it is most probable that the
Jat communities, on whose overthrow the State of Bikaner was
founded, were remnants of this very warfare [109].
Not long after this event the original empire of the Getae was
overturned, when many fugitives found a refuge in India. In
1360 Togultash Timur was the great Khan of the Getae nation ;
idolaters even to this period. He had conquered Khorasan,.
invaded Transoxiana (whose prince fled, but whose nephew.
Amir Timur, averted its subjugation), gained the friendship of
Togultash, and commanded a hundred thousand Getae warriors.
In 1369, when the Getic Klian died, such was the ascendancy
obtained by Timur over his subjects, that the Kuriltai, or general
assembly, transferred the title of Grand Khan from the Getic to
the Chagatai Timur. In 1370 he married a Getic princess, and
added Khokhand and Samarkand to his patrimony, Transoxiana.
Rebellions and massacres almost depopulated this nursery of
mankind, ere the Getae abandoned their independence ; nor was
it tUl 1388, after six invasions, in which he burnt their towns,
brought away their wealth, and almost annihilated the nation,
that he felt himself secure.*
^ Translated by Dow, ' an island.' Sind Sagar is one of the Duabas of
the Panjab. I have compared Dew's translation of the earlier portion of
the history of Ferishta with the original, and it is infinitely more faithful
than the world gives him credit for. His errors are most considerable in
numerals and in weights and measures ; and it is owing to this that he has
made the captured wealth of India appear so incredible.
^ Ferishta vol. i. [The translation in the text is an abstract of that of
Dow (i. 72). That of Briggs (i. 81 f.) is more accurate. In neither version
is there any mention of the Sind Sagar. Rose (Glossary, ii. 359) discredits
the account of this naval engagement, and expresses a doubt whether the
Jats at this period occupied Jud or the Salt Ranges.]
^ [By the ' Getae ' of the text the author apparently means Mongols.]
THE JATS, HUNS 131
In his expedition into India, having overrun great part of
Europe, " taken Moscow, and slain the soldiers of the barbarous
Urus/' he encountered his old foes " the Getae, who inhabited
the plains of Tohim, where he put two thousand to the syord,
pursuing them into the desert and slaughtering many more near
the Ghaggar." -^
Still the Jat maintained himself in the Panjab, and the most
powerful and independent prince of India at this day is the Jat
prince of Lahore, holding dominion over the identical regions
where the Yueh-chi colonized in the fifth century, and where the
Yadus, driven from Ghazni, established themselves on the ruins
of the Taks. The Jat cavalier retains a portion of his Scythic
manners, and preserves the use of the chakra or discus, the weapon
of the Yadu Krishna in the remote age of the Bharat.
Hun or Hiin. — Amongst the Scythic tribes who have secured
for themselves a niche with the thirty-six races of India, is the
Hun. At what period this race, so well known by its ravages
and settlement in Europe, invaded India, we know not.^ Doubt-
less it was in the society of many others yet found in the peninsula
of [110] Saurashtra, as the Kathi, the Bala, the Makwana, etc.
It is, however, confined to the genealogies of that peninsula ; for
although we have mention of the Hun in the chronicles and in-
scriptions of India at a very early period, he failed to obtain a
place in the catalogue of the northern bards.
The earliest notice of the tribe is in an inscription ^ recording
the power of a prince of Bihar, who, amidst his other conquests,
" humbled the pride of the Hiins." In the annals of the early
history of Mewar, in the catalogue of princes who made common
cause with this the chief of all the Rajputs, when Chitor was
assailed in the first irruption of the Muhammadans, was Angatsi,
^ Abulghazi vol. ii. chap. 16. After his battle with Sultan Mahmud of
Delhi, Timur gave orders, to use the word of his historian, " for the slaughter
of a hundred thousand infidel slaves. The great mosque was fired, and the
souls of the infidels were sent to the abj^ss of hell. Towers were erected of
their heads, and their bodies were thrown as food to the beasts and birds of
prey. At Mairta the infidel Guebres were flayed alive." This was by order
of Tamerlane, to whom the dramatic historians of Europe assign every great
and good quaUty !
2 [The first Hun invasion occurred in 455 a.d., and about 500 they over-
threw the Gupta Empire (Smith, EHI, 309, 316).]
' Asiatic Researches, vol. i. p. 136.
132 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
lord of the Huns, who led his quota on this occasion. De Guignes i
describes Angat as being the name of a considerable horde of
Huns or Moguls ; and Abulghazi says that the Tartar tribe who
guarded the great wall of China were termed Angatti, who had
a distinct prince with high pay and honour. The countries in-
habited by the Hiong-nou and the Ou-huon, the Turks and Moguls,
called ' Tatar ' from Tatan,^ the name of the country from the
banks of the Irtish along the mountains of Altai to the shores of
the Yellow Sea, are described at large by the historian of the
Huns ; following whom and other original sources, the historian
of the Fall of Rome has given great interest to his narrative of
their march into Europe. But those who are desirous to learn
all that relates to the past history and manners of this people,
must consult that monument of erudition and research, the
Geography of Malte-Brun.*
D'Anville,* quoting Cosmas the traveller, informs us that the
White Huns (X^vkoI Oi'i'i'ot) * occupied the north of India ; and it
is most probable a colony of these found their way into Saur-
ashtra and Mewar,
It is on the eastern bank of the Chambal, at the ancient Barolh,
that tradition assigns a residence to the Hun ; and one of the
' celebrated temples at that place, called the Singar Chaori, is the
marriage hall of the Hun prince, who is also declared to have been
possessed of a lordship on the opposite bank, occupying the [111]
site of the present town of Bhainsror. In the twelfth century
the Hun must have possessed consequence, to occupy the place
he holds in the chronicle of the princes of Gujarat. The race is
not extinct. One of the most intelligent of the living bards of
India assured the author of their existence ; and in a tour where
he accompanied him, redeemed his pledge, by pointing out the
^ Hist. Gen. des Huns, torn. iii. p. 238.
2 [The name Tatar is derived from that of the Ta-ta Mongols {EB, xxvi.
448).]
^ Precis de Geographie universelle. Malte-Brun traces a connexion
between the Hungarians and the Scandinavians, from similarity of language :
" A ces sieclcs primitifs ou les Huns, les Goths, les Jotes, les Ases, et bieh
d'autres peuples etaient reunis autour des anciens autels d'Odin." Several
of the words which he affords us are Sanskrit in origin. Vol. vi. p. 370.
* Eclair cissemens Geographiques sur la Carte de VInde, p. 43 [Smith,
EHI, 315 ff.].
^ An orthography which more assimilates with the Hindu pronunciation
of tlie name Huon, or Oun, than Hun.
THE JATS, KATHIS 133
residence of some in a village on the estuary of the Mahi, though
degraded and mixed with other classes.^
We may infer that few convulsions occurred in Central Asia,
which drove forth these hordes of redundant population to seek
subsistence in Europe, without India participating in such over-
flow. The only singular circumstance is, by what means they
came to be recognized as Hindus, even though of the lowest class.
Sudra we cannot term them ; for although the Kathi and the
Bala cannot be regarded as, or classed with Rajputs, they would
scorn the rank of Sudra.
Kathi. — Of the ancient notices of this people much has been
already said, and all the genealogists, both of Rajasthan and
Saurashtra, concur in assigning it a place amongst the royal races
of India. It is one of the most important tribes of the western
peninsula, and which has effected the change of the name from
Saurashtra to Kathiawar.
Of all its inhabitants the Kathi retains most originality : his
religion, his manners, and his looks, all are decidedly Scythic. He
occupied, in the time of Alexander, that nook of the Panjab near
the confluent five streams. It was against these Alexander
marched in person, when he nearly lost his life, and where he left
such a signal memorial of his vengeance. The Kathi can be
traced from these scenes to his present haunts. In the earlier
portion of the Annals of Jaisalmer mention is made of their con-
flicts with the Kathi ; and their own traditions ^ fix their settle-
ment in the peninsula from the south-eastern part of the valley
of the Indus, about the eighth century.
In the twelfth century the Kathi were conspicuous in the wars
with Prithwiraja, there being several leaders of the tribe attached
^ The same bard says that there are three or four houses of these Huns
at Trisawi, three coss from Baroda ; and the Khichi bard, Moghji, says their
traditions record the existence of many powerful Hun princes in India.
[On the Huns in W. India see BG, i. Part i. 122 ff. The difficulty in the text
is now removed by the proof that many of them became Rajputs.]
- The late Captain Macmurdo, whose death was a loss to the service and
to literature, gives an animated account of the habits of the Kathi. His
opinions coincide entirely with my own regarding this race. See vol. i. p.
270, Trans. Soc. of Bombay. [For accounts of the Kathi see BG, ix. Part i.
252 ft'., viii. 122 ff. Under the Mahrattas Kathiawar, the name of the
Kathi tract, was extended to the whole of Saurashtra (Wilberforce-Bell,
Hist, of Kathiawad, 132 f.).]
134 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
to his army, as well as to that of [112] his rival, the monarch of
Kanauj.^ Though on this occasion they acted in some degree of
subservience to the monarch of Anhilwara, it would seem that
this was more voluntary than forced.
The Kathi still adores the sun,^ scorns the peaceful arts, and
is much less contented with the tranquil subsistence of industry
than the precarious earnings of his former predatory pursuits.
The Kathi was never happy but on horseback, collecting his
blackmail, lance in hand, from friend and foe.
We will conclude this brief sketch with Captain Macmurdo's
character of this race, " The Kathi differs in some respects from
the Rajput. He is more cruel in his disposition, but far exceeds
him in the virtue of bravery ; ^ and a character possessed of more
energy than a Kathi does not exist. His size is considerably
larger than common, often exceeding six feet. He is sometimes
seen with light hair and blue-coloured eyes. His frame is athletic
and bony, and particularly well adapted to his mode of life. His
countenance is expressive, but of the worst kind, being harsh,
and often destitute of a single mild feature." *
Bala. — ^All the genealogists, ancient and modern, insert the
Bala tribe amongst the Rajkulas. The birad, or ' blessing,' of
the bard is Taita Multan ka rao,^ indicative of their original abodes
on the Indus. They lay claim, however, to descent from the
Suryavansi, and maintain that their great ancestor, Bala or Bapa,
was the offspring of Lava, the eldest son of Rama ; that their first
settlement in Saurashtra was at the ancient Dhank, in more
remote periods called Mungi Paithan ; and that, in conquering
the country adjacent, they termed it Balakshetra (their capital
Valabhipura), and assumed the title? of Balarae. Here they
claim identity with the Guliilot race of Mewar : nor is it impos-
^ It is needless to particularise them here. In the poems of Chand, some
books of which I have translated and purpose giving to the pubhc, the
important part the Kathi had assigned to them will appear.
^ [In the form of a symbol like a spider, the rays forming the legs {BO,
ix. Part i. 257).]
* It is the Rajput of Kathiawar, not of Rajasthan, to whom Captain
Macmurdo alludes.
* Of their personal appearance, and the blue eyQ indicative of their
Gothic or Getic origin, the author will have occasion to speak more particu-
larly in his personal narrative.
" ' Princes of Tatta and Multan.'
THE KATHIS, BALAS 135
siblc that they may be a branch of this family, which long held
power in Saurashtra.^ Before the Guhilots adopted the worship
of Mahadeo, which period is indicated in their annals, the chief
object of their adoration was the sun, giving them that Scythic
resemblance to which the Balas have every appearance of claim
[113].
The Balas on the continent of Saurashtra, on the contrary,
assert their origin to be Induvansa, and that they are the Balaka-
putras who were the anciept lords of Aror on the Indus. It
would be presumption to decide between these claims ; but I
would venture to surmise that they might be the offspring of
Salya, one of the princes of the Mahabharata, who founded
Aror.
The Kathis claim descent from the Balas : an additional proof
of northern origin, and strengthening their right to the epithet
of the bards, ' Lords of Multan and Tatta.' The Balas were of
sufficient consequence in the thirteenth century to make incur-
sions on Mewar, and the first exploit of the celebrated Rana Hamir
was his kiUing the Bala chieftain of Chotila.^ The present chief
of Dhank is a Bala, and the tribe yet preserves importance in the
peninsula.
Jhala Makwana. — This tribe also inhabits the Saurashtra
peninsula. It is styled Rajput, though neither classed with the
Solar, Lunar, nor Agnikula races ; but though we cannot directly
prove it, we have every right to assign to it a northern origin.
It is a tribe little known in Hindustan or even Rajasthan, into
which latter country it was introduced entirely through the medium
of the ancient lords of Saurashtra, the present family of Mewar ;
a sanction which covers every defect. A splendid act of self-
devotion of the Jhala chief, when Rana Partap was oppressed
with the whole weight of Akbar's power, obtained, with the
gratitude of this prince, the highest honours he could confer, —
his daughter in marriage, and a seat on his right hand. That it
was the act, and not his rank in the scale of the thirty-six tribes,
which gained him this distinction, we have decided proof in later
times, when it was deemed a mark of great condescension that
the present Rana should sanction a remote branch of his own
^ [The origin of the Balas is not certain : they were probably Gurjaras
(Ibid. 495 £.).]
2 [Chotila in Kathiawar {BG, viii. 407).]
166 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
family bestowing a daughter in marriage on the Jhala ruler of
Kotah.^ This tribe has given its name to one of the largest
divisions of Saurashtra, Jhalawar, which possesses several towns
of importance. Of these Bankaner, Halwad, and Dhrangadra
are the principal.
Regarding the period of the settlement of the Jhalas tradition
is silent, as also on their early history : but the aid of its quota
was given to the Rana against the [114] first attacks of the
Muhammadans ; and in the heroic history of Prithwiraja we
have ample and repeated mention of the Jhala chieftains who
distinguished themselves in his service, as well as in that of his
antagonist, and the name of one of these, as recorded by the bard
Chand, I have seen inscribed on the granite rock of the sacred
Girnar, near their primitive abodes, where we leave them. There
are several subdivisions of the Jhala, of which the Makwana is the
princiijal.
Jethwa, Jaithwa, Kamari. — This is an ancient tribe, and by all
authorities styled Rajput ; though, like the Jhala, little known
out of Saurashtra, to one of the divisions of which it has given
its name, Jethwar. Its present possessions are on the western
coast of the peninsula : the residence of its prince, who is styled
Rana, is Porbandar.
In remote times their capital was Ghumli, whose ruins attest
considerable power, and afford singular scope for analogy, in
architectural device, with the style termed Saxon of Europe,^
The bards of the Jethwas run through a long list of one hundred
and thirty crowned heads, and in the eighth century have chron-
icled the marriage of their prince with the Tuar refounder of Delhi.
At this period the Jethwa bore the name of Kamar ; and Sahl
Kamar is reported to be the prince who was driven from Ghumli,
in the twelfth century, by invaders from the north. With this
change the name of Kamar was sunk, and that of Jethwa assumed,
^ His son, Madho Singh, the present administrator, is the offspring of
the celebrated Zalim and a Ranawat chieftain's daughter, which has entitled
his (Madho Singh's) issue to marry far above their scale in rank. So much
does superiority of blood rise above all worldly considerations with a Rajput,
that although ZaUm Singh held the reins of the richest and best ordered
State of Rajasthan, he deemed his family honoured by his obtaining to wife
for his grandson the daughter of a Kachhwaha minor chieftain.
- [Ghumli in the Barda hills, about 40 miles east of Porbandar (Wilber-
iorce-Bell, Hist, of Kathiawad, 49 f. ; BG, viii. 440).]
THE JETHWAS, GOHILS, SARWAIYAS 137
which has induced the author to style them Kamari ; ^ and as they,
with the other inhabitants of this peninsula, have all the appear-
ance of Scythic descent, urging no pretensions to connexion with
the ancient races of India, they may be a branch of that celebrated
race, the Cimmerii of higher Asia^ and the Cimbri of Europe.
Their legends are as fabulous as fanciful. They trace their
descent from the monkey-god Hanuman, and confirnn it by
alleging the elongation of the spine of their princes, who bear the
epithet of Puncharia, or the 'long-tailed,' Ranas of Saurashtra.
But the manners and traditions of this race will appear more fully
in the narrative of the author's travels amongst them.
Gohil." — This was a distinguished race : it claims to be Surya-
vansi, and with some pretension. The first residence of the
Gohils was Juna Khergarh, near the bend of the Luni in Marwar.'
How long they had been established here we know not. They
took it from one of the aboriginal Bhil chiefs named Kherwa, and
had been in possession of it for twenty generations when expelled
by the [115] Rathors at the end of the twelfth century. Thence
migrating to Saurashtra, they fixed at Piramgarh ; * which being
destroyed, one branch settled at Bhagwa, and the chief inarrying
the daughter of Nandanagar or Nandod,^ he usurped or obtained
his father-in-law's estates ; and twenty-seven generations are
enumerated, from Sompal to Narsingh, the present Raja of
Nandod. Another branch fixed at Sihor, and thence founded
Bhaunagar and Gogha. The former town, on the gulf of the
Mahi, is the residence of the Gohils, who have given their name,
Gohilwar, to the eastern portion of the peninsula of Saurashtra.
The present chief addicts himself to commerce, and possesses
ships which trade to the gold coast of Sofala.
Sarwaiya or Sariaspa. — Of this race tradition has left us only
the knowledge that it once was famous ; for although, in the
catalogues of the bard, it is introduced as the " essence of the
Khatri race," " we have only a few legends regarding its present
^ [The terms Kamar and Kamari seem to have disappeared.]
^ A compound word from goh, ' strength ' ; Ha, ' the earth.' [This is
out of the question : of. Guhilot.]
^ [For Kher, ' the cradle of the Rathors,' see Erskine iii. A. 199.]
* [For the island of Piram in Ahmadabad district see IGI, xx. 149 f., and
for the tradition Wilberforce-Bell, op. cit. 71 f. ; BG, iv. 348, viii. 114.]
* [The ancient Nandapadra in Rajplpla, Bombay (IGI, xviii. 361 ; BG,
i. Part ii. 314).] * Sarwaiya Kliatri tain sar.
138 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
degradation. Its name, as well as this epithet of the bard,
induces a belief that it is a branch of the Aswas, with the prefix
of sar, denoting ' essence,' or priority. But it is useless to specu-
late on a name.
Silar or Salar. — Like the former, we have here but the shade
of a name ; though one which, in all probability, originated the
epithet Larike, by which the Saurashtra peninsula was known to
Ptolemy and the geographers of early Europe. The tribe of Lar
was once famous in Saurashtra, and in the annals of Anhilwara
mention is made of Siddharaja Jayasingha having extirpated
them throughout his dominions. Salar, or Silar, would therefore
be distinctively the Lar.^ Indeed, the author of the Kumarpal
Charitra styles it Rajtilak, or ' regal prince ' ; but the name only
now exists amongst the mercantile classes professing the faith
of Buddha [Jainism] : it is inserted as one of the eighty-four.
Tlie greater portion of these are of Rajput origin.
Dabhi. — Little can be said of this tribe but that it was once
celebrated in Saurashtra. By some it is called the branch of the
Yadu, though all the genealogists give it distinct importance. It
now possesses neither territory nor numbers.^
Gaur. — The Gaur tribe was once respected in. Rajasthan,
though it never there attained to any considerable eminence.
The ancient kings of Bengal were of this race, and gave their
name to the capital, Lakhnauti [116].
We have every reason to believe that they were possessors of
the land afterwards occupied by the Chauhans, as they are styled
in all the old chronicles the ' Gaur of Ajmer.' Repeated mention is
made of them in the wars of Prithwiraja, as leaders of considerable
renown, one of whom formed a small State in the centre of India,
which survived through seven centuries of Mogul domination,
till it at length fell a prey indirectly to the successes of the British
over the Mahrattas, when Sindhia in 1809 annihilated the power
of the Gaur and took possession of his capital, Sheopur.* A
^ Su, as before observed, is a distinctive prefix, meaning ' excellent.'
[The derivation is impossible. Lata was S. Gujarat.]
2 [For the Dabhi tribe, see lA, iii. 69 ff., 193 f. ; Forbes, Rasmdla, 237 f.]
' In 1807 the author passed through this territory, in a soHtary ramble
to explore these parts, then Uttle known ; and though but a young Sub.,
was courteously received and entertained both at Baroda and Sheopur.
In 1809 he again entered the country under very different circumstances,
in the suite of the British envoy with Sjndhia's court, and had the grief to
DORS, GAHARWARS, CHANDELS 139
petty district, yielding about £5000 annually, is all this rapacious
head of a predatory government has left to the Gaur, out of about
twelve lacs of annual revenue. The Gaur has five sakha : Untahar?
Silhala, Tur, Dusena, and Budana.^
Dor or Doda. — We have little to say of this race. Though
occupying a place in aU the genealogies, time has destroyed all
knowledge of the pa'st history of a tribe, to gain a victory over
whom was deemed by Prithwiraja worthy of a tablet.'^
Gaharwar. — The Gaharwar Rajput is scarcely known to his
brethren in Rajasthan, who will not admit his contaminated
blood to mix with theirs ; though, as a brave warrior, he is
entitled to their fellowship. The original country of the Gahar-
war is in the ancient kingdom of Kasi.* Their great ancestor was
Ivhortaj Deva, from whom Jasamida, the seventh in descent, in
consequence of some grand sacrificial rites performed at Vindhya-
vasi, gave the title of Bundela to his issue. Bundela has now
usurped the name of Gaharwar, and become the appellation of
the immense tract which its various branches inhabit in Bundel-
khand, on the ruins of the Chandelas, whose chief cities, Kalanjar,
Mohini, and Mahoba, they took possession of.*
Chandel. — The Chandela, classed by some of the genealogists
amongst the thirty-six tribes, were powerful in the twelfth cen-
tury, possessing the whole of the regions between [117] the Jumna
and Nerbudda, now occupied by the Bundelas and Baghelas.
witness the operations against Sheopur, and its fall, unable to aid his friends.
The Gaur prince had laid aside the martial virtues. He became a zealot in
the worship of Vishnu, left off animal food, was continually dancing before
the image of the god, and was far more conversant in the mystical poetry
of Krishna and his beloved Radha than in the martial song of the bard.
His name was Radhikadas, ' the slave of Radha ' ; and, as far as he is
personally concerned, we might cease to lament that he was the last of his
race.
^ [Only two sub-clans are named in Rajpuiana Census Report, 1911, i.
255. Gaur Rajjiuts are numerous in the United Provinces, and the Gaur
Brahmans of Jaipur represent a foreign tribe merged into Hindu society
{lA, xi. 22). They can have no connexion with the Pala or Sena dynasty
of Bengal (Smith, EHI, 397 ff.).]
^ See Transactions of Royal Asiatic Society, vol. i. p. 133. [They are
found in the Upper Ganges-Jumna Duab, and are Musalmans.]
^ Benares.
* [For the Gaharwar, see Crooke, Tribes and Castes N.W.P. and Oudh,
ii. 32 if., and for the Gaharwar dynasty of Kanauj (Smith, EHI, 384 £f.).]
140 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
Their wars with Prithwiraja, forming one of the most inter-
esting of his exploits, ended in the humihation of the Cliandela,
and prepared the way for their conquest by the Gaharwars ;
the date of the supremacy of the Bundela Manvira was about
A.D. 1200. Madhukar Sah, the thirteenth in descent from him,
founded Orchha on the Betwa, by whose son, Birsingh Deva,
considerable power was attained. Orchha became the chief of
the numerous Bundela principalities ; but its founder drew upon
himself everlasting infamy, by putting to death the wise Abu-1
Fazl,^ the historian and friend of the magnanimous Akbar, and
the encomiast and advocate of the Hindu race.
From the period of Akbar the Bundelas bore a distinguished
part in all the grand conflicts, to the very close of the monarchy :
nor, amongst all the brave chiefs of Rajasthan, did any perform
more gallant or faithful services than the Bundela chieftains of
Orchha and Datia. Bhagwan of Orchlia commanded the ad-
vanced guard of the army of Shah Jahan. His son, Subhkarana,
was Aurangzeb's most distinguished leader in the Deccan, and
Dalpat fell in the war of succession on the plains of Jajau.* His
descendants have not degenerated ; nor is there anything finer
in the annals of the chivalry of the West, than the dignified and
heroic conduct of the father of the present chief.* The Bundela
is now a numerous race, while the name Gaharwar remains in their
original haunts.
Bargujar. — This race is Suryavansi, and the only one, with the
exception of the Guhilot, which claims from Lava, the elder son
^ Slain at the instigation of Prince Salim, son of Akbar, afterwards the
emperor Jahangir. See this incident stated in the emperor's own Com-
mentaries l^Ain, i. Introd. xxiv. ff.].
* [For Subhkaran Singh, see Manucci (i. 270, 272). Dalpat was one of
his patients (Ibid. ii. 298).]
' On the death of Mahadaji Sindhia, the females of his family, in appre-
hension of his successor (Daulat Rao), sought refuge and protection with
the Raja of Datia. An array was sent to demand their surrender, and
hostihty was proclaimed as the consequence of refusal. This brave man
would not even await the attack, but at the head of a devoted band of three
hundred horse, with their lances, carried destruction amongst their assailants,
neither giving nor receiving quarter : and thus he fell in defence of the laws
of sanctuary and honour. Even when grievously wounded, he would
accept no aid, and refused to leave the field, but disdaining all compromise
awaited his fate. The author has passed upon the spot where this gallant
deed was performed ; and from his son, the present Raja, had the annals
of his house. «
SENGARS, SAKARWALS, BAIS, DAHIAS 141
of Rama, The Bargujar held considerable possessions in Dhun-
dhar/ and their capital was the hill fortress of Rajor ^ in the
principality of Macheri. Rajgarh and Alwar were also their [118]
possessions. The Bargujars were expelled these abodes by the
Kachhwahas. A colony found refuge and a new residence at
Anupshahr on the Ganges.
Sengar. — Of this tribe little is known, nor does it appear ever
to have obtained great celebrity. The sole chieftainship of the
Sengars is Jagmohanpur on the Jumna.'
Sakarwal. — This tribe, like the former, never appears to have
claimed much notice amidst the princes of Rajasthan ; nor is
there a single independent chieftain now remaining, although
there is a small district called after them, Sakarwar, on the right
bank of the Chambal, adjoining Jaduvati, and like it now incor-
porated in the province of Gwalior, in Sindhia's dominions. The
Sakarwal is therefore reduced to subsist by cultivation, or the
more precarious employment of his lance, either as a follower of
others, or as a common depredator. They have their name from
the town of Sikri (Fatehpur), which was formerly an independent
principality.*
Bais. — The Bais has obtained a place amongst the thirty-six
races, though the author believes it but a subdivision of the
Suryavansi, as it is neither to be met with in the lists of Chand,
nor in those of the Kumarpal Charitra. It is now numerous, and
has given its name to an extensive district, Baiswara in the Duab,
or the land between the Ganges and Jumna. ^
Dahia. — This is an ancient tribe, whose residence was the
banks of the Indus, near its confluence with the Sutlej ; and
although they retain a place amongst the thirty-six royal races,
we have not the knowledge of any as now existing. They are
^ Amber or Jaipur, as well as Macheri, were comprehended in Dhundhar,
the ancient geographical designation [said to be derived from an ancient
sacrificial mound (dhundh), on the western frontier of the State, or from a
demon-king, Dhundhu {IGI, xiii. 385).]
* The ruins of Rajor are about fifteen miles west of Rajgarh. A person
sent there by the author reported the existence of inscriptions in the temple
of Nilkantha Mahadeo.
' [They are numerous in the United Provinces, but their origin and
traditions are uncertain.]
* [See Crooke, Tribes and Castes N.W.P. and Oudh, iv. 263 ff.]
^ [They are almoa^ certainly of mixed origin (Crooke, op. cif. i. 118 ff.).]
142 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
mentioned in the annals of the Bhattis of Jaisalmer, and from
name as well as from locale, we may infer that they were the
Dahae of Alexander.^
Joiya, Johya. — This race possessed the same haimts as the
Dahia, and are always coupled with them. They, however,
extended across the Ghara into the northern desert of India,
and in ancient chronicles are entitled ' Lords of Jangaldesa,' a
tract which comprehended Hariana, Bhatner, and Nagor. The
author possesses a work relative to this tribe, like the Dahia,
now extinct.^
Mohil. — We have no mode of judging of the pretensions of
this race to the place it is allowed to occupy by the genealogists.
All that can be learned of its past history is, that it inhabited
a considerable tract so late as the foundation of the present State
of Bikaner, the Rathor founders of which expelled, if not extir-
pated, the Mohil. With the Malan, Malani, and Mallia, also ex-
tinct, it may [119] claim the honour of descent from the ancient
Malloi, the foes of Alexander, whose abode was Multan. ( Qu.
Mohilthan ? ) «
Nikumbha. — Of this race, to which- celebrity attaches in all the
genealogies, we can only discover that they were proprietors of
the district of Mandalgarh prior to the Guhilots.*
Rajpali.— It is difficult to discover anything regarding this
race, which, under the names of Rajpali, Rajpalaka, or simply
Pala, are mentioned by all the genealogists ; especially those of
Saurashtra, to which in all probability it was confined. This
tends to make it Scythic in origin ; the conclusion is strengthened
by thcr derivation of the name, meaning ' royal shepherd ' : it
was probably a branch of the ancient Pali.^
Dahariya. — The Kumarpal Charitra is our sole authority for
^ [They lived east of the Caspian Sea, and can have uo connexion with
the Indian Dahia (Sykes, Hist, of Persia, i. 330).]
^ [Their origin is very uncertain ; in Bahawalpur they now repudiate
Rajput descent, and claim to be descendants of the Prophet (Rose, Glossary,
ii. 410 ff. ; Malik Muhammad Din, Gazetteer Bahawalpur, i. 23, 133 ff.).]
3 [The Malloi (Skt. Malava) occupied the present Montgomery District,
and parts of Jhang. They had no connexion with Multan (Skt. Miilasthana-
pura), (Smith, EHI, 96 ; McCrindle, Alexander, 350 ff.).]
* [They are a mixed race, early settlers in Alwar (Crooke, Tribes and
Castes N.W.P. and Oudh, iv. 86 ff.)".]
^ The final syllable lea is a mark of tlie genitive cas^[?].
THE DAHARIYA, DAHIIVIA 143
classing this race with the thirty-six. Of its historj' we know
nothing. Amongst the princes who came to the aid of Chitor,
when first assailed by the arms of Islam, was ' the lord of Debal,
Dahir, Despati.' ^ From the ignorance of the transcriber of the
Guhilot annals, Delhi is written instead of Debal ; but we not
only have the whole of the names of the Tuar race, but Delhi was
not in existence at this time. Slight as is the mention of this
prince in the Chitor annals, it is nevertheless of high value, as
stamping them with authenticity ; for this Dahir v/as actually
the despot of Sind, whose tragical end in his capital Debal is
related by Abu-1 Fazl. It was in the ninety-ninth year of the
Hegira that lie was attacked by Muhammad bin Kasim, the
lieutenant of the Caliph of Bagdad, and treated with the gi-eatest
barbarity.^ Whether this prince used Dahir as a proper name,
or as that of his tribe, must be left to conjecture.
Dahima. — The Dahima has left but the wreck of a great name.^
Seven centuries have swept av/ay all recollection of a tribe who
once afforded one of the proudest themes for the song of the bard.
The Dahima was the lord of Bayana, and one of the most powerful
vassals of the Chauhan emperor, Prithwiraja. Three brothers of
this house held the highest offices under this monarch, and the
period during which the elder, Kaimas, was his minister, was the
brightest in the history of the Chauhan : but he fell a victim to
a blind jealousy. Pundir, the second brother [120], commanded
the frontier at Lahore. The third, Chawand Rae, was the
principal leader m the last battle, where Prithwiraja fell, with the
whole of his chivalry, on the banks of the Ghaggar. Even the
historians of Shihabu-d-din have preserved the name of the
gallant Dahima, Chawand Rae, whom they style Khandirai ; and
to whose valour, they relate, Shihabu-d-din himself nearly fell a
sacrifice. With the Chauhan, the race seems to have been
extinguished. Rainsi, his only son, was by this sister of Chawand
Rae, but he did not survive the capture of Delhi. This marriage
1 'Chief of a country,' from des, 'country,' and pati, 'chief.' {Qu..
deairoTTjs ?)
- [Ain, ii. 344 f. Dahir was killed in action : the real tragedy was the
death of Muhammad bin Kasim in consequence of a false accusation (Elliot-
Dowson i. 292).]
* [Elliot {Suppltmental Glossary, 262) writes the name Dhahima, and
says they are found in Meerut District.]
144 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
forms the subject of one of the books of the bard, who never was
more eloquent than in the praise of the Dahima.^
Abokiginal Races ^
Bagri, Mer, Kaba^ Mina, Bhil, Sahariya, Thori, Khangar,
Gond, Bhar, Janwar, and Sarad.
Agricultukal and Pastoral Tribes
Abhira or Ahir, Goala, Kurmi or Kulumbi, Gujar, and Jat
Rajput Tribes to which no Sakha is assigned
Jaha, Peshani, Sohagni, Chahira, Ran, Simala, Botila,Gotchar,
Malan, Uhir, Hul, Bachak, Batar, Kerach, Kotak, Busa, and
Bargota.
Catalogue of the Eighty-Four Mercantile Tribes
Sri Sri ISIal, Srimal, Oswal, Bagherwal, Dindu, Pushkarwal,
Mertawal, Harsora, Surawal, Pihwal, Bhambu, Kandhelwal,
Dohalwal, Kederwal, Desawal, Gujarwal, Sohorwal, Agarwal,
Jaelwal, Manatwal, Kajotiwal, Kortawal, Chehtrawal, Soni,
Sojatwal, Nagar, Mad, Jalhera, Lar, Kapol, Khareta, Barari,
Dasora, Bambarwal, Nagadra, Karbera, Battewara, Mewara,
Narsinghpura, Khaterwal, Panehamwal, Hanerwal, Sirkera,
Bais, Stukhi, Kambowal, Jiranwal, Baghelwal, Orchitwal, Baman-
wal, Srigur, Thakurwal, Balmiwal, Tepora, Tilota, Atbargi,
^ Chand, the bard, thus describes Bayana, and the marriage of Prith-
wiraja with the Dahimi : "On the summit of the hills of Druinadahar,
whose awful load oppressed the head of Sheshnag, was placed the castle of
Bayana, resembling Kailas. The Dahima had three sons and two fair
daughters : may his name be perpetuated throughout this iron age ! One
daughter was married to the Lord of Mewat, the other to the Chauhan.
With her he gave in dower eight beauteous damsels and sixty-three female
slaves, one hundred chosen horses of the breed of Irak, two elephants, and
ten shields, a pallet of silver for the bride, one hundred wooden images, one
hundred chariots, and one thousand pieces of gold." The bard, on taking
leave, says : " the Dahima lavished his gold, and filled his coffers with the
praises of mankind. The Dahimi produced a jewel, a gem without price,
the Prince Rainsi."
The author here gives a fragment of the ruins of Bayana, the ancient
abode of the Dahima.
2 [Many names in the following list are not capable of identification, and
their correct form is uncertain. Those of the mercantile tribes are largely
groups confined to Rajputana.]
THE PRESENT STATUS OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES 145
Ladisakha, Badnora, Khicha, Gasora, Bahaohar, Jemo, Padmora,
Maharia, Dhakarwal, Mangora, Goelwal, Mohorwal, Chitora,
Kakalia, Bhareja, Andora, Sachora, Bhungrawal, Mandahala,
Bramania, Bagria, Dindoria, Borwal, Serbia, Orwal, Nuphag, and
Nagora. (One wanting.)
CHAPTER 8
Having thus taken a review of the tribes which at various
times inhabited and still inhabit Hindustan, the subject must
be concluded.
In so extensive a field it was impossible to introduce all that
could have been advanced on the distinctive marks in religion
and manners ; but this deficiency will be remedied in the annals
of the most prominent races yet ruling, by which we shall prevent
repetition.
The same religion governing the institutions of all tliese tribes
operates to counteract that dissimilarity in manners, which would
naturally be expected amidst so great a variety, from situation
or climate ; although such causes do produce a material difference
in external habit. Cross but the elevated range which divides
upland Mewar from the low sandy region of Marwar, and the
difference of costume and manners will strike the most casual
observer. But these changes are only exterior and personal ; the
mental character is less changed, because the same creed, the
same religion (the principal former and reformer of manners),
guides them all.
Distinctions between the Rajput States. — We have the same
mythology, the same theogony, the same festivals, though com-
memorated with peculiar distinctions. There are niceties in
thought, as in dress, which if possible to communicate would
excite but little interest ; when the tie of a turban and the fold
of a robe are, like Masonic symbols, distinguishing badges of
tribes. But it is in their domestic circle that manners are best
seen [122] ; where restraint is thrown aside, and no authority
controls the freedom of expression. But does the European seek
access to this sanctum of nationality ere he gives his debtor and
creditor account of character, his balanced catalogue of virtues and
vices ? He may, however, with the Rajput, whose independence
of mind places him above restraint, and whose hospitality
voi- I t,
146 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
and love of character will alv/ays afford free communication to
those who respect his opinions and his prejudices, and who are
devoid of that overweening opinion of self, which imagines that
nothing can be learned from such friendly intercourse. The
personal dissimilarity accordingly arises from locale ; the mental
similarity results from a grand fixed principle, which, whatever
its intrinsic moral effect, whatever its incompatibility with the
elevated notions we entertain, has preserved to these races, as
nations, the enjoj^ment of their ancient habits to this distant
period. May our boasted superiority in all that exalts man
above his fellows, ensure to our Eastern empire like duration ;
and may these notions of our own peculiarly favoured destiny
operate to prevent us from laying prostrate, in our periodical
ambitious visitations, these the most ancient relics of civilization
on the face of the earth. For the dread of their amalgamation
with our empire will prevail, though such a result would be
opposed not only to their happiness, but to our own stability.
Alliances with the British. — With our present system of alli-
ances, so pregnant with evil from their origin, this fatal conse-
quence (far from desired by the legislative authorities at home)
must inevitably ensue. If the wit of man had been taxed to
devise a series of treaties with a view to an ultimate rupture,
these would be entitled to applause as specimens of diplomacy.
There is a perpetual variation between the spirit and the letter
of every treaty ; and while the internal independence of each
State is the groundwork, it is frittered away and nullified by
successive stipulations, and these positive and negative qualities
continue mutually repelling each other, until it is apparent that
independence cannot exist under such conditions. Wliere dis-
cipline is lax, as with these feudal associations, and where each
subordinate vassal is master of his own retainers, the article of
military contingents alone would prove a source of contention.
By leading to interference with each individual chieftain, it would
render such aid worse than useless. But this is a minor con-
sideration to the tributary pecuniary stipulation which, unsettled
and undetermined, leaves a door open to a [123] system of espionage
into their revenue accounts — a system not only disgusting, but
contrary to treaty, which leaves ' internal administration' sacred.
These openings to dispute, and the general laxity of their
governments coming in contact with our regular system, present
THE PRESENT STATUS OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES 147
dangerous handles for ambition : and who so Wind as not to know
that ambition to be distinguished must influence every viceregent
in the East ? While deeds in arms and acquisition of territory
outweigh the meek eclat of civil virtue, the periodical visitations
to these kingdoms will ever be like the comet's,
Foreboding change to princes.
Our position in the East has been, and continues to be, one in
which conquest forces herself upon us. We have yet the power,
however late, to halt, and not anticipate her further orders to
march. A contest for a mud-bank has carried our arms to the
Aurea Chersonesus, the limit of Ptolemy's geography. With the
Indus on the left, the Brahmaputra to the right, the Himalayan
barrier towering like a giant to guard the Tatarian ascent, the
ocean and our ships at our back, such is our colossal attitude !
But if misdirected ambition halts not at the Brahmaputra, but
plunges in to gather laurels from the teak forest of Arakan, what
surety have we for these Hindu States placed by treaty within
the grasp of our control ?
But the hope is cherished, that the same generosity which
form.ed those ties that snatched the Rajputs from degradation
and impending destruction, will maintain the pledge given in
the fever of success, " that their mdependence should be sacred " ;
that it will palliate faults we may not overlook, and perpetuate
this oasis of ancient rule, in the desert of destructive revolution,
of races whose virtues are their own, and whose vices are the
grafts of tyranny, conquest, and religious intolerance.^
To make them known is one step to obtain for them, at least,
the boon of sympathy ; for with the ephemeral poAver of our
governors and the agents of government, is it to be expected that
the rod will more softly fall when ignorance of their history pre-
vails, and no kind association springs from a knowledge of their
martial achievements and yet proud bearing, their generosity,
courtesy, and extended hospitality ? These are Rajput virtues
yet extant amidst all their revolutions, and which have survived
ages of Muhammadan bigotry and power ; though to the honour
of the virtuous and magnanimous few among the crowned heads
^ [The present relations of the States to the Government of India justify
these expectations.]
148 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
of eight centuries, both Tatar and Mogul, there were some great
souls [124] ; men of high worth, who appeared at intervals to
redeem the oppression of a whole preceding dynasty.
The high ground we assumed, and the lofty sentiments with
which we introduced ourselves amongst the Rajputs, arrogating
motives of purity, of disinterested benevolence, scarcely belonging
to humanity, and to which their sacred writings alone yielded a
parallel, gave such exalted notions of our right of exerting the
attributes of divinity, justice, and mercy, that they expected
little less than almighty wisdom in our acts ; but circumstances
have throughout occurred in each individual State, to show we
were mere mortals, and that the poet's moral ;
'Tis distance lends enchantment to the view,
was true in politics. Sorrow and distrust were the consequences
— anger succeeded ; but the sense of obligation is still too power-
ful to operate a stronger and less generous sentiment. These
errors may yet be redeemed, and our Rajput allies yet be retained
as useful friends : though they can only be so while in the en-
joyment of perfect internal independence, and their ancient
institutions.
" No political institution can endure," observes the eloquent
historian of the Middle Ages, " which does not rivet itself to the
heart of men by ancient prejudices or acknowledged merit. The
feudal compact had much of this character. In fulfilling the
obligations of mutual assistance and fidelity by military service,
the energies of friendship were awakened, and the ties of moral
sympathy superadded to those of positive compact."
We shall throw out one of the assumed causes which give
stability to political institutions ; ' acknowledged merit,' which
never belonged to the loose feucl^l compact of Rajwara ; but the
absence of this strengthens the necessary substitute, ' ancient
prejudices,' which supply many defects.
Our anomalous and inconsistent interference in some cases,
and our non-interference in others, operate alike to augment the
dislocation induced by long predatory oppression in the various
orders of society, instead of restoring that harmony and con-
tinuity which had previously existed. The great danger, nay,
the inevitable consequence of perseverance in this line of conduct,
will be their reduction to the same degradation with our other
THE PRESENT STATUS OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES 149
allies, and their ultimate incorporation with our already too
extended dominion [125].
It may be contended, that the scope and tenor of these alliances
were not altogether unfitted for the period when they were formed,
and our circumscribed knowledge ; but was it too late, when this
knowledge was extended, to purify them from the dross which
deteriorated the two grand principles of mutual benefit, on which
all were grounded, viz. ' perfect internal independence ' to them,
and ' acknowledged supremacy ' to the protecting power ? It
will be said, that even these corner-stones of the grand political
fabric are far from possessing those durable qualities which the
contracting parties define, but that, on the contrary, they are
the Ormuzd and Alirimanes, the good and evil principles of con-
tention. But when we have superadded pecuniary engagements
of indefinite extent, increasing in the ratio of their prosperity,
and armed quotas or contingents of their troops, whose loose
habits and discipline would ensure constant complaint, we may
certainly take credit for having established a system which must
compel that direct interference, which the broad principle of each
treaty professes to check.
The inevitable consequence is the perpetuation of that de-
nationalising principle, so well understood by the Mahrattas,
' divide et impera.' We are few ; to use an Oriental metaphor,
our agents must ' use the eyes and ears of others.' That mutual
dependence, which would again have arisen, our interference will
completely nullify. Princes will find they can oppress their
chiefs, chiefs will find channels by which their sovereign's com-
mands may be rendered nugatory, and irresponsible ministers
must have our support to raise these undefined tributary supplies ;
and unanimity, confidence, and all the sentiments of gratitude
which they owe, and acknowledge to be our due, will gradually
fade with the national degradation. That our alliances have this
tendency cannot be disputed. By their very nature they transfer
the respect of every class of subjects from their immediate
sovereign to the paramount authority and its subordinate agents.
Who will dare to urge that a government, which camiot support
its internal rule without restriction, can be national ? that with-
out power unshackled and unrestrained by exterior council or
espionage, it can maintain self-respect, the corner-stone of every
virtue with States as with individuals ? This first of feelings
150 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
these treaties utterly annihilate. Can we suppose such denational-
ised allies are to be depended upon in emergencies ? or, if allowed
to retain a spark of their ancient moral inheritance, that it [126]
will not be kindled into a flame against us when opportunity
offers, instead of lighting up the powerful feeling of gratitude
which yet exists towards us in these warlike communities ?
Like us they were the natural foes of that predatory system
which so long disturbed our power, and our preservation and theirs
were alike consulted in its destruction. WTien we sought their
alliance, we spoke in the captivating accents of philanthropy ;
we courted them to disunite from this Ahrimanes of political
convulsion. The benevolent motives of the great mover of these
alliances we dare not call in question, and his policy coincided
with the soundest wisdom. But the treaties might have been
revised, and the obnoxious parts which led to discord, abrogated,
at the expense of a few paltry lacs of tribute and a portion of
sovereign homage. It is not yet too late. True policy would
enfranchise them altogether from our alliance ; but till then let
them not feel their shackles in the galling restraint on each internal
operation. Remove that millstone to national prosperity, the
poignant feeling that every increased bushel of corn raised in
their long-deserted fields must send its tithe to the British gran-
aries. Let the national mind recover its wonted elasticity, and
they wiU again attain their former celebrity. We have the power
to advance this greatness, and make it and its result our own ; or,
by a system unworthy of Britain, to retard and even quench it
altogether.^
Never were their national characteristics so much endangered
as in the seducing calm which folloAved the tempestuous agita-
tions in which they had so long floated ; doubtful, to use their
own figurative expression, whether ' the gilt of our friendship,
•^ If Lord Hastings' philanthropy, which rejoiced in snatching these
ancient States from the degradation of predatory warfare, expected that in
four short years order should rise out of the chaos of a century, and " was
prepared to visit with displeasure all symptoms of internal neglect, arising
from supineness, indifference, or concealed ill-will " ; if he signified that
" government would take upon itself the task of restoring order," and that
" all changes " on this score " would be demanded and rigidly exacted " :
in fine, that " such arrangements would be made as would deprive them
of the power of longer abusing the spirit of hberal forbearance, the motives
of which they were incapable of understanding or appreciating " ; what
have they to hope from those without his sympathies ?
THE PRESENT STATUS OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES 151
or our arms,' were fraught with greater evil. The latter they
could not withstand ; though it must never be lost sight of, that,
like ancient Rome when her glory was fading, we use ' the arms
of the barbarians ' to defend our conquests against them ! Is
the mind ever stationary ? are virtue and high notions to be
acquired from contact and example ? Is there no mind above
tlie level of £10 monthly pay in all the native legions of the three
presidencies of India ? no Odoacer, no Sivaji, [127] again to
revive ? Is the book of knowledge and of truth, which we hold
up, only to teach them submission and perpetuate their weak-
ness ? Can we without fresh claims expect eternal gratitude,
and must we not rationally look for reaction in some grand im-
pulse, which, by furnishing a signal instance of the mutability
of power, may afford a lesson for the benefit of posterity ?
Is the mantle of protection, which we have thrown over these
warlike races, likely to avert such a result ? It might certainly,
if imbued with all those philanthropic feelings for which we took
credit, act with soporific influence, and extinguish the embers of
international animosity. ' The lion and the lamb were to drink
from the same fountain ' ; they were led to expect the holy
Satya Yug, when each man reposed under his own fig-tree, which
neither strife nor envy dared approach.
When so many nations are called upon, in a period of great
calamity and danger, to make over to a foreigner, their opposite
in everything, their superior in most, the control of their forces
in time of war, the adjudication of their disputes in time of peace,
and a share in the fruits of their renovating prosperity, what must
be the result ; when each Rajput may hang up his lance in the
haU, convert his sword to a ploughshare, and make a basket of
his buckler ? What but the prostration of every virtue ? It
commences with the basis of the Rajput's — the martial virtues ;
extinguish these and they will soon cease to respect themselves.
Sloth, low cunning and meanness will follow. Wliat nation ever
maintained its character that devolved on the stranger the
power of protection ! To be great, to be independent, its martial
spirit must be cherished : happy if within the bounds of modera-
tion. Led away by enthusiasm, the author experienced the
danger of interference, when observing but one side of the picture
— the brilliant lights which shone on their long days of darkness,
not calculating the shade which would follow the sudden glare.
152 HISTORY OF THE RAJPUT TRIBES
On our cessation from every species of interference alone
depends their independence or their amalgamation — a crisis
fraught with danger to our overgrown rule.
Let Alexander's speech to his veterans, tired oi conquest and
refusing to cross the Hyphasis^ be applied, and let us not reckon
too strongly on our empire of ojoinion : " Fame never represents
matters truly as they are, but on the contrary magnifies every-
thing. This is evident ; for our o^vn reputation and glory, though
founded on solid truth, is yet more obliged to rumour than
reality." ^
We may conclude with the Macedonian conqueror's reasons
for showing the [128] Persians and his other foreign allies so
much favour : " The possession of what we got by the sword is
not very durable, but the obligation of good offices is eternal.
If we have a mind to keep Asia, and not simply pass through it.
our clemency must extend to them also, and their fidelity wUl
make our empire everlasting. As for ourselves, we have more
than we know what to do with, and it must be an insatiable,
avaricious temper which desires to continue to fill what already
runs over." ^ [129]
^ Quintus Curtius, lib. ix. [ii. 6].
2 Ibid. Ub. viii. [viii. 27].
BOOK III
SKETCH OF A FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN
CHAPTER 1
Feudalism in Rajasthan. — It is more than doubtful whether any
code of civil or criminal jurisprudence ever existed in any of
these principalities ; though it is certain that none is at this day
discoverable in their archives. But there is a martial system
peculiar to these Rajput States, so extensive in its operation as
to embrace every object of society. This is so analogous to the
ancient feudal system of Europe, that I have not hesitated to
hazard a comparison between them, with reference to a period
when the latter was yet imperfect. Long and attentive observa-
tion enables me to give this outline of a system, of which there
exists Uttle written evidence. Curiosity originally, and subse-
quently a sense of public duty (lest I might be a party to injustice),
co-operated in inducing me to make myself fully acquainted with
the minutiae of this traditionary theory of government ; and
incidents, apparently trivial in themselves, exposed parts of a
widely - extended system, which, though now disjointed, still
continue to regulate the actions of extensive communities, and
lead to the inference, that at one period it must have attained a
certain degree of perfection.
Many years have elapsed since I first entertained these opinions,
long before any connexion existed between these States and the
British Government ; when their geography was little known to
us, and their history still less so. At that period I frequently
travelled amongst them for amusement, making these objects
subservient thereto, and laying the result freely before my Govern-
153
154 FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN
ment. I had [130] abundant sources of intelligence to guide me
in forming my analogies ; Montesquieu, Hume, Millar, Gibbon ^ :
but I sought only general resemblances and lineaments similar
to those before me. A more perfect, because more familiar
picture, has since appeared by an author,^ who has drawn aside
the veil of mystery which covered the subject, owing to its being
till then but imperfectly understood. I compared the features of
Rajput society with the finished picture of this eloquent writer,
and shall be satisfied with having substantiated the claim of these
tribes to participation in a system, hitherto deemed to belong
exclusively to Europe. I am aware of the danger of hypothesis,
and shall advance nothing that I do not accompany by incon-
testable proofs.
The Tribal System. — The leading features of government
amongst semi -barbarous hordes or civilized independent tribes
must have a considerable resemblance to each other. In the
same stages of society, the wants of men must everywhere be
similar, and wUl produce the analogies which are observed to
regulate Tatar hordes or German tribes, Caledonian clans, the
Rajput Kula (race), or Jareja Bhayyad (brotherhood). All the
countries of Europe participated in the system we denominate
feudal ; and we can observe it, in various degrees of perfection
or deterioration, from the mountains of Caucasus to the Indian
Ocean. But it requires a persevering toil, and more discriminat-
ing judgement than I possess, to recover all these relics of civiliza-
tion : yet though time, and still more oppression, have veiled
the ancient institutions of Mewar, the mystery may be penetrated,
and will discover parts of a system worthy of being rescued from
oblivion.
Influence of Muhammadans and Mahrattas. — Mahratta cunning,
engrafted on Muhammadan intolerance, had greatly obscured
tliese institutions. The nation itself was passing rapidly away :
the remnant which was left had become a matter of calcula-
tion, and their records and their laws partook of this general
decay. The nation may recover ; the physical frame may be
renewed ; but the morale of the society must be recast. In this
chaos a casual observer sees nothing to attract notice ; the theory
of government appears, without any of the dignity which now
marks our regular system. Whatever does exist is attributed
1 Miscellaneous Works, vol. iii. ^ Hallam's Middle Ages.
FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN 155
to fortuitous causes — to nothing systematic : no fixed principle
is discerned, and none is admitted ; it is deemed, a mechanism
witliout a plan. Tliis opinion is hasty. Attention to distinctions,
though often merely nominal [131], will aid us in discovering the
outhnes of a picture which must at some period have been more
finished ; when real power, unrestrained by foreign influence,
upheld a system, the plan of which was original. It is in these
remote regions, so little known to the Western world, and where
original manners lie hidden under those of the conquerors, that
we may search for the germs of the constitutions of European
States.^ A contempt for all that is Asiatic too often marks our
countrymen in the East : though at one period on record the
taunt might have been reversed.
In remarking the curious coincidence between the habits,
notions, and governments of Europe in the Middle Ages, and those
of Rajasthan, it is not absolutely necessary we should conclude
that one system was borrowed from the other ; each may, in
truth, be said to have the patriarchal form for its basis. I have
sometimes been inclined to agree with the definition of Gibbon,
who styles the system of our ancestors the offspring of chance
and barbarism. " Le systeme feodal, assemblage monstriieux de
tant de parties que le terns et I'hazard ont reunies, nous offre im
objet tres complique : pour I'etudier il faut le decomposer." ^
This I shall attempt.
The form, as before remarked, is truly patriarchal in these
^ It is a liigli gratification to be su^jported by such authority as M. 8t.
Martin, who, in his Discours sur VOrigine et VHistoire des Arsacides, thus
speaks of the system of government termed feudal, which I contend exists
amongst the Rajputs : " On pensc assez generalement que cette sorte de
gouvernemeat qui dominait il y a quelques siecles, et qu'on appelle systeme
feodal, etait particuliere a I'Europe, et que c'est dans les forets de la Germanie
qu'il faut en chercher I'origine. Cependant, si au heu d'admettre les faits
sans les discuter, comme il arrive trop souvent, on examinait un peu cette
opinion, eile disparaitrait devant la critique, ou du moins elle se modifierait
singuherement ; et Ton verrait que, si c'est des forets de la Germanie que
nous avons tire le gouvernement feodal, il ii'en est certainement pas originaire.
Si Ton veut comparer I'Europe, telle qu'eUe etait au xii" siecle, avec la
monarchie fondee en Asie par les Arsacides trois siecles avant notre ere,
partout on verra des institutions et des usages pareils. On y trouvera les
memes dignites, et jusqu'aux memes titres, etc., etc. Boire, chasser, com-
battre, faire et dcfaire des rois, c'etaient la les nobles occupations d'uu
Parthe " {Journal Asiatique, vol. i. p. 65). It is nearly so with the Rajput.
- Gibbon, Miscell. vol. iii. Du gouvernement feodal.
156 FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN
States, where the greater portion of the vassal chiefs, from the
highest of the sixteen peers to the holders of a charsa ^ of land,
claim affinity in blood to the sovereign.^
The natural seeds are implanted in every soil, but the tree did
not gain [132] maturity except in a favoured aspect. The jDcr-
fection of the system in England is due to the Normans, who
brought it from Scandinavia, whither it was probably conveyed
by Odin and the Sacasenae, or by anterior migrations, from Asia :
which would coincide with Richardson's hypothesis, who con-
tends that it was introduced from Tatary. Although speculative
reasoning forms no part of my plan, yet when I observe analogy
on the subject in the customs of the ancient German tribes, the
Franks or Gothic races, I shall venture to note them. Of one
thing there is no doubt — knowledge must have accompanied the
tide of migration from the east : and from higher Asia emerged
in the Asi, the Chatti, and the Cimbric Lombard; who spread
the system in Scandinavia, Friesland, and Italy.
Origin of Feuds. — " It has been very common," says the
enlightened historian of the Feudal System in the Middle Ages,
" to seek for the origin of feuds, or at least for analogies to them,
in the history of various countries ; but though it is of great
importance to trace the similarity of customs in different parts of
the world, we should guard against seeming analogies, which
vanish away when they are closely observed. It is easy to find
partial resemblances to the feudal system. The relation of patron
and client in the republic of Rome has been deemed to resemble
it, as well as the barbarians and veterans who held frontier lands
on the tenure of defending them and the frontier ; but they were
^ A ' skin or hyde.' Millar (chap. v. p. 85) defines a ' hyde of land,'
the quantity which can be cultivated by a single plough. A charsa, ' skin
or hyde ' of land, is as much as one man can water ; and what one can
water is equal to what one i)lough can cultivate. If irrigation ever had
existence by the founders of the system, we may suppose this the meaning
of the term which designated a knighfs fee. It may have gone westward
with emigration. [The English ' hide ' : '' the amount considered adequate
for the supjDort of one free family with its dependants : at an early date
defined as being as much land as could be tilled by one plough in a year,"
has no connexion with ' hide,' ' a skin.' It is O.E. Md, from hitv, hig,
' household." ' Hide,' ' a skin,' is O.E. hyd {New English Diet, ssv.).]
" Bapji, ' sire,' is the appellation of royalty, and, strange enough,
whether to male or female ; while its offsets, which form a numerous branch
of vassals, are called babas, ' the infants.'
FEUDAE SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN 157
bound not to an individual, but to the state. Such a resemblance
of fiefs may be found in the Zamindars of Hindustan and the
Timariots of Turke}-. The clans of the Highlanders and Irish
followed their chieftain into the field : but their tie was that of
imagined kindred and birth, not the spontaneous compact of
vassalage." ^
I give this at length to show, that if I still persist in deeming
the Rajput system a pure relation of feuds, I have before my eyes
the danger of seeming resemblances. But grants, deeds, charters,
and traditions, copies of all of which will be found in the Appendix,
will establish my opinions. I hope to prove that the tribes in the
northern regions of Hindustan did possess the system, and that
it was handed down, and still obtains, notwithstanding seven
centuries of paramount sway of the Mogul and Pathan dynasties,
altogether opposed to them except in this feature of government
where there was an original similarity. In some of these States
— ^those least affected by conquest — the system remained freer
from innovation. It is, however, from INIewar chiefly that I shall
deduce my examples, as its internal [133] rule was less influenced
by foreign policy, even to the period at which the imperial power
of Delhi Avas on the decline.
Evidence from Mewar. — As in Europe, for a length of time,
traditionary custom was the only regulator of the rights and
tenures of this system, varying in each State, and not unfre-
quently (in its minor details) in the different provinces of one
State, according to their mode of acquisition and the description
of occupants when required. It is from such circumstances that
the variety of tenure and customarj^ law proceeds. To account
for this variety, a knowledge of them is requisite ; nor is it until
every part of the system is developed that it can be fully under-
stood. The most trifling cause is discovered to be the parent of
some important result. If ever these were embodied into a code
(and we are justified in assuming such to have been the case),
the varied revolutions which have swept away almost all relics
of their history were not likely to spare these. ISIention is made
of several princes of the house of Mewar who legislated for their
country ; but precedents for every occurring case lie scattered
in formulas, grants, and traditionary sayings. The inscriptions
still existing on stone would alone, if collected, form a body of
^ Hallam's Middle Ages, vol. i. ]i. 200.
158 FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RA/ASTHAN
laws sufficient for an infant community ; and these were always
first committed to writing, and registered ere the column was
raised. The seven centuries of turmoil and disaster, during which
these States were in continual strife with the foe, produced many
princes of high intellect as w^ell as valour. Sanga Rana, and his
antagonist. Sultan IJabur, v/ei'c revived in their no less celebrated
grandsons, the great Akhar and Rana Partap : the son of the
latter, Amra, the foe of Jahangir, was a character of whom the
proudest nation might be vain.
Evidence from Inscriptions.^ — The pen has recorded, and tradi-
tion handed down, many isolated fragments of the genius of these
Rajput princes, as statesmen and warriors, touching the political
division, regulations of the aristocracy, and commercial and
agricultural bodies. Sumptuary laws, even, which append to a
feudal system, are to be traced in these inscriptions : the annul-
ling of monopolies and exorbitant taxes ; the regulation of transit
duties ; prohibition of profaning sacred days by labour ; im-
inunities, privileges, and charters to trades, corporations, and
towns ; such as would, in climes more favourable to liberty, have
matured into a league, or obtained for these branches a voice in
the coimcils of the State. My search for less perishable docu-
ments than parchment when I found the cabinet of the prince
contained them not, was unceasing ; but though the bigoted
Muhammadan destroyed [134] most of the traces of civilization
within his reach, perseverance was rewarded with a considerable
number. They are at least matter of curiosity. They will
evince that monopolies and restraints on commerce were well
understood in Rajvt^ara, though the doctrines of political economy
never gained footing there. The setting up oi these engraved
tablets or pillars, called Seoras,^ is of the highest antiquity.
Every subject commences with invoking the sun and moon as
witnesses, and concludes with a denunciation of the severest
penalties on those who break the spirit of the imperishable bond.
Tablets of an historical nature I have of twelve and fourteen
hundred years' antiquity, but of grants of land or privileges
about one thousand years is the oldest. Time has destroyed
many, but man more. They became more numerous during the
last three centuries, when successful struggles against their foes
produced new, privileges, granted in order to recall the scattered
^ Sanskrit, Silla.
EVIDENCE FROM INSCRIPTIONS 159
inhabitants. Thus one contains an abolition of the monopoly of
tobacco ; ^ another, the remission of tax on printed cloths, with
permission to the country manufacturers to sell their goods free
of duty at the neighbouring tov/ns. To a tliird, a mercantile
city, the abolition of war contributions,^ and the establishment
of its internal judicial authority. Nay, even where good manners
alone are concerned, the lawgiver appears, and with an amusing
simplicity : ^ " From the public feast none shall attempt to carry
anything away." " None shall eat after sunset," shows that a
Jain obtained the edict. To yoke the bullock or other animal for
any work on the sacred Amavas,* is also declared pimishable.
Others contain revocations of vexatious fees to officers of the
crown ; "of beds and quilts ^ " ; " the seizure of the carts, imple-
ments, or cattle of the husbandmen," ^ — the sole boon in our own
Magna Charta demanded for the husbandman. These and several
others, of which copies are annexed, need not be repeated. If
even from such memoranda a sufficient number could be collected
of each prince's reign up to the olden time, what more could we
desire to enable us to judge of the genius of their princes, the
wants and habits of the people, their acts and occupations ?
The most ancient written customary law of France is a.d. 1088,^
at which time Mewar was in high [135] prosperity ; opposing, at
the head of a league far more powerful than France could form
for ages after, the progress of revolution and foreign conquest.
Ignorance, sloth, and all the \aces which wait on and result from
continual oppression in a perpetual struggle for existence of ages'
duration, graduallj^ diminished the reverence of the inhabitants
themselves for these relics of the wisdom of their forefathers.
In latter years, they so far forgot the ennobling feeling and respect
for ' the stone which told ' their once exalted condition, as to
convert the materials of the temple in which many of these stood
into places of abode. Thus many a valuable relic is built up in
the castles of their barons, or buried in the rubbish of the fallen
pile.
^ See Appendix, No. XII. 2 g^g Appendix, No. XIII.
' See Appendix, No. XIV.
* ' Full moon ' (See Appendix, No. XIII.).
^ It is customary, when officers of the Government are detached on
service, to exact from the towns where they are sent both bed and board.
* Seized for pubhc service, and frequently to exact a composition in
money. 7 Hallam, vol. i. p. 197.
160 FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN
Books oJ Grants. — We have, however, the books of grants to the
chiefs and vassals, and also the grand rent-roll of the country.
These are of themselves valuable documents. Could we but
obtain those of remoter periods, they would serve as a comment-
ary on the history of the country, as each contains the detail of
every estate, and the stipulated service, in horse and foot, to be
performed for it. In later times, when turbulence and disaffec-
tion went unpunished, it was useless to specify a stipulation of
service that was nugatory ; and too often the grants contained
but the names of towns and villages, and their value ; or if they
had the more general terms of service, none of its details.^ From
all these, however, a sufficiency of customary rules could easily
be found to form the written law of fiefs in Rajasthan. In
France, in the sixteenth century, the variety of these customs
amounted to two hundred and eighty-five, of which only sixty ^
were of great importance. The number of consequence in Mewar
which have come to my observation is considerable, and the most
important will be given in the Appendix. Were the same plan
pursued there as in that ordinance which produced the laws of
Pays Coutumiers ^ of France, viz. ascertaining those of each
district, the materials are ready.
Such a collection would be amusing, particularly if the tradi-
tionary were added to the engraved laws. They would often
appear jejune, and might involve contradictions ; but wc should
see the wants of the people ; and if ever our connexion (which God
forbid !) should be drawn closer, we could then legislate without
offending national customs or religious prejudices. Could this,
by any instinctive [136] impulse or external stimulus, be effected
by themselves, it would be the era of their emersion from long
oppression, and might lead to better notions of government, and
consequent happiness to them all.
Noble Origin of the Rajput Race. — If we compare the antiquity
and illustrious descent of the dynasties which have ruled, and
some which continue to rule, the small sovereignties of Rajasthan,
with many of celebrity in Europe, superiority will often attach
to the Rajput. From the most remote periods we can trace
nothing ignoble, nor any vestige of vassal origin. Reduced in
^ Some of these, of old date, I have seen three feet in length.
2 Hallam, vol. i. p. 199.
' HallaTn notices these laws by this technical plirase.
THE RATHORS, KACHirVVAHAS 161
power, circumscribed in territory, compelled to yield much of
their splendour and many of the dignities of birth, they have not
abandoned an iota of the pride and high bearing arismg from a
knowledge of their illustrious and regal descent. On this prin-
ciple the various revolutions in the Rana's family never en-
croached ; and the mighty Jahangir himself, the Emperor of the
Moguls, became, like Caesar, the commentator on the history of
the tribe of Sesodia.^ The potentate of the twenty-two Satrapies
of Hind dwells with proud complacency on this Rajput king
having made terms with him. He praises heaven, that what
his immortal ancestor Babur, the founder of the Mogul dynasty,
failed to do, the project in which Hmnayun had also failed, and
in which the illustrious Akbar, his father, had but partial success,
was reserved for him. It is pleasing to peruse in the comment-
aries of these conquerors, Babur and Jahangir, their sentiments
with regard to these princes. We have the evidence of Sir
Thomas Roe, the ambassador of Elizabeth to Jahangir, as to the
splendour of this race : it appears throughout their annals and
those of their neighbours.
The Rathors of Marwar. — The Rathors can boast a splendid
pedigree ; and if we cannot trace its source with equal certainty
to such a period of antiquity as the Rana's, we can, at all events,
show the Rathor monarch wielding the sceptre at Kanauj, at the
time the leader of an unknown tribe of the Franks was paving
the way towards the foundation of the future kingdom of France.
Unwieldy greatness caused the sudden fall of Kanauj in the
twelfth century, of which the existing line of Marwar is a renov-
ated scion .^
The Kachhwahas oJ Amber. — Amber is a branch of the once
illustrious and ancient [137] Nishadha. now Narwar, Avhich pro-
duced the ill-fated prince whose story ^ is so interesting. Revolu-
tion and conquest compelled them to quit their ancestral abodes.
Hindustan was then divided into no more than four great king-
doms. By Arabian * travellers we have a confused picture of
^ Sesodia is the last change of name which the Rana's race has under-
gone. It was first Suryavansa, then Grahilot or Guhilot, Aharj'^a, and
Sesodia. These changes arise from revolutions and local circumstances.
2 [The Rathor dynasty of Kanauj is a myth (Smith, EHI, 385).]
^ Nala and Damayanti.
* Relations anciemtes des Voyageurs, par Renaudot.
VOL. I M
162 FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN
these States. But all the minor States, now existing in the west,
arose about the period when the feudal system was approaching
maturity in France and England.
The others are less illustrious, being the descendants of the
great vassals of their ancient kings.
The Sesodias of Mewar. — Mewar exhibits a marked difference
from all the other States in her policy and institutions. She was
an old-established dynasty when these renovated scions were in
embryo. We can trace the losses of Mewar, but with difficulty
her acquisitions ; while it is easy to note the gradual aggrandise-
ment of Marwar and Amber, and all the minor States. Marwar
was composed of many petty States, whose ancient possessions
formed an allodial vassalage under the new dynasty. A superior
independence of the control of the prince arises from the peculiar-
ity of the mode of acquisition ; that is, with rights similar to the
allodial vassals of the European feudal system.
Pride of Ancestry. — The poorest Rajput of this day retains all
the pride of ancestry, often his sole inheritance ; he scorns to
hold the plough, or to use his lance but on horseback. In these
aristocratic ideas he is supported by his reception amongst his
superiors, and the respect paid to him by his interiors. The
honours and privileges, and the gradations of rank, amongst the
vassals of the Rana's house, exhibit a highly artificial and refined
state of society. Each of the superior rank is entitled to a banner,
kettle-drums preceded by heralds and silver maces, with peculiar
gifts and personal honours, in commemoration of some exploit
of their ancestors.
Armorial Bearings. — The martial Rajputs are not strangers
to armorial bearings,^ now so indiscriminately used in Europe.
^ It is generally admitted that armorial bearings were little known till
the period of the Crusades, and that they belong to the east. The twelve
tribes of Israel were distinguished by the animals on their banners, and
the sacred writings frequently allude to the ' Lion of Judah.' The peacock
was a favourite armorial emblem of the Rajput warrior ; it is the bird
sacred to their Mars (Kumara), as it was to Juno, his mother, in the west.
The feather of the peacock decorates the turban of the Rajput and the
warrior of the Crusade, adopted from the Hindu through the Saracens.
"Le paon a toujours ete I'embleme de la noblesse. Plusieurs chevaliers
ornaient leurs casques des plumes de cet oiseau ; un grand nombre de
families nobles le portaient dans leur blazon ou sur leur cimier ; quelques-
uns n'en portaient que la qtieue " (Art. "Armoiric," Diet, de Vancien
Regime).
TRIBAL PALLADIUM : BANNERS 1G3
The great banner of Mewar exhibits a golden sun [1 38] on a crimson
field ; those of the chiefs bear a dagger. Amber displays the
panchranga, or five-coloured flag. The lion rampant on an
argent field is extinct with the State of Chanderi.^
In Europe these customs were not introduced till the period
of the Crusades, and were copied from the Saracens ; while the
use of them amongst the Rajput tribes can be traced to a period
anterior to the war of Troy. In the Mahabharat, or great war,
twelve hundred years before Christ, we find the hero Bhishma
exulting over his trophy, the banner of Arjuna, its field adorned
with the figure of the Indian Hanuman.^ These emblems had a
religious reference amongst the Hindus, and were taken from their
mythology, the origin of all devices.
The Tribal Palladium. — Every royal house has its palladium,
which is frequently borne to battle at the saddle-bow of the
prince. Rao Bhima Hara, of Kotah, lost his life and protecting
deity together. The late celebrated Khichi ' leader, Jai Singh,
never took the field without the god before him. ' Victory to
Bajrang ' was his signal for the charge so dreaded by the Mahratta,
and often has the deity been sprinkled with his blood and that of
the foe. Their ancestors, who opposed Alexander, did the same,
and carried the image of Hercules (Baldeva) at the head of their
array.*
Banners. — The custom (says Arrian) of presenting banners as
an emblem of sovereignty over vassals, also obtained amongst
the tribes of the Indus when invaded by Alexander. When he
conquered the Saka and tribes east of the Caspian, he divided
the provinces amongst the princes of the ancient families, for
which they paid homage, engaged to serve with a certain quota
of troops, and received from his own hand a banner ; in all of
which he followed the customs of the country. But in these we
see only the outline of the system; we must descend to more
^ I was the first European who traversed this wild country, in 1807, not
without some hazard. It was then independent : about three years after
it fell a prey to Sindhia. [Several ancient dynasties used a crest (lanchhana),
and a banner (dhvaja) : see the list in BO, i. Part ii. 299.]
2 The monkey-deity. [Known as Bajrang, Skt. vajranga, ' of powerful
frame.']
* The Khichis are a branch of the Chauhans, and Khiehiwara lies east of
Haravati.
* [Quintus Curtius, viii. 14, 46 ; Arrian, Indika, viii.]
164 FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN
modern days to observe it more minutely. A grand picture is
drawn of the power of Mewar, when the first grand irruption of
the Muhammadans occurred in the first century of their era ;
when " a hundred ^ kings, its alUes and dependents, had their
thrones raised in Chitor," for its defence and their own individu-
ally [139], when a new religion, propagated by the sword of con-
quest, came to enslave these realms. This invasion was by
Sind and Makran ; for it was half a century later ere ' the light '
shone from the heights of Pamir ^ on the plains of the Jumna and
Ganges,
From the commencement of this religious war in the moun-
tains westward of the Indus, many ages elapsed ere the ' King of
the Faith ' obtained a seat on the throne of Yudhishthira. Chand,
the bard, has left us various valuable memorials of this period,
applicable to the subject historically as well as to the immediate
topic. Visaladeva, the monarch whose name appears on the
pillar of victory at Delhi, led an army against the invader, in
which, according to the bard, " the banners of eighty-four princes
were assembled." The bard describes with great animation the
summons sent for this magnificent feudal levy from the heart of
Antarbedi,* to the shores of the western sea, and it coincides with
the record of his victory, which most probably this very army
obtained for him. But no finer picture of feudal manners exists
than the history of Prithwiraja, contained in Chand's poems.
It is surprising that this epic should have been allowed so long
to sleep neglected : a thorough knowledge of it, and of others of
the same character, would open many sources of new knowledge,
and enable us to trace many curious and interesting coin-
cidences.*
^ See Annals of Mewar, and note from D'AnviUe.
^ The Pamir range is a grand branch of the Indian Caucasus. Chand,
the bard, designates them as the " Parbat Pat Pamir," or Pamir Lord of
Mountains. From Pahar and Pamir the Greeks may have compounded
Paropanisos, in which was situated the most remote of the Alexandrias. [?]
* The space between the grand rivers Ganges and Jumna, well known
as the Duab.
* Domestic habits and national manners are painted to the hfe, and no
man can well understand the Rajput of yore who does not read these.
Those were the days of chivalry and romance, when the assembled princes
contended for the hand of the fair, who chose her own lord, and threw to
the object of her choice, in full court, the barmala, or garland of marriage.
Those were the days which the Rajput yet loves to talk of, when the glance
INFLUENCE OF CASTE . 165
In perusing these tales of the days that are past, we should be
induced to conclude that the Kuriltai of the Tatars, the Chaugan
of the Rajput, and the Champ de Mars of the Frank, had one
common origin.
Influence of Caste. — Caste has for ever prevented the inferior
classes of society from being incorporated with this haughty
noblesse. Only those of jjure blood in both lines can hold fiefs
of the crown. The highest may marry the daughter of a Rajput,
whose sole [140] possession is a ' skin of land ' : ^ the sovereign
himself is not degraded by such alliance. There is no moral blot,
and the operation of a law like the Salic would prevent any
political evil resulting therefrom. Titles are granted, and even
fiefs of office, to ministers and civil servants not Rajputs ; they
are, however, but official, and never confer hereditary right.
These official fiefs may have originally arisen, here and in Europe,
from the same cause ; the want of a circulating medium to pay the
offices. The Mantris - of Mewar prefer estates to' pecuniary
stipend, which gives more consequence in every point of view.
All the higher offices — as cup-bearer, butler, stewards of the
household, wardrobe, kitchen, master of the horse — aU these are
enumerated as ininisterialists ^ at the court of Charlemagne in
the dark ages of Europe, and of whom we have the duplicates.
These are what the author of the Middle Ages designates as
" improper feuds..'' * In Mewar the prince's architect, painter,
physician, bard, genealogist, heralds, and all the generation of
the foster-brothers, hold lands. Offices are hereditary in this
patriarchal government ; their services personal. The title
even appends to the family, and if the chance of events deprive
them of the substance, they are seldom left destitute. It is not
uncommon to see three or four with the title of pardhan or
premier.^
of an eye weighed with a sceptre : when three things alone occupied him :
his horse, his lance, and his mistress ; for she is but the third in his estima-
tion, after all : to the two first he owed her.
^ Charsa, a ' hide or skin ' [see p. 156 above].
* ' Ministers,' from Mantra, ' mystification ' [' a sacred text, spell '].
' It is probably of Teutonic origin, and akin to Mantri, which embraces
all the ministers and councillors of loyalty (Hallam, p. 195). [?]
* Hallam, p. 193.
* One I know, in whose family the office has remained since the period
of Prithvviraja, who transferred his ancestor to the service of the Rana's
166 FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN
But before I proceed further in these desultory and general
remarks, I shall commence the chief details of the system as
described in times past, and, in part, still obtaining in the
principality of the Rana of Mewar As its geography and
distribution are fully related in their proper place, I must
refer the reader to that for a preliminary understanding of its
localities. >k.
Estates of Chief and Fiscal Land. — The local disposition of the
estates was admirably contrived. Bounded on three sides, the
south, east, and west, by marauding barbarous tribes of Bhils,
Mers, and Minas, the circumference of this circle was subdivided
into estates for the chiefs, while the khalisa, or fiscal land, the
best and richest, was in the heart of the country, and consequently
well protected [141]. It appears doubtful whether the khalisa
lands amounted to one-fourth of those distributed in grant to the
chiefs. The value of the crown demesne as the nerve and sinew
of sovereignty, was well known by the former heads of this house.
To obtain any portion thereof was the reward of important ser-
vices ; to have a grant of a few acres near the capital for a garden
was deemed a high favour ; and a village in the amphitheatre or
valley, in which the present capital is situated, was the nc plus
ultra of recompense. But the lavish folly of the present prince,
out of this tract, twenty-five miles in circumference, has not
preserved a single village in his khalisa. By this distribution,
and by the inroads of the wild tribes in the vicinity, or of Moguls
and Mahrattas, the valour of the chiefs were kept in constant
play.
The country was partitioned into districts, each containing
from fifty to one hundred towns and villages, though sometimes
exceeding that proportion. The great number of Chaurasis ^
leads to the conclusion that portions to the amount of eighty-
four had been the general subdivision. Many of these yet remain :
house seven hundred years ago. He is not merely a nominal- hereditary
minister, for his uncle actually held the office ; but in consequence of having
favoured the views of a pretender to the crown, its active duties are not
entrusted to any of the family.
^ The numeral eighty-four. [In the ancient Hmdu kingdoms the full
estate was a group of 84 villages, smaller units being called Byahsa, 42,
or Ch ubisa, 24 (Baden-Powell, The Village Community, 198, and see a
valuable article in EUiot, Supplemental Glossary , 178 ff.]
THE CHIEFS OF MEWAH l6t
as the ' Chaurasi ' of Jahazpur and of Kumbhalmer : tantaniouut
to the old ' hundreds ' of onr Saxon ancestry. A circle of posts
was distributed, within which the quotas of the chiefs attended,
under ' the Faujdar of the Sima ' (vulgo Sim), or conmiander of
the border. It was found expedient to appoint from court this
lord of the frontier, always accompanied by a portion of the royal
insignia, standard, kettle-drums, and heralds, and being genei'ally a
civil officer, he united to his military olhce the administration of
justice.^ The higher vassals never attended personally at these
posts, but deputed a confidential branch of their family, with
the quota required. For the government of the districts there
were conjoined a civil and a military officer : the latter generally
a vassal of the second rank. Their residence was the chief place
of the district, commonly a stronghold.
The division of the chiefs into distinct grades, shows a highly
artificial state of society.
First class. — -We have the Sixteen, whose estates were from
hity thousand to one hundred thousand rupees and upwards, of
yearly rent. These appear in the [142] presence only on special
invitation, upon festivals and solemn ceremonies, and are the
hereditary councillors of the crown.^
Second class, from five to fifty thousand rupees. Their duty
is to be always in attendance. P>om these, chiefly, faujdars and
military officers are selected.-
Third class is that of Gol ^ holding lands chiefly under five
thousand rupees, though by favour they may exceed this limit.
They are generally the holders of separate villages and portions
of land, and in former times they were the most useful class to the
prince. They always attended on his person, and indeed formed
his strength against any combination or opposition of the higher
vassals.
Fourth class. — The offsets of the younger branches of the
Rana's own family, within a certain period, are called the babas,
literally ' infants,' and have appanages bestowed on them. Of
^ Now each chief claims the right of administering justice in his own
domain, that is, in civil matters ; but in criminal cases they ought not
without the special sanction of the crown. Justice, however, has long
been left to work its own way, and the seK-constituted tribunals, the pan-
chayats, sit in judgment in all cases where property is involved.
^ See Appendix, No. XX.
168 FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN
this class are Shahpura and Banera ; too powerful for subjects.*
They hold on none of the terms of the great clans, but consider
themselves at the disposal of the prince. These are more within
the influence of the crown. Allowing adoption into these houses,
except in the case of near kindred, is assuredly an innovation ;
they ought to revert to the crown, failing immediate issue, as did
the great estate of Bhainsrorgarh, two generations back. From
these to the holder of a clutrsa, or hide of land, the peculiarity of
tenure and duties of each will form a subject for discussion.
Revenues and Rights of the Crown. — I need not here expatiate
upon the variety of items which constitute the revenues of the
prince, the details of which will appear in their proper place.
The land-tax in the khalisa demesne is, of course, the chief source
of supply ; the transit duties on commerce and trade, and those
of the larger towns and cominercial marts, rank next. In former
times more attention was paid to this important branch of in-
come, and the produce was greater because less shackled. The
liberality on the side of the crown was only equalled by the
integrity of the merchant, and the extent to which it was carried
would imply an almost Utopian degree of perfection in their
mutual qualities of liberality and honesty ; the one, perhaps,
generating the other. The remark of a merchant recently, on
the vexatious train of duties and espionage attending their
collection, is not merely figurative : " our ancestors tied their
invoice to the horns of the oxen ^ at the first frontier post of
customs, and no intermediate questions [143] were put till we
passed to the opposite or sold our goods, when it was opened
and payment made accordingly ; but now every town has its
rights." It will be long ere this degree of confidence is restored
on either side ; extensive demand on the one is met by fraud and
evasion on the other, though at least one-half of these evils have
already been subdued.
Mines and Minerals. — The mines were very productive in
former times, and yielded several lacs to the princes of Mewar.^
^ [They are heads of the Ranawat sub-tribe. The latter enjoys the right,
on succession, of having a sword sent to him with full honours, on receipt
of which he goes to Udaipur to be installed (Erskine ii. A. 92).]
^ Oxen and carts are chieflj' used in the Tundas, or caravans, for trans-
portation of goods in these countries ; camels further to the north.
^ [On the mines of Mewar, see lA, i. 63 f.]
TAXATION 169
The rich tin mines of Jawara produced at one time a considerable
proportion of silver. Those of copper are abundant, as is also
iron on the now alienated domain on the Chambal ; but lead least
of aU.i
The marble quarries also added to the revenue ; and where
there is such a multiplicity of sources, none are considered too
minute to be applied in these necessitous times.
Barar. — Barar is an indefinite term for taxation, and is con-
nected with the thing taxed : as ghanim-barar,^ ' war-tax ' ; gliar
ginii-barar,^ ' house-tax ' ; hal-barar, ' plough-tax ' ; neota-barar,
' marriage-tax ' ; and others, both of old and new standing.
The war-tax was a kind of substitute for the regular mode of
levying the rents on the produce of the soil ; whicii was rendered
very difficult during the disturbed period, and did not accord
with the wants of the prince. It is also a substitute in those
mountainous regions, for the jarib,^ where the produce bears
no proportion to the cultivated surface ; sometimes from poverty
of soil, but often from the reverse, as in Kumbhalmer, where the
choicest crops are produced on the cultivated terraces, and on the
sides of its mountains, which abound with springs, yielding the
richest canes and cottons, and where experiment has proved
that four crops can be raised in the same patch of soil within the
year.
The offering on confirmation of estates (or fine on renewal) is
now, though a very small, yet still one source of supply ; as is
the annual and triennial payment of the quit-rents of the Bhumia
chiefs. Fines in composition of offences may also be mentioned :
and they might be larger, if more activity were introduced in the
detection of offenders [144].
These governments are mild in the execution of the laws ;
^ The privilege of coiniug is a reservation of royalty. No subject is
allowed to coin gold or silver, though the Salumbar chief has on sufferance
a copper currency. The mint was a considerable source of income, and
may be again when confidence is restored and a new currency introduced.
The Chitor rupee is now thirty-one per cent inferior to the old Bhilara
standard, and there was one struck at the capital even worse, and very nearly
as bad as the moneta nigra of Philip the Fair of France, who allowed his
vassals the privilege of coining it. [For an account of the past and present
coinage of Mewai; see W. W. Webb, Currencies of the Hindu States of Raj-
puiana, 3 ff.]
* Enemy. ^ Numbering of houses.
* A measure of land [usually 55 English j^ards].
170 FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN
and a heavy fine lias more effect (especially on the hill tribes)
than the execution of the offender, who fears death less than the
loss of property.
Khar-Lakar. — The composition for ' wood and forage ' afforded
a considerable supply. When the princes of Mewar were oftener
in the tented field than in the palace, combating for their pre-
servation, it was the duty of every individual to store up wood
and forage for the supply of the prince's army. What originated
in necessity was converted into an abuse and annual demand.
The towns also supplied a certain portion of provisions ; where
the prince halted for the day these were levied on the connnunity ;
a goat or sheep from the shepherd, milk and flour froin the farmer .
The maintenance of these customs is observable in taxes, for the
origin of which it is impossible to assign a reason without going
into the history of the period ; they scarcely recollect the source
of some of these themselves. They are akin to those known
under the feudal tenures of France, arising from exactly the same
causes, and commuted for money payments ; such as the droit
de gisie et de chevauche.^ Many also originated in the perambula-
tions of these princes to visit their domains ; ^ a black year in the
calendar to the chief and the subject. When he honoured the
chief by a visit, he had to present horses and arms, and to enter-
tain his prince, in all which honours the cultivators and merchants
had to share. The duties on the sale of spirits, opium, tobacco,
and even to a share of the garden-stuff, affords also modes of
supply [145].'
CHAPTER 2
Legislative Authority. — During the period still called " the good
times of Mewar,' the prince, with the aid of his civil council, the
four ministers of the crown and their deputies, promulgated all
the legislative enactments in which the general rights and wants
of the community were involved. In these the martial vassals
^ Hallam, vol. i. p. 232.
■^ Hume describes the necessity for our earlier kings inaking these tours
to consume the produce, being in kind. So it is in Mewar ; but I fancy
the supply was always too easily convertible into circulating medium to
be the cause there.
' See Appendix, No. X.
PANCHAYATS 171
or chiefs had no concern : a wise exclusion, comprehending also
their immediate dependents, military, commercial, and agri-
cultural. Even now, the little that is done in these matters is
effected by the civil administration, though the Rajput Pardhans
have been too apt to interfere in matters from which they ought
always to be kept aloof, being ever more tenacious of tlieir own
rights than solicitous for the welfare of the community.
Panchayats. — The neglect in the legislation of late years was
supplied by the self-constituted tribunals, the useful panchayats,
of which enough has been said to render furtlicr illustration
unnecessar^^ Besides the resident ruler of the district, who was
also a judicial functionary, there was, as already stated, a special
officer of the government in each frontier thana, or garrison post.
He vmited the triple occupation of embodying the quotas, levying
the transit duties, and administering justice, in which he was
aided at the chabutra ^ or coiu-t, by assembling the Chauthias or
assessors of justice. Each town and village has its chauthia, the
members of which are elected by their felloM'-citizens, and remain
as long as they conduct themselves imijartially in disentangling
the intricacies of complaints preferred to them.
They are the aids to the Nagarseth, or chief magistrate, an
hereditary office in every large city in Rajasthan. Of this
chauthia the Patel and Patwari * are generally members. TJie
former of these, like the Dasaundhi of the Mahrattas, resembles
in his duties the decanus of France and the tithing-man in England.
The chauthia and panchayat of these districts are analogous to
the assessors of [140] justice called scabi7ii ^ in France, who held
the office by election or the concurrence of the people. But these
are the special and fixed council of each town ; the general
panchayats are formed from the respectable population at large,
and were formerly from all classes of society.
The chabutras, or terraces of justice, were always established
in the khalisa, or crown demesne. It was deemed a humiliating
intrusion if they sat within the bounds of a chief. To ' erect the
flag ' within his limits, whether for the formation of defensive
posts or the collection of duties, is deemed a gross breach of his
^ Literally ' terrace,' or ' altar.'
^ [Headman and accountant.]
^ They were considered a sort of jury, bearing a close analogy to ■4;he
judices selecti, who sat with the praetor in the tribunal of Rome (Hallam).
172 FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN
privileged iadependenee, as to establish them within the walls of
his residence would be deemed equal to sequestration. It often
becomes necessary to see justice enforced on a chief or his de-
pendent, but it begets eternal disputes and disobedience, tUl at
length they are worried to compliance by rozina.
Bozina. — When delay in these matters, or to the general
conunands of the prince, is evinced, an officer or herald is deputed
with a party of four, ten, or twenty horse or foot, to the hef of
the chief, at whose residence they take up their abode ; and
carrying, under the seal, a warrant to furnish them with specified
daily {rozina) rations, they live at free quarters till he is quickened
into compliance with the commands of the prince. This is the
only accelerator of the slow movements of a Rajput chieftaia in
these days, whether for his appearance at court or the performance
of an act of justice. It is often carried to a harassing e±cess, and
causes much complaint.
In cases regarding the distribution of justice or the internal
economy of the chief's estates, the government officers seldom
interfere. But of their panchayats I will only remark, that their
import amongst the vassals is very comprehensive ; and when
they talk of the ' punch,' it means the ' collective wisdom.' In
the reply to the remonstrance of the Deogarh vassals,^ the chief
promises never to undertake any measure without their delibera-
tion and sanction.
On all grand occasions where the general peace or tranquillity
of the government is threatened^ the chiefs form the councU of
the sovereign. Such subjects are always first discussed in the
domestic councUs of each chief ; so that when the [147] witenage-
mot of Mewar was assembled, each had prepared himself by
previous discussion, and was fortified by abundance of advice.
To be excluded the council of the prince is to be in utter
disgrace. These grand divans produce infinite speculation, and
the ramifications which form the opinions are extensive. The
council of each chief is, in fact, a miniature representation of the
sovereign's. The greater sub-vassals, his civU pardhan, the
mayor of the household, the purohit,^ the bard, and two or three
of the most intelligent citizens, form the minor councils, and all
are separately deliberating while the superior court is in discus-
sion. Thus is collected the wisdom of the magnates of Rajwara.
^ See Appendix, No. III. ^ Family priost.
MILITARY SERVICE : ESCUAGE 173
Military Service. — In Mewar, diiriiig the days of her glory and
prosperity, fifteen thousand horse, bound by the ties of fidelity
and service, followed their prince into the field, all supported by
lands held by grant ; from the chief who headed five hundred of
his own vassals, to the single horseman.
Knight's Fee or Single Horsemen. — A knight's fee in these
States varies. For each thousand rupees of annual rent, never
less than two, and generally three horsemen were furnished ; and
sometimes three horse and three foot soldiers, according to the
exigencies of the times when the grant was conferred. The
different grants ^ appended will show this variety, and furnish
additional proof that this, and all similar systems of policy, must
be much indebted to chance for the shape they ultimately take.
The knight's fee, when William the Conqueror partitioned England
into sixty thousand such portions, from each of which a soldier's
service was due, was fixed at £20. Each portion furnished its
soldier or paid escuage. The knight's fee of Mewar may be said
to be two hundred and fifty rupees, or about £30.
Limitations of Service. — In Europe, service was so restricted
that the monarch had but a precarious authority. He could
only calculate upon forty days' annual service from the tenant
of a knight's fee. In Rajasthan it is very different : " at home
and abroad, service shall be performed when demanded " ; such
is the condition of the tenure.
For state and show, a portion of the greater vassals ^ reside at
the capital for [148] some months, when they have permission to
retire to their estates, and are relieved by another portion. On
the grand military festival the whole attend for a given time ; and
when the prince took the field, the whole assembled at their own
charge : but if hostilities carried them beyond the frontier they
were allowed certain rations.
Escuage or Scutage. — Escuage or scutage, the phrase in
Europe to denote the amercement * for non-attendance, is also
known and exemplified in deeds. Failure from disaffection,
turbulence, or pride, brought a heavy fine ; the sequestration of
the whole or part of the estate.* The princes of these States
^ See Appendix, Nos. IV. V. and VI.
^ See Appendix, No. XX. art. 6 ; the treaty between the chiefs and his
vassals defining service.
' Appendix, No. XVI. * Both of which I have witnessed.
174 FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTTTAN
would willingly desire to see escuage more general. All have
made this first attempt towards an approximation to a standing
army ; but, though the chiefs would make compensation to get
rid of some particular service, they are very reluctant to renounce
lands, by which alone a fixed force could be maintained. The
rapacity of the court would gladly fly to scutages, but in the
present impoverished state of the fiefs, such if injudiciously levied
would be almost equivalent to resumption ; but this measure is
so full of difficulty as to be almost impracticable.
Inefficiency of this Form of Government. — Throughout Rajas-
than the character and welfare of the States depend on that of the
sovereign : he is the mainspring of the system — the active power
to set and keep in motion all these discordant materials ; if he
relax, each part separates, and moves in a narrow sphere of its
own. Yet will the impulse of one great mind put the machine
in regular movement, which shall endure during two or three
imbecile successors, if no fresh exterior force be applied to check
it. It is a system full of defects ; yet we see them so often
balanced by virtues, that Ave are alternately biassed by these
counteracting qualities ; loyalty and patriotism, which combine
a love of the institutions, religion, and manners of the country,
are the counterpoise to systematic evil. In no country has the
system ever proved efficient. It has been one of eternal excite-
ment and irregular action ; inimical to order, and the repose
deemed necessary after conflict for recruiting the national strength.
The absence of an external foe was but the signal for disorders
within, which increased to a terrific height in the feuds of the
two great rival factions of Mewar, the clans of [149] Chondawat ^
and Saktawat,^ as the weakness of the prince augmented by the
abstraction of his personal domain, and the diminution of the
services of the third class of vassals (the Gol), the personal re-
tainers of the crown ; but when these feuds broke out, even with
the enemy at their gates, it required a prince of great nerve and
talent to regulate them. Yet is there a redeeming quality in the
' A clan called after Chonda, eldest son of an ancient Rana, who resigned
his birthright.
^ Sakta was the son of Rana Udai Singh, founder of Udayapura, or
Udaipur. The feuds of these two clans, like those of the Annagnacs and
Bourguignons, " qui couvrirent la France d'un crepe sanglant," have been
the destruction of Mewar. It requires but a change of names and places,
while reading the one, to understand perfectly the history of the other.
RIVALRY OF THE SUB-CLANS 175
•
system, which, imperfect as it is, could render such perilous
circumstances but the impulse to a rivalry of heroism.
Rivalry o£ the Chondawat and Saktawat Sub-clans. — When
Jahangir had obtained possession of the palladium of Mewar, the
ancient fortress of Chitor, and driven the prince into the wilds and
mountains of the west, an opportunity offered to recover some
frontier lands in the plains, and the Rana with all his chiefs was
assembled for the purpose. But the Saktawats asserted an equal
privilege with their rivals to form the vanguard ; ^ a right which
their indisputable valour (perhaps superior to that of the other
party) rendered not invalid. The Chondawats claimed it as an
hereditary privilege, and the sword would have decided the
matter but for the tact of the prince. " The harawal to the clan
which first enters Untala," was a decision which the Saktawat
leader quickly heard ; while the other could no longer plead his
right, when such a gauntlet was thrown down for its maintenance.
Untala is the frontier fortress in the plains, about eighteen
miles east of the capital, and covering the road which leads from
it to the more ancient one of Chitor. It is situated on a rising
groimd, with a stream flowing beneath its walls, which are of
solid masonry, lofty, and with round towers at intervals.^ In
the centre was the governor's house, also fortified. One gate
only gave admission to this castle.
The clans, always rivals in power, now competitors in glory,
moved off at the same time, some hours before daybreak — •
LTntala the goal, the harawal the reward ! Animated with hope —
a barbarous and cruel foe the object of their prowess — their wives
and families spectators, on their return, of the meed of enterprise ;
the bard [150], who sang the praise of each race at their outset,
demanding of each materials for a new wreath, supplied every
stimulus that a Rajput could have to exertion.
The Saktawats made directly for the gateway, which they
reached as the day broke, and took the foe unprepared ; but the
walls were soon manned,, and the action commenced. The
Chondawats, less skilled in topography, had traversed a swamp,
which retarded them — but through which they dashed, fortun-
ately meeting a guide in a shepherd of Untala. With more
foresight than their opponents, they had brought ladders. The
^ Harawal.
^ It is now in ruins, but the towers and part of the walls are still standing.
176 FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN
chief led the escalade, but a ball rolled him back amidst his
vassals ; it was not his destiny to lead the harawal ! Each party
was checked. The Saktawat depended on the elephant he rode,
to gain admission by forcing the gate ; but its projecting spikes
deterred the animal from applying its strength. His men were
falling thick around him, when a shout from the other party
made him dread their success. He descended from his seat,
placed his body on the spikes, and commanded the driver, on
pain of instant death, to propel the elephant against him. The
gates gave way, and over the dead body of their chief his clan
rushed to the combat ! But even this heroic surrender of his
life failed to purchase the honour for his clan. The lifeless corpse
of his rival was already in Untala, and this was the event
announced by the shout which urged his sacrifice to honour and
ambition. When the Chondawat chief fell, the next in rank and
kin took the command. He was one of those arrogant, reckless
Rajputs, who signalized themselves wherever there was danger,
not only against men but tigers, and his common appellation
was the Benda Thakur (' mad chief ') of Deogarh. When his
leader fell, he rolled the body in his scarf ; then tying it on his
back, scaled the wall, and with his lance having cleared the way
before him he threw the dead body over the parapet of Untala,
shouting, " The vanguard to the Chondawat ! we are first in ! "
The shout was echoed by the clan, and the rampart was in their
possession nearly at the moment of the entry of the Saktawats.
The Moguls fell under their swords : the standard of Mewar was
erected in the castle of Untala, but the leading of the vanguard
remained with the Chondawats^ [151].
This is not the sole instance of such jealousies being converted
^ An anecdote appended by my friend Anira (the bard of the Sangawats,
a powerful division of the Chondawats, whose head is Deogarh, often alluded
to, and who alone used to lead two thousand vassals into the field) was well
attested. Two Mogul chiefs of note were deeply engaged in a game of chess
when the tumult was reported to them. Feeling confident of success, they
continued their game ; nor would they desist till the inner castle of this
' donjon keep ' was taken, and they were surrounded by the Rajputs, when
they cooUy begged they might be allowed to terminate their game. This
the enemy granted ; but the loss of their chiefs had steeled their breasts
against mercy, and they were afterwards put to death. [Compare the
similar case of Ganga; Raja of Mysore, who was surprised, by the treachery
of his ministers, while occupied in a game of chess (L. Rice, Mysore Gazeltecr
(1897), i. 319.]
RIVALRY OF THE SUB-CLANS 177
into a generous and patriotic rivalry ; many others could be
adduced throughout the greater principaUties, but especially
amongst the brave Rathors of Marwar.
It was a nice point to keep these clans poised against each
other ; their feuds were not without utihty, and the tact of the
prince frequently turned them to account. One party was certain
to be enlisted on the side of the sovereign, and this alone counter-
balanced the evil tendencies before described. To this day it
has been a perpetual struggle for supremacy ; and the epithets
of ' loyalist ' and ' traitor ' have been alternating between them
for centuries, according to the portion they enjoyed of the
prince's favour, and the talents and disposition of the heads of the
clans to maintain their predominance at court. The Saktawats
are weaker in numbers, but have the reputation of greater
bravery and more genius than their rivals. I am inclined, on the
whole, to assent to this opinion ; and the very consciousness of
this reputation must be a powerful incentive to its preservation.
When all these governments were founded and maintained on
the same principle, a system of feuds, doubtless, answered very
well ; but it cannot exist with a well-constituted monarchy
Where individual will controls the energies of a nation, it must
eventually lose its liberties. To preserve their power, the princes
of Rajasthan surrendered a portion of theirs to the emperors of
Delhi. They made a nominal surrender to him of their kingdoms
receiving them back with a sanad, or grant, renewed on each
lapse : thereby acknowledging him as lord paramount. They
received, on these occasions, the khilat of honour and investiture,
consisting of elephants, horses, arms, and jewels ; and to their
hereditary title of ' prince ' was added by the emperor, one of
dignity, mansab.^ Besides this acknowledgment of supremacy,
they offered nazarana ^ and homage, especially on the festival
of Nauroz (the new year), engaging to attend the royal presence
when required, at the head of a stipulated number of their vassals.
The emperor presented them with a royal standard, kettle-drums,
and other insignia, which headed the array of each prince. Here
we have all the chief incidents of a great feudal sovereignty.
Whether the Tatar sovereigns borrowed these customs from their
^ [' Office, prerogative.' For a full account of the Mansab system, see
Irvine, Army of the Indian Moghuls, 3 ff.]
^ Fine of relief.
VOL. I N
178 FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN
princely vassals, or brought them from the highlands of Asia, from
the Oxus [152] and Jaxartes, whence, there is little doubt, many
of these Sachha Rajputs originated, shall be elsewhere considered.
Akbar's Policy towards the Rajputs. — The splendour of such an
array, whether in the field or at the palace, can scarcely be con-
ceived. Though Humayun had gained the services of some of
the Rajput princes, their aid was uncertain. It was reserved for
his son, the wise and magnanimous Akbar, to induce them to
become at once the ornament and support of his throne. The
power which he consolidated, and knew so well to wield, was
irresistible ; while the beneficence of his disposition, and the
wisdom of his policy, maintained what his might conquered. He
felt that a constant exhibition of authority would not only be
ineffectual but dangerous, and that the surest hold on their
fealty and esteern would be the giving them a personal interest
in the support of the monarchy.
Alliances between Moguls and Rajputs. — Akbar determined to
unite the pure Rajput blood to the scarcely less noble stream
which flowed from Aghuz Khan, through .lenghiz, Timur, and
Babur, to himself, calculating that they would more readily yield
obedience to a prince who claimed kindred with them, than to
one purely Tatar ; and that, at all events, it would gain the
support of their immediate kin, and might in the end become
general. In this supposition he did not err. We are less ac-
quainted with the obstacles which opposed his first success than
those he subsequently encountered ; one of which neither he nor
his descendants ever overcame in the family of Mewar,'who could
never be brought to submit to such alliance.
Amber, the nearest to Delhi and the most exposed, though
more open to temptation than to conquest, in its then contracted
sphere, was the first to set the example.^ Its Raja Bhagwandas
gave his daughter to Humayun ; ^ and subsequently this practice
became so common, that some of the most celebrated emperors
were the offspring of Rajput princesses. Of these, Salim, called
after his accession, Jahangir ; his ill-fated son, Khusru ; Shah
^ [There were earlier instances of alliances between Muhanimadan
princes and Hindus. The mother of Firoz Shah, born a.d. 1309, was a
Bhatti lady : Khizr Khan married Deval Devi, a Vaghela lady of Gujarat
(EUiot-Dowson, iii. 271 f., 545; Elphinstone, 395).]
^ [There is no evidence for this statement (Smith, AJchar, 58, 225).]
RAJPUT GENERALS 179
Jahan ; ^ Kanibakhsh,^ the favourite of his father ; Aurangzeb,
and his rebelHous son Akbar, whom his Rajput kin would have
placed on the throne had his genius equalled their power, are
the most prominent instances. Farruldisiyar, when the empire
began to totter, furnislxed the last instance of a Mogul sove-
reign [153] marrying a Hindu princess,' the daughter of Raja
Ajit Singh, sovereign of INIarwar.
These Rajput princes became the guardians of the minority
of their imperial nephews, and had a direct stake in the empircj
and in the augmentation of their estates.
Rajputs in the Imperial Service. — Of the four hundred and
sixteen Mansabdars, or militarj^ commanders of Akbar's empire,
from leaders of two hundred to ten thousand men, forty-seven
were Rajputs, and the aggregate of their quotas amounted to.
fifty-three thousand horse : * exactly one-tenth of the united Man-
sabdars of the empire, or five hundred and thirty thousand horse. ^
Of the forty-seven Rajput leaders, there were seventeen whose
mansabs were from one thousand to five thousand liorse, and
thirty from two hundred to one thousand.
The princes of Amber, Marwar, Bikaner, Bundi, Jaisalmer,
Bundelkhand, and even Shaikhawati, held mansabs of above
one thousand ; but Amber only, being allied to the throne, had
the dignity of five thousand.
The Raja Udai Singh of Marwar, surnamed the Fat, chief of
^ The son of the Princess Jodh Bai, whose magnificent tomb still excites
admiration at Sikandra, near Agra.
^ 'Gift of Love.' [Kambakhsh had a' Hindu wife, Kalyan Kumari,
daughter of Amar Chand and sister of Sagat Singh, Zamindar of Manoharpur.
Professor Jadunath Sarkar has been unable to trace a Hindu wife of Akbar,
son of Aurangzeb.]
^ To this very marriage we owe the origin of our power. When the
nuptials were preparing, the emperor fell ill. A mission was at that time
at Delhi from Surat, where we traded, of which Mr. Hamilton was the
surgeon. He cured the king, and the marriage was completed. In the
oriental style, he desired the doctor to name his reward ; but instead of
asking anything for himself, he demanded a grant of land for a factory on
the Hoogly for his employers. It was accorded, and this was the origin
of the greatness of the British empire in the East. Such an act deserved
at least a column ; but neither " storied urn nor animated bust " marks
the spot where his remains are laid [C. R. Wilson, Early Annals of the
English in Bengal, ii. 235, see p. 468 below].
" Abu-1 Fazl [Ain, i. 308 ff.].
^ The infantry, regulars, and mihtia, exceeded 4,000,000.
180 FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN
the Rathors, held but the mansab of one thousand, while a scion
of his house, Rae Singh of Bilvaner, had four thousand. This is
to be accounted for by the dignity being thrust upon the head
of that house. The independent princes of Chanderi, Karauh,
Datia, with the tributary feudatories of the larger principalities,
and members of the Shaikhawat federation, were enrolled on the
other grades, fi-om four to seven hundred. Amongst these we
find the founder of the Saktawat clan, who, quarrelling with his
brother, Rana Partap of Mewar, gave his services to Akbar. In
short it became general, and what originated in force or persua-
sion, was soon coveted from interested motives ; and as nearly
all the States submitted in [1.54] time to give queens to the empire,
few were left to stigmatize this dereliction from Hindu principle.
Akbar thus gained a double victory, securing the good opinions
as well as the swords of these princes in his aid. A judicious
perseverance would have rendered the throne of Timur immov-
able, had not the tolerant principles and beneficence of Akbar,
Jahangir, and Shah Jahan been lost sight of by the bigoted and
bloodthirsty Aurangzeb ; who, although while he lived his com-
manding genius wielded the destinies of this immense empire at
pleasure, alienated the affections, by insulting the prejudices,
of those who had aided in raising the empire to the height on
which it stood. This affection withdrawn, and the wealoiess of
Farrukhsiyar substituted for the strength of Aurangzeb, it fell
and went rapidly to pieces. Predatory warfare and spohation
rose on its ruins. The Rajput princes, with a short-sighted
policy, at first connived at, and even secretly invited the tumult ;
not calculating on its affecting their interests. Each looked to
the return of ancient independence, and several reckoned on
great accession of power. Old jealousies were not lessened by the
part which each had played in the hour of ephemeral greatness ;
and the prince of Mewar, who preserved his blood uncontamin-
ated, though with loss of land, was at once an object of respect
and envy to those who had forfeited the first pretensions ^ of a
Rajput. It was the only ovation the Sesodia ^ had to boast for
centuries of oppression and spoliation, whilst their neighbours
1 See, in the Annals of Mewar, the letter of Rae Singh of Bikaner (who had
been compelled to subfnit to this practice), on hearing that Rana Partap's
reverses were likely to cause a similar result. It is a. noble production, and
gives the character of both.
^ The tribe to which the princes of Mewar belonged.
RESULTS OF FEUDALISM 181
were basking in court favour. The great increase of territory of
these princes nearly equalled the power of Mewar, and the dignities
thus acquired from the sons of Timur, they naturally wished
should appear as distinguished as his ancient title. Hence, while
one inscribed on his seal " The exalted in dignity, a prince amongst
princes, and king of kiags," ^ the prince of Mewar preserved his
royal simplicity in "Maharana Bhima Singh, son of Arsi." But
this is digression.
Results of Feudalism. — It would be difficult to say what would
be the happiest form of government for these States without refer-
ence to their neighbours. Their own feudal customs would seem
to have worked well. The experiment of centuries has secured
[155] to them political existence, while successive dynasties of
Afghans and Moguls, during eight hundred years, have left but
the wreck of splendid names. Were they to become more mon-
archical, they would have everything to dread from vmchecked
despotism, over which even the turbulence of their chiefs is a
salutary control.
Were they somewhat more advanced towards prosperity, the
crown demesne redeemed from dissipation and sterility, and the
chiefs enabled to bring their quotas into play for protection and
police, recourse should never be had to bodies of mercenary
troops, which practice, if persevered in, will inevitably change
their present form of government. This has invariably been the
result, in Europe as weU as Rajasthan, else why the dread of
standing armies ?
Employment of Mercenaries. — Escuage is an approximating
step. When Charles VII. of France - raised his companies of
ordnance, the basis of the first national standing army ever
embodied in Europe, a tax called ' taiUe ' was imposed to pay
them, and Guienne rebelled. Kotah is a melancholy instance of
subversion of the ancient order of society. Mewar made the
experiment from necessity sixty years ago, when rebellion and
invasion conjoined ; and a body of Sindis were employed, which
completed their disgust, and they fought with each other till
almost mutually exterminated, and till all faith in their prince
was lost. Jaipur had adopted this custom to a greater extent ;
but it was an ill-paid band, neither respected at home nor feared
^ Raj Rajeswara, the title of the prince of Marwar : the prince of Amber,
Raj Rajindra. * Hallam, vol. i. p. 117.
182 FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN
abroad. In Marwar the feudal compact was too strong to tolerate
it, till Pathan predatory bands, prowling amidst the ruins of
Mogul despotism, were called in to partake in each family broil ;
the consequence was the weakening of all, and opening the door
to a power stronger than any, to be the arbiter of their fate.
General Duties of the Pattawat, or Vassal Chief of Rajasthan. —
" The essential principle of a fief was a mutual contract of support
and fidelity. Whatever obligations it laid upon the vassal of
service to his lord, corresponding duties of protection were im-
posed by it on the lord towards his vassal. If these were trans-
gressed on either side, the one forfeited his land, the other his
signiory or rights over it." ^ In this is comprehended the very
foundation of feudal policy, because in its simplicity we recognize
first principles involving mutual preservation. The best [156]
commentary on this definition of simple truth will be the senti-
ments of the Rajputs themselves in two papers : one containing
the opinions of the chiefs of Marwar on the reciprocal duties of
sovereign and vassal ; - the other, those of the sub-vassals of
Deogarh, one of the largest fiefs in Rajasthan, of their rights, the
infringement of them, and the remedy.^
If, at any former period in the history of Marwar, its prince
had thus dared to act, his signiory and rights over it would not
have been of great value ; his crown and life would both have
been endangered by these turbulent and determined vassals. How
much is comprehended in that manly, yet respectful sentence :
" If he accepts our services, then he is our prince and leader ;
if not, but our equal, and we again his brothers, claimants of and
laying claim to the soil." In the remonstrance of the sub-vassals
of Deogarh, we have the same sentiments on a reduced scale.
In both we have the ties of blood and kindred, connected with
and strengthening national policy. If a doubt could exist as to
the principle of fiefs being similar in Rajasthan and in Europe,
it might be set at rest by the important question long agitated by
the feodal lawyers in Europe, " whether the vassal is bound to
follow the standard of his lord against his own kindred or against
his sovereign " : which in these States is illustrated by a simple
and universal proof. If the question were put to a Rajput to
whom his service is due, whether to his chief or his sovereign, the
1 Hallam, vol. i. p. 173. * See Appendix, No. I.
3 See Appendix, Noa. II. and III.
DUTIES OP^ THE VASSAL CHIEFS 183
reply would be, Raj ka malik ivuh, pat ^ ka malik yih : ' He is Lhe
'Sovereign of the State, but this is my head' : an ambiguous phrase,
but well understood to imply that Iiis own immediate chief is
the only authority he regards.
This will appear to militate against the right of remonstrance
(as in the case of the vassals of Deogarh), for they look to the
crown for protection against injustice ; they annihilate other
rights by admitting appeal higher than this. Every class looks
out for some resource against oppression. The sovereign is the
last applied to on such occasions, with whom the sub-vassal has
no bond of connexion. He can receive no favour, nor perform
any service, but through his own immediate superior ; and pre-
sumes not to question (in cases not personal to himself) the pro-
priety of his chief's actions, adopting implicitly his feelings [157]
and resentments. The daily familiar intercourse of life is far too
engrossing to allow him to speculate, and with his lord he lives
a patriot or dies a traitor. In proof of this, numerous instances
could be given of whole clans devoting themselves to the chief
against their sovereign ; ^ not from the ties of kindred, for many
were aliens to blood ; but from the ties of duty, gratitude, and
all that constitutes clannish attachment, superadded to feudal
obligation. The sovereign, as before observed, has nothing to do
with those vassals not holding directly from the crown ; and
those who wish to stand well with their chiefs would be very slow
in receiving any honours or favours from the general fountain-
head. The Deogarh chief sent one of his sub- vassals to court
on a mission ; his address and deportment gained him favour, and
his consequence was increased by a seat in the presence of his
sovereign. When he returned, he found this had lost him the
favour of his chief, who was offended, and conceived a jealousy
both of his prince and his servant. The distinction paid to the
latter was, he said, subversive of liis proper authority, and the
vassal incurred by his vanity the loss of estimation where alone
it was of value.
Obligations of a Vassal. — The attempt to define all the obliga-
tions of a vassal would be endless : they involve all the duties of
kindred in addition to those of obedience. To attend the court
^ Pat means ' head,' ' chief.'
^ The death of the chief of Nimaj, in the Annals of Marwar, and Sheogarh
Feud, in the Personal Narrative, Vol. II.
184 FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN
of his chief ; never to absent himself without leave ; to ride with
him a-hunting ; to attend him at the court of his sovereign or to
war, and even give himself as a hostage for his release ; these are
some of the duties of a vassal.
CHAPTER 3
Feudal Incidents. — I shall now proceed to compare the more
general obligations of vassals, known under the term of ' Feudal
Incidents ' in Europe, and show their existence in Rajasthan.
These were six in num.ber : 1. Reliefs ; 2. Fines of alienation ;
3. Escheats ; 4. Aids ; 5. Wardship ; 6. Marriage [158].
Relief. — The first and most essential mark of a feudal relation
exists in all its force and purity here : it is a perpetually recurring
mark of the source of the grant, and the solemn renewal of the
pledge which originally obtained it. In Mewar it is a virtual
and bona fide surrender of the fief and renewal thereof. It is
thus defined in European polity : "A relief ^ is a sum of money
due from every one of full age taking a fief by descent." It was
arbitrary, and the consequent exactions formed a ground of dis-
content ; nor was the tax fixed till a comparatively recent period.
By Magna Charta reliefs were settled at rates proportionate
to the dignity of the holder." In France the relief was fixed by
the customary laws at one year's revenue.' This last has long
been the settled amount of nazarana, or fine of relief, in Mewar.
^ " Plusieurs possesseurs de fiefs, ayant voulu en laisser perpetuellement
la propriete a leurs descendans, prirent des arrangemens avec leur Seigneur ;
et, outre ce qu'ils donnerent pour faire le marche, lis s'engagerent, eux et leur
posterite, a abandonner pendant une annee, au Seigneur, la jouissance entiere
du fief, chaque fois que le dit fief changcrait de main. C'est ce qui forma le
droit de relief. Quand un gentilhomme avait deroge, il pouvait effaeer
cotte tachc moycnnant finances, et ce qu'il payait s'appelait relief, il recevait
pour quittance des lettres de relief ou de rehabilitation-" (Art. ' Refief,
Diet, de Vane. Eegime).
^ Namely, " the heir or heirs of an earl, for an entire earldom, one hundred
pounds ; the heir or heirs of a baron, for an entire barony, one hundred
marks ; the heir or heirs of a knight, for a whole knight's fee, one hundred
shilhngs at most " (Art. III. Magna Charta).
' " Le droit de rachat devoit se payer a chaque mutation d'heritier, et
se paya meme d'abord en hgne directe. — La coutume la plus generale
i'avait fixe a une annee du revenue " {L'Esprit des Loix, livre xxxi. chap,
xxxiii.)
RELIEFS 185
Fine paid on Succession. — On the demise of a cliief, the prince
inuTiediately sends a party, termed the zabti (sequestrator), con-
sisting of a civil olBcer and a few soldiers, who take possession of
the State in the prince's name. The heir sends his prayer to
court to be installed in the property, offering the proper relief.
This paid, the chief is invited to repair to the presence, when he
performs homage, and makes protestations of service and fealty ;
he receives a fresh grant, and the inauguration terminates by the
prince girding liim with a sword, in the old forms of chivalry.
It is an imposing ceremony, performed in a full assembly of the
court, and one of the few which has never been relinquished.
The fine paid, and the brand buckled to his side, a steed, turban,
plume, and dress of honour given to the chief, the investiture ^
is [159] complete ; the sequestrator returns to court, and the
chief to his estate, to receive the vows and congratulations of
his vassals.^
In this we plainly perceive the original power (whether exer-
cised or not) of resumption. On this subject more will appear
in treating of the duration of grants. The kharg bandhai, or
' binding of the sword,' is also performed when a Rajput is fit to
bear arms ; as amongst the ancient German tribes, when they
put into the hands of the aspirant for fame a lance. Such are the
substitutes for the toga virilis of the young Roman. The Rana
himself is thus ordained a knight by the first of his vassals in
dignity, the chief of Salumbar.
Renunciation o£ Beliefs. — In the demoralization of all those
States, some of the chiefs obtained renimciation of the fine of
^ That symbolic species of investiture denominated ' improper investi-
ture,' the delivery of a turf, stone, and wand, has its analogies amongst the
mountaineers of the AravalU. The old baron of Badnor, when the Mer
villages were reduced, was clamorous about his feudal rights over those wild
people. It was but the point of honour. Erom one he had a hare, from
another a bullock, and so low as a pair of sticks which they use on the
festivals of the Hoh. These marks of vassalage come under the head of
' petite serjanteri ' (petit serjeantry) in the feudal system of Europe (see
Art. XLI. of Magna Charta).
^ [" All Rajput Jagirdars, or holders of assigned lands, pay nazarana on
the accession of a new Maharana, and on certain other occasions, while most
of them pay a fine called Kaid [' imprisonment '] on succeeding to these
estates. On the death of a Rajput Jagirdar, his estates immediately revert
to the Darbar, and so remain until his son or successor is recognized by the
Maharana, when the grant is renewed, and a fresh lease taken " (Erskine
ii. A. 71).]
186 FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN
relief, which was tantamount to making a grant in perpetuity,
and annulling the most overt sign of paramount sovereignty.
But these and many other important encroachments were made
when little remained of the reality, or when it was obscured by
a series of oppressions unexampled in any European State.
It is in Mewar alone, I believe, of all Rajasthan, that these
marks of fealty are observable to such an extent. But what
is remarked elsewhere upon the fiefs being movable, will support
the doctrine of resumption though it might not be practised : a
prerogative may exist without its being exercised.
Fine of Alienation. — Rajasthan never attained this refine-
ment indicative of the dismemberment of the system ; so vicious
and self-destructive a notion never had existence in these States.
Alienation does not belong to a system of fiefs : the lord would
never consent to it, but on very peculiar occasions.
In Cutch, amongst the Jareja ^ tribes, sub-vassals may alienate
their estates ; but this privilege is dependent on the mode of
acquisition. Perhaps the only knowledge we have in Rajasthan
of alienation requiring the sanction of the lord paramount, is in
donations for pious uses : but this is partial. We see in the re-
monstrance of the Deogarh vassals the opinion they entertained
of their lord's alienation of their sub-fees to strangers, and without
the Rana's consent ; which, with a similar train of conduct, pro-
duced sequestration of his flef till they were reinducted [160].
Tenants of the Crown may Alienate. — The agricultural tenants,
proprietors of land held of the crown, may alienate their rights
upon a small fine, levied merely to mark the transaction. But
the tenures of these non-combatants and the holders of fees are
entirely distinct, and cannot here be entered on, further than to
say that the agriculturist is, or was, the proprietor of the soil ;
the chief, solely of the tax levied thereon. But in Europe the
alienation of the feuduni paternum was not good without the
consent of the kindred in the line of succession.^ This would
involve sub-infeudation and frerage, which I shall touch on
distinctly, many of the troubles of these countries arising there-
from.
^ Jareja is the title of the Rajput race in Cutch ; they are descendants
of the Yadus, and claim from Krishna. In early ages they inhabited the
tracts on the Indus and in Seistan [p. 102 above].
* Wright on Tenures, apud Hallam, vol. i. p. 185.
ESCHEATS AND FORFEITURES : AIDS 187
Escheats and Forfeitures. — The flefs which v/ere only to descend
in hneal succession reverted to the crown on failure of heirs, as
they could not be bequeathed by will. This answers equally well
for England as for Mewar. I have witnessed escheats of this
kind, and foresee more, if the pernicious practice of unlimited
adoption do not prevent the Rana from regaining lands, alienated
by himself at periods of contention. Forfeitures for crimes
must, of course, occur, and these are partial or entire, according
to the delinquency.
In Marwar, at this moment, nearly all the representatives of
the great fiefs of that country are exiles from their homes : a
distant branch of the same family, the prince of Idar, would have
adopted a similar line of conduct but for a timely check from the
hand of benevolence.^
There is, or rather was, a class of lands in Mewar appended to
the crown, of which it bestowed life-rents on men of merit. These
were termed Chhorutar, and were given and taken back, as the
name implies ; in contradistinction to grants which, though origin-
ating in good behaviour, not only continued for life but descended
in perpetuity. Such places are still so marked in the rent-roll,
but they are seldom applied to the proper purpose.
Aids. — Aids, implying ' free gifts,' or ' benevolences,' as they
were termed in a European code, are well known. The barar
(war-tax) is well understood in Mewar, and is levied on many
occasions for the necessities of the prince or the head of a clan.
It is a curious fact, that the dasaundh, or ' tenth,' in Mewar, as in
Europe, was the [161] stated sum to be levied in periods of emer-
gency or danger. On the marriage of the daughters of the prince,
a benevolence or contribution was always levied : this varied.
A few years ago, when two daughters and a granddaughter were
married to the princes of Jaisalmer, Bikaner, and Kishangarh, a
schedule of one-sixth, to portion the three, was made out ; but
it did not realize above an eighth. In this aid the civil officers
of government contribute equally with the others. It is a point
of honour with all to see their sovereign's daughters married,
and for once the contribution merited the name of benevolence.
^ The Hon. Mr. Elphinstone, Governor of Bombay. As we prevented the
spoliation of Idar by the predatory powers, we are but right in seeing that
the head does not become the spoliator himself, and make these brave men
" wish any change but that which we have given them."
188 FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN
But it is not levied solely from the coffers of the rich ; by the
chiefs it is exacted of their tenantry of all classes, who, of course,
wish such subjects of rejoicing to be of as rare occurrence as
possible.
" These feudal aids are deserving of our notice as the com-
mencement of taxation, of which they long answered the purpose,
till the craving necessities and covetous policy of kings established
for them more durable and onerous burthens." ^
The great chiefs, it may be assumed, were not backward, on
like occasions, to follow such examples, but these gifts were more
voluntary. Of the details of aids in France we find enumerated,
" paying the relief to the suzerain on taking possession of his
lands " ; ^ and by Magna Charta our barons could levy them on
the following counts : to make the baron's eldest son a knight,
to marry his eldest daughter, or to redeem his person from cap-
tivity. The latter is also one occasion for the demand in all these
covmtries. The chief is frequently made jDrisoner in their preda-
tory invasions, and carried off as a hostage for the payment of a
war contribution. Everything disposable is often got rid of on
an occasion of this kind. Cceur de Lion would not have remained
so long in the dungeons of Austria had his subjects been Rajputs.
In Amber the most extensive benevolence, or barar,^ is on the
marriage of the Rajkumar, or heir apparent.
Wardship. — This does exist, to foster the infant vassal during
minority ; but often terminating, as in the system of Europe, in
the nefarious act of defrauding a helpless infant, to the pecuniary
benefit of some court favourite. It is accordingly [1G2] here
undertaken occasionally by the head of the clan ; but two strong-
recent instances brought the dark ages, and the purchase of
wardships for the purpose of spoliation, to mind. The first was
in the Deogarh chief obtaining by bribe the entire management
of the lands of Sangramgarh, on pretence of improving them for
the infant, Nahar Singh, whose father was incapacitated by
derangement. Nahar was a junior branch of the clan Sangawat,
a subdivision of the Chondawat clan, both Sesodias of the Rana's
blood. The object, at the time, was to unite them to Deogarh,
though he pleaded duty as liead of the clan. His nomination of
young Nahar as liis own heir gives a colouring of truth to his
^ Hallara. ^ Ducange, apud Hallam.
^ Barar is the generic name for taxation.
WARDSHIP 189
intentions ; and he succeeded, though there were nearer of kin,
who were set aside (at the wish of the vassals of Deogarh and
witli the concurrence of the sovereign) as unfit to head them or
serve him.
Another instance of the danger of permitting wardships,
particularly where the guardian is the superior in clanship and
kindred, is exemplified iii the Kalyanpur estate in Mewar. That
property had been derived from the crown only two generations
back, and was of the annual value of ten thousand rupees. The
mother having little interest at court, the Salumbar chief, by
bribery and intrigue, upon paying a fine of about one year's rent,
obtained possession — ostensibly to guard the infant's rights ;
but the falsehood of this motive was soon apparent. There were
duties to perform on holding it which were not thought of. It
was a frontier post, and a place of rendezvous for the quotas to
defend that border from the incursions of the wild tribes of the
south-west. The Salumbar chief, being always deficient in the
quota for his own estate, was not likely to be very zealous in his
muster-roll for his ward's, and complaints were made which
threatened a change. The chief of Chawand was talked of as
one who would provide for the widow and minor, who could not
perform the duties of defence.
The sovereign himself often assumes the guardianship of
minors ; but the mother is generally considered the most proper
guardian for her infant son. All others may have interests of
their own ; she can be actuated by his welfare alone. Custom,
therefore, constitutes her the guardian ; and with the assistance
of the elders of the family, she rears and educates the young chief
till he is fit to be girded with the sword [103].^
The Faujdar, or military manager, who frequently regulates
the household as weU as the subdivisions of the estate, is seldom
of the kin or clan of the chief : a wise regulation, the omission of
which has been known to produce, in these niaires dii palais on a
small scale, the same results as will be described in the larger.
This officer, and the civil functionary who transacts all the
pecuniary concerns of the estate, with the mother and her family,
are always considered to be the proper guardians of the minor.
' Blood which could not inherit,' was the requisite for a guardian
^ The charter of Henry I. promises the custody of heirs to the mother or
next of kin (Hallam, vol. ii. p. 429).
190 FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN
in Europe/ as here ; and when neglected, the results are in both
cases the same.
Marriage. — Refinement was too strong on the side of the
Rajput to admit this incident, which, with that of wardship
(both partial in Europe), illustrated the rapacity ot the feudal
aristocracy. Every chief, before he marries, makes it known to
his sovereign. It is a compliment which is expected, and is
besides attended with some advantage, as the prince invariably
confers presents of honour, according to the station of the
individual.
No Rajput can marry in his own clan ; and the incident was
originated in the Norman institutes, to prevent the vassal marry-
ing out of his class, or amongst the enemies of his sovereign.^
Thus, setting aside marriage (which even in Europe was only
partial and local) and alienation, four of the six chief incidents
marking the feudal system are in force in Rajasthan, viz. relief,
escheats, aids, and wardships.
Duration of Grants. — T shall now endeavour to combine all the
knowledge I possess with regard to the objects attained in granting
lands, the nature and durability of these grants, whether for life
and renewable, or in perpetuity. I speak of the rules as under-
stood in Mewar. We ought not to expect much system in what
was devoid of regularity, even according to the old principles of
European feudal law, which, though now reduced to some fixed
])rinciples, originated in, and was governed by, fortuitous cir-
cumstances ; and after often changing its character, ended in
despotism, oligarchy, or democracy.
Classes of Landholders. — There are two classes of Rajput
landholders in INIewar, though the one greatly exceeds the other
in number. One is the Girasia Thakur, or lord ; the other the
Bliumia. The Girasia chieftain is he who holds (giras) by grant
(pafto) of the [164] prince, for which he performs service with
specified quotas at home and abroad, renewable at every lapse,
when all the ceremonies of resumption,^ the fine of relief,'* and the
investiture take place.
The Bhumia does not renew his grant, but holds on prescriptive
1 Hallam, vol. i. p. 190.
* [The nile of tribal exogamy, whatever may be its origin, is much more
primitive than the author supposed (Sir J. G. Frazer, Totemism and Exogamy,
i. 54 ff.).] ^ Zahii, 'sequestration.' * Nazarana.
GIRASIA : GRANTS RESUMABLE 191
possession. He succeeds without any fine, but pays a small
annual quit-rent, and can be called upon for local service in the
district which he in.habits for a certain period of time. He is the
counterpart of the allodial proprietor of the European system,
and the real zamindar of these principalities. Both have the
same signification ; from bhum and zamin, ' land ' : the latter
is an exotic of Persian origin.
Girasia. — Girasia is from giras, ' a subsistence ' ; literally and
familiarly ' a mouthful.' Whether it may have a like origm with
the Celtic word gwas,^ said to mean ' a servant,' ^ and whence the
word vassal is derived, I shall leave to etymologists to decide,
who may trace the resemblance to the girasia, the vassal chieftain
of the Rajputs. All the chartularies or pattas ^ commence,
" To . . . giras has been ordained."
Whether Resumable. — It has always been a subject of doubt
whether grants were resumable at pleasure, or without some
delinquency imputable to the vassal. Their duration in Europe
was, at least, the life of the possessor, when they reverted * to
the fisc. The whole of the ceremonies in cases of such lapse are
decisive on this point in Mewar. The right to resume, therefore,
may be presumed to exist ; while the non-practice of it, the
formalities of renewal being gone through, may be said to render
the right a dead letter. But to prove its existence I need only
mention, that so late as the reign of Rana Sangram/ the fiefs of
Mewar were actually movable ; and little more than a century
and a half has passed since this practice ceased. Thus a Rathor
would shift, with family, chattels, and retainers, from the north
into the wUds of Chappan ; ^ while the Saktawat relieved would
1 It might not be unworthy of research to trace many words common to
the Hindu and the Celt ; or to inquire whether the Kimbri, the Juts or
Getae, the Sakasena, the Chatti of the Elbe and Cimbric Chersonese, and
the ancient Britons, did not bring their terms with their bards and votes
(the Bhats and Bardais) from the highland of Scythia east of the Caspian,
which originated the nations common to both, improved beyond the Wolga
and the Indus [?].
^ HaUam, vol. i. 155. [Welsh, Cornish givas, ' a servant.']
* Patta, a ' patent ' or ' grant ' ; Pattawat, ' holder of the fief or grant.'
* Montesquieu, chaps, xxv., liv., xxxi.
^ Ten generations ago. [At present an estate is not liable to confiscation
save for some gross pohtical offence (Erskine ii. A. 71).]
* The mountainous and woody region to the south-west, dividing Mewar
from Gujarat.
192 FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN
occupy the plains at the foot of the Aravalli ; ^ or a Chondawat
would exchange his [165] abode on the banks of the Chambal
with a Pramara or Chauhan from the table-mountain, the eastern
boundary of Mewar.^
Since these exchanges were occurring, it is evident the fiefs
(pattas) were not grants in perpetuity. This is just the state of
the benefices in France at an early period, as described by Gibbon,
following Montesquieu : " Les benefices etoient amovibles : bien-
tot ils les rendirent perpetuels, et enfin hereditaires." ^ This is
the precise gradation of fiefs in Mewar ; movable, perpetual, and
then hereditary. The sons were occasionally permitted to suc-
ceed their fathers ; * an indulgence which easily grew into a right,
though the crown had the indubitable reversion. It is not, how-
ever, impossible that these changes ^ were not of ancient authority,
but arose from the policy of the times to prevent infidelity.
We ought to have a high opinion of princes who could produce
an effect so powerful on the minds of a proud and turbulent
nobility. The son was heir to the title and power over the
vassals' personals and movables, and to the allegiance of his
father, but to nothing which could endanger that allegiance.
A proper apportioning and mixture of the different clans was
another good result to prevent their combinations in powerful
families, which gave effect to rebellion, and has tended more than
external causes to the ruin which the State of Mewar exhibits.
^ The grand chain dividing the western from the central States of
Rajasthan.
^ Such changes were triennial ; and, as I have heard the prince himself
say, so interwoven with their customs was this rule tJiat it caused no dis-
satisfaction ; but of this we may be allowed at least to doubt. It was a
perfect check to the imbibing of local attachment ; and the prohibition
against erecting forts for refuge or defiance, prevented its growth if acquired.
It produced the object intended, obedience to the prince, and unity against
the restless Mogul. Perhaps to these institutions it is owing that Mewar
alone never was conquered by the kings during the protracted struggle of
seven centuries ; though at length worried and worn out, her power expired
with theirs, and predatory spohation completed her ruin.
^ Gibbon, Misc. Works, vol. iii. p. 189 ; Sur le systeme feodal surtout en
France.
* Hallam, quoting Gregory of Tours ; the picture drawn in a.d. 595.
' " Fiefs had partially become hereditary towards the end of the first
race : in these days they had not the idea of an ' unah enable fief.' " Montes-
quieu, vol. ii. p. 431. The historian of the Middle Ages doubts if ever they
were resumable at pleasure, unless from delinquency.
KALA PATTAS 193
Nobility : Introduction o£ Foreign Stocks. — Throughout the
various gradations of its nobility, it was the original policy to
introduce some who were foreign in country and blood. Chiefs of
the Rathor, Chauhan, Pramara, Solanki, and Bhatti tribes were
intermingled. Of these several were lineal descendants of the
most ancient races of the kings of Delhi and Anhilwara Patan ; ^
and from these, in order to preserve the purity of blood, the
princes of Mewar took their wives, when the other princes of
Hind assented to [166] the degradation of giving daughters in
marriage to the emperors of Delhi. The princes of Mewar never
yielded in this point, but preserved their ancient manners amidst
all vicissitudes. In like manner did the nobles of the Rana's
blood take daughters from the same tribes ; the interest of this
foreign race was therefore strongly identified with the general
welfare, and on all occasions of internal turmoil and rebellion
they invariably supported their prince. But when these wise
institutions were overlooked, when the great clans increased
and congregated together, and the crown demesne was impover-
ished by prodigality, rebellions were fostered by Mahratta
rapacity, which were little known during the lengthened para-
mount sway of the kings of Delhi. This foreign admixture
will lead us to the discussion of the different kinds of grants :
a difference, perhaps, more nominal than real, but exhibiting a
distinction so wide as to imply grants resumable and irresum-
able.
Kala Pattas. — It is elsewhere related that two great clans,
descendants of the Ranas Rae Mall and Udai Singh, and their
numerous scions, forming subdivisions with separate titles or
patronymics, compose the chief vassalage of this country.
Exogamy. — Chondawat and Saktawat are the stock ; the
former is subdivided into ten, the latter into about six clans.
Rajputs never intermarry with their own kin : the prohibition
has no limit ; it extends to the remotest degree. All these clans
are resolvable into the generic term of ' the race ' or Kula Sesodia.
A Sesodia man and woman cannot unite in wedlock — all these
are therefore of the blood royal ; and the essayists on population
would have had a fine field in these quarters a century ago, ere
constant misery had thinned the coimtry, to trace the numerous
^ The Nahlwara of D'Anville and the Arabian travellers of the eighth
century, the capital of the Balhara kings.
VOL. I O
194 FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN
progeny of Chonda and Sakta in the Genesis ^ of Mewar. The
Bhat's genealogies would still, to a certain extent, afford the same
means.
Descent gives a strength to the tenure of these tribes which
the foreign nobles do not possess ; for although, from all that
has been said, it will be evident that a right of reversion and
resumption existed (though seldom exercised, and never but in
cases of crime), yet the foreigner had not this strength in the soil,
even though of twenty generations' duration. The epithet of
kala patta, or ' black grant,' attaches to the foreign grant, and is
admitted by the holder, from which the kinsman thinks himself
exempt. It is virtually a grant resumable ; nor can the pos-
sessors feel that security which the other widely affiliated aristo-
cracies afford [167]. When, on a recent occasion, a revision of
all the grants took place, the old ones being called in to be renewed
under the sign-manual of the reigning prince, the minister himself
visited the chief of Salumbar, the head of the Chondawats, at his
residence at the capital, for this purpose. Having become
possessed of several villages in the confusion of the times, a
perusal of the grant would have been the means of detection ;
and on being urged to send to his estate for it, he replied, pointing
to the palace, " My grant is in the fovmdation of that edifice " :
an answer worthy of a descendant of Chonda, then only just of
age. The expression marks the spirit which animates this people,
and recalls to mind the well-known reply of our own Earl Warenne,
on the very same occasion, to the quo warranto of Edward : " By
their swords my ancestors obtained this land, and by mine will I
maintain it."
Hence it may be pronounced that a grant of an estate is for
the life of the holder, with inheritance for his offspring in lineal
descent or adoption, with the sanction of the prince, and resum-
able for crime or incapacity : ^ this reversion and power of
resumption being marked by the usual ceremonies on each lapse
^ Janam, ' birth ' ; es, ' lord ' or ' man.' [See p. 24 above.]
^ " La loi des Lombards oppose les benefices a la propriete. Les his-
toriens, les formules, les codes des differens peuples barbares, tons les monu-
mens qui nous restent, sont unanimes. Enfin, ceux qui ont ecrit le livre dea
fiefs, nous apprennent, que d'abord les Seigneurs purent les oter a leur
volonte, qu'ensuite ils les assurerent pour un an, et apres les donnerenfc pour
la vie " (L'Esprit des Loix, chap. xvi. livre 30).
THE BHUMIAS 195
of the grantee, of sequestration (zabti), of relief (nazarano), of
homage and investiture of the heir. Those estates held by
foreign nobles differ not in tenure ; though, for the reasons
specified, they have not the same grounds of security as the
others, in whose welfare the whole body is mterested, feeling the
case to be their own : and their interests, certainly, have not
been so consulted since the rebellions of S. 1822,^ and subsequent
years. Witness the Chauhans of Bedla and Kotharia (in the
Udaipur valley), and the Pramar of the plateau of Mewar, all
chiefs of the first rank.
The difficulty and danger of resuming an old-established grant
'n these countries are too great to be lightly risked. Though in
all these estates there is a mixture of foreign Rajputs, yet the
blood of the chief predominates ; and these must have a leader
of their own, or be incorporated in the estates of the nearest of
kin. This increase might not be desirable for the crown, but the
sub-vassals cannot be turned [168] adrift ; a resumption therefore
in these countries is widely felt, as it involves many. If crime or
incapacity render it necessary, the prince inducts a new head of
that blood ; and it is their pride, as well as the prince's interest,
that a proper choice should be made. If, as has often occurred,
the title be abolished, the sub-vassals retain their sub-infeuda-
tions, and become attached to the crown.
Many estates were obtained, during periods of external com-
motion, by threats, combination, or the avarice of the prince — his
short-sighted policy, or that of his ministers — which have been
remedied in the late reorganization of Mewar ; where, by retro-
grading half a century, and bringing matters as near as po'ssible
to the period preceding civil dissension, they have advanced at
least a century towards order.
Bhumia, the Allodial Proprietor. — It is stated in the historical
annals of this country that the ancient clans, prior to Sanga
Rana,- had ceased, on the rising greatness of the subsequent new
division of clans, to hold the higher grades of rank ; and had, in
fact, merged into the general military landed proprietors of this
country under the term bhumia, a most expressive and compre-
hensive name, importing absolute identity with the soil : bhum
meaning ' land,' and being far more expressive than the new-
1 A.D. 1766.
2 Contemporary and opponent of Sultan Babur.
196 FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN
fangled word, unknown to Hindu India, of zamindar, the ' land-
holder ' of Muhammadan growth. These Bhumias, the scions
of the earliest princes, are to be met with in various parts of
Mewar ; though only in those of high antiquity, where they were
defended from oppression by the rocks and wilds in which they
obtained a footing ; as in Kumbhalmer, the wilds of Chappan,
or plains of Mandalgarh, long under the kings, and where their
agricultural pursuits maintained them.
Their clannish appellations, Kumbhawat, Lunawat, and
Ranawat, distinctly show from what stem and when they branched
off ; and as they ceased to be of sufficient importance to visit the
court on the new and continually extending ramifications, they
took to the plough. But while they disdained not to derive a
subsistence from labouring as husbandmen, they never abandoned
their arms ; and the Bhumia, amid the crags of the alpine Aravalli
where he pastures his cattle or cultivates his fields, preserves the
erect mien and proud spirit of his ancestors, with more tractability,
and less arrogance and folly, than his more [169] courtly but now
widely separated brethren, who often make a jest of his in-
dustrious but less refined qualifications.^ Some of these yet
possess entire villages, which are subject to the payment of a
small quit-rent : they also constitute a local militia, to be called
in by the governor of the district, but for which service they are
entitled to rations or peti.^ These, the allodial ^ tenantry of our
^ Many of them taking wives from the degraded but aboriginal races in
their neighbouring retreats, have begot a mixed progeny, who, in describing
themselves, unite the tribes of father and mother.
^ Literally, ' a belly-full.'
3 Allodial property is defined (Hallam, vol. i. p. 144) as " land which had
descended by inheritance, subject to no burthen but pubUc defence. It
passed to all the children equally ; in failure of children, to the nearest
kindred." Thus it is strictly the Miras or Bhuni of the Rajputs : inheritance,
patrimony. In Mewar it is divisible to a certain extent ; but in Cutch, to
infinity : and is liable only to local defence. The holder of bhum calls it
his Adyapi, i.e. of old, by prescriptive right ; not by written deed. Montes-
quieu, describing the conversion of allodial estates into fiefs, says, "These
lands were held by Romans or Franks (i.e. freemen) not the king's vassals,"
viz. lands exterior and anterior to the monarchy. We have Rathor, Solanki,
and other tribes, now holding bhum in various districts, whose ancestors
were conquered by the Sesodias, but left in possession of small portions
insufficient to cause jealousy. Some of these may be said to have converted
their lands into fiefs, as the Chauhan lord of , who served the Salumbar
chief.
FEUDAL MILITIA 197
feudal system, form a considerable body in many districts, armed
with matchlock, sword, and shield. In Mandalgarh, when their
own interests and the prince's unite (though the rapacity of
governors, pupils of the Mahratta and other predatory schools,
have disgusted these independents), four thousand Bhumias
could be collected. They held and maintained without support
the important fortress of that district, during half a century of
turmoil, for their prince. Mandalgarh is the largest district of
Mewar, and in its three hundred and sixty towns and villages
many specimens of ancient usage may be found. The Solanki
held largely here in ancient days, and the descendant of the
princes of Patau still retains his Bhum and title of Rao.^
Feudal Militia. — All this feudal militia pay a quit-rent to the
crown, and perform local but limited service on the frontier
garrison ; and upon invasion,^ when the Kher is called out, the
whole are at the disposal of the prince on furnishing rations
only. They assert that they ought not to pay this quit-rent and
perform service also ; but this may be doubted, since the sum
is so small. To elude it, they often performed service under
some powerful chief, where faction or court interest [170] caused
it to be winked at. To serve without a patta is the great object
of ambition. Ma ka bhum, ' my land,' in their Doric tongue, is a
favourite phrase.'
^ Amidst ruins overgrown with forest, I discovered on two tables of stone
the genealogical history of this branch, which was of considerable use in
elucidating that of Anhilwara, and which corresponded so well with the
genealogies of a decayed bard of the family, who travelled the country for a
subsistence, that I feel assured they formerly made good use of these marble
records. " See Appendix, Nos. XVI. and XVJI.
* I was intimately acquainted with, and much esteemed, many of these
Bhumia chiefs — from my friend Paharji (the rock), Ranawat of Amargarh,
to the Kumbhawat of Sesoda on the highest point, lord of the jiass of the
Aravalli ; and even the mountain hon, Dungar Singh who bore amongst us,
from his old raids, the famiHar title of Roderic Dhu. In each situation I
have had my tents filled with them ; and it was one of the greatest pleasures
I ever experienced, after I had taken my leave of them, perhaps for ever,
crossed the frontiers of Mewar, and encamped in the dreary pass between it
and Marwar, to find that a body of them had been my guards during the
night. This is one of the many pleasing recollections of the past. Fortu-
nately for our happiness, the mind admits their preponderance over opposite
feeUngs. I had much to do in aiding the restoration of their past condition ;
leaving, I believe, as few traces of error in the mode as could be expected,
where so many conflicting interests were to be reconciled.
198 FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN
Circumstances have concurred to produce a resemblance even
to the refined fiction of giving up their allodial property to have
it conferred as a fief. But in candour it should be stated, that
the only instances were caused by the desire of being revenged
on the immediate superiors of the vassals. The Rathor chief of
Dabla held of his superior, the Raja of Banera, three considerable
places included in the grant of Banera. He paid homage, an
annual quit-rent, was bound to attend him personally to court,
and to furnish thirty-five horse in case of an invasion. During
the troubles, though perfectly equal to their performance, he
was remiss in all these duties. His chief, with returning peace,
desired to enforce the return to ancient customs, and his rights
so long withheld ; but the Rathor had ielt the sweets of entire
independence, and refused to attend his smnmons. To the
warrant he replied, " his head and Dabla were together " ; and
he would neither pay the quit-rent nor attend his court. This
refractory spirit was reported to the Rana ; and it ended in Dabla
being added to the fisc, and the chief's holding the rest as a vassal
of the Rana, but only to perform local service. There are many
other petty free proprietors on the Banera estate, holding from
small portions of land to sinall villages ; but the service is limited
and local in order to swell the chief's miniature court. If they
accompany him, he must find rations for them and their steeds.
So cherished is this tenure of Bhum, that the greatest chiefs
are always solicitous to obtain it, even in the villages wholly
dependent on their authority : a decided proof of its durability
above common grants. The various modes in which it is ac-
quired, and the precise technicalities which distinguished its
tenure, as well as the privileges attached to it, are fully developed
in translations of different deeds on the subject [171].^
Rajas of Banera and Shahpura.— We have also, amongst the
nobilitj'^ of Mewar, two who hold the independent title of prince
or raja, one of whom is by far too powerful for a subject. These
are the Rajas of Banera and Shahpura, both of the blood royal.
The ancestor of the first was the twin-brother of Rana Jai Singh ;
the other, a Ranawat, branched off from Rana Udai Singh.
They have their grants renewed, and receive the khilat of
investiture ; but they pay no relief, and are exempt from all
but persona] attendance at their prince's court, and the local
^ See Appendix.
SUB-INFEUDATION 199
service of the district in which their estates are situated. They
have hitherto paid but Httle attention to their duties, but this
defect arose out of the times. These lands lying most exposed
to the imperial headquarters at Ajmer, they were compelled to
bend to circumstances, and the kings were glad to confer rank
and honour on such near relations of the Rana's house. He
bestowed on them the titles of Raja, and added to the Shahpura
chief's patrimony a large estate in Ajmer, which he now holds
direct of the British Government, on payment of an annual tribute.
Form and Substance o£ Grant. — To give a proper idea of the
variety of items forming these chartularies, I append several *
which exhibit the rights, privileges, and honours, as well as the
sources of income, while they also record the terms on which they
are granted. Many royalties have been alienated in modern times
by the thoughtless prodigality of the princes ; even the grand
mark of vassalage, the fine of relief, has been forgiven to one or two
individuals ; portions of transit duties, tolls on ferries, and other
seignorial rights ; coining copper currency; exactions of every kind,
from the levy of toll for night protection of merchandise and for the
repairs of fortifications, to the share of the depredations of the com-
mon robber, will sufficiently show the demoralization of the country.
Division of Pattas, or Sub-infeudation. — Many years ago, when
the similarity of the systems first struck my attention, I took
one of the grants or pattas of a great vassal of Jaipur, and dis-
sected it in all its minutiae, with the aid of a very competent
authority who had resided as one of the managers of the chief.
This document, in which the subdivision of the whole clan is
detailed, materially aided me in developing the system [172].
The court and the household economy of a great chieftain is
a miniature representation of the sovereign's : the same officers,
from the pardhan, or minister, to the cup-bearer (paniyari), as
well as the same domestic arrangements. He must have his
sliish-mahall,- his hari-mahaU,^ and his mandir,* like his prince.
1 See Appendix, Nos. IV., V., VI.
^ Mirror apartments. [To meet the demand for the glass mosaics seen
in the palaces of Rajputana, the Panjab, and Burma, the industry of blowing
glass globes, silvered inside, came into existence. The globes are broken
into fragments, and set in cement (in Burma in laquer), and used to decorate
the walls (Watt, C'omm. Prod. 563, 717 f.). There is a Shish Mahall in the
Agra Fort.] ^ Gardens on the terrace within the palace.
* Private temple of worship.
200 FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN
He enters the dari-sala, or carpet hall, the minstrel ^ preceding
him rehearsing the praises of his family ; and he takes his seat
on his throne, while the assembled retainers, marshalled in lines
on the right and left, simultaneously exclaim, " Health to our
chief ! " which salutation he returns by bowing to all as he passes
them. When he is seated, at a given signal they all follow the
example, and shield rattles against shield as they wedge into
their places.
We have neither the kiss nor individual oaths of fidelity
administered. It is sufficient, when a chief succeeds to his patri-
mony, that his ' aw ' ^ is proclaimed within his sim or boundary.
Allegiance is as hereditary as the land : "I am your child ; my
head and sword are yours, my service is at your command."
It is a rare thing for a Rajput to betray his Thakur, while the
instances of self-devotion for him are innumerable : many will
be seen interspersed in these papers. Base desertion, to their
honour be it said, is little known, and known only to be execrated.
Fidelity to the chief, Swamidharma, is the climax of all the virtues.
The Rajput is taught from his infancy, in the song of the bard,
to regard it as the source of honour here, and of happiness here-
after. The poet Chand abounds with episodes on the duty and
beauty of fidelity ; nor does it require a very fervid imagination
to picture the affections which such a life is calculated to promote,
when the chief is possessed of the qualities to call them forth.
At the chase his vassals attend him : in the covert of the forest,
the ground their social board, they eat their repast together,
from the venison or wild boar furnished by the sport of the day ;
nor is the cup neglected. They are familiarly admitted at all
times to his presence, and accompany him to the court of their
mutual sovereign. In short, they are inseparable.'
Their having retained so much of their ancient manners and
customs, during [173] centuries of misery and oppression, is the
best evidence that those customs were riveted to their very souls.
The Rajput of character is a being of the most acute sensibility ;
^ DhoU.
^ An is the oath of allegiance. Three things in Mewar are royalties a
subject cannot meddle with : 1, ^n, or oath of allegiance ; 2, Dan, or transit
dues on commerce ; 3, Khan, or mines of the precious metals.
^ I rather describe what they were, than what they are. Contentions and
poverty have weakened their sympathies and affections ; but the mind of
philanthropy must hope that they will again become what they have been.
CHARSA 201
where honour is concerned, the most trivial omission is often
ignorantly construed into an affront.
Provision for Chief's Relations. — In all the large estates the
chief must provide for his sons or brothers, according to his
means and the number of immediate descendants. In an estate
of sixty to eighty thousand rupees of annual rent, the second
brother might have a village of three to Ave thousand of rent.
This is his patrimony (bnpota) : he besides pushes his fortune
at the court of his sovereign or abroad. Juniors share in propor-
tion. These again subdivide, and have their little circle of
dependents. Each new family is known by the name of the
founder conjoined to that of his father and tribe : Man Megh-
singhgot Saktawat ; that is, ' Man, family of Megh, tribe Sak-
tawat.' The subdivisions descend to the lowest denomination.
Charsa. — Charsa, a ' hide of land,' or al)out sufficient to
furnish an equipped cavalier. It is a singular coincidence that
the term for the lowest subdivision of land for military service
should be the same amongst the Rajputs as in the English system.
Besides being similar in name, it nearly corresponds in actual
quantity. From the beginning of the Anglo-Saxon government
the land was divided into hides, each comprehending what could
be cultivated by a single plough.^ Four hides constituted one
knight's fee,^ which is stated to be about forty acres. The Charsa
may have from twenty-five to thirty bighas ; which are equal
to about ten acres — the Saxon hide.
For what these minor vassals held to be their rights on the
great pattawats, the reader is again referred to the letter of protest
of the inferior jjattawats of the Deogarh estate — it may aid
his judgement ; and it is curious to observe how nearly the
subject of their prayer to the sovereign corresponded with the
edict of Conrad of Italy,' in the year 1037, which originated in
^ Millar's Historical View of the English Government, p. 85. [See p. 156
above.]
* Hume, History of England, Appendix II. vol. ii. p. 291.
^ " 1. That no man should be deprived of his fief, whether held of the
emperor or mesne lord, but by the laws of the empire and judgement of his
peers. 2. That from such judgeinent the vassal might appeal to his sovereign.
3. That fiefs should be inherited by sons and their children, or in their
failure by brothers, provided they were feuda. paterna, such as had descended
fi-om the father. 4. That the lord should not alienate the fief of his vassal
without his consent.'
202 FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN
disagreements between the great lords and their vassals on the
subject of sub-infeudations [174].
The extent to which the subdivision before mentioned is carried
in some of the Rajput States, is ruinous to the protection and
general welfare of the country. It is pursued in some parts till
there is actually nothing left sufficiently large to share, or to
furnish subsistence for one individual : consequently a great
deprivation of services to the State ensues. But this does not
prevail so much in the larger principalities as in the isolated
tributary Thakurats or lordships scattered over the country ; as
amongst the Jarejas of Cutch, the tribes in Kathiawar, and
the small independencies of Gujarat bordering on the greater
western Rajput States. This error in policy requires to be
checked by supreme authority, as it was in England by Magna
Charta,^ when the barons of those days took such precautions
to secure their own seignorial rights.
Brotherhood. — -The system in these countries of minute sub-
division of fiefs is termed bhayyad,^ or brotherhood, synonymous
to the tenure by frerage of France, but styled only an approxi-
mation to sub-infeudation.^ " Give me my bat (share)," says
the Rajput, when he attains to man's estate, ' the bat of the
bhayyad,' the portion of the frerage ; and thus they go on clipping
and paring till all are impoverished. The ' customs ' of France *
preserved the dignities of families and the indivisibility of a feudal
homage, without exposing the younger sons of a gentleman to
beggary and dependence. It would be a great national benefit
if some means could be found to limit this subdivision, but it is
an evil difficult of remedy. The divisibility of the Cutch and
Kathiawar frerage, carried to the most destructive extent, is pro-
ductive of litigation, crime, and misery. Where it has proper
limits it is useful ; but though the idea of each rood supporting
its man is very poetical, it does not and cannot answer in practice.
Its limit in Mewar we would not undertake to assert, but the
vassals are careful not to let it become too small ; they send the
extra numbers to seek their fortunes abroad. In this custom*
and the difficulty of finding daejas, or dowers, for their daughters,
^ By the revised statute. Quia emptores, of Edw. I., which forbids it in
excess, under penalty of forfeiture (Hallam, vo]. i. p. 184).
^ Bhayyad, ' frerage.'
3 Hallam, vol. i. p. 186. * Ibid.
RAKHWALI 203
we have the two chief causes of infanticide amongst the Rajputs,
which horrible practice was not always confined to the female.
The author of the Middle Ages exemplifies ingeniously the
advantages of sub-[175]infeudation, by the instance of two
persons holding one knight's fee ; and as the lord was entitled
to the service of one for forty days, he could commute it for the
joint service of the two for twenty days each. He even erects
as a maxim on it, that " whatever opposition was made to the
rights of sub-infeudation or frerage, would indicate decay in the
military character, the living principle of feudal tenure " ; ^
which remark may be just where proper limitation exists, before
it reaches that extent when the impoverished vassal would descend
to mend his shoes instead of liis shield. Primogeniture is the
corner-stone of feudality, but this unrestricted sub-infeudation
would soon destroy it." It is strong in these States ; its rights
were first introduced by the Normans from Scandinavia. But
more will appear on this subject and its technicalities, in the
personal narrative of the author.
CHAPTER 4
Rakhwali. — I now proceed to another point of striking
resemblance between the systems of the east and west, arising from
the same causes — the unsettled state of society, and the deficiency
of paramount protection. It is here called rakhwali,^ or ' pre-
servation ' ; the salvamenta of Europe.* To a certain degree it
always existed in these States ; but the interminable predatory
^ Hallara, vol. i. p. 186.
" ■' Le droit d'ainesse a cause, pendant I'existence du regime feodal, une
multitude de guerres et de proces. Notre histoire nous presente, a chaque
page, des cadets reduits a la mendicite, se Kvrant a toutes sortes de brigan-
dages pour reparer les torts de la fortune ; des aines, refusant la legitime a
leurs freres ; des cadets, assassinant leur aine pour lui succeder, etc." (see
article, ' Droit d'ainesse,' Diet, de VAncien Regime).
^ See Appendix, Nos. VII., VIII., and IX.
* This is the ' sauvement ou vingtain ' of the French system : there it
ceased with the cause. " Les guerres (feudal) cesserent avec le regime
feodal, et les paysans n'eurent plus besoin de la protection du Seigneur ; on
ne les for9a pas moins de reparer son chateau, et de lui payer le droit qui
se nommait de sauvement ou vingtain " (Art. ' Chateau,' Diet, de VAncien
Regime).
204 FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN
warfare of the last half century increased it to so frightful an
extent that superior authority was required to redeem the abuses
it had occasioned. It originated in the necessity of protection ;
and the modes of obtaining it, as well as the compensation [176]
when obtained, were various. It often consisted of money or
kind on the reaping of each harvest : sometimes in a multi-
plicity of petty privileges and advantages, but the chief object
was to obtain bhwn : and here we have one solution of the con-
stituted bhumia,^ assimilating, as observed, to the allodial pro-
prietor. Bhum thus obtained is irrevocable ; and in the eager
anxiety for its acquisition we have another decided proof of
every other kind of tenure being deemed resumable by the crown.
It was not unfrequent that application for protection was
made to the nearest chief by the tenants of the fisc ; a course
eventually sanctioned by the Government, which could not refuse
assent where it could not protect. Here, then, we revert to first
principles ; and ' seignorial rights ' may be forfeited, when they
cease to yield that which ought to have originated them, viz.
benefit to the community. Personal service at stated periods,
to aid in the agricultural ^ economy of the protector, was some-
times stipulated, when the husbandmen were to find implements
and cattle,* and to attend whenever ordered. The protected
calls the chief ' patron ' ; and the condition may not unaptly be
compared to that of personal commendation,* like salvamenta,
founded on the disturbed state of society. But what originated
thus was often continued and multiplied by avarice, and the
spirit of rapine, which disgraced the Rajput of the last half
century, though he had abundance of apologies for ' scouring
the country.' But all salvamenta and other marks of vassalage,
obtained during these times of desolation, were annulled in the
settlement which took place between the Rana and his chiefs,
in A.D. 1818^ [177].
^ The chief might lose his patta landsj^and he would then dwindle down
into the bhumia proprietor, which title only lawless force could take from
him. See Appendix, No. IX.
^ See Appendix, No. X., Art. II.
^ This species would come under the distinct term of Hydages due by
soccage vassals, who in return for protection supply carriages and work
(Hume, vol. ii. p. 308).
* Hallam, vol. i. p. 169.
^ In indulging my curiosity on this subject, 1 collected some hundred
RAKHWALI, BASAl 205
But the crown itself, by some singular proceeding, possesses,
or did possess, according to the Patta Bahi, or Book of Grants,
considerable salvnmenta right, especially in the districts between
the new and ancient capitals, in sums of from twenty to one
hundred rupees in separate villages.
To such an extent has this rakhwali ^ been carried when pro-
tection was desired, that whole communities have ventured their
liberty, and become, if not slaves, yet nearly approaching the
condition of slaves, to the protector. But no common visitation
ever leads to an evil of this magnitude. I mention the fact merely
to show that it does exist ; and we may infer that the chief, who
has become the arbiter of the lives and fortunes of his followers,
must have obtained this power by devoting all to their protection.
The term thus originated, and probably now (with many others)
written for the first time in English letters in this sense, is Basai.
engagements, and many of a most singular nature. We see the chieftain
stipulating for fees on marriages ; for a dish of the good fare at the wedding
feast, which he transfers to a relation of his district if unable to attend him-
self ; portions of fuel and provender ; and even wherewithal to fill the
wassail cup in his days of merriment. The Rajput's rehgious notions are
not of so strict a character as to prevent his even exacting his rakhwali dues
from the churcli lands, and the threat of slaughtering the sacred flock of our
Indian Apollo has been resorted to, to compel payment when withheld.
Nay, by the chiefs it was imposed on things locomotive : on caravans, or
Tandas of merchandise, wherever they halted for the day, rakhwali was
demanded. Each petty chief through whose district or patch of territory
they travelled, made a demand, till commerce was dreadfully shackled ;
but it was the only way in which it could be secured. It was astonishing
how commerce was carried on at all ; yet did the cloths of Dacca and the
shawls of Kashmir pass through all such restraints, and were never more in
request. Where there is demand no danger will deter enterprise ; and
commerce flourished more when these predatory armies were rolUng like
waves over the land, than during the succeeding halcyon days of pacification.
^ The method by which the country is brought under this tax is as
follows : " When the people are almost ruined by continual robberies and
plunders, the leader of the band of thieves, or some friend of his, proposes
that, for a sum of money annually paid, he will keep a number of men in
arms to protect such a tract of ground, or as many parishes as submit to the
contribution. When the terms are agreed upon he ceases to steal, and
thereby the contributors are safe : if any one refuse to pay, he is immediately
plundered. To colour all this villainy, those concerned in the robberies pay
the tax with the rest ; and all the neighbourhood must comply or be undone.
This is the case (among others), with the whole low country of the shire of
Ross " (Extract from Lord Lovat's Memorial to George I. on the State of
the Highlands of Scotland, in a.d. 1724).
206 FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN
Basai, Slavery. — Slavery is to be found in successive stages of
society of Europe, but we have no parallel in Rajwara (at least
in name) to the agricultural serfs and villains of Europe ; nor is
there any intermediate term denoting a species of slavery between
the Gola ^ of the Hindu chief's household and the free Rajput
but the singular one of basai, which must be explained, since it
cannot be translated. This class approximates closely to the
trihutarii and coloni, perhaps to the servi, of the Salic Franks,
" who were cultivators of the earth, and subject to residence
upon their master's estate, though not destitute of property or
civil rights." ^ Precisely the condition of the cultivator in Haraoti
who now tills for a taskmaster the fields he formerly owned, de-
graded to the name of hali,^ a ploughman.
" \Vlien small proprietors," saj^s Hallam, " lost their lands by
mere rapine, we may believe their liberty was hardly less en-
dangered." The hali of Haraoti knows the bitter truth of this
inference, which applies to the subject immediately before us,
[178] the basai. The portion of liberty the latter has parted
with, was not originally lost through compulsion on the part of
the protector, but from external violence, which made this
desperate remedy necessary. Very different from the hali of
Kotah, who is servile though without the title — a serf in con-
dition but without the patrimony ; compelled to labour for
subsistence on the land he once owned ; chained to it by the
double tie of debt and strict police ; and if flight were practicable,
the impossibility of bettering his condition from the anarchy
around would render it unavailing. This is not the practice
under the patriarchal native government, which, with all its
faults, retains the old links of society, with its redeeming sym-
pathies ; but springs from a maire du palais, who pursued an
unfeeling and mistaken policy towards this class of society till
of late years. Mistaken ambition was the origin of the evil ; he
saw his error, and remedied it in time to prevent further inischief
to the State. This octogenarian ruler, Zalim Singh of Kotah,
is too much of a philosopher and politician to let passion over-
^ In Persian ghuldm, literally ' slave ' ; evidently a word of the same
origin with the Hindu gola. [The words have no connexion.]
2 HaUam, vol. i. p. 217.
^ From hal, ' a plough.' Syl is ' a plough ' in Saxon (Turner's Anglo-
Saxons). The h and s are permutable throughout Rajwara. [The words
have no connexion.] In Marwar, Salim Singh is pronounced Halim Hingh.
SLAVERY 207
come his interests and reputation ; and we owe to the greatest
despot a State ever had the only regular charter which at present
exists in Rajasthan, investing a corporate body with the election
of their own magistrates and the making of their own laws, sub-
ject only to confirmation ; with all the privileges which marked
in the outset the foundation of the free cities of Europe, and that
of boroughs in England.
It is true that, in detached documents, we see the spirit of
these institutions existing in Mewar, and it is as much a matter
of speculation, whether this wise ruler promulgated this novelty
as a trap for good opinions, or from policy and foresight alone :
aware, when all around him was improving, from the shackles
of restraint being cast aside, that his retention of them must be
hurtful to himself. Liberality in this exigence answered the
previous purpose of extortion. His system, even then, was good
by comparison ; all around was rapine, save in the little oasis
kept verdant by his skill, where he permitted no other oppression
than his own.
This charter is appended ^ as a curiosity in legislation, being
given thirty years ago. Another, for the agriculturists' protec-
tion, was set up in a.d. 1821. No human being prompted either ;
though the latter is modelled from the proceedings in Mewar,
and may have been intended, as before observed, to entrap
applause.
In every district of Haraoti the stone was raised to record this
ordinance [179].
Gola — Das (Slaves). — Famine in these regions is the great cause
of loss of liberty : thousands were sold in the last great famine.
The predatory system of the Pindaris and mountain tribes aided
to keep it up. Here, as amongst the Franks, freedom is derived
through the mother. The offspring of a goli ^ or dasi must be a
slave. Hence the great number of golas in Rajput families,
whose illegitimate offspring are still adorned in Mewar, as our
Saxon slaves were of old, with a silver ring round the left ankle,
instead of the neck. They are well treated, and are often amongst
the best of the military retainers ; * but are generally esteemed in
proportion to the quality of the mother, whether Rajputni,
Muslim, or of the degraded tribes : they hold confidential places
^ See Appendix, No. XI. * Female slave.
* See Appendix, No. XIX.
208 FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN
about the chiefs of whose blood they are. The great -grand father
of the late chief of Deogarh used to appear at court with three
hundred galas ^ on horseback in his train, the sons of Rajputs,
each with a gold ring round his ankle : men whose lives were his
own. This chief could then head two thousand retainers, his own
vassals.^
Slavery due to Gambling. — Tacitus ^ describes the baneful
effects of gambling amongst the German tribes, as involving
personal liberty ; their becoming slaves, and being subsequently
sold by the winner. The Rajput's passion for gaming, as re-
marked in the history of the tribes, is strong ; and we can revert
to periods long anterior to Tacitus, and perhaps before the woods
of Germany were peopled with the worshippers of Tuisto, for the
antiquity of this vice amongst the Rajput warriors, presenting a
highly interesting picture of its pernicious effects. Yudhishthira
having staked and lost the throne of India to Duryodhana, to
recover it hazarded the beautiful and virtuous Draupadi. By
the loaded dice of his foes she became the goli of the Kaurava, who,
triumphing in his pride, would have unveiled her in public ; but
the deity presiding over female modesty preserved her from the
rude gaze of the assembled host ; the miraculous scarf lengthened
as he withdrew it, till tired, he desisted at the instance of superior
interposition. Yudhishthira, not satisfied with this, staked
twelve years of his personal liberty, and became an exile from
the haunts of Kalindi, a wanderer in the wilds skirting the distant
ocean [180].
The illegitimate sons of the Rana are called das, literally
' slave ' : they have no rank, though they are liberally provided
^ The reader of Dow's translation of Ferishta [i. 134] may recollect that
when Kutbu-d-din was left the viceroy of the conqueror he is made to say :
" He gave the country to Gola the son of Pittu Rai." [" He delivered over
the country to the Gola, or natural son, of Pithow Ray " (Briggs' trans,
i. 128).] Dow mistakes this appellation of the natural brother of the last
Hindu sovereign for a proper name. He is mentioned by the bard Ghand in
his exploits of Prithwiraja.
^ I have often received the most confidential messages, from chiefs of the
highest rank, through these channels. [There are, at the present day,
several bastard castes originally composed of the illegitimate children of men
of rank, Rajputs, Brahmans, Mahajans, and others. These are now re-
cruited from the descendants of such persons, and from recently born illegiti-
mate children (Census Report, Rajputana, 1911, i. 2-i9f.).]
^ Germania, xxiv.
SLAVES 209
for. Basai signifies ' acquired slaveiy ' ; in contradistinction to
gola, ' an hereditary slave.' The gola can only marry a goli : the
lowest Rajput would refuse his daughter to a son of the Rana of
this kind. The basai can redeem ^ his liberty : the gola has no
wish to do so, because he could not improve his condition nor
overcome his natural defects. To the basai nothing dishonour-
able attaches : the class retain their employments and caste, and
are confined to no occupation, but it must be exercised with the
chief's sanction. Individuals reclaimed from captivity, in grati-
tude have given up their liberty : communities, when this or
greater evils threatened, have done the same for protection of
their lives, religion, and honour. Instances exist of the popula-
tion of towns being in this situation. The greater part of the
inhabitants of the estate of BijoUi are the basai of its chief, who
is of the Pramara tribe : they are his subjects ; the Rana, the
paramount lord, has no sort of authority over them. Twelve
generations have elapsed since his ancestor conducted this little
colony into Mewar, and received the highest honours and a large
estate on the plateau of its border, in a most interesting country.^
The only badge denoting the basai is a small tuft of hair on the
crown of the head. The term interpreted has nothing harsh in
it, meaning ' occupant, dweller, or settler.' The numerous towns
in India called Basai have this origin : chiefs abandoning their
ancient haunts, and settling * with all their retainers and chattels
in new abodes. From this, the town of Basai near Tonk (Ram*
pura), derived its name, when the Solanki prince was compelled
to abandon his patrimonial lands in Gujarat ; his subjects of all
^ The das or ' slave ' may hold a fief in Rajasthan, but he never can rise
above the condition in which this defect of birth has placed him. " L'affran-
chissement consistait a sortir de la classe des serfs, par Facquisition d'un
fief, ou seulement d'un fonds. La necessite oil s'etaient trouves les seigneurs
feodaux de vendre une partie do leurs terres, pour faire leurs equipages des
croisades, avait rendu ces acquisitions communes ; mais le fief n'anobhssait
qu'a la troisieme generation." Serfs who had twice or thrice been cham-
pions, or saved the hves of their masters, were also liberated. " Un eveque
d'Auxerre declara qu'il n'affranchirait gratuitement, qui que ce soit, s'il
n'avait re^u quinze blessurea a son service " (see Article ' Affranchisse-
ment,' Diet, de Vancien Regime).
^ I could but indistinctly learn whether this migration, and the species
of paternity here existing, arose from rescuing them from Tatar invaders,
or from the calamity of famine.
' Basna, ' to settle.'
VOL. I P
210 FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN
classes accompanjdng him voluntarily, in preference to sub-
mitting to foreign rule. Probably the foundation of BijoUi was
similar ; though only the name of Basai now attaches to the
inhabitants. It is not uncommon [181], in the overflowing of
gratitude, to be told, " You may sell me, I am your basai." ^
Private Feuds — Composition.— In a state of society such as
these sketches delineate, where all depends on the personal
character of the sovereign, , the field for the indulgence of the
passions, and especially of that most incident to the uncontrollable
habits of such races — revenge — must necessarily be great. Private
feuds have tended, with the general distraction of the times, to
desolate this country. Some account of their mode of prosecu-
tion, and the incidents thence arising, cannot fail to throw addi-
tional light on the manners of society, which during the last
half-century were fast receding to a worse than semi-barbarous
condition, and, aided by other powerful causes, might have
ended in entire annihilation. The period was rapidly advancing,
when this fair region of Mewar, the garden of Rajasthan, would
have reverted to its primitive sterility. The tiger and the wild
boar had already become inmates of the capital, and the bats
flitted undisturbed in the palaces of her princes. The ante-
courts, where the chieftains and their followers assembled to
grace their prince's cavalcade, were overgrown with dank shrubs
and grass, through which a mere footpath conducted the ' de-
scendant of a hundred kings ' to the ruins of his capital.
In these principalities the influence of revenge is universal.
Not to prosecute a feud is tantamount to an acknowledgement of
self-degradation ; and, as in all countries where the laws are
insufficient to control individual actions or redress injuries, they
have few scruples as to the mode of its gratification. Hence
^ I had the happmess to be the means of releasing from captivity some
young chiefs, who had been languishing in Mahratta fetters as hostages for
the payment of a war contribution. One of them, a younger brother of the
Purawat division, had a mother dying to see him ; but tliough he might
have taken her house in the way, a strong feehng of honour and gratitude
made him forgo this anxious visit : "I am your Rajput, your gola, your
basai." He was soon sent off to his mother. Such little acts, minghng
with pubhc duty, are a compensation for the many drawbacks of sohtude,
gloom, and vexation, attending such situations. They are no sinecures or
beds of roses— ease, comfort, and health, being all subordinate considera-
tions.
PRIVATE FEUDS 211
feuds are entailed with the estates from generation to generation.
To sheathe the sword till ' a feud is balanced ' (their own idio-
matic expression), would be a blot never to be effaced from the
escutcheon.
In the Hindu word which designates a feud we have another
of those striking coincidences in terms to which allusion has
already been made : vair is ' a feud,' vairi, ' a foe.' The Saxon
term for the composition of a feud, wergild, is familiar to every
man. In some of these States the initial vowel is hard, and [182]
pronounced bair. In Rajasthan, bair is more common than vair,
but throughout the south-west vair only is used. In these we
have the original Saxon word war,^ the French guer. The Rajput
wergild is land or a daughter to wife. In points of honour the
Rajput is centuries in advance of our Saxon forefathers, who had
a legislative remedy for every bodily injury, when each finger
and toe had its price.^ This might do very well when the injury
was committed on a hind, but the Rajput must have blood for
blood. The monarch must be powerful who can compel accept-
ance of the compensation, or mund-kaii?
The prosecution of a feud is only to be stopped by a process
which is next to impracticable ; namely, by the party injured
volunteering forgiveness, or the aggressor throwing himself as a
suppliant unawares on the clemency of his foe within his own
domains : a most trying situation for each to be placed in, yet
^ Gilbert on Tenures, art. " Warranty," p. 169. [Wergild, wer, ' man,'
gield, gieldan ; vair is Skt. vtra, ' hero ' ; O.E. wer, O.H.G. werran, ' to
embroil,' Fr. guerre.]
^ " The great toe took rank as it should be, and held to double the sum
of the others, for which ten scyllinga was the value without the nail, which
was thirty scealta to boot" (Turner's Anglo-Saxons, vol. ii. p. 133).
^ Appendix, No. XVIII. The laws of composition were carried to a
much greater extent amongst the Hindu nations than even amongst those
of the Anglo-Saxons, who might have found in Manu all that was ever
written on the subject, from the kiUing of a Brahman by design to the accid-
ental murder of a dog. The Brahman is four times the value of the soldier,
eight of the merchant, and sixteen times of the Sudra. " If a Brahman kill
one of the soldier caste (without mahce), a bull and one thousand cows is the
fine of expiation. If he slays a merchant, a bull and one hundred cows is the
fine. If a Sudra or lowest class, ten white cows and a bull to the priest is
the expiation " [Laivs, xi. 127 ff.]. Manu legislated also for the protection
of the brute creation, and if the priest by chance kills a cat, a frog, a dog,
a lizard, an owl, or a crow, he must drink nothing but milk for three days
and nights, or walk four miles in the night.
212 FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN
not unexampled, and revenge in such a case would entail infamy.
It was reserved for these degenerate days to produce such an
instance.
Amargarh-Shahpura Feud. — The Raja of Shahpura, one of
the most powerful of the chiefs of Mewar, and of the Rasa's
blood, had a feud with the Ranawat chief, the Bhumia proprietor
of Amargarh. Ummeda,^ the chief of Shahpura, held two
estates : one was the grant of the kings of Delhi, the other of his
own sovereign, and each amounting to £10,000 ^ of annual rent,
besides the duties on commerce. His estate in Mewar was in
the district of Mandalgarh, where also lay his antagonist's ; their
bounds were in common and some of the lands were intermixed :
this led to disputes, threats, and blows, even in the towns of their
fathers, between their husbandmen. The Bhumia Dilel was
much less powerful ; he was lord of only ten villages, not yielding
above £1200 a year ; but they were compact and well managed,
and he was [183] popular amongst his brethren, whose swords
he could always command. His castle was perched on a rock,
and on the towers facing the west (the direction of Shahpura)
were mounted some swivels : moreover a belt of forest surrounded
it, through which only two or three roads were cut, so that surprise
was impossible. Dilel had therefore little, to fear, though his
antagonist could bring two thousand of his own followers against
him. The feud burned and cooled alternately ; but the Raja's
exposed villages enabled Dilel to revenge himself with much
inferior means. He carried off the cattle, and sometimes the
opulent subjects, of his foe, to his donjon-keep in Amargarh for
ransom. Meanwhile the husbandmen of both suffered, and
agriculture was neglected, till half the villages held by Ummeda
in Mandalgarh became deserted. The Raja had merited this by
his arrogance and attempts to humble Dilel, who had deserved
more of the sympathies of his neighbours than his rival, whose
tenants were tired of the payments of barchi-dohai.^
^ Ummeda, ' hope.'
2 Together £20,000, eqvial to £100,000 of England, if the respective value
of the necessaries of hfe be considered.
^ Barchi is ' a lance.' In these marauding days, when there was a riever
in every village, they saUied out to ' run the country,' either to stop the
passenger on the highway or the inhabitant of the city. The lance at his
breast, he would call out dohai, an invocation of aid. During harvest time
barchi-dohai used to be exacted.
AMARGARH SHAHPURA FEUD 213
Unmieda was eccentric, if the term be not too weak to char-
acterize acts which, in more civih'zed regions, would have sub-
jected him to coercion. He has taken his son and suspended him
by the cincture to the pinnacle of his little chapel at Shahpura,
and then called on the mother to come and witness the sight.
He would make excursions alone on horseback or on a swift
camel, and be missing for days. In one of these moods he and
his foe Dilel encountered face to face within the bounds of Amar-
garh. Dilel only saw a chief high in rank at his mercy. With
courtesy he saluted him, invited him to his castle, entertained
him, and pledged his health and forgiveness in the munawwar
piyala : ^ they made merry, and in the cup agreed to extinguish
the remembrance of the feud.
Both had been summoned to the court of the sovereign. The
Raja proposed that they should go together, and invited him to
go by Shahpura. Dilel accordingly saddled his twenty steeds,
moved out his equipage, and providing himself with fitting
raiment, and funds to maintain him at the capital, accompanied
the Raja to receive the return of his hospitality. They ate from
the same platter,^ drank of the same cup and enjoyed the song
and dance. They even went together to [184] their devotions,
to swear before their deity what they had pledged in the cup —
oblivion of the past. But scarcely had they crossed the threshold
of the chapel, when the head of the chief of Amargarh was rolling
on the pavement, and the deity and the altar were sprinkled with
his blood ! To this atrocious and unheard-of breach of the laws
of hospitality, the Raja added the baseness of the pilferer, seizing
on the effects of his now lifeless foe. He is said, also, with all the
barbarity and malignity of long-treasured revenge, to have
kicked the head with his foot, apostrophising it in the pitiful
language of resentment. The son of Dilel, armed for revenge,
collected all his adherents, and confusion was again commencing
its reign. To prevent this, the Rana compelled restitution of
the horses and effects ; and five villages from the estate of the
Raja were the mund-kati (wergild) or compensation to the son of
Dilel. The rest of the estate of the murderer was eventually
sequestrated by the crown.
^ ' Cup of invitation.' {^Munawivar, Pers. ' bright, splendid.']
^ This is a favourite expression, and a mode of indicating great friend-
ship : ' to eat of the same platter (thali), and drink of the same cup (piyala).'
214 FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN
The feuds of Arja and Sheogarh are elsewhere detailed, and
such statements could be multiplied. Avowal of error and
demand of forgiveness, with the offer of a daughter in marriage,
often stop the progress of a feud, and might answer better than
appearing as a suppliant, which requires great delicacy of con-
trivance.^ Border disputes ^ are most prolific in the production
of feuds, and the Rajput lord-marchers have them entailed on
them as regularly as their estates. The border chiefs of Jaisalmer
and Bikaner carry this to such extent that it often involved both
states in hostilities. The vair and its composition in Mandalgarh
will, however, suffice for the present to exemplify these things.
Rajput Pardhans or Premiers. — It would not be difficult,
amongst the Majores Dornus Regiae of these principalities, to
find parallels to the M aires du Palais of France. Imbecilitj^ in
the chief, whether in the east or west, must have the same conse-
quences ; and more than one State in India will present us with
the joint appearance of the phantom and the substance of royalty.
The details of [185] personal attendance at court will be found
elsewhere. When not absent on frontier duties, or by permission
at their estates, the chiefs resided with their families at the
capital ; but a succession of attendants was always secured, to
keep up its splendour and perform personal service at the palace.
In Mewar, the privileges and exemptions of the higher class are
such as to exhibit few of the marks of vassalage observable at
other courts. Here it is only on occasion of particular festivals
and solemnities that they ever join the prince's cavalcade, or
attend at court. If full attendance is required, on the reception
of ambassadors, or in discussing matters of general policy, when
^ The Bundi feud with the Rana is still unappeased, since the predecessor
of the former slew the Rana's father. It was an indefensible act, and the
Bundi prince was most desirous to terminate it. He had no daughter to
offer, and hinted a desire to accompany me incog, and thus gain admission
to the presence of the Rana. The benevolence and generosity of this prince
would have insured him success ; but it was a dehcate matter, and I feared
some exposure from any arrogant hot-headed Rajput ere the scene could
have been got up. The Raja Bishan Singh of Bundi is since dead [in 1828] ;
a brave and frank Rajput ; he has left few worthier beliind. His son [Ram
Siiigli, 1821-89], yet a minor, promises well. The protective alliance, which
is to turn their swords into ploughshares, will prevent their becoming foes ;
but they will remain sulky border-neighbours, to the fostering of disputes
and the disquiet of the merchant and cultivator.
^ Sim — Kankar.
PREMIERS 215
they have a right to hear and advise as the hereditary council
(panchayai) of the State, they are summoned by an officer, with
the prince'' s juhar,^ and his request. On grand festivals the great
nakkaras, or kettle-drums, beat at three stated times ; the third
is the signal for the chief to quit his abode and mount his steed.
Amidst all these privileges, when it were almost difficult to
distinguish between the prince and his great chiefs, there are
occasions well understood by both, which render the superiority
of the former apparent : one occurs in the formalities observed
on a lapse ; another, when at court in personal service, the chief
once a week mounts guard at the palace with his clan. On these
occasions the vast distance between them is seen. When the
chief arrives in the grand court of the palace with his retainers, he
halts under the balcony till intimation is given to the prince, who
from thence receives his obeisance and duty. This over, _he
retires to the great darikhana, or hall of audience, appropriated
for these ceremonies, where carpets are spread for him and his
retainers. At meals the prince sends his compliments, requesting
the chief's attendance at the rasora ^ or ' feasting hall,' where with
other favoured chiefs he partakes of dinner with the prince. He
sleeps in the hall of audience, and next morning with the same
formalities takes his leave. Again, in the summons to the
presence from their estates, instant obedience is requisite. But
in this, attention to their rank is studiously shown by ruqa,
written by the private secretary, with the sign-manual of the
prince attached, and sealed with the private finger-ring. For
the inferior grades, the usual seal of state entrusted to the minister
is used.
But these are general duties. In all these States some great
court favourite [186], from his talents, character, or intrigue,
holds the office of premier. His duties are proportioned to his
wishes, or the extent of his talents and aml)ition ; but he does not
interfere with the civil administration, which has its proper
minister. They, however, act together. The Rajput premier
is the military minister, with the political government of the
' A salutation, only sent by a superior to an inferior.
- The Idtchen is large enough for a fortress, and contains large eating
halls. Food for seven hundred of the prince's court is daily dressed. This
is not for any of the personal servants of the prince, or female establish-
ments ; all these are separate.
216 FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN
fiefs ; the civil minister is never of this caste. Local customs
have given various appellations to this officer. At Udaipur he is
called hhanjgarh ; at Jodhpur, pardhan ; at Jaipur (where they
have engrafted the term used at the court of Delhi) miisahib ; at
Kotah, kiladar, and diwan or regent. He becomes a most im-
portant personage, as dispenser of the favours of the sovereign.
Through him chiefly all requests are preferred, this being the
surest channel to success. His influence, necessarily, gives him
unbounded authority over the military classes, with unlimited
power over the inferior officers of the State. With a powerful
body of retainers always at his command, it is surprising we have
not more frequently our ' mayors of Burgundy and Dagoberts,' ^
our ' Martels and Pei^ins,' in Rajasthan.
We have our hereditary Rajput premiers in several of these
States : but in all the laws of succession are so regulated that
they could not usurp the throne of their prince, though they
might his functions.
— " When the treaty was formed between Mewar and the British
Government, the ambassadors wished to introduce an article of
guarantee of the office of pardhan to the family of the chief noble
of the country, the Rawat of Salumbar. The fact was, as stated,
that the dignity was hereditary in this family ; but though the
acquisition was the result of an act of virtue, it had tended much
towards the ruin of the country, and to the same cause are to be
traced all its rebellions.
The ambassador was one of the elders of the same clan, being
the grand uncle of the hereditary pardhan. He had taken a most
active share in the political events of the last thirty years, and had
often controlled the councils of his prince during this period,
^ Dagobert commended his wife and son Clovis to the trust of Ega,
with whom she jointly held the care of the palace. On his death, with the
aid of more powerful lords, she chose another mayor. He confirmed their
grants for hfe. They made his situation hereditary ; but which could only
have held good from the cfowd of imbeciles who succeeded Clovis, until
the descendant of this mayor thrust out his children and seized the crown.
This change is a natural consequence of unfitness ; and if we go back to the
genealogies (called sacred) of the Hindus, we see there a succession of
dynasties forced from their thrones by their ministers. Seven examples
are given in the various dynasties of the race of Chandra. (See Genealogical
Tables, No. II.) [The above is in some ways inaccurate, but it is unneces-
sary to correct it, as it is not connected with the question of premiers in
Rajputana : see EB, xvii. 938.]
PREMIERS 217
and actualij'^ held the post of premier himself when stipulating [187]
for his minor relative. With the ascendancy he exercised over the
prince, it may be inferred that he had no intention of renouncing
it during his lifetime ; and as he was educating his adopted heir
to all his notions of authority, and initiating him in the intrigues of
office, the guaranteed dignity in the head of his family would have
become a nonentity,^ and the Ranas would have been governed
by the deputies of their mayors. From both those evils the times
have relieved the prince. The crimes of Ajit had made his dis-
missal from office a point of justice, but imbecility and folly will
never be without ' mayors.'
When a Rana of Udaijiur leaves the capital, the Salumbar
chief is invested with the government of the city and charge of
the palace during his absence. By his hands the sovereign is
girt with the sword, and from him he receives the mark of inaugu-
ration on his accession to the throne. He leads, by right, the
van in battle ; and in case of the siege of the capital, his post is
the surajpol," and the fortress which crowns it, in which this
family had a handsome palace, which is now going fast to decay.
It was the predecessor of the present chief of Salumbar who
set up a pretender and the standard of rebellion ; but when
foreign aid was brought in, he returned to his allegiance and the
defence of the capital. Similar sentiments have often been
awakened in patriotic breasts, when roused by the interference
of foreigners in their internal disputes. The evil entailed on the
State by these hereditary offices will appear in its annals.
1 So many sudden deaths had occurred in this family, that the branch in
question (Ajit Singh's) were strongly suspected of ' heaping these mortal
murders on their crown,' to push their elders from their seats. The father
of Padma, the present chief, is said to have been taken off by poison ; and
Pahar Singh, one generation anterior, returning grievously wounded from
the battle of Ujjain, in which the southrons first swept Mewar, was not per-
mitted to recover. The mother of the present young chief of the Jhala
tribe of the house of Gogunda, in the west, was afraid to trust him from her
sight. She is a woman of great strength of mind and excellent character,
but too indulgent to an only son. He is a fine bold youth, and, though
impatient of control, may be managed. On horseback with his lance, in
chase of the wild boar, a more resolute cavaher could not be seen. His
mother, when he left the estate alone for court, which he seldom did without
her accompanying him, never failed to send me a long letter, beseeching me
to guard the welfare of her son. My house was lu's great resort : he delighted
to pull over my books, or go fishing or riding with me.
^ Surya, ' sun ' ; and pol, ' gate.' Poliya, ' a porter.'
218 FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN
In Marwar the dignity is hereditary in the house of Awa ; but
the last brave chief who held it became the victim of a revenge-
ful and capricious sovereign/ [188] who was jealous of his ex-
ploits ; and dying, he bequeathed a curse to his posterity who
should again accept the office. It was accordingly transferred
to the next in dignity, the house of Asop. The present chief,
wisely distrusting the prince whose reign has been a series of
turmoils, has kept aloof from court. When the office was jointly
held by the chiefs of Nimaj and Pokaran, the tragic end of the
former afforded a fine specimen of the prowess and heroism of
the Rathor Rajput. In truth, these pardhans of Marwar have
always been mill-stones round the necks of their princes ; an evil
interwoven in their system when the partition of estates took
place amidst the sons of Jodha in the infancy of this State. It
was, no doubt, then deemed politic to unite to the interests of the
crown so powerful a branch, which when combined could always
control the rest ; but this gave too much equality.
The Chief of Pokaran. — Deo Singh, the great-grandfather of the
Pokaran chief alluded to, used to sleep in the great hall of the
palace with five hundred of his clan around him. " The throne
of Marwar is in the sheath of my dagger," was the repeated boast
of this arrogant chieftain. It may be anticipated that either he
or his sovereign would die a violent death. The lord of Pokaran
was entrapped, and instant death commanded ; yet with the
sword suspended over his head, his undaunted spirit was the
same as when seated in the hall, and surrounded by his vassals.
" Where, traitor, is now the sheath that holds the fortiuies of
Marwar ? " said the prince. The taunt recoiled with bitterness
when he loftily replied, " With my son at Pokaran I have left it."
No tinae was given for further insult ; his head rolled at the steps
of the palace ; but the dagger of Pokaran still haunts the imagina-
tions of these princes, and many attempts have been made to get
possessed of their stronghold on the edge of the desert.^ The
narrow escape of the present chief will be related hereafter, with
the sacrifice of his friend and coadjutor, the chief of Nimaj.
^ " The cur can bite," the reply of this chief, either personally, or to the
jjerson who reported that his sovereign so designated him, was never
forgiven.
^ His son, Sabal Singh, followed in his footsteps, till an accidental cannon-
shot reheved the terrors of the prince.
PREMIERS 219
Premiers in Kotah and Jaisalmer. — In Kotah and Jaisalmer
the power of the ministers is supreme. We might describe their
situation in the words of Montesquieu. " The Pepins kept their
princes in a state of imprisonment in the palace, showing them
once a year to the people. On this occasion they made such
ordinances as were directed [189] by the mayor ; they also
answered ambassadors, but the mayor framed the answer." ^
Like those of the Merovingian race, these puppets of royalty
in the east are brought forth to the Champ de Mars once a year,
at the grand military festival, the Dasahra. On this day, presents
provided by the minister are distributed by the prince. Allow-
ances for every branch of expenditure ? re fixed, nor has the prince
the power to exceed them. But at Kotah there is nothing parsi-
monious, though nothing superfluous. On the festival of the birtn
of Krishna, and other similar feasts, the prince likewise appears
abroad, attended by all the insignia of royalty. Elephants with
standards precede ; lines of infantry and guns are drawn up ;
while a numerous cavalcade surrounds his person. The son of the
minister sometimes condescends to accompany his prince on
horseback ; nor is there anything wanting to magnificence, but
the power to control or alter any part of it. This failing, how
humiliating to a proud mind, acquainted with the history of his
ancestors and unbued with a portion of their spirit, to be thus
muzzled, enchained, and rendered a mere pageant of state ! This
chain would have been snapped, but that each link has become
adamantine from the ties this ruler has formed with the British
Government. He has well merited our protection ; though we
never contemplated to what extent the maintenance of these ties
would involve our own character. But this subject is connected
with the history of an individual who yields to none of the many
extraordinary men whom India has produced, and who required
but a larger theatre to have drawn the attention of the world.
His character will be further elucidated in the Annals of
Haravati [190].
^ U Esprit des Loix, chap. vi. livre 31.
220 FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN
CHAPTER 5
Adoption. — The hereditary principle, which perpetuates in these
States their virtues and their vices, is also the grand preservative
of their political existence and national manners : it is an imperish-
able principle, which resists time and innovation : it is this which
made the laws of the Medes and Persians, as well as those of the
Rajputs, unalterable. A chief of Mewar, like his sovereign,
never dies : he disappears to be regenerated. ' Le roi est mart,
mve le roi .' ' is a phrase, the precise virtue of which is there well
understood. Neither the crown nor the greater fiefs are ever
without heirs. Adoption is the preservative of honours and titles ;
the great fiefs of Rajasthan can never become extinct.^ But,
however valuable this privilege, which the law of custom has made
a right, it is often carried to the most hurtful and foolish extent.
They have allowed the limit which defined it to be effaced, and
each family, of course, maintains a custom, so soothing to vanity,
as the prospect of having their names revived in their descendants.
This has resulted from the weakness of the prince and the misery
of the times. Lands were bestowed liberally which yielded
nothing to their master, who, in securing a nominal obedience
and servitude, had as much as the times made them worth when
given ; but with returning prosperity and old customs, these
great errors have become too visible. Adoptions are often made
during the life of the incumbent when without prospect of issue.
The chief and his wife first agitate the subject in private ; it is
then confided to the little council of the fief, and when propin-
quity and merit unite, they at once petition the prince to confirm
their wishes, which are generally acceded to. So many interests
are to be consulted on this occasion, that the blind partiality of
the chief to any particular object is always counterpoised by the
elders of the clan, who jnust have a pride in seeing a proper Tha-
kur ^ at their head, and who prefer the nearest of kin, to prevent
the disputes which would be attendant on neglect in this
point [191].
^ [The abandonment of the policy of escheat or lapse, and the recogni-
tion of the right of adoption were announced by Lord Canning in 1869.]
^ As in Deogarh.
THE CASE OF DEOGARH 221
On sudden lapses, the wife is allowed the privilege, in eon-
junction with those interested in the fief, of nomination, though
the case is seldom left unprovided for : there is always a pre-
sumptive heir to the smallest sub-infeudation of these estates.
The wife of the deceased is the guardian of the minority of the
adopted.
The Case of Deogarh. — The chief of Deogarh, one of the sixteen
Omras ^ of Mewar, died without issue. On his death-bed he
recommended to his wife and chiefs Nahar Singh for their adop-
tion. This was the son of the independent chieftain of Sangram-
garh, already mentioned. There were nearer kin, some of the
seventh and eighth degrees, and young Nahar was the eleventh.
It was never contemplated that the three last gigantic ^ chieftains
of Deogarh would die without issue, or the branches, now claim-
ants from propinquity, would have been educated to suit the
dignity ; but being brought up remote from court, they had been
compelled to seek employment where obtainable, or to live on
the few acres to which their distant claim of birth restricted
them. Two of these, who had but the latter resource to fly to,
had become mere boors ; and of two who had sought service
abroad by arms, one was a cavalier in the retinue of the prince,
and the other a hanger-on about court : both dissipated and
unfitted, as the frerage asserted, ' to be the chieftains of two
thousand Rajputs, the sons of one father.' ^ Much interest and
intrigue were carried on for one of these, and he was supported
by the young prince and a faction. Some of the senior Pattawats
of Deogarh are men of the highest character, and often lamented
the sombre qualities of their chief, which prevented the clan
having that interest in the State to which its extent and rank
entitled it. While these intrigues were in their infancy, they
adopted a decided measure ; they brought home young Nahar
from his father's residence, and ' bound round his head the
turban of the deceased.' In his name the death of the late chief
was announced. It was added, that he hoped to see his friends
^ [Umara, plural of Anilr, ' a chief.']
^ Gokuldas, the last chief, was one of the finest men I ever beheld in
feature and person. He was about six feet six, perfectly erect, and a
Hercules in bulk. His father at twenty was much larger, and must have
been nearly seven feet high. It is surprising how few of the chiefs of this
family died a natural death. It has produced some noble Rajputs.
' Ek bap ka beta.
222 FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN
after the stated days of maiam or mourning ; and he performed
all the duties of the son of Deogarh, and lighted the funeral pyre.
When these proceedings were reported, the Rana was highly
and justly incensed. The late chief had been one of the rebels
of S. 1848 ; ^ and though pardon had been [192] granted, yet this
revived all the recollection of the past, and he felt inclined to
extinguish the name of Sangawat.^
In addition to the common sequestration, he sent an especial
one with commands to collect the produce of the harvest then
reaping, charging the sub-vassals with the design of overturning
his lawful authority. They replied very submissively, and art-
fully asserted that they had only given a son to Gokuldas, not an
heir to Deogarh ; that the sovereign alone could do this, and that
they trusted to his nominating one who would be an efificient
leader of so many Rajputs in the service of the Rana. They
urged the pretensions of young Nahar, at the same time leaving
the decision to the sovereign. Their judicious reply was well
supported by their ambassador at court, who was the bard of
Deogarh, and had recently become, though ex officio, physician
to the prince.^ The point was finallj' adjusted, and Nahar was
brought to court, and invested with the sword by the hand of
the sovereign, and he is now lord of Deogarh Madri, one of the
richest and most powerful fiefs * of Mewar Madri was the
ancient name of the estate ; and Sangramgarh, of which Nahar
was the heir, was severed from it, but by some means had reverted
to the crown, of which it now holds. The adoption of Nahar by
Gokuldas leaves the paternal estate without an immediate heir ;
and his actual father being mad, if more distant claims are not
admitted, it is probable that Sangramgarh v*^ill eventually revert
to the fisc.
1 A.D. 1792. 2 That of the clan of Deogarh.
' ApoUo [Krishna] is the patron both of physicians and poets ; and
though my friend Amra does not disgrace him in either calling, it was his
wit, rather than his medical degree, that maintained him at court. He said
it was not fitting that the sovereign of the world should be served by clowns
or opium-eaters ; and that young Nahar, when educated at court under the
Rana's example, would do credit to the country : and what had full as
much weight as any of the bard's arguments was, that the fine of relief on
the Talwar bandhai (or girding on of the sword) of a lac of rupees, should
be immediately forthcoming.
* Patta. [About 30 miles south of Udaipur city.]
REFLECTIONS ON FUTURE POLICY 223
Reflections.-^The sj^stem of feuds must have attained con-
siderable maturity amongst the Rajputs, to have left such traces,
notwithstanding the desolatioJi that has swe})t the land : but
without circumspection these few remaining customs will become
a dead letter. Unless we abstain from all internal interference,
we must destroy the links which connect the prince and his
vassals ; and, in lieu of a system decidedly imperfect, we should
leave them none at all, or at least not a system of feuds, the only
one they can comprehend. Our friendship has rescued them
from exterior foes, and time will restore the rest. With the
dignity and [193] establishments of their chiefs, ancient usages
will revive ; and nazarana (relief), kharg bandhai (investiture),
dasaundh (aids or benevolence, literally ' the tenth '), and other
incidents, will cease to be mere ceremonies. The desire of every
liberal mind, as well as the professed wish of the British Govern-
ment, is to aid in their renovation, and this will be best effected
by not meddling with what we but imperfectly understand.^
We have nothing to apprehend from the Rajput States if raised
to their ancient prosperity. The closest attention to their history
proves beyond contradiction that they were never capable of
imiting, even for their own preservation : a breath, a scurrilous
stanza of a bard, has severed their closest confederacies. No
national head exists amongst them as amongst the Mahrattas ;
and each chief being master of his own house and followers, they
are individually too weak to cause us any alarm.
No feudal government can be dangerous as a neighbour ; for
defence it has in all countries been found defective ; and for
aggression, totally inefficient. Let there exist between us the
most perfect understanding and identity of mterests ; the foun-
dation-step to which is to lessen or remit the galling, and to us
^ Such interference, when inconsistent with past usage and the genius of
the people, will defeat the very best intentions. On the grounds of poHcy
and justice, it is ahke incumbent on the British Government to secure the
maintenance of their present form of government, and not to repair, but to
advise the repairs of the fabric, and to let their own artists alone be con-
sulted. To employ ours would be like adding a Corinthian capital to a
column of EUora, or replacing the mutilated statue of Baldeva with a limb
from the Hercules Farnese. To have a chain of prosperous independent
States on our ozaly exposed frontier, the north-west, attached to us from
benefits, and the moral conviction that we do not seek their overthrow,
must be a desirable pohcy.
224 FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN
contemptible tribute, now exacted, enfranchise "^them from our
espionage and agency, and either unlock them altogether from
our dangerous embrace, or let the ties between us be such only
as would ensure grand results : such as general commercial
freedom and protection, with treaties of friendly alliance. Then,
if a Tatar or a Russian invasion threatened our eastern empire,
fifty thousand Rajputs would be no despicable allies.^
Rajput Loyalty and Patriotism. — Let us call to mind what they
did when they fought for Aurangzeb : they are still unchanged,
if we give them the proper stimulus. Gratitude, honour, and
fidelity, are terms which at one time were the foundation of all
the virtues of a Rajput. Of the theory of these sentiments he
is still enamoured ; but, unfortunately, for his happiness, the
times have left him but little scope for the practice [194] of them.
Ask a Rajput which is the greatest of crimes ? he will reply,
' gunchhor,^ ' forgetfulness of favours.'. This is his most powerful
term for ingratitude. Gratitude with him embraces every
obligation of life, and is inseparable from swamidharma, ' fidelity
to his lord.' He who is wanting in these is not deemed fit to live,
and is doomed to eternal pains in Pluto's ^ realm hereafter.^
"It was a powerful feeling," says an historian* who always
identifies his own emotions with his subject, " which could make
the bravest of men put up with slights and ill-treatment at the
hand of their sovereign, or call forth all the energies of discon-
tented exertion for one whom they never saw, and in whose char-
acter there was nothing to esteem. Loyalty has scarcely less
tendency to refine and elevate the heart than patriotism itself."
That these sentiments were combined, the past history of the
Rajputs will show ; ^ and to the strength of these ties do they
^ [The author's prediction has been realized by recent events.]
^ Yamaloka.
* The gunchhor (ungrateful) and satchhor (violator of his faith) are con-
signed, by the authority of the bard, to sixty-thousand years' residence in
hell. Europeans, in all the pride of mastery, accuse the natives of want of
gratitude, and say their language has no word for it. They can only know
the namak-haram [' he that is false to his salt '] of the Ganges. Gunchhor
is a compound of powerful import, as ingratitude and infidehty are the
highest crimes. It means, literally, " abandoner (from chhorna, ' to quit ')
of virtue (gun)."
* Hallam, vol. i. p. 323.
* Of the effects of loyalty and patriotism combined, we have splendid
examples in Hindu history and tradition. A more striking instance could
RAJPUT LOYALTY AND PATRIOTISM 225
owe their political existence, which has outlived ages of strife.
But for these, they would have been converts and vassals to the
Tatars, who would still have been enthroned in Delhi. Neglect,
oppression, and religious interference, sunk one of the greatest
monarchies of the world ; ^ made Sivaji a hero, and converted the
peaceful husbandmen of the Kistna and Godavari into a brave
but rapacious soldier.
We have abundant examples, and I trust need not exclaim with
the wise minister of Akbar, " who so happj^ as to profit by them ? "-
The Rajput, with all his turbulence, possesses in an eminent
degTee both loyalty and patriotism ; and though he occasionally
exhibits his refractory spirit to his [195] father and sovereign,^
we shall see of what he is capable when his country is threatened
with dismemberment, from the history of Mewar, and the reign
of Ajit Singh of Marwar. In this last we have one of the noblest
examples history can afford of unbounded devotion. A prince,
whom not a dozen of his subjects had ever seen, who had been
concealed from the period of his birth throughout a tedious
minority to avoid the snares of a tyrant,* by the mere magic of
a name kept the discordant materials of a great feudal association
scarcely be given than in the recent civil distractions at Kotab, where a
mercenary army raised and maintained by the Regent, either openly or
covertly declared against him, as did the whole feudal body to a man, the
moment their yomig prince asserted his subverted claims, and in the cause
of their rightful lord abandoned all consideration of self, their families and
lands, and with their followers offered their lives to redeem his rights or
perish in the attempt. No empty boast, as the conclusion testified. God
forbid that we should have more such examples of Rajput devotion to their
sense of fidehty to their lords !
^ See statement of its revenues during the last emperor, who had pre-
served the empire of Delhi united.
^ Abu-1 Fazl uses this expression when moralizing on the fall of Shihabu-d-
din, king of Ghazni and first estabhshed monarch of India, slain by Prith-
wiraja, the Hindu sovereign of Delhi [Ain, ii. 302]. [Muhammad Ghori,
Shihabu-d-din, was murdered on the road to Ghazni by a fanatic of the
Mulahidah sect, in March, a.d. 1206 (Tabakat-t-Ndsiri, in EUiot-Dowson
ii. 297, 235). According to the less probable account of Ferishta (Briggs,
i. 185), he was murdered at Rohtak by a gang of Gakkhars or rather Khok-
hars (Rose, Glossary, ii. 275).]
' The Rajput, who possesses but an acre of land, has the proud feeling
of common origin with his sovereign, and in styling him bapji (sire), he
thinks of liim as the common father or representative of the race. What
a powerful incentive to action ! ■* Aurangzeb.
VOL. I Q
226 FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN
in subjection, till, able to bear arms, he issued from his conceal-
ment to head these devoted adherents, and reconquer what they
had so long struggled to maintain. So glorious a contest, of
twenty years' duration, requires but an historian to immortalize
it. Unfortunately we have only the relation of isolated en-
counters, which, though exhibiting a prodigality of blood and
acts of high devotion, are deficient in those minor details which
give unity and interest to the whole.
Gallant Services to the Empire. — Let us take the Rajput char-
acter from the royal historians themselves, from Akbar, Jahangir,
Aurangzeb. The most brilliant conquests of these monarchs
were by their Rajput allies ; though the little regard the latter
had for opinion alienated the sympathies of a race, who when
rightly managed, encountered at command the Afghan amidst
the snows of Caucasus, or made the furthest Cheronese tributary
to the empire. Assam, where the British arms were recently
engaged, and for the issue of which such anxiety was manifested
in the metropolis of Britain, was conquered by a Rajput prince,!
whose descendant is now an ally of the British Government.
But Englishmen in the east, as elsewhere, imdervalue every-
thing not national. They have been accustomed to conquest,
not reverses : though it is only by studying the character of those
around them that the latter can be avoided and this superiority
maintained. Superficial observers imagine that from lengthened
predatory spoliation the energy of the Rajput has fled : an idea
which is at once erroneous and dangerous. The vices now mani-
fest from oppression will disappear [196] with the cause, and with
reviving prosperity new feelings will be generated, and each
national tie and custom be strengthened. The Rajput would
glory in putting on his saffron robes ^ to fight for such a land, and
for those who disinterestedly laboured to benefit it.
' Raja Man of Jaipur, who took Arakan, Orissa, and Assam. Raja
Jaswant Singh of Marwar retook Kabul for Aurangzeb, and was rewarded
by poison. Raja Ram Singh Hara, of Kotah, made several important
conquests ; and liis grandson, Raja Isari Singh, and his five brothers, were
left on one field of battle.
^ When a Rajput is determined to hold out to the last in fighting, he
always puts on a robe dyed in saffron. [This was the common practice,
saffron being the colour of the bridal robe (Malcolm, Memoir of Central
India, 2nd ed. i. 358 ; Grant Duff, Hist, of the Mahrattas, 317 ; Forbes,
Easmula, 408).]
RAJPUT LOYALTY AND PATRIOTISM 227
Let us, then, apply history to its proper use. We need not
turn to ancient Rome for illustration of the dangers inseparable
from wide dominion and extensive alhances. The twenty-two
Satrapies of India, the greater part of which are now the appanage
of Britain, exhibited, even a century ago, one of the most splendid
monarchies history has made known, too extensive for the genius
of any single individual effectually to control. Yet was it held
together, till encroachment on their rights, and disregard to their
habits and religious opinions, alienated the Rajputs, and excited
the inhabitants of the south to rise against their Mogul oppressors.
' Then was the throne of Aurangzeb at the mercy of a Brahman,
and the grandson ^ of a cultivator in the province of Khandesh
held the descendants of Timur pensioners on his bounty ' [197].
' Sindhia
APPENDIX
PAPERS REFERRED TO IN THE SKETCH OF A
FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN
BEING
Literal Translations from Inscriptions and Original
Documents, most of zvhich are in the Author's Possession
No. I
Translation of a Letter from the expatriated Chiefs ^ of Marwar to
the Political Agent of the British Government, Western Rajput
States.
After compliments.
We have sent to you a confidential person, who will relate what
regards us. The Sarkar Company are sovereigns of Hindustan,
and you know well all that regards our condition. Although
there is nothing which respects either ourselves or our country
hid from you, yet is there matter immediately concerning us
which it is necessary to make known.
Sri Maharaja and ourselves are of one stock, all Rathors. He
is our head, we his servants : but now anger has seized him, and
we are dispossessed of our country. Of the estates, our patri-
mony and our dwelling, some have been made khalisa,^ and those
who endeavour to keep aloof expect the same fate. Some under
the most solemn pledge of security have been inveigled and
suffered death, and others imprisoned. Mutasadis,^ officers of
1 The names omitted to prevent any of them faUing a sacrifice to the
blind fury of their prince. The brave chief of Nimaj has sold his life, but
dearly. In vain do we look in the annals of Europe for such devotion and
generous despair as marked his end, and that of his brave clan. He was a
perfect gentleman in deportment, modest and mild, and head of a powerful
clan. * Fiscal, that is, sequestrated
^ Clerks, and inferior officers of government.
228
TRANSLATION OF LETTER 229
state, men of the soil and those foreign to it, have been seized,
and the most unheard-of deeds and cruelties inflicted, which we
cannot even write. Such a spirit has possessed his mind as never
was known to any former prince of Jodhpur. His forefathers
have reigned for generations ; our forefathers were their ministers
and advisers, and whatever was performed was by the collective
wisdom of the coimcil of our chiefs. Before the face of his an-
cestors, our own ancestors have slain and been slain ; and in per-
forming services to the kings, ^ they made the State of Jodhpur
what it is. Wherever Marwar was concerned, there our fathers
were to be found, and v/ith their lives preserved the land. Some-
times our head was a minor ; even then by the wisdom of our
fathers and their services, the land was kept firm under our feet,
and thus has it descended from generation to generation. Before
his eyes (Raja Man's) we have performed good service : when
at that perilous time the host of Jaipur ^ surrounded [198] Jodhpur
on the field we attacked it ; our lives and fortimes were at stake,
and God granted us success ; the witness is God Almighty.
Now, men of no consideration are in our prince's presence ; hence
this reverse. When our services are acceptable, then is he our lord ;
when not, we are again his brothers and kindred, claimants and
laying claim to the land.
He desires to dispossess us ; but can we let ourselves be dispos-
sessed ? The English are masters of all India. The chief of •
sent his agent to Ajmer ; he was told to go to Delhi. Accord-
ingly Thakur went there, but no path was pointed out. If
the English chiefs will not hear us, who will ? Th# English allow
no one's lands to be usurped, and our birthplace is Marwar — from
Marwar we must have bread. A hundred thousand Rathors —
where are they to go to ? From respect to the English alone
have we been so long patient, and without acquainting your
government of our intentions, you might afterwards find fault ;
therefore wx make it known, and we thereby acquit ourselves to
you. What we brought with us from Marwar we have consumed;
and even what we could get on credit ; and now, when want
must make us perish, we are ready and can do anything.^
The English are our rulers, our masters. Sri Man Singh has
seized our lands ; by your government interposing these troubles
may be settled, but without its guarantee and intervention we can
have no confidence whatever. Let us have a reply to our petition.
^ Alluding to the sovereigns of Delhi. In the magnificent feudal assem-
blage at this gorgeous court, where seventy-six princes stood in the Divan
(Diwan-i-Khass) each by a pillar covered with plates of silver, the Marwar
prince had the right hand of all. I have an original letter from the great-
grandfather of Raja Man to the Rana. elate with this honour.
2 In 180G.
^ The historian of the Middle Ages justly remarks, that " the most
deadly hatred is that which men, exasperated by proscription and forfeitures,
bear their country."
230 FEUDAL SYSTEINI IN RAJASTHAN
We will wait it in patience ; but if we get none, the fault will not
be ours, having given everywhere notice. Hunger will compel
man to find a remedy. For such a length of time we have been
silent from respect to your govermiient alone : our own Sarkar
is deaf to complaint. But to what extreme shall we wait ? Let
our hopes be attended to. Sambat 1878, Sawan sudi duj.
(August 1821.)
True Translation :
(Signed) James Tod.
No. II
Remonstrance of the Sub-Vassals of Deogarh against their chief,
Rawat Gokul Das.
1. He respects not the privileges or customs established of old.
2. To each Rajput's house a charas ^ or hide of land was
attached : this he has resumed.
3. Whoever bribes him is a true man : who does not, is a
thief.
4. Ten or twelve villages established by his pattayats ^ he has
resumed, and left their families to starve.
5. From time immemorial sanctuary [saran) has been esteemed
sacred : this he has abolished.
6. On emergencies he would pledge his oath to his subjects
(ryots), and afterwards plunder them.
7. In old times, it was customary when the presence of his
chiefs and kindred was required, to invite them by letter : a fine
is now the warrant of summons : thus lessening their dignity.
8. Such messengers, in former times, had a taka ^ for their
ration (bhatta) ; now he imposes two rupees [199].
9. Formerly, when robberies occurred in the mountains within
the limits of Deogarh, the loss was made good : now all complaint
is useless, for his faujdar * receives a fourth of all such plunder.
The Mers ^ range at liberty ; but before they never committed
murder : now they slay as well as rob our kin ; nor is there any
redress, and such plunder is even sold within the town of Deogarh.
10. Without crime, he resumes the lands of his vassals for the
' Hide or skin, from the vessel used in irrigation being made of leather.
^ The vassals, or those holding fiefs (patta) of Deogarh.
' A copper coin, equal to twopence.
* Mihtary commander ; a kind of inferior maire du ]mlais, on every
Rajput chieftain's estate, and who has the miUtary command of the vassals.
Ele is seldom of the same family, but generally of another tribe.
^ Mountaineers.
THE DEOGARH PETITION 231
sake of imposition of fines ; and after such are paid, he cuts down
the green crops, with which he feeds his horses.
11. The cultivators^ on the lands of tlie vassals he seizes by
force, extorts fines, or sells their cattle to pay them. Thus cul-
tivation is ruined and the inhabitants leave the country.
12. From oppression the town magistrates - of Deogarh have
fled to Raepur. He lays in watch to seize and extort money from
them.
13. When he summons his vassals for purposes of extortion
and they escape his clutches, he seizes on their wives and families.
Females, from a sense of honour, have on such occasions thrown
themselves into wells.
14. He interferes to I'ecover old debts, distraining the debtor
of all he has in the world : half he receives.
15. If any one have a good horse, by fair means or foul he
contrives to get it.
16. When Deogarh ivas established, at the same time zvere our
allotments : as is his 2)atrimony, so is our patrimony.^ Thousands
have been expended in establishing and improving them, yet our
rank, privileges, and rights he equally disregards.
17. From these villages, founded by our forefathers, he, at
will, takes four or five skins of land and bestows them on
foreigners ; and thus the ancient proprietors are reduced to
poverty and ruin.
18. From of old, all his Rajput kin had daily rations, or portions
of grain : for four years these rights have been abolished.
19. From ancient times the pattayats formed his council ;
now he consults only foreigners. What has been the conse-
quence ? the whole annual revenue derived from the mountains
is lost.
20. From the ancient Bhum ' of the Frerage ^ the mountaineers
carry off the cattle, and instead of redeeming them, this faujdar
sets the plunderers up to the trick of demanding rakhwali.*
21. Money is justice, and there is none other : whoever has
money may be heard. The bankers and merchants have gone
abroad for protection, but he asks not where they are.
22. When cattle are driven off to the hills, and we do ourselves
justice and recover them, we are fined, and told that the moun-
taineers have his pledge. Thus our dignity is lessened. Or if
^ Of the Jat and other labouring tribes. '
* Chauthias. In everj'^ town there is an unpaid magistracy, of which
the head is the Nagar Seth, or chief citizen, and the four Chauthias, tanta-
mount to the Lord Mayor and Aldermen, who hold their courts and decide
in all ci\nl cases.
^ Here are the precise sentiments embodied in the remonstrances of the
great feudal chiefs of Marwar to their prince ; see Appendix, No. I.
* The old allodial allotments.
* Bhayyad.
* The salvainenta of our feudal writers ; the blackmail of the north.
232 FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN
we seize one of these marauders, a party is sent to liberate him,
for which the faujdar [200] receives a bribe. Then a feud ensues
at the instigation of the Hberated Mer, and the unsupported
Rajput is obhged to abandon his patrimony.^ There is neither
protection nor support. The chief is supine, and so regardless
of honour, that he tells us to take money to the hills and redeem
our property. Since this faujdar had power, ' poison has been
our fate.' Foreigners are all in all, and the home-bred are set
aside. Deccanis and plunderers enjoy the lands of his brethren.
Without fault, the chiefs are deprived of their lands, to bring
which into order time and money have been lavished. Justice
there is none.
Our rights and privileges in his famUy are the same as his in
the family of the Presence.^ Since you ' entered Mewar, lands
long lost have been recovered. What crimes have we committed
that at this day we should lose ours ?
We are in great trouble.*
No. Ill
Maharaja Sri Gokuldas to the four ranks (char misl) of Pattayats
of Deogarh, commanding. Peruse.
Without crime no vassal shall have his estate or charsas dis-
seized. Should any individual commit an offence, it shall be
judged by the four ranks (char misl), my brethren, and then
pxmished. Without consulting them on all occasions I shall
never inflict punishment.^ To this I swear by Sri Nathji. No
departure from this agreement shall ever occur. S. 1874 ; the
6th Pus.
1 ' Watan.' 2 tj^^ ^g^y^g,, 3 The Author.
* With the articles of complaint of the vassals of Deogarh and the short
extorted charter, to avoid future cause for such, we may contrast the
following : " Pour avoir une idee du brigandage que les nobles exer^aient
a I'epoque oil les premieres chartes f ureut accordees, il sufiit d'en lire quelques-
unes, et Ton verra que le seigneur y disait : — ' Je promets de ne point
voler, extorquer les biens et les meubles des habitans, de les dehvrer des
totes ou rapines, et autres mauvaises coutumes, et de ne plus commettre
envers eux d'exactions.' — En effet, dans ces terns malheureux, vivres,
meubles, chevaux, voitures, dit le savant Abbe de Mably, tout etait enleve
par I'insatiable et aveugle avidite des seigneurs " (Art. ' Chartres,' Diet,
de VAncien Regime).
^ This reply to the remonstrance of his vassals is perfectly similar in
point to the 43rd article of Magna Charta.
I ^'^<^'■x^^^^^f^it^'.:(^.K^rH w?!*^
^
■^^mm&it.
>3>;
REPKODUCTION OF SANSKRIT GRANT.
To face page 232.
GRANTS 233
No. IV
Grant from Maharana Ari Singh, Prince of Mewar, to the Sindi
Chief, Abdu-l Rahim Beg.
Ramji ! ^
Ganeshji ! ^ Ekiingji ! ^
Sri Maharaja Dhiraj Maharana Ari Singh to Mirza Abdu-l
Rahim Beg Adilbegot, commanding.
Now some of our chiefs having rebelled and set up the impostor
Ratna Singh, brought the [201] Deccani army and erected
batteries against Udaipur, in which circumstances your services
have been great and tended to the preservation of our sovereignty :
therefore, in favour towards you, I have made this grant, which
your children and children's children shall continue to enjoy.
You will continue to serve faithfully ; and whoever of my race
shall dispossess you or yours, on liim be Ekiingji and the sin of the
slaughter of Chitor.
Particulars.
1st. In estates, 200,000 rupees.
2nd. In cash annually, 25,000.
3rd. Lands outside the Debari gate, 10,000.
4th. As a residence, the dwelling-house called Bharat Singh's.
5th. A hundred bighas of land outside the city for a garden.
6th. The town of Mithim in the valley, to supply wood and
forage.
7th. To keep up the tomb of Ajmeri Beg, who fell in action,
one hundred bighas of land.
Privileges and Honours.
8th. A seat in Darbar and rank in all respects equal to the
chieftain of Sadri.^
9th. Your kettle-drums (Nakkara) to beat to the exterior gate,
but with one stick only.
10th. Amar Balaona,^ and a dress of honour on the Dasahra *
festival.
1 Invocations to Ram, Ganesh (god of wisdom), and Eklinga, tlie patron-
divinity of the Sesodia Guhilots.
2 The first of the foreign vassals of the Rana's house. [Bari Sadri, about
50 miles E.S.E. of Udaipur city, held by the senior noble of Mewar, a Rajput
of the Jhala sub-sept, styled Raja of Sadri (Erskine ii. A. 93).]
^ A horse furnished by the prince, always replaced when he dies, there-
fore called Amar, or immortal.
* The grand miUtary festival, when a muster is made of all the Rajput
quotas.
234 FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN
11th. Drums to beat to Aliar. All other privileges and rank
like the house of Salumbar.^ Like that house, yours shall be
from generation to generation ; therefore according to the valua-
tion of your grant you will serve.
12th. Your brothers or servants, whom you may dismiss, I
shall not entertain or suffer my chief to entertain.
13th. The Chamars ^ and Kirania * you may use at all times
when alone, but never in the Presence.
14th. Munawwar Beg, Anwar Beg, Chaman Beg, are permitted
seats in front of the throne ; Amar Balaona, and honorary dresses
on Dasahra, and seats for two or three other relatives who may
be found worthy the honour.
15th. Your agent (Vakil) shall remain at court with the privi-
leges due to his rank.
By command :
Sah Moti Ram Bolia,
S. 1826 (a.d. 1770) Bhadon (August) sudi 11 Somwar (Monday).
No. V
Grant of Vie Patta of Bhainsror to Rawai Lai Singh, one of the
sixteen great vassals of Mewar.
Maharaja Jagat Singh to Rawat Lai Singh Kesarisinghgot,*
commanding.
Now to you the whole Pargana of Bhainsror ^ is granted as
Giras, viz. [202] :
Town of Bhainsror . . . 3000 1500
Fifty-two others (names uninterest-
ing), besides one in the valley of
the capital. Total value . . 62,000 31,000 «
With two hundred and forty-eight horse and two hundred
and forty-eight foot, good horse and good Rajputs, you will
perform service. Of this, forty-eight horse and forty-eight foot
are excused for the protection of your fort ; therefore with two
hundred foot and two hundred horse you will serve when and
wherever ordered. The first grant was given in Pus, S. 1798,
when the income inserted was over-rated. Understanding this, the
Presence (huzur) ordered sixty thousand of annual value to be
attached to Bhainsror.
^ The first of the home-chieftains.
^ The tail of the wild ox, worn across the saddle-bow.
^ An umbrella or shade against the sun ; from kiran, ' a ray.'
* Clan (got) of Kesari Singh, one of the great branches of the Chondawats.
^ On the left bank of the Chambal.
' To explain these double rekhs, or estimates, one is the full value^ the
other the deteriorated rate.
GRANTS 235
No. VI
Grant from Maharana Sangram Singh of Meivar to his Nephew,
the Prince Madho Singh, heir-apparent to the principality of
Jaipur.
Sri Ramjayati
{Victory to Rama).
Sri Ganesh Prasad Sri Ekling Prasad
(By favour of Ganesh). {By favour of Eklinga).
^ ^
(See notes 1 and 2 below.)
Maharaja Dhiraj Maharana Sri Sangram Singh, Adisatu, com-
manding. To my nephew, Kunwar Madho Singhji, giras (a fief)
has been granted, viz. :
The fief {patta) of Rampura ; therefore, with one thousand
horse and two thousand foot, you will perform service during six
months annually ; and when foreign service is required, three
thousand foot and three thousand horse.
While the power of the Presence is maintained in these districts
you will not be dispossessed.
By command :
Pancholi Raechand amd Mehta Mul Das.
S, 1785 (a.d. 1729) ; Chait sudi 7th ; Mangalwar (Tuesday).
Addressed in the Rana's own hand.
To my nephew Madho Singh ^ [203]. My child, I have given
you Rampura : while mine, you shall not be deprived of it.
Done.
^ The bhala, or lance, is the sign-manual of the Salumbar chieftain, as
hereditary premier of the state.
^ Is a monogram forming the word Sahai, being the sign-manual of the
prince.
' BJianaij is sister's son ; as Bhatija is brother's son. It will be seen in
the Annals, that to support this prince to the succession of the Jaipur Gaddi,
both Mewar and Jaipur were ruined, and the power of the Deccanis estab-
hshed in both countries.
236 FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN
No. VII
Grant of Bhum Rakhwali (Salvamenta) from the village of Dongla
to Maharaja Khushhal Singh.
S. 1806 (a.d. 1750), the first of Saxvan {July).
1st. A field of one hundred and fifty-one bighas, of which
thirty-six are irrigated.
2nd. One hundred and two bighas of waste and unirrigated,
viz. :
Six bighas cultivated by Govinda the oilman.
Three, under Hira and Tara the oilmen.
Seventeen cultivated by the mason Hansa, and I-al
the oilman.
Four bighas of waste and forest land {parti, aryana)
which belonged to Govinda and 'Hira, etc., etc. ;
and so on enumerating all the fields composing the
above aggregate.
Dues and Privileges
Pieces of money . .12.
Grain . . . .24 maunds.
On the festivals of Rakhi, Diwali, and Holi, one
copper coin from each house.
Serana . . .at harvest.
Shukri from the Brahmans.
Transit duties for protection of merchandise, viz., a
pice on every cart-load, and half a pice for each
bullock.
Two platters on every marriage feast.
No. VIII
Grant of Bhum by the Inhabitants of Amli to Rawat Fateh
Singh of Amet. S. 1814 (a.d. 17.58)
The Ranawats Sawant Singh and Subhag Singh had Amli in
grant ; but they were oppressive to the inhabitants, slew the
Patels .lodha and Bhagi, and so ill-treated the Brahmans, that
Kusal and Nathu sacrificed themselves on the pyre. The in-
habitants demanded the protection of the Rana, and the pattayats
were changed ; and now the inhabitants grant in rakhwali one
hundred and twenty-five bighas as bhum to Fateh Singh ^ [204].
^ This is a proof of the value attached to bhum, when granted by the
inhabitants, as the first act of the new proprietor though holding the whole
town from the crown, was to obtain these few bighas as bhum. After
having been sixty years in that family, Audi has been resumed by the
crown : the bhum has remained with the chief.
GRANTS 237
No. IX
Grant of Bhum by the Inhabitants of the Town of Dongla to
Maharaja Zoraivar Singh, of Bhindar.
To Sri Maharaja Zorawar Singh, the Patels, traders, merchants,
Brahmans, and united inhabitants of Dongla, make agreement.
Formerly the ' runners ' in Dongla were numerous : to pre-
serve us from whom we granted bhum to the IMaharaja. To wit :
One well, that of Hira the oilman.
One well, that of Dipa the oilman.
One well, that of Dewa the oilman.
In all, three wells, being forty-four bighas of irrigated (pixval),
and one hundred and ninety-one bighas of unirrigated (mat) land.
Also a field for juar.
Customs or Dignities (Maryad) attached to the Bhum.
1st. A dish (kansa) on every marriage.
2nd. Six hundred rupees ready cash annually.
3rd. All Bhumias, Girasias, the high roads, passes from raids
and ' runners,' and all distiu-bances whatsoever, the Maharaja
must settle.
When the Maharaja is pleased to let the inhabitants of Dongla
reinhabit their dwellings, then only can they return to them.^
Written by the accountant Kacchia, on the full moon of Jeth,
S. 1858, and signed by all the traders, Brahmans, and towns-
people.
No. X
Grant of Bhum by the Prince of Mewar to an inferior Vassal.
Maharana Bhini Singh to Baba Ram Singh, commanding.
Now a field of two htindred and twenty-five bighas in the city
of Jahazpur, with the black orchard (sham bagh) and a farm-house
(nohara) for cattle, has been granted you in bhum.
Your forefathers recovered for me Jahazpur and served with
fidelity ; on which account this bhum is renewed. Rest assured
no molestation shall be offered, nor shall any pattayat interfere
with you.
Primleges.
One serana.^
Two halmas [205].'
^ This shows how bhum was extorted in these periods of turbulence, and
that this individual gift was as much to save them from the effects of the
Maharaja's violence- as to gain protection from that of others.
^ A seer on each inaund of produce.
' The labour of two ploughs {hal). Halma is the personal service of the
238 FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN
Offerings of coco-nuts on the Holi and Dasahra festivals.
From every hundred bullock-loads ^ of merchandise, twelve
annas.
From every hundred and twenty -five ass-loads, six annas.
From each horse sold within Jahazpur, two annas.
From each camel sold, one anna.
From each oil-mill, one pula.
From each ix'on mine (madri), a quarter rupee.
From each distillation of spirits, a quarter rupee.
From each goat slain, one pice.
On births and marriages,^ five platters {kansa).
The handful (inch) from every basket of greens.
With every other privilege attached to blium.
Irrigated land (piwal) . . .51 bighas.
Unirrigated land [mal) . . .110 „
Mountain land (magra) . , . 40 ,,
Meadow land {bira) . . . . 25 „
226 bighas.
Asarh (June) S. 1853 (a.d. 1797).
husbandman with his plough for such time as is specified. Halma is pre-
cisely the detested corvee of the French regime. " Les corvees sont tout
ouvrage ou service, soit de corps ou de charrois et betes, pendant le jour,
qui est du a un seigneur. II y avait deux sortes de corvees : les reelles et
/es personnelles, etc. Quelquefois le nombre des corvees etait fixe : mais, le
plus souvent, elles etaient a volonte du seigneur, et c'est ce qu'on appelait
corvees a ■merci" (Art. 'Corv6e,' Diet, de Vane. Regime). Almost all the
exactions for the last century in Mewar may come under this latter denomina-
tion.
^ A great variety of oppressive imposts were levied by the chiefs during
these times of trouble, to the destruction of commerce and all facility of
travelling. Everything was subject to tax, and a long train of vexatious
dues exacted for " repairs of forts, boats at ferries, night-guards, guards of
passes," and other appellations, all having much in common with the
' Droit de Peage ' in France. " II n'y avait pas de ponts, de gues, de
chaussees, d'ecluses, de defiles, de portes, etc., oil les feodaux ne fissent
payer un droit a ceux que leurs atlaires ou leur commerce for9aient de
voyager" {Diet, de Vane. Regime).
^ The privileges of our Rajput chieftains on the marriages of their
vassals and cultivating subjects are confined to the best dishes of the marriage
feast or a pecuniary commutation. This is, however, though in a minor
degree, one of the vexatious claims of feudality of the French system, known
under the term norages, where the seigneur or his deputy presided, and
had the right to be placed in front of the bride, " et de chanter a la fin du
rejaas, une chanson guillerette." But they even carried their insolence
further, and " pousserent leur mepris pour les villains (the agricultural
classes of the Rajput system) jusqu'a exiger que leurs chiens eussent leur
convert aupres de la mariee, et qu'on les laissat manger sur la table " (Art.
' Nonages,' Diet, de Vane. Regime).
GRANTS, CHARTERS 239
No. XI
Charter of Privileges and Immunities granted to the town of
Jhalrapatan, engraved on a Pillar in that City.
S. 1853 (a.d. 1797), corresponding with the Saka 1718, the sun
being in the south, the season of cold, and the happy month of
Kartika,"^ the enhghtened half of the month, being Monday the
full moon.
Maharaja Dhiraj Sri Ummed Singh Deo,^ the Faujdar ^ Raj
Zalim Singh [206] and Kunwar Madho Singh, commanding. To
all the inhabitants of Jhalrapatan, Patels,* Patwaris,^ Mahajans,*
and to all the thirty-six castes, it is written.
At this period entertain entire confidence, build and dwell.
Within this abode all forced contributions and confiscations
are for ever abolished. The taxes called Bhalamanusi,' Anni,*
and Rekha Barar,* and likewise all Bhetbegar," shall cease.
To this intent is this stone erected, to hold good from year to
year, now and evermore. There shall be no violence in this
territory. This is sworn by the cow to the Hindu and the hog to
the Musalman : in the presence of Captain Dilel Khan, Chaudhari
Sarup Chand, Patel Lalo, the Mahesri Patwari Balkishan, the
architect Kalu Ram, and the stone-mason Balkishan.
Parmo ^^ is for ever abolished. Whoever dwells and traffics
within the town of Patau, one half of the transit duties usually
levied in Haravati are remitted ; and all mapa (meter's) duties
are for ever abolished.
No. XII
Abolitions, Immunities, Prohibitions, etc. etc. Inscription
in the Temple of Lachhmi Narayan at Akola.
In former times tobacco was sold in one market only. Rana
Raj Singh commanded the monopoly to be abolished. S. 1645.
Rana Jagat Singh prohibited the seizure of the cots and quilts
by the officers of his government from the printers of Akola.
^ December. ^ The Eaja of Kotah.
' Commander of the forces and regent of Kotah.
* Officers of the land revenue. ^ Land accountants.
* The mercantile class. ' Literally ' good behaviour.'
^ An agricultural tax. * Tax for registering.
^^ This includes in one word the forced labour exacted from the working
classes : the corvee, of the French system.
^^ Grain thrown on the inlia,bitants at an arbitrary rate ; often resorted
to at Kotah, where the regent is farmer general.
240 FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN
No. XIII
Privileges and Immunities granted to the Printers of Calico
and Inhabitants of the Town of Great Akola in Mewar.
Maharana Bhiin Singh, commanding, to the inhabitants of
Great Akola.
Whereas the village has been abandoned from the assignments
levied by the garrison of Mandalgarh, and it being demanded of
its population how it could again be rendered prosperous, they
unanimously replied : " Not to exact beyond the dues and
contributions (dand dor) established of yore ; to erect the piUar
promising never to exact above half the produce of the crops, or
to molest the persons of those who thus paid their dues."
The Presence agreed, and this pillar has been erected. May
Eklinga look to him who breaks this command. The hog to the
Musalman and the cow to the Hindu.
Whatever contributions (dand) parmo,^ puli,^ heretofore levied
shall be paid [207].
All crimes committed within the jurisdiction of Akola to be
tried by its inhabitants, who will sit in justice on the offender
and fine him according to his faults.
On Amavas * no work shall be done at the well * or at the oil-
mill, nor printer put his dye-pot on the fire.*
Whoever breaks the foregoing, may the sin of the slaughter of
Chi tor be upon him.
This pillar was erected in the presence of Mehta Sardar Singh,
Sanwal Das, the Chaudharis Bhopat Ram and Daulat Ram, and
the assembled Panch of Akola.
Written by the Chaudhari Bhopji, and engraved by the stone-
cutter Rhima.
S. 1856 (a.d. 1800)
No. XIV
Prohibition against Guests carrying away Provisions from the
Public Feasts
Sri Maharana Sangram Singh to the inhabitants of Marmi.
On all feasts of rejoicing, as well as those on the ceremonies
^ Grain, the property of the government, thrown on the inhabitants
for purchase at an arbitrary valuation.
2 The handful from each sheaf at harvest.
^ A day sacred to the Hindu, being that which divides the month.
* Meaning, they shall not irrigate the fields.
* This part of the edict is evidently the instigation of the Jains, to
prevent the destruction of life, though only that of insects.
^ The cause of this sumptuary edict was a benevolent motive, and to
CHARTERS 241
for the dead, none shall carry away with them the remains of
the feast. Whoever thus transgresses shall pay a fine to the
crown of one hundred and one rupees. S. 1769 (a.d. 1713), Chait
Sudi 7th.
No. XV
Maharana Sangram Singh to the merchants and bankers of
Bakrol.
The custom of furnishing quilts (sirak) ^ of which you complain
is of ancient date. Now when the collectors of duties, their
officers, or those of the land revenue stop at Bakrol, the merchants
will furnish them with beds and quilts. All other servants will
be supplied by the other inhabitants.
Should the dam of the lake be in any way injured, whoever
does not aid in its repair shall, as a punishment, feed one hundred
and one Brahmans. Asarh 1715, or June a.d. 1659 [208].
No. XVI
Warrant of the Chief of Bijolli to his Vassal, Gopaldas
Saktawat.
Maharaja Mandhata to Saktawat Gopaldas, be it known.
At this time a daily fine of four rupees is in force against you.
prevent the expenses on these occasions falUng too heavily on the poorer
classes. It was customary for the women to carry away under their petti-
coats (ghaghra) sufficient sweetmeats for several days' consumption. The
great Jai Singh of Amber had an ordinance restricting the number of guests
to fifty-one on these occasions, and prohibited to all but the four wealthy
classes the use of sugar-candy : the others were confined to the use of
molasses and brown sugar. To the lower vassals and the cultivators these
feasts were limited to the coarser fare ; to juar flour, greens and oil. A
dyer who on the Holi feasted his friends with sweetmeats of fine sugar and
scattered about balls made of brown sugar, was fined five thousand rupees
for setting so pernicious an example. The sadh, or marriage present, from
the bridegroom to the bride's father, was limited to fifty-one rupees. The
great sums previously paid on this score were preventives of matrimony.
Many other wholesome regulations of a much more important kind, especially
those for the suppression of infanticide, were instituted by this prince.
^ ' Defence against the cold weather ' (si). This in the ancient French
regime came under the denomination of " Albergie ou Hebergement, un
droit royal. Par exemple, ce ne fut qu'apres le regne de Saint Louis, et
moyennant finances, que les habitans de Paris et de Corbeil s'affranchirent,
les premiers de fournir au roi et k sa suite de bons oreillers et d'excellens
hts de plumes, tant qu'il sejournait dans leur ville, et les seconds de le
regaler quand it passait par leur bourg."
VOL. I R
242 FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN
Eighty are now due ; Ganga Ram having petitioned in your
favour, forty of this will be remitted. Give a written declaration
to this effect — that with a specified quota you will take the field ;
if not, you will stand the consequences.
Viz. : One good horse and one matchlock, with appurtenances
complete, to serve at home and abroad (des pardes), and to run
the country ^ with the Kher.
When the levy (kher) takes the field, Gopaldas must attend
in person. Should he be from home, his retainers must attend,
and they shall receive rations from the presence. Sawan sudi
das (August 10) S. 1782.
No. XVII
Maharaja Udaikaran to the Saktawat Shambhu Singh. Be
it known.
I had annexed Gura to the fisc, but now, from favour, restore
it to you. Make it flourish, and serve me at home and abroad,
with one horse, and one foot soldier.
When abroad you shall receive rations (bhatta) as follows :
Flour . . 3 lb.
Pulse . . 4 ounces.
Butter ighi) . 2 pice weight.
Horses' feed . 4 seers at 22 takas each seer, of daily allow-
ance.
^ The ' Daurayat ' or runners, the term applied to the bands who swept
the country with their forays in those periods of general confusion, are
analogous to the armed bands of the Middle Ages, who in a similar manner
desolated Europe under the term routiers, tantamount to our rabars (on
the road), the labars of the Pindaris in India. The Rajput Daurayat has
as many epithets as the French routier, who were called escorcheurs, tard
veneurs (of which class Gopaldas appears to have been), mille-diables,
Ouilleries, eto. From the Crusades to the sixteenth century, the nobles
of Europe, of whom these bands were composed (like our Rajputs), abandoned
themselves to this sort of life ; who, to use the words of the historian,
" prefererent la vie vagabonde a laquelle ils s'etoient accoutumes dans le
camp, a retourner cultiver leurs champs. C'est alors que se formerent ces
bandes qu'on vit parcourir le royaume et etendre sur toutes les provinces
le fl^au de leurs incUnations destructives, repandre partout I'effroi, la misere,
le deuil et le desespoir ; mettre les villes a contribution, piller et incendier
les villages, egorger les laboureurs, et se livrer a des acces de cruaute qui
font fremir " {Diet, de Vancien regime et des abus feodaux, art. ' Routier,'
p. 422).
We have this apology for the Rajput routiers, that the nobles of Europe
had not ; they were driven to it by perpetual aggressions of invaders. I
invariably found that the reformed routier was one of the best subjects :
it secured him from indolence, the parent of all Rajput vices.
CHARTERS 243
If for defence of the fort you are required, you will attend with
all your dependents, and bring your wife, family, and chattels ;
for which, you will be exempted from two years of subsequent
sei-vice. Asarh 14, S. 1834 [209].
No. XVIII
Bhiim in Mundkati, or Compensation for Blood, to Jeth
Singh Chondawat.
The Patel's son went to bring home his wife with Jeth's Rajputs
as a guard. The party was attacked, the guard killed, and there
having been no redress for the murder, twenty-six bighas have
been granted in mimdkati ^ (compensation).
No. XIX
Rawat Megh Singh to his natural brother, Jamna Das, a patta
(fief) has been granted, viz. :
The village of Rajpura, value . . . Rupees 401
A garden of mogra flowers^ ... 11
Rupees . . 412
Serve at home and abroad with fidelity : contributions and
aids pav according to custom, and as do the rest of the vassals.
Jeth 14th, S. 1874
No. XX
Charter given by the Ttana of Mezvar. accepted and signed by all his
Chiefs ; defining the duties of the contracting Parties.
A.D. 1818.
Siddh Sri Maharana Dhiraj, Maharana Bhim Singh, to all the
nobles my brothers and kin. Rajas, Patels, Jhalas, Chauhans,
Chondawats, Panwars, Sarangdeots, Saktawats, Rathors, Rana-
wats, etc., etc.
Now, since S. 1822 (a.d. 1776), during the reign of Sri Ari
Singh ji,' when the troubles commenced, laying ancient usages
aside, undue usurpations of the land have been made : therefore
^ Mund, ' the head ' ; kati, ' cut.'
^ [The double jasmine, Jasminum sambac.']
^ The rebelhon broke out during the reign of this prince.
244 FEUDAL SYSTEM IN RAJASTHAN
on this day, Baisakh badi 14th, S. 1874 (a.d. 1818), the Maharana
assembling all his chiefs, lays down the path of duty in new
ordinances.
1st. All lands belonging to the crown obtained since the
troubles, and all lands seized by one chief from another, shall be
restored.
2nd. All Rakhwali,^ Bhum, Lagat,^ established since the
troubles, shall be renounced.
3rd. Dhan,' Biswa,* the right of the crown alone, shall be
renounced.
4th. No chiefs shall commit thefts or violence within the
boundaries of their estates. They shall entertain no Thugs,^
foreign thieves or thieves of the country, as Moghias,* Baoris,^
Thoris : ^ but those who shall adopt peaceful habits may remain ;
but should any return to their old pursuits, their heads shall
instantly be taken off. All property stolen shall be made good
by the proprietor of the estate within the limits of which it is
plundered [210].
5th. Home or foreign merchants, traders, Kafilas,^ Banjaras,'
who enter the country, shall be protected. In no wise shall they
be inolested or injured, and whoever breaks this ordinance, his
estate shall be confiscated.
6th. According to command, at home or abroad service must
be performed. Four divisions (chaukis) shall be formed of the
chiefs, and each division shall remain three months in attendance
at court, when they shall be dismissed to their estates. Once a
year, on the festival of the Dasahra,* all the chiefs shall assemble
with their quotas ten days previous thereto, and twenty days
subsequent they shall be dismissed to their estates. On urgent
occasions, and whenever their services are required, they shall
repair to the Presence.
^ Salvamenta. ^ Dues.
3 Transit dtity. * Ditto.
^ Different descriptions of tliieves. [The Mogliias are settled principally
in E. Mewar • if not identical with, they are closely allied to, the Baori
(Luard, Ethnographic Survey, Central India, App. V. 17 ff.). Gen. C.
Hervey {Some Records of Crime, i. 386 ff.) makes frequent references to
dacoities committed by them from their headquarters, NImach. The Baori
or Bawariya are a notorious criminal tribe (Rose, Glossary, ii. 70 ff. ; M.
Kennedy, Notes on Criminal Classes in Bombay Presidency, 173 ff., 198 ft'.).
The Thori in Marwar claim Rajput origin, and are connected with the Aheri,
or nomad hunters {Census Report, Mdnvdr, 1891, ii. 194). According to
Rose {op. cit. iii. 466) those in the Panjab are rather vagrants than actual
criminals.]
^ Caravans of merchandise, whether on camels, bullocks, or in carts.
' Caravans of bullocks, chiefly for the transport of grain and salt.
" On this festival the muster of all the feudal retainers is taken by the
Rana in person, and honorary dresses and dignities are bestowed.
CHARTERS 245
7th. Every Pattawat holding a separate patta from the
Presence shall perform separate service. They shall not unite
or serve under the greater Pattawats : and the sub-vassals of all
such chiefs shall remain with and serve their immediate Pattawat.^
8th, The Maharana shall maintain the dignities due to each
chief according to his degree.
9th. The Ryots shall not be oppressed : thei'e shall be no new
exactions or arbitrary fines. This is ordained.
10th. What has been executed by Thakur Ajit Singh and
sanctioned by the Rana, to this all shall agree.'^
11th. Whosoever shall depart from the foregoing, the Maharana
shall punish. In doing so the fault will not be the Rana's. Wiio-
ever fails, on him be the oath (an) of Eklinga and the Maharana.
[Here follow the signatures of all the chieftains of rank in
Mewar, which it is needless to insert] [211].
^ This article had become especially necessary, as the inferior cliiefs,
particularly those of the third class, had amalgamated themselves with
the head of their clans, to whom they had become more accountable than
to their prince.
- Thisalludestothetreaty which this chief had formed, as the ambassador
of the Rana, with the British Government.
BOOK IV
ANNALS OF MEWAR
CHAPTER 1
We now proceed to the history of the States of Rajputana,
and shall commence with the Annals of Mewar, and its princes.
Titles of Mewar Chiefs : descent from the Sun. — These are
styled Ranas, and are the elder branch of the Suryavansi, or
' children of the sun.' Another patronymic is Raghuvansi,
derived from a predecessor of Rama, the focal point of each scion
of the solar race. To him, the conqueror of Lanka,^ the genea-
logists endeavour to trace the solar lines. The titles of many of
these claimants are disputed ; but the Hindu tribes yield unani-
mous suffrage to the prince of Mewar as the legitimate heir to
the throne of Rama, and style him Hindua Suraj, or ' Sun of the
Hindus.' ^ He is universally allowed to be the first of the ' thirty-
six royal tribes ' ; nor has a doubt ever been raised respecting
his purity of descent. Many of these tribes ' have been swept
away by time ; and the genealogist, who abhors a vacuum in his
mystic page, fills up their place with others, mere scions of some
ancient but forgotten stem.
Stability of Mewar State. — With the exception of Jaisalmer,
Mewar is the only dynasty of these races ' which has outlived
eight centuries of foreign domination, in the same lands where
^ Said to be Cfeylon ; an idea scouted by the Hindus, who transfer Lanka
to a very distant regfon. [The latter is certainly not the common belief.]
2 This descendant of one hundred kings shows himself in cloudy weather
from the surya-gaukhra, or ' balcony of the sun.'
3 See History of the Tribes.
247
248 ANNALS OF MEWAR
[212] conquest placed them. The Rana still possesses nearly the
same extent of territory which his ancestors held when the con-
queror from Ghazni first crossed the ' blue waters ' ^ of the Indus
to invade India ; while the other families now ruling in the north-
west of Rajasthan are the relics of ancient dynasties driven from
their pristine seats of power, or their junior branches, who have
erected their own fortunes. This circumstance adds to the
dignity of the Ranas, and is the cause of the general homage
which they receive, notwithstanding the diminution of their
power. Though we cannot give the princes of Mewar an ancestor
in the Persian Nushirwan, nor assert so confidently as Sir Thomas
Roe his claims to descent from the celebrated Porus,^ the opponent
of Alexander, we can carry him into the regions of antiquity
more remote than the Persian, and which would satisfy the most
fastidious in respect to ancestry.
Origin of the Rajputs. — In every age and clime we observe the
same eager desire after distinguished pedigree, proceeding from
a feeling which, though often derided, is extremely natural. The
Rajaputras are, however, scarcely satisfied with discriminating
their ancestors from the herd of mankind. Some plume them-
selves on a celestial origin, whilst others are content to be demi-
celestial ; and those who cannot advance such lofty claims,
rather than acknowledge the race to have originated in the
ordinary course of nature, make their primeval parent of demoniac
extraction ; accordingly, several of the dynasties who cannot
obtain a niche amongst the children of the sim or moon, or trace
their descent from some royal saint, are satisfied to be considered
the offspring of some Titan {Daily a). These puerilities are of
modern fabrication, in cases where family documents have been
lost, or emigration has severed branches from the parent stock ;'
who, increasing in power, but ignorant of their birth, have had
recourse to fable to supply the void. Various authors, borrowing
from the same source, have assigned the seat of Porus to the Rana's
^ Nilab from nil, ' blue,' and ah, ' water ' ; hence the name of the Nile in
Egypt and in India [?]. Sind, or Sindhu, appears to be a Scythian word :
8in in the Tatar, t sin in Chinese, ' river.' [It is Sanskrit, meaning ' divider.']
Hence the inhabitants of its higher course termed it aba sin, ' parent stream ' ;
and thus, very probably, Abyssinia was formed by"" the Arabians ; ' the
country on the Nile,' or aba sin. [Abyssinia is ' land of the Habashi, or
negroes.']
" See p. 47 above.
ORIGIN OF THE RAJPUTS 249
family ; and coincidence of name has been the cause of the
family being alternately elevated and depressed. Thus the
incidental circumstance of the word Rhamnae being found in
Ptolemy's geography, in countries bordering on Mewar, furnishes
our ablest geographers ^ with a reason [213] for planting the
family there in the second century ; while the commentators ^
on the geography of the Arabian travellers of the ninth and tenth
centuries ' discover sufficient evidence in " the kingdom of Rahmi,
always at war with the Balhara sovereign," to consider him (not-
withstanding Rahmi is expressly stated " not to be much con-
sidered for his birth or the antiquity of his kingdom ") as the
prince of Chitor, celebrated in both these points.
The translator of the Periplus of the Erythrean Sea, following
D'Anville,* makes Ozene (Ujjain) the capital of a Porus,^ who sent
an embassy to Augustus to regulate their commercial intercourse,
and whom he asserts to be the ancestor of the Rana. But to
show how guarded we should be in admitting verbal resemblance
to decide such points, the title of Rana is of modern adoption,
even so late as the twelfth century ; and was assumed in conse-
quence of the victorious issue of a contest with the Parihara
prince of Mandor, who bore the title of Rana, and who surrendered
it with his life and capital to the prince of Mewar. The latter
substituted it for the more ancient appellation of Rawal ; ^ but
it was not till the thirteenth century that the novel distinction
was generally recognized by neighbouring powers. Although we
^ D'Anville and Rennell. [The Rhamnae have been identified with the
Brahui of Baluchistan (McCrindle, Ptolemy, 159). Lassen places them on
the Nerbudda.]
2 Maurice and others.
* Relations anciennes des voyageurs, par Renaudot.
* D'Anville {Antiquites de I'Inde) quotes Nicolas of Damascus as his
authority, who says the letter written by Porus, prince of Ozene, was in the
Greek character.
^ This Porus is a corruption of Puar, once the most powerful and con-
spicuous tribe in India ; classically written Pramara, the dynasty which
ruled at Ujjain for ages. [This is not certain (Smith, EHI, 60, note).]
* Rawed, or Raul, is yet borne as a princely title by the Aharya prince of
Dungarpur, and the Yadu prince of Jaisalmer, whose ancestors long ruled
in the heart of Scjrthia. Raoul seems to have been titular to the Scandi-
navian chiefs of Scythic" origin. The invader of Normandy was Raoul,
corrupted to Rollon or Rollo. [The words, of course, have no connexion :
Rawal, Skt. rajakula, ' royal family.']
250 ANNALS OF MEWAR
cannot for a moment admit the Rahmi, or even the Rhamnae of
Ozene, to be connected with this family, yet Ptolemy appears
to have given the real ancestor in his Baleokouroi, the Balhara
monarchs of the Arabian travellers, the Valabhiraes of Saurashtra,
who were the ancestors of the princes of Mewar.^
Before we proceed, it is necessary to specify the sources whence
materials were obtained for the Annals of Mewar, and to give some
idea of the character they merit as historical data [214].
Sources of the History. — For many years previous to sojourn-
ing at the court of Udaipur, sketches were obtained of the genea-
logy of the family from the rolls of the bards. To these was added
a chronological sketch, drawn up under the eye of Raja Jai Singh
of Amber, with comments of some value by him, and which served
as a ground-work. Free access was also granted to the Rana's
library, and permission obtained to make copies of such MSS. as
related to his history. The most important of these was the
Khuman Raesa,^ which is evidently a modern work founded upon
ancient materials, tracing the genealogy to Rama, and halting at
conspicuous beacons in this long line of crowned heads, particu-
larly about the period of the Muhammadan irruption in the tenth
century, the sack of Chitor by Alau-d-din in the thirteenth
century, and the wars of Rana Partap with Akbar, during whose
reign the work appears to have been recast.
The next in importance were the Rajvilas, in the Vraj Bhakha,
by Man Kabeswara ; * and the Rajratnakar,* by Sudasheo Bhat :
both written in the reign of Rana Raj Singh, the oj^ponent of
Aurangzeb : also the Jaivilas, written in the reign of Jai Singh,
son of Raj Singh. They all commence with the genealogies of the
^ The Balhara kings, and their capital Nahrwala, or Anhilwara Patan,
have given rise to much conjecture amongst the learned. We shall, before
this work is closed, endeavour to condense what has been said by ancient
and modern authorities on the subject ; and from manuscripts, ancient
inscriptions, and the result of a personal visit to this ancient domain, to set
the matter completely at rest. [See p. 122 above.] [" Hippokoura, the royal
seat of Baleo Kouros " {Periplus, vlii. 83). Baleo Kouros has been identified
with Vilivayakura, a name found on coins of the Andhra dynasty (BO, i.
Part ii. 158 ; McCrindle, Ptolemy, 179).]
^ Khuman is an ancient title of the earlier princes, and still used. It was
borne by the son of Bappa, the founder, who retired to Transoxiana, and
there ruled and died : the very country of the ancient Scythic Khomani.
'^ Lord of rhyme. * Sea of gems.
SOURCES OF THE HISTORY: KANAKSEN 251
family, introductory to the military exploits of the princes whose
names they bear.
The Mamadevi Prasistha is a copy of the inscriptions ^ in the
temple of ' the Mother of the Gods ' at Kumbhalmer. Genea-
logical rolls of some antiquity were obtained from the widow of an
ancient family bard, who had left neither children nor kindred to
follow his profession. Another roll was procured from a priest
of the Jains residing in Sandrai, in Marwar, whose ancestry had
enjoyed from time immemorial the title of Guru, which they held
at the period of the sack of Valabhipura in the fifth century,
whence they emigrated simultaneously with the Rana's ancestors.
Others were obtained from Jain priests at Jawad in Malwa.
Historical documents possessed by several chiefs were readily
furnished, and extracts were made from works, both Sanskrit
and Persian, which incidentally mention the family. To these
were added traditions or biographical anecdotes furnished in con-
versation by the Rana, or men of intellect amongst his chiefs [215],
ministers, or bards, and inscriptions calculated to reconcile dates ;
in short, every corroborating circumstance was treasured up
which could be obtained by incessant research during sixteen
years. The Commentaries of Babur and Jahangir, the Institutes
of Akbar, original grants, public and autograph letters of the
emperors of Delhi and their ministers, were made to contribute
more or less ; yet, numerous as are the authorities cited, the
result may afford but little gratification to the general reader,
partly owing to the unpopularity of the subject, partly to the
inartificial mode of treating it.
Kanaksen. — At least ten genealogical hsts, derived from the
most opposite sources, agree in making Kanaksen the founder of
this dynasty ; and assign his emigxation from the most northern
of the provinces of India to the peninsula of Saurashtra in S. 201,
or A.D. 145. We shall, therefore, make this the point of outset ;
though it may be premised that Jai Singh, the royal historian
and astronomer of Amber, connects the line with Sumitra (the
fifty-sixth descendant from the deified Rama), who appears to
have been the contemporary of Vikramaditya, a.c. 56.
The country of which Ayodhya (now Oudh) was the capital,
and Rama monarch, is termed, in the geographical writings of the
Hindus, Kosala ; doubtless from the mother of Rama, whose
^ Tiiese inscriptions will be described in the Personal Narrative.
252 ANNALS OF MEWAR
name was Kausalya.^ The first royal emigrant from tlie north
is styled, in the Rana's archives, Kosala-putra, ' son of Kosala.'
Titles of the Chiefs. — Rama had two sons, Lava and Kusa :
from the former the Rana's family claim descent. He is stated
to have built Lahore, the ancient Lohkot ; ^ and the branch from
which the princes of Mewar are descended resided there until
Kanaksen emigrated to Dwarka. The difficulty of tracing these
races through a long period of years is greatly increased by the
custom of changing the appellation of the tribe, from conquest,
locality, or personal celebrity. Sen * seems to have been the
martial termination for many generations : this was followed by
Dit, or Aditya, a term for the ' sun.' The first change in the
name of the tribe was on their expulsion from Saurashtra, when
for the generic term of Suryavansi was substituted the particular
appellation of Guhilot. This name was maintained till another
event dispersed the family, and when they settled in [216] Ahar,*
Aharya became the appellative of the branch. This continued
till loss of territory and new acquisitions once more transferred
the dynasty to Sesoda,* a temporary capital in the western moun-
tains. The title of Ranawat, borne by all descendants of the
blood royal since the eventful change which removed the seat of
government from Chitor to Udaipur, might in time have super-
seded that of Sesodia, if continued warfare had not checked the
increase of population ; but the Guhilot branch of the Suryavansi
still retain the name of Sesodia.
Having premised thus much, we must retrograde to the darker
ages, through which we shall endeavour to conduct this celebrated
dynasty, though the clue sometimes nearly escapes from our
hands in these labyrinths of antiquity.® When it is recollected
^ [It is the other way : Kausalya took her name from Kosala.]
^ [See p. 116 above.]
' Sen, 'army'; kanak, 'gold.' [Kanaksen is entirely mythical. It
has been suggested that the name is a reminiscence of the connexion of
the great Kushan Emperor, Kanishka, with Gujarat and Kathiawar {BG, i.
Part i. 101).]
* Ahar, or Ar, is in the valley of the present capital, Udaipur.
* The origin of this name is from the trivial occurrence of the expelled
prince of Chitor having erected a town to commemorate the spot, where
after an extraordinarily hard chase he killed a hare {sasu).
* The wila fable which envelops or adorns the cradle of every illustrious
family is not easily disentangled. The bards weave the web with skiU, and
it cUngs like ivy round each modern branch, obscuring the aged stem, in
LEGEND OF KANAKSEN 253
to what violence this family has been subjected during the last
eight centuries, often dispossessed of all but their native hills and
compelled to live on their spontaneous produce, we could scarcely
expect that historical records should be preserved. Chitor was
thrice sacked and destroyed, and the existing records are formed
from fragments, registers of births and marriages, or from the
oral relations of the bards.
Legend of Kanaksen. — By what route Kanaksen, the first
emigrant of the solar race, found his way into Saurashtra from
Lohkot, is uncertam : he, however, wrested dominion from a
prince of the Pramara race, and founded Birnagara in the second
century (a.d. 144). Four generations afterwards, Vijayasen.
whom the prince of Amber calls Nushirwan, founded Vijayapur,
supposed to be where Dholka now stands, at the head of the
Saurashtra peninsula.^ Vidarba was also founded by him, the
name of which was afterwards changed to Sihor. But the most
celebrated was the capital, Valabhipura, which for years baffled
all search, till it was revealed in its now humbled condition as
Walai, ten miles west [217] of Bhaunagar. The existence of this
city was confirmed by a celebrated Jain work, the Satrunjaya
Mahatma.^ The want of satisfactory proof of the Rana's emigra-
tion from thence was obviated by the most unexpected discovery
of an inscription of the twelfth century, in a ruined temple on the
tableland forming the eastern boundary of the Rana'? present
territory, which appeals to the ' walls of Valabhi ' for the truth
of the action it records. And a work written to commemorate
the reign of Rana Raj Singh opens with these words : "In the
west is Sorathdes,^ a country well known : the barbarians invaded
it, and conquered Bal-ka-nath ; * all fell in the sack of Valab-
hipura, except the daughter of the Pramara." And the Sandrai
the time-worn branches of which monsters and demi-gods are perched,
whose claims of affinity are held in high estimation by thesfe ' children of
the sun,' who would deem it criminal to doubt that the loin-robe (dhoti) of
their great founder, Bapa Rawal, was less than five hundred cubits in circum-
ference, that his two-edged sword (khanda), the gift of the Hindu Proserpine,
weighed an ounce less than sixty-four pounds, or that he was an inch under
twenty feet in height.
^ [Vijayapur has been doubtfully identified with Bijapur in the Alima-
dabad district (BG, i. Part i. 110).]
^ Presented to the Royal Asiatic Society of London.
* Sorath or Saurashtra. * The ' lord of Bal.'
254 ANNALS OF MEWAR
roll thus commences : " When the city of Valabhi was sacked,
the inhabitants fled and founded Bali, Sandrai, and Nadol in
Mordar des." ^ These are towns yet of consequence, and in all
the Jain religion is still naaintained, which was the chief worship
of Valabhipura when sacked by the ' barbarian.' The records
preserved by the Jains give s.b. 205 (a.d. 524) as the date of this
event.^
The tract about Valabhipura and northward is termed Bal,
probably from the tribe of Bala, which might have been the
designation of the Rana's tribe prior to that of Grahilot ; and
most probably Multan, and all these regions of the Kathi, Bala,
etc., were dependent on Lohkot, whence emigrated Kanaksen ;
thus strengthening the surmise of the Scythic descent of the
Ranas, though now installed in the seat of Rama. The sun was
the deity of this northern tribe, as of the Rana's ancestry, and
the remains of numerous temples to this grand object of Scj'thic
homage are still to be found scattered over the peninsula ; whence
its name, Saurashtra, the coimtry of the Sauras, or Sun-worship-
pers ; the Surastrene or Syrastrene of ancient geographers ; its
inhabitants, the Suros (2t'/pwv) of Strabo.'
Besides these cities, the MSS. give Gayni * as the last refuge
^ Marwar.
^ [The date of the fall of Valabhi is very uncertain (Smith, EH I, 315,
note). It is said to* have been destroyed in the reign of Siladitya VI.,
the last of the dynasty, about a.d. 776 (Duff, Chronology of India, 31,
G7, 308).]
* [There is possibly a confusion with the Soras of Aehan (xv. 8) which
has been identified by Caldwell {Dravidian Grammar, 17) with the ^Qpat
of Ptolemy, and with the Chola kingdom of Southern India. Surashtra or
Saurashtra, ' land of the Sus,' was afterwards Sanskritized into ' goodly
country ' (Monier Williams, Skt. Diet. s.v. ; BG, i. Part i. 6).]
* Gaini, or Gajni, is one of the ancient names of Cambay (the port of
Valabhipura), the ruins of which are about three miles from the modern
city. Other sources indicate that these princes held possessions in the
southern continent of India, as well as in the Saurashtra peninsula. Tala-
talpur Patau, on the Godavari, is mentioned, which tradition asserts to be
the city of Deogir ; but which, after many years' research, I discovered in
Saurashtra, it being one of the ancient names of Kandala. In after times,
when succeeding dynasties held the title of Balakarae, though the capital
was removed inland to Anhilwara Patau, they still held possession of the
western shore, and Cambay continued the chief port. [For the identifica-
tion of Gajni with Cambay see I A, iv. 147 ; BG, vi. 213 note. The site of
Devagiri has been identified with Daulatabad (BG, i. Part ii. 136 ; Beal,
Buddhist Records of the Western World, ii. 255, note).]
INVADERS OF SAURASHTRA 255
of the famUy [218] when expelled Saurashtra. One of the poetic
chronicles thus commences : " The barbarians had captured
Gajni. The house of Siladitya was left desolate. In its defence
his heroes fell ; of his seed but the name remained."
Invaders of Saurashtra. — These invaders were Scythic, and
in all probability a colony from the Parthian kingdom, which
was established in sovereignty on the Indus in the second century,
having their capital at Saminagara, where the ancient Yadu ruled
for ages : the Minnagara ^ of Arrian, and the Mankir of the
Arabian geographers. It was by this route, through the eastern
portion of the valley of the Indus, that the various hordes of Getae
or Jats, Huns, Kamari, Kathi, Makwahana, Bala and Aswaria,
had peopled this peninsula, leaving traces still visible. The
period is also remarkable when these and other Scythic hordes
were simultaneously abandoning higher Asia for the cold regions
^ The position of Minnagara has occupied the attention of geographers
from D'Anville to Pottinger. Sind being conquered by Omar, general of
the caUph Al-Mansur (Abbasi), the name of Minagara was changed to
Mansura, " une ville celcbre sur le rivage droit du Sind ou Mehran." " Ptole-
mee fait aussi mention de cette ville ; mais en la depla9ant," etc. D'Anville
places it about 26°, but not so high as Ulug Beg, whose tables make it 26°
40'. I have said elsewhere that I had little doubt that Minnagara, handed
down to us by the author of the Periplus as the ^uerpoTroXis t^s ^Kvdias, was
the Saminagara of the Yadu Jarejas, whose chronicles claim Seistan as their
ancient possession, and in all probability was the stronghold {nagara) of
Sambos, the opponent of Alexander. On every consideration, I am inchned
to place it on the site of Sehwan. The learned Vincent, in his translation
of the Peripbis, enters fully and with great judgment upon this point, citing
every authority, Arrian, Ptolemy, Al-Biruni, Edrisi, D'Anville, and De la
Rochette. He has a note (26, p. 386, vol. i.) which is conclusive, could he
have applied it : " Al-Birun [equi-distant] between Debeil and Mansura."
D'Anville also says : " de Mansora a la ville nommee Birun, la distance est
indiquee de quinze parasanges dans Abulfeda," who fixes it, on the authority
of Abu-Rehan (.surnamed Al-Biruni from his birthplace), at 26° 40'. The
ancient name of Haidarabad, the present capital of Sind, was Nerun (^ j »*i ; )
or Nirun, and is almost equi-distant, as Abulfeda says, between Debal (Dewal
or Tatta) and Mansura, Sehwan, or Minnagara, the latitude of which, accord-
ing to my construction, is 26° 11'. Those who wish to pursue this may
examine the Eclaircisfiemens sur la Carle de Vlnde, p. 37 et seq., and Dr.
Vincent's estimable translation, p. 386. [The site of Minnagara, like those
of all the cities in the delta of the Indus, owing to changes in the course of
the river, is very uncertain. Jhajhpur or Mungrapur has been suggested
(McCrindle, Ptolemy, 72, Periplus, 1086 f.). Nirun has been identified with
Helai, a little below Jarak, on the high road from Tatta to Haidarabad
(EHiot-Dowson i. 400).]
256 ANNALS OF MEWAR
of Europe and the warm plains of Hindustan. From the first to
the sixth century of the Christian era, various records exist of
tliese irruptions from the north. Gibbon, quoting De Guignes,
mentions one in the second century, which fixed permanently in
the Saurashtra peninsula ; and the latter, from original authorities,
describes another of the Getae or Jats, styled by the Chinese
Yueh-chi, in the north of India.^ But the authority directly in
point is that of Cosmas, surnamed Indikopleustes, who was in
India during the reign of Justinian, and that of the first monarch
of the Chinese dynasty of Leam.^ Cosmas [219] had visited
Kalyan, included in the Balhara kingdom ; and he mentions the
Ephthalites, or White Huns, under their king Golas, as being
established on the Indus at the very period of the invasion of
Valabhipura.'
Arrian, who resided in the second century at Barugaza
(Broach), describes a Parthian sovereignty as extending from
the Indus to the Nerbudda.* Their capital has already been
mentioned, Minnagara. Whether these, the Abtelites * of Cosmas,
were the Parthian dynasty of Arrian, or whether the Parthians
were supplanted by the Huns, we must remain in ignorance, but
to one or the other we must attribute the sack of Valabhipura.
^ See History of the Tribes, p. 107, and translation of Inscription No. I.
Vide Appendix.
^ Considerable intercourse was carried on between the princes of India
and China from the earliest periods ; but particularly during the dynasties
of Sum, Leam and Tarn, from the fourth to the^eventh centuries, when the
princes from Bengal and Malabar to the Panjab sent embassies to the Chinese
monarchs. The dominions of these Hindu princes may yet be identified.
[Cosmas flourished in the sixth century a.d., and never reached India proper
{EB, vii. 214).]
3 [GoUas was Mihiragula (Smith, EHI, 317).]
* [Ibid. 230 f.]
^ D'Herbelot (vol. i. p. 179) calls them the Haiathelah or Indoscythae, and
says that they were apparently from Thibet, between India and China.
De Guignes (tome i. p. 325) is offended with this explanation, and says :
" Cette conjecture ne pent avoir lieu, les Euthehtes n'ayant jamais demeure
dans le Thibet." A branch of the Huns, however, did most assuredly dwell
in that quarter, though we wiU not positively assert that they were the
AbteUtes. The Haihaya was a great branch of the Lunar race of Yayati,
and appears early to have left India for the northern regions, and would
afford a more plausible etymology for the Haiathelah than the Te-le, who
dwelt on the waters {ab) of the Oxiis. This branch of the Hunnish race has
also been termed Nephthalite, and fancied one of the lost tribes of Israel [?].
THE FOUNTAIN OF THE SUN 257
The legend of this event affords scope for speculation, both as
regards the conquerors and the conquered, and gives at least a
colour of truth to the reputed Persian ancestry of the Rana : a
subject which will be distinctly considered. The solar orb, and
its type, fire, were the chief objects of adoration of Siladitya of
Valabhipura. Whether to these was added that of the lingam,
the symbol of Balnath (the sun), the primary object of worship
with his descendants, may be doubted. It was certainly con-
lined to these, and the adoption of ' strange gods ' by the Sur-
yavansi Guhilot is comparatively of modern invention.^
The Fountain oJ the Sun. — There was a fountain [Surya-
kunda) ' sacred to the sun ' at Valabhipura, from which arose?
at the summons of Siladitya (according to the legend) the seven-
headed horse Saptasva, which draws the car of Surya, to bear
him to battle. With such an auxiliary no foe could prevail ;
but a wicked minister revealed to the enemy the secret of annulling
this aid, by polluting the sacred foimtain with blood. This
accomplished, in vain did the prince call on Saptasva to save
him from the strange and barbarous foe : the charm was broken,
and with it sunk the dynasty of Valabhi. Who the ' barbarian '
was that defiled with blood of kine [220] the fountain of the sun,^
whether Getae, Parthian, or Hun, we are left to conjecture. The
Persian, though he venerated the bull, yet sacrificed him on the
^ Ferishta, in the early part of his history [i. Introd. Ixviii f.], observes
that, some centuries prior to Vikramaditya, the Hindus abandoned the
simple religion of their ancestors, made idols, and worshipped the host of
heaven, which faith they had from Kashmir, the foundry of magic super-
stition.
* Divested of allegory, it means simply that the supply of water was
rendered impure, and consequently useless to the Hindus, which compelled
them to abandon their defences and meet death in the open field. Alau-d-
din practised the same ruse against the celebrated Achal, the Khichi prince
of Gagraun, which caused the surrender of this impregnable fortress. " It
matters not," observes an historian whose name I do not recollect, " whether
such things are true, it is sufficient that they were behoved. We may smile
at the mention of the ghost, tlie evil genius of Brutus, appearing to him
before the battle of PharsaUa ; yet it never would have been stated, had it
not assimilated with the opinions and prejudices of the age." And we may
deduce a simple moral from " the parent orb refusing the aid of his steed to
his terrestrial offspring," viz. that he was deserted by the deity. Fountains
sacred to the sun and other deities were common to the Persians, Scythians,
and Hindus, and both the last offered steeds to him in sacrifice. Vide
History of the Tribes, article ' Aswamedha,' p. 91.
VOL. I S
258 ANNATES OF MEWAR
altar of Mithras ; ^ and though the ancient Guebre purifies with
the urine ^ of the cow, he will not refuse to eat beef ; and the
iniquity of Cambyses, who thrust his lance into the flank of the
Egyptian Apis, is a proof that the bull was abstractedly no object
of worship. It would be indulging a legitimate curiosity, could
we bj^ any means discover how these ' strange ' tribes obtained
a footing amongst the Hindu races ; for so late as seven centuries
ago we find Getae, Huns, Kathi, Ariaspas, Dahae, definitively
settled, and enumerated amongst the Chhattis rajkula. How
much earlier the admission, no authority states ; but mention
is made of several of them aiding in the defence of Chitor, on the
first appearance of the faith of Islam upwards of eleven hundred
years ago.
CHAPTER 2
The Refugee Queen. — Of the prince's family, the queen Push-
pavati alone escaped the sack of Valabhi, as well as the funeral
pyre, upon which, on the death of Siladitya, his other wives were
sacrificed. She was a daughter of the Pramara prince of Chan-
dravati [221], and had visited the shrine of the universal mother,
Amba-Bhavani, in her native land, to deposit upon the altar of
the goddess a votive offering consequent to her expectation of
offspring. She was on her return, when the intelligence arrived
which blasted all her future hopes, by depriving her of her lord,
and robbing him, whom the goddess had just granted to her
prayers, of a crown. Excessive grief closed her pilgrimage.
Taking refuge in a cave in the mountains of Malia, she was de-
livered of a son. Having confided the infant to a Brahmani of
Birnagar named Kamlavati, enjoining her to educate the young
prince as a Brahman, but to marry him to a Rajputni,^ she
^ The Baldan, or sacrifice of the bull to Balnath, is on record, though now
discontinued amongst the Hindus. [Baldan = balidana, ' a general offering
to the gods.']
* Pinkerton, who is most happy to strengthen his aversion for the Celt,
seizes on a passage in Strabo, who describes him as having recourse to the
same mode of purification as the Guebre. Unconscious that it may have
had a religious origin, he adduces it as a strong proof of the uncleanliness of
their habits.
^ [This corroborates Bhandarkar's theory that the Guhilots sprang from
Nagar Brahmans.]
GOHA AND THE BHiLS 259
mounted the funeral pile to join her lord. Kamlavati, the
daughter of the priest of the temple, was herself a mother, and
she performed the tender offices of one to the orphan prince, whom
she designated Goha, or ' cave-born.' ^ The child was a source
of perpetual uneasiness to its protectors : he associated with
Rajput children, killing birds, hunting wild animals, and at the
age of eleven was totally unmanageable : to use the words of the
legend, " How should they hide the ray of the sun ? "
The Legend O? Goha.— At this period Idar was governed by a
chief of the savage race of Bhil ; his name, Mandalika.^ The
young Goha frequented the forests in company with the Bhils,
whose habits better assimilated with his daring nature than those
of the Brahmans. He became a favourite with the Vanaputras,
or ' children of the forest,' who resigned to him Idar with its
woods and mountains. The fact is mentioned by Abu-1 Fazl,'
and is still repeated by the bards, with a characteristic version of
the incident, of which doubtless there were many. The Bhils
having determined in sport to elect a king, the choice fell on
Goha ; and one of the young savages, cutting his finger, applied
the blood as the tika of sovereignty to his forehead. What was
done in sport was confirmed by the old forest chief. The sequel
fixes on Goha the stain of ingratitude, for he slew his benefactor,
and no motive is assigned in the legend for the deed. Goha's
name became the patronymic of his descendants, who were
styled Guhilot, classically Grahilot, in time softened to Gehlot.
We know very little concerning these early princes but that
they dwelt in this mountainous region for eight generations ;
when the Bhils, tired of a foreign rule, assailed Nagaditya, the
eighth prince, while hunting, and deprived him of life and Idar.
The descendants of Kamlavati (the Birnagar Brahmani), who
retained the office of priest in the family, Avere again the pre-
servers of the line of Valabhi. The infant Bappa, son of Naga-
ditya [222], then only three years old, was conveyed to the fortress
of Bhander,* where he was protected by a Bhil of Yadu descent.
^ [This is a folk-etymology to explain the name Guhilot, probably derived
from Guha or Guhasena (a.d. 559-67), the fourth and apparently the first
great Valabhi monarch {BG. i. Part i. 85).]
2 [Mandalika seems to mean ' ruler of a district ' (mandal), (Bayley,
Dynasties of Gujarat, 183).] ^ [Ain, ii. 268.]
* Fifteen miles south-west of Jharol, in the wildest region in India. [In
Gwahor State, IQI, viii. 72.]
260 ANNALS OF MEWAR
Thence he was removed for greater security to the wilds of Parasar.
Within its impervious recesses rose the three-peaked (trikuta)
mountain, at whose base was the town of Nagindra,^ the abode
of Brahmans, who performed the rites of the ' great god.' In this
retreat passed the early years of Bappa, wandering through these
Alpine valleys, amidst the groves of Bal and the shrines of the
brazen calf.
The most antique temples are to be seen in these spots — ^within
the dark gorge of the mountain, or on its rugged summit — in the
depths of the forest, and at the sources of streams, where sites of
seclusion, beauty, and sublimity alternately exalt the mind's
devotion. In these regions the creative power appears to have
been the earliest, and at one time the sole, object of adoration,
whose symbols, the serpent-wreathed phallus (lingam), and its
companion, the bull, were held sacred even by the ' children of
the forest.' In these silent retreats Mahadeva continued to rule
triumphant, and the most brilliant festivities of Udaipur were
those where his rites are celebrated in the nine days sacred to
him, when the Jains and Vaishnavas mix with the most zealous
of his votaries ; but the strange gods from the plains of the
Yamvma and Ganges have withdrawn a portion of the zeal of the
Guhilots from their patron divinity Eklinga, whose diwan," or
viceregent, is the Rana. The temple of Eklinga, situated in one
of the narrow defiles leading to the capital, is an immense struc-
ture, though more sumptuous than elegant. It is built entirely
of white marble, most elaborately carved and embellished ; but
lying in the route of a bigoted foe, it has undergone many dilapi-
dations. The brazen bull, placed under his own dome, facing the
sanctuary of the phallus, is nearly of the natural size, in a recum-
bent posture. It is cast (hollow)^of good shape, highly polished
and without flaw, except where the hammer of the Tatar had
opened a passage in the hollow flank in search of treasure^ [223].
The Marriage of Eappa. — Tradition has preserved numerous
^ Or Nagda, still a place of religious r.esort, about ten miles north of
Udaipur. Here I found several very old inscriptions relative to the family,
which preserve the ancient denomination Gohil instead of Gehlot. One of
these is about nine centuries old. [The ancient name was Nagahrida (Erskine
ii. A. 106).] ^ Ekling-ka-Diwan is the common title of the Rana.
* Amongst the many temples where the brazen calf forms part of the
establishment of BaUcesar, there is one sacred to Nandi alone, at Nain in
the valley. This lordly bull has his shrine attended as devoutly as was that
THE MARRIAGE OF BAPPA 261
details of Bappa's ^ infancy, which resembles the adventures of
everj' hero or founder of a race. The young prince attended the
sacred kine, an occupation which was honourable even to the
' children of the sun,' and which they still pursue : possibly a
remnant of their primitive Scythic habits. The pranks of the
royal shepherd are the theme of many a tale. On the Jhal
Jhulni, when swinging is the amusement of the youth of both
sexes, the daughter of the Solanki chief of Nagda and the village
maidens had gone to the groves to enjoy this festivity, but they
were unprovided with ropes. Bappa happened to be at hand,
and was called by the Rajput damsels to forward their sport.
He promised to procure a rope if they would first have a game at
marriage. One frolic was as good as another, and the scarf of
the Solankini was miited to the garment of Bappa, the whole of
the village lasses joining hands with his as the connecting link ;
and thus they performed the mystical number of revolutions
round an aged tree. This frolic caused his flight from Nagda,
and originated his greatness, but at the same time burthened him
with all these damsels ; and hence a heterogeneous issue, whose
descendants still ascribe their origin to the prank of Bappa round
the old mango-tree of Nagda. A suitable offer being shortly
after made for the young Solankini's hand, the family priests of
the bridegroom, whose duty it was, by his knowledge of palmistry,
to investigate the fortunes of the bride, discovered that she was
already married : intelligence which threw the family into the
greatest consternation.^ Though Bappa's power over his brother
shepherds was too strong to create any dread of disclosure as to
his being the principal in this affair, yet was it too much to expect
that a secret, in which no less than six hundred of the daughters
of Eve were concerned, could long remain such ? Bappa's mode
of swearing his companions to secrecy is preserved. Digging a
small pit, and taking a pebble in his hand, " Swear," cried he,
of Apis at Memphis ; nor will Eklinga yield to his brother Serapis. The
changes of position of the Apis at Nain are received as indications of the
fruitfuhiess of the seasons, though it is not apparent how such are contrived.
^ Bappa is not a proper name, it signifies merely a ' child.' [This is wrong :
it is the old Prakrit form of bap, ' father ' {I A, xv. 275 f. ; BQ, i. Part i.
84).] He is frequently styled Saila, and in inscriptions Sailadlsa, ' the
mountain lord.'
2 [The legend imphes that Bapa, from association with Bhils, was regarded
to be of doubtful origin.]
262 ANNALS OF MEWAR
" secrecy and obedience to me in good and in evil ; that you will
reveal to me all that you hear, and failing, desire that the good
deeds of your forefathers may, like this pebble (dropping it into
the pit) fall mto the Washerman's well." ^ They took the oath.
The Solanki chief, however, heard that [224] Bappa was the
offender, who, receiving from his faithful scouts intimation of his
danger, sought refuge in one of the retreats which abound in these
mountains, and which in after-times proved the preservation of
his race. The companions of Iiis flight were tv/o Bhils : one of
Undri, in the valley of the present capital ; the other of Solanki
descent, from Oghna Panarwa, in the western wilds. Their
names, Baleo and Dewa, have been handed down with Bappa's ;
and the former had the honour of drawing the tika of sovereignty
with his own blood on the forehead of the prince, on the occasion
of his taking the crown from the Mori.^ It is pleasing to trace,
through a series of ages, the knowledge of a custom still ' honoured
in the observance.' The descendants of Baleo of Oghna and the
Undri Bhil still claim the privilege of performing the tika on the
inauguration of the descendants of Bappa.
Oghna Panarwa. — Oghna Panarwa is the sole spot in India which
enjoys a state of natural freedom. Attached to no State, having
no foreign communications, living under its own patriarchal head,
its chief, with the title of Rana, whom one thousand hamlets
scattered over the forest-crowned valleys obey, can, if requisite,
appear at ' the head of five thousand bows.' He is a Bhumia Bhil
of mixed blood, from the Solanki Rajput, on the old stock of pure
{ujla) Bhils, the autochthones (if such there be of any country)
of Mewar. Besides making the tika of blood from an incision
in the thmnb, the Oglma chief takes the prince by the arm and
seats hun on the throne, while the Undri Bhil holds the salver
of spices and sacred grains of rice ^ used in making the tika.
^ Deemed in the East the most impure of all receptacles. These wells
are dug at the sides of streams, and give a supply of pure water filtering
through the sand.
^ [The right is said to have been enjoyed by the Bhils tiU the time of
Rana Hamir Singh, who died a.d. 1364, and it was recognised in Dungarpur
till fairly recent times (Erskine ii. A. 228). The Jats have the same right
in Biltaner (Kose, Glossary, ii. 301) : Mers in Porbandar (Wilberforce-Bell,
Hist, of Kathiawad, 53 : Kandhs in Kalahandi (Russell, Tribes and Castes
Central Provinces, iii. 405, and c/. ii. 280).]
* ilencc, perhaps, the name khushka for tika. [Khuskka, khushk, ' dry,'
THE FLIGHT OF BAPPA 263
But the solemnity of being seated on the throne of Mewar is
so expensive, that many of these rites have fallen into disuse.
Jagat Singh was tlie last prince whose coronation was conducted
with tlie ancient magnificence of this princely house. It cost
the sum of ninety lakhs of rupees (£1,125,000), nearly one entire
year's revenue of the State in the days of its prosperity, and which,
taking into consideration the comparative value of money, would
amount to upwards of four millions sterling ^ [225].
To resume the narrative : though the flight of Bappa and its
cause are perfectly natural, we have another episode ; when the
bard assuming a higher strain has recourse to celestial machinery
for the denouement of this simple incident : but " an illustrious
race must always be crowned with its projDer mythology." Bappa
who was the founder of a line of a ' hundred kings,' feared as a
monarch, adored as more than mortal, and, according to the
legend, ' still living ' (charanjiva), deserves to have the source of
his pre-eminent fortune disclosed, which, in Mewar, it were sacri-
lege to doubt. Wliile he pastured the sacred kine in the valleys
of Nagindra, the princely shepherd was suspected of appropriat-
ing the milk of a favourite cow to his own use. He was distrusted
and watched, and although indignant, the youth admitted that
they had reason to suspect him, from the habitual dryness of the
brown cow when she entered the pens at even.^ He watched,
and traced her to a narrow dell, when he beheld the udder spon-
taneously pouring its stores amidst the shrubs. Under a thicket
is plain boiled rice without seasoning.] Grains of ground rice in curds is
the material of the primitive tika, which the author has had applied to him
by a lady in Gujargarh, one of the most savage spots in India, amidst the
levee en masne, assembled hostilely against him, but separated amicably.
^ Such the pride of these small kingdoms in days of yore, and such their
resources, till reduced by constant oppression ! But their public works
sjieak what they could do, and have done ; witness the stupendous work of
marble, and its adjacent causeway, which dams the lake of Rajsamand at
Kankrauli, and which cost upwards of a juillion. When the spectator
views this expanse of water, this ' royal sea ' {rajsamand) on the borders
of the plain ; the pillar of victory towering over the plains of Malwa, erected
on the summit of Chitor by Rana Mokal ; their palaces and temples in this
ancient abode ; the regal residence erected by the princes when ejected,
must fill the observer with astonishment at the resources of tlie State. They
are such as to explain the metaphor of my ancient friend Zahm Singh, who
knew better than we the value of this country : " Every pinch of the soil
of Mewar contains gold."
^ Godhuli, the dust raised at the time when the cows come home.
264 ANNALS OF MEWAR
of cane a hermit was reposing in a state of abstraction, from which
the impetuosity of the shepherd soon roused him. The mystery
was revealed in the phalUc symbol of the ' great God,' which daily
received the lacteal shower, and raised such doubts of the veracity
of Bappa.
No eye had hitherto penetrated into this natural sanctuary of
the rites of the Hindu Creator, except the sages and hermits of
ancient days (of whom this was the celebrated Harita),'^ whom
this bounteous cow also fed.
Bappa related to the sage all he knew of himself, received his
blessing, and retired ; but he went daily to visit him, to wash his
feet, carry milk to him, and gather such wild flowers as were
acceptable offerings to the deity. In return he received lessons
of morality, and was initiated into the mysterious rites of Siva :
and at length he was invested with the triple cordon of faith
{tin parwa zunnar) ^ by the hands of the sage, who became his
spiritual guide, and bestowed on his pupil the title of [226]
' Regent (Diwan) of Eklinga.' Bappa had proofs that his atten-
tions to the saint and his devotions to Eklinga were acceptable,
by a visit from his consort, ' the lion-born goddess.' From her
hand he received the panoply of celestial fabrication, the work of
Viswakarma (the Vulcan of Eastern mythology), which outvies
all the arms ever forged for Greek or Trojan. The lance, bow,
quiver, and arrows ; a shield and sword (more famed than
Balisarda) * which the goddess girded on him with her own hand :
the oath of fidelity and devotion was the ' relief ' of this celestial
investiture. Thus initiated into the mysteries of ' the first '
{adi), admitted under the banners of Bhavani, Harita resolved
to leave his pupil to his fortunes, and to quit the worship of the
symbol for the presence of the deity in the mansions above. He
informed Bappa of his design, and commanded him to be at the
sacred spot early on the following morn ; but Bappa showed his
materiality by oversleeping himself, and on reaching the spot the
sage had already made some progress in his car, borne by the
^ On this spot the celebrated temple of Eklinga was erected, and the
present high priest traces sixty-six descents from Harita to himself. To
him (through the Rana) I was indebted for the copy of the Sheo (Siva)
Purana presented to the Royal Asiatic Society.
* [Zunnar is an Arabic word, the Hindi janeo.]
' [The sword stolen from Orlando by Brunello, given to Rogero (Ariosto,
Orlando Fvrioso).]
THE WARS OF BAPPA 265
Apsaras, or celestial messengers. He cheeked his aerial ascent
to give a last token of affection to his pupil ; and desiring him to
reach up to receive his blessing, Bappa's stature was extended to
twenty cubits ; but as he did not reach the car, he was com-
manded to open his mouth, when the sage did what was recorded
as performed, about the same period, by Muhammad, who spat
into the mouth of his favourite nephew, Husain, the son of Ali.
Bappa showed his disgust and aversion by blinking, and the pro-
jected blessing fell on his foot, by which squeamishness he ob-
tained only invulnerability by weapons instead of immortality.
The saint was soon lost in the cerulean space. Thus marked as
the favourite of heaven, and having learned from his mother that
he was nephew to the Mori prince of Chitor, he ' disdained a
shepherd's slothful life,' and with some companions from these
wilds quitted his retreat, and for the first time emerged into the
plains. But, as if the brand of Bhavani was insufficient, he met
with another hermit in the forest of the Tiger Mount,"^ the famed
Gorakiinath, who presented to him the double-edged sword, ^
which, with the proper incantation, could ' sever rocks.' With
this he opened the road to fortune leading to the throne of
Chitor [227].
Chitor was at this period held by the Mori prince of the Pramar
race, the ancient lords of IMalwa, then paramount sovereigns of
Hindustan : but whether this city was then the chief seat of
power is not known. Various public works, reservoirs, and
bastions, yet retain the name of this race.
Bappa's connexion with the Mori ^ obtained hiin a good recep-
^ The Nahra Magra, seven miles from the eastern pass leading to the
capital, where the prince has a hunting seat surrounded bj' several others
belonging to the nobles, but all going to decay. The tiger and wild boar
now prowl unmolested, as none of the ' uuMcensed ' dare shoot in these royal
preserves.
^ They surmise that this is the individual blade which is yet annually
worshipped by the sovereign and chiefs on its appropriate day, one of the
nine sacred to the god of war ; a rite completely Scythic. I had this relation
from the chief genealogists of the family, who gravely rejDeated the incanta-
tion : " By the preceptor, Gorakhnath and the great god, EkUnga ; by
Takshka the serpent, and the sage Harita ; by Bhavani (Pallas) etrike ! "
* Bappa's mother v/as a Pramar, probably from Abu or Chandra vati, near
to Idar J and consequently Bappa was nephew to every Pramar in existence.
[The Morya or Maurya sub-clan of the Pramars still exists (Ce7isus Beport,
Rajputana, 1911, i. 255. For traces of the Mauryas in W. India see BG, i.
Part ii. 284, note.]
266 ANNALS OF MEWAR "
tion ; he was enrolled amongst the sawants or leaders, and a
suitable estate conferred upon him. The inscription of the Mori
prince's reign, so often alluded to, affords a good idea of his power,
and of the feudal manners of his court. He was surrounded by a
numerous nobility, holding estates on the tenure of military
service, but whom he had disgusted by his neglect, and whose
jealousy he had provoked by the superior regard shown to Bappa.
A foreign foe appearing at this time, instead of obeying the
summons to attend, they threw up their grants, and tauntingly
desired him to call on his favourite.^
Bappa undertook the conduct of the war, and the chiefs, though
dispossessed of their estates, accompanied him from a feeling of
shame. The foe was defeated and driven out of the coimtry ; but
instead of returning to Chitor, Bappa continued his course to the
ancient seat of his family, Gajni, expelled the ' barbarian ' called
Salim, placed on the throne a chief of the Chaura tribe,^ and
returned with the discontented nobles. Bappa, on this occasion,
is said to have married the daughter of his enemy. The nobles
quitted Chitor, leaving their defiance with their prince. In vain
were the spiritual preceptor (Guru) and foster-brother (Dhabhai)
sent as ambassadors : their only reply v^^as, that as they had
' eaten his salt,' they would forbear their vengeance for twelve
months. The noble deportment of Bappa won their esteem, and
they transferred to him their service and homage. With the
temptation of a crown, the gratitude of the Grahilot was given
to the winds. On return they assaulted and carried Chitor, and,
in the words of J-he chronicle, " Bappa took Chitor from the Mori
and became himself tJie mor (crown) of the land " : he obtained
by vmiversal consent the title of ' sun of the Hindus {Hindiia
suraj), preceptor of princes (Raj Guru), and universal lord
{Chakravartin) ' [228].
He had a numerous progeny, some of whom returned to their
ancient seats in Saurashtra, whose descendants were powerful
chieftains in that tract so late as Akbar's reign.* Five sons went
to Marwar, and the ancient Gohils ' of the land of Kher,' expelled
^ Wo are furnished with a catalogue of the tribes which served the Mori
prince, which is extremely valuable, froni its acquainting us with the names
of tribes no longer existing.
' [iSee p. 121, above.]
* See Aln, ii. 247, which speaks of fifty thousand [8000] Guhilots in Sorath.
THE DEATH OF BAPPA 267
and driven to Gohilwal/ have lost sight of their ancestry, and
by a singular fatality are in possession of the wreck of Valabhi-
pura, ignorant of its history and their connexion with it, mixing
with Arabs and following maruie and mercantile pursuits ; and
the office of the bard having fallen into disrepute, they cannot
trace their forefathers beyond Kherdhar.-
The close of Bappa's career is the strangest part of the legend,
and which it might be expected they would be solicitous to sup-
press. Advanced in years, he abandoned his children and his
comitry, carried his arms west to Khorasan, and there established
himself, and married new wives from among the ' barbarians,' by
whom he had a numerous offspring.'
Bappa had reached the patriarchal age of one hundred when
he died. An old volume of historical anecdotes, belonging to the
chief of Delwara, states that he became an ascetic at the foot of
Meru, where he was buried alive after having overcome all the
kings of the west, as in Ispahan, Kandahar, Kashmir, Irak, Iran,
Turan, and Kafiristan ; all of whose daughters he married, and
by whom he had one hundred and thirty sons, called the Naus-
shahra Pathans. Each of these founded a tribe, bearing the
name of the mother. His Hindu children were ninety-eight in
number, and were called Agni-upasi Surj'avansi, or ' simborn
fire-worsiiippers.' The chronicles also record that (in like manner
as did the subjects of the Bactrian king Menander, though from
a different motive) the subjects of Bajipa quarrelled for the dis-
posal of his remains. The Hindu wished the fire to consume
them ; the ' barbarian ' to commit them to eartl; ; but on raising
the pall while the dispute was raging, uinumerable flowers of
the lotus were found in the place of the remains of mortality :
these were conveyed and planted in the lake. This is precisely
what is related of the end of the Persian Nushirwan * [229].
^ Pepara Guhilots.
■■^ The ' land of Kher,' on the south-west frontier of Marw ar, near the
Luni river.
* The. reigning prince told the author that there was no doubt of Bappa
having ended his days among ' the Turks ' : a term now apjjlied to all
Muhammadans by the Hmdu, but at that time confined to the inhabitants
of Turkistan, the Turushka of the Puranas, and the Takshak of early in-
scriptions.
^ [Recent inquiries identify Bappa, whose name is merely a title, with
either Mahendraji ii. or Kalbhoja, early chiefs of Mewar (Erskine ii. B. 8). It
268 ANNALS OF MEWAR
The Question of Dates. — Having thus briefly sketched the
history of the founder of the Guhilot dynasty in Mewar, we must
now endeavour to estabUsh the epoch of this important event in
its annals. Although Bappa Rawal was nine generations after
the sack of Valabhipura, the domestic annals give S. 191 (a.d.
135) for his birth ; which the bards implicitly following, have
vitiated the whole chronology. An important inscription ^ in a
character little known, establishes the fact of the Mori dynasty
being in possession of Chitor in S. 770 (a.d. 714). Now the annals
of the Rana's house expressly state Bappa Rawal to be the nejDhew
of the Mori prince of Chitor ; that at the age of fifteen he was
enrolled amongst the chieftains of his uncle, and that the vassals
(before alluded to), in revenge for the resumption of their grants
by the Mori, dethroned him and elevated as their sovereign the
youthful Bappa. Notwithstanding this apparently irreconcilable
anachronism, the family traditions accord with the inscription,
except in date. Amidst such contradictions the development of
the truth seemed impossible. Another valuable inscription of
S. 1024 (a.d. 968), though giving the genealogy from Bappa to
Sakti Kumar and corroborating that, from Chitor, and which
furnished convincing evidence, was not sanctioned by the prince
or his chroniclers, who would admit nothing as valid that militated
against their established era 191 for the birth of their founder.
After six years' residence and unremitting search amid ruins,
archives, inscriptions, traditions, and whatever could throw
light upon this point, the author quitted Udaipur with all these
doubts in his mind, for Saurashtra, to prosecute his inquiries in
the pristine abodes of the race. Then it was that he was rewarded,
beyond his most sanguine expectations, by the discovery of an
inscription which reconciled these conflicting authorities and
removed every difficulty. This marble, found in the celebrated
temple of Somnath,^ made mention of a distinct era, viz. the
has been suggested that his legend is mixed up with that of Bappa or Saila
of Valabhi, the story of his retreat to Iran representing the latter being
carried as a captive to Mansura on the fall of Valabhi or Gandhar {BG, i.
Part i. 94, note 2). In any case, the Avhole story is mere legend, a tale like
that of the mysterious disappearance of Romulus and other kings (Sir J.
Frazcr, Lectures on the Early History of the Kingship, 269 ff.)- A similar tale
is told of Rana Uda in later Mewar history.]
^ Vide Appendix, Translation, No. II. ^ See Translation, No. III.
EARLY CHRONOLOGY OF MEWAR 269
Valabhi Samvat, as being used in Saurashtra ; which era was three
hundred and seventy-five years subsequent to Vikramaditya.^
On the sack of Valabhi thirty thousand famihes abandoned
this ' city of a hundred temples,' and led by their priests found a
retreat for themselves and their faith [230] in Mordardes (Marwar),
where they erected the towns of Sandrai and Bali, in which latter
we recognise the name of the city whence they were expelled. The
religion of Valabhi, and consequently of the colonists, was the
Jain ; and it was by a priest descended from the survivors of
this catastrophe, and still with their descendants inhabiting
those towns, that these most important documents were fur-
nished to the author. The Sandrai roll assigns the year 305
(Valabhi era) for the destruction of Valabhi : another, also from
Jain authority, gives 205 ; and as there were but nine princes
from Vijayasen, the founder, to its fall, we can readily believe
the first a numerical error. Therefore 205 + 375 = 580 S. Vikrama
(a.d. 524), for the invasion of Saurashtra by ' the barbarians from
the north,' and sack of Valabhipura.
Now if from 770, the date of the Mori tablet, we deduct 580,
there remains 190 ; justifying the pertinacity with which the
chroniclers of Mewar adhered to the date given in their annals
for the birth of Bappa, viz. 191 : though they were ignorant that
this period was dated from the fiight from Valabhipura.
Bappa, when he succeeded to the Mori prince, is said to have
been fifteen years old ; and his birth being one year anterior to
the Mori inscription of 770-{-14 = S.V. 784 (a.d. 728),^ is the period
for the foundation of the Guhilot dynasty in Mewar : since which,
during a space of eleven hundred years, fifty-nine princes lineally
descended from Bappa have sat on the throne of Chitor.
Though the bards and chroniclers will never forgive the temer-
ity which thus curtails the antiquity of their founder, he is yet
placed in the dawn of chivalry, when the Carlovingian dynasty
1 [The Valabhi era begins in a.d. 318-19.]
^ This will make Bappa's attainment of Chitor fifteen years posterior to
Muhammad bin Kasim's invasion. I have observed generally a discrepancy
of ten years between the Samvat and Hegira ; the Hegira reckoned from the
sixteenth year of Muhammad's mission, and would if employed reconcile
this difficulty. [The traditional dates are untrustworthy, being based on a
confused reminiscence of Valabhi history (lA, xv. 275). A hst of the chiefs
of Mewar, with the dates as far as can be ascertained, is given by Erskine
(ii. B. 8 ff.).]
270 ANNALS OF MEWAR
was established in the west, and when Walid, whose bands
planted ' the green standard ' on the Ebro, was ' commander of
the" faithful.'
From the deserted and now forgotten ' city of the sun,' Aitpur,
the abode of wild beasts and savage Bhils. another memorial ^ of
the princes of Me war was obtained. It relates to the prince
Sakti Kumar. Its date is S. 1024 (a.d. 968), and it contains the
names of fourteen of his ancestors in regular succession. Amongst
these is Bappa, or Saila. When compared with the chronicles
and [231] family archives, it was highly gratifying to find that,
with the exception of one superfluous name and the transposition
of others, they v/ere in perfect accordance.
Hume says, " Poets, though they disfigure the most certain
history by their fictions, and use strange liberties \dth truth,
when they are the sole historians, as among the Britons, have
commonly some foundation for their wildest exaggerations."
The remark is applicable here ; for the names which had been
mouldering for nine centuries, far from the abode of man, are the
same they had worked into their poetical legends. It was at this
exact epoch that the arms of Islam, for the first time, crossed
the Indus. In the ninety-fifth year of the Hegira,^ Muhammad
bin Kasim, the general of the Caliph Walid, conquered Sind, and
penetrated (according to early Arabian authors) to the Ganges ;
and although Elmacin mentions only Sind, yet other Hindu
States were at this period convulsed from the same cause : witness
the overthrow of Manikrae of Ajmer, in the middle of the eighth
century, by a foe ' coming in ships,' Anjar specified as the point
where they landed. If any doubt existed that it was Kasim who
advanced to Chitor * and was defeated by Bappa, it was set at rest
by finding at this time in Chitor ' Dahir,* the prince of Debil.'
^ See Translation of Inscription, No. IV.
2 A.D. 713, or S. 769 : the Inscription 770 of Man Mori, against whom
came the ' barbarian.'
^ I was informed by a friend, who had seen the papers of Captain Mac-
murdo, that he had a notice of Kasim's having penetrated to Dungarpur.
Had this gentleman Uved, he would have thrown much light on these
Western antiquities. [Muhammad bin Kasim does not seem to have
attacked Ajmer : the place was not founded till a.d. 1000 (Watson, Gazetteer,
i. A. 9).]
* By an orthographical error, the modern Hindu, ignorant of Debal, has
written Delhi. But there was no lord of Delhi at this time : he is styled
Dahir, Despat (lord) of Debal, from dea, ' a country,' and pat, ' the head.'
PERSIAN DESCENT OF THE RANAS OF MEWAR 271
Abii-1 Fazl ^ records, from Arabian authorities, that Dahir was lord
of Sind, and resided at his capital, Debal, the first place captured
by Kasim in 95. His miserable end, and the destruction of his
house, are mentioned by the historian, and account for the son
being found with the Mori prince of Chitor.
Nine princes intervened between Bappa and Sakti Kumar, in
two centuries (twenty-two years to each reign) : just the time
which should elapse from the founder, who ' abandoned his
country for Iran,' in S. 820, or a.d. 764. Having thus established
four epochs in the earlier history of the family, viz. — 1 Kanaksen,
A.D. 144 ; 2, Siladitya, and sack of Valabhi, a.d. 52 4 ; 3, Estab-
lishment in Chitor and Mewar, a.d. 720 ; 4, Sakti Kumar, a.d.
1068 ; ^ we may endeavour to relieve this narrative by the notices
which regard their Persian descent [232].
CHAPTER 3
Connexion of the Ranas with Persia. — Historic truth has, in all
countries, been sacrificed to national vanity : to its gratification
every obstacle is made to give way ; fictions become facts, and
even rehgious prejudices vanish in this mirage of the imagination.
\Vliat but this spurious zeal could for a moment induce any
genuine Hindu to believe that, only twelve centuries ago, ' an
eater of beef ' occupied the chair of Rama, and enjoyed by univer-
sal acclaim the title of ' Sun of the Hindus ' ; or that the most
ancient dynasty in the world could owe its existence to the last
of the Sassanian kings : * that a slip from such a tree could be sur-
reptitiously grafted on that majestic stem, which has flourished
from the golden to the iron age, covering the land with its
branches ? That there existed a marked affinity in religious
rites between the Rana's family and the Guebres, or ancient
Persians, is evident. With both, the chief object of adoration
was the sun ; each bore the image of the orb on their banners.
The chief day in the seven * was dedicated to the sun ; to it is
1 Ain, ii. 344 f.
^ [The dates are open to much question. It is known fro:n inscriptions
that Sakti Kumar was alive in a.d. 977.]
* Yezdegird died a.d. 651.
* Surajwar, or Aditi/aivar, Sun-day ; and the other days of the week,
from the other planets, which Western nations have taken froiH the East.
272 ANNALS OF MEWAR
sacred the chief gate of the city, the principal bastion of every
fortress. But though the faith of Islam has driven away the fairy
inhabitants from the fountains of Mithras, that of Surya has still
its devotees on the summit of Chitor, as at Valabhi : and could
we trace with accuracy their creeds to a distant age, we might
discover them to be of one family, worshipping the sun at the
fountains of the Oxus and Jaxartes.
The darkest period of Indian history is during the six centuries
following Vikramaditya, which are scarcely enlightened by a ray
of knowledge : but India v/as imdergoing great changes, and
foreign tribes were pouring in from the north. To this period,
the sixth century, the genealogies of the Puranas are brought
down, which expressly declare (adopting the prophetic spirit to
conceal [233] the alterations and additions they then underwent)
that at this time the genuine line of princes would be extinct, and
that a mixed race would rule conjointly with foreign barbarians ;
as the Turushka, the Mauna,^ the Yavan,^ the Gorind, and
^ See History of the Tribes, pp. 123, 135, articles ' Takshak,' and ' Jhala,'
or Makwahana, in all probability the Mauna of the Puranas [?].
^ The Yavan, or Greek princes, who apparently continued to rule within
the Indus after the Christian era, were either the remains of the Bactrian
dynasty or the independent kingdom of Demetrius or Apollodotus, who
ruled in the Panjab, having as their capital Sagala, changed by Demetrius
to Euthymedia. Bayer says, in his Hist. Reg. Bad., p. 84 : "I find from
Claudius Ptolemy, that there was a city within the Hydaspes yet nearer the
Indus, called Sagala, also Euthymedia ; but I scarcely doubt that Demetrius
called it Euthydemia, from his father, after his death and that of Menander.
Demetrius was deprived of his patrimony A.U.C. 562." [The site of Sagala
is uncertain — Chiniot, Shahkot, Sialkot {IGI, ii. 80 f. ; McCrindle, Ptolemy,
122 ff.).]
On this ancient city, Sagala, I have already said much ; conjecturing
it to be the Salbhanpura of the Yadus when driven from Zabulistan, and
that of the Yuoh-chi or Yuti, who were fixed there from Central Asia in the
fifth century, and if so early as the second century, when Ptolemy wrote,
may have originated the change of Yuti-media, the ' Central Yuti.' The
numerous medals which I possess, chiefly found within the probable hmits of
the Greek kingdom of Sagala, either belong to these princes or the Parthian
kings of Minnagara on the Indus. The legends are in Greek on one side,
and in the Sassanian character on the reverse. Hitherto I have not de-
ciphered the names of any but those of Apollodotus and Menander ; but
the titles of ' Great King,' ' Saviour,' and other epithets adopted by the
Arsacidae, are perfectly legible. The devices, however, all incline me to
pronounce them Parthian. It would be curious to ascertain how these
Greeks and Parthians gradually merged into the Hindu population [see
IQI, ii. 1.37].
PERSIAN DESCENT OF THE RANAS OF MEWAR 273
Garddhabin.^ Tliere is much of truth in this ; nor is it to be
doubted that many of the Rajput tribes entered India from the
north-west regions about this period. Gor and Gardhaba have
the same signification ; the first is Persian ; the second its version
in Hindi, meaning the ' wild ass,' an appellation of the Persian
monarch Bahram, surnamed Gor from his partiality to hunting
that animal. Various authorities state Bahramgor being in India
in the fifth century, and his having there left progeny by a princess
of Kanauj. A passage extracted by the author from an ancient
Jain MS. indicates that " in S. 523 Raja Gardhabela, of Kakustha,
or vSuryavansa, ruled in Valabhipura." It has been surmised
that Gardhabela was the son of Bahramgor, a son of whom is
stated to have obtained dominion at Patau ; which may be borne
in mind when the authorities for the Persian extraction of the
Rana's family are given.^
The Hindus, when conquered by the Muhammadans, naturally
wished to gild the chains they could not break. To trace a
common, though distant, origin with the conquerors was to
remove some portion of the taint of dishonour which arose from
giving their daughters in marriage to the Tatar emperors of Delhi ;
and a degree of satisfaction was derived from assuming that the
blood thus corrupted once flowed from a common fountain * [234].
^ [The list in the Vishnu Purana (474 f.) gives 7 Abhiras, 10 Garddhabas,
16 Sakas, 14 Tusharas, 13 Mundas, 11 Maunas. On the impossibihty of
reducing the Puranic accounts to order see Smith, EHI, 274.]
2 [RawUnson [Seventh Oriental Monarchy, 298) regards the eastern
adventure of Bahramgor, Varahran V., as mytliical. Sykes [Hist, of Persia,
i. 470) thinks they can hardly be authentic, " but I do not reject it as entirely
devoid of historical basis."]
' The Hindu genealogist, in ignorance of the existence of Aghuz Khan,
the Tatar patriarch, could not connect the chain of Chagatai with Chandra.
The Brahman, better read, sixpplied the defect, and with his doctrine of the
metempsychosis animated the material frame of the beneficent Akbar with
the ' good genius ' of a Hindu ; and that of their mortal foe, Aurangzeb,
with one of evil destiny, being that of Kalayavana, the foe of Krishna.
They gravely assert that Akbar visited his ancient hermitage at the conflu-
ence of the Ganges and Jumna, and excavated the implements of penance
used by him in hds former shape, as one of the sages of ancient times ; while
such is their aversion to Aurangzeb, that they declare the final avatar, Time
(Kal), on his white steed, will appear in his person. The Jaisalmer annals
affirm that the whole Turkish (Turushha) race of Chagatai are of Yadu stock ;
while the Jam Jareja of Cutch traces his descent from the Persian Jamshid,
contemporary with Solomon. These are curious claims, but the Rana's
family v/ould consider such vanity criminal.
VOT,. I T
274 ANNALS OF MEWAR
Further to develop these claims of Persian descent, we shall
commence with an extract from the Upadesa Prasad, a collection
of historic fragments in the Magadhi dialect. " In Gujardes
(Gujarat) there are eighty-foiir cities. In one of these, Kaira,
resided the Brahman Devaditya, the expounder of the Vedas.
He had an only child, Subhaga (of good fortune) by name, at
once a maiden and a widow. Having learned from her preceptor
the solar incantation, incautiously repeating it, the sun appeared
and embraced her, and she thence became pregnant.^ The
affliction of her father was diminished when he discovered the
parent ; nevertheless [as others might be less charitable] he sent
her with a female attendant to Valabhipura, where she was de-
livered of twins, male and female. When grown up the boy was
sent to school ; but being eternally plagued about his mysterious
birth, whence he received the nickname of Ghaibi (' concealed '),
in a fit of irritation he one day threatened to kill his mother if she
refused to disclose the author of his existence. At this moment
the sun revealed himself : he gave the youth a pebble, with which
it was sufficient to touch his companions in order to overcome
them. Being carried before the Balhara prince, who menaced
Ghaibi, the latter slew him with the pebble, and became himself
sovereign of Saurashtra, taking the name of Siladitya ^ (from
sila, ' a stone or pebble,' and adiiya, ' the sun ') : his sister was
married to the Raja of Broach." Such is the literal translation
of a fragment totally unconnected with the history of the Rana's
family, though evidently bearing upon it. The father of Siladitya,
according to the Sandrai roll and other authorities of that period,
is Suraj (the sun) Rao, though two others make a Somaditya
intervene^ [235].
^ [For legends of woinen impregnated by the sun see Frazer, Golden
Bough, Part vii. vol. i. 74 ff.]
^ This is probably the Siladitya of the Satrunjaya Mahatma, who re-
paired the temple on Satrunjaya in S. 477 (a.d. 421). [A mere folk etymo-
logy — Siladitya, from sil, ' to worship,' aditya, ' the sun.']
* In perusing this fragment we are struck by the similarity of production
of these Hindu Hehadae and that of the celebrated Tatar dynasty from which
Jenghiz Khan was descended. The Niruns, or ' children of light,' were from
an amour of the sun with Alung Goa, from which Jenghiz was the ninth in
descent. Authorities quoted by Petis do la Croix, in his Ufe of this con-
queror, and Hkewise by Marjgny, in his History of the Saracens, afBrm
Jenghiz Khan to be a descendant of Yazdegird, the last Sassanian prince.
Jenghiz was an idolater, and hated the very name of Muhammadan [see
PERSIAN DESCENT OF THE RANAS OF IVIEWAR 275
Let us see what Abu-1 Fazl says of the descent of the Ranas
from Niishirwan : " The chief of the State was formerly called
Rawal, but for a long time past has been known as Rana. He is
of the Ghelot clan, and pretends to descent from Noshirwan the
Just. An ancestor of this family through the vicissitudes of
fortune came to Berar and was distinguished as the chief of Narna-
lah. About eight himdred years previous to the present time ^
Narnalah was taken by the enemy and many were slain. One
Bapa, a child, was carried by his mother from this scene of desola-
tion to Mewar, and found refuge with Rajah Mandalikh, a Bhil." -
The work which has furnished all the knowledge which exists
on the Persian ancestry of the Mewar princes is the Maasiru-l-
Umara, or that (in the author's possession) founded on it, entitled
Bisaiu-l-Ghanim, or 'Display of the Foe,' written in a.h. 1204^
[a.d. 1789]. The writer of this work styles himself Lachhmi
Narayan Shafik Aurangabadi, or ' the rhymer of Aurangabad.
He professes to give an accomit of Sivaji, the founder of the
INIahratta empire ; for which purpose he goes deep into the lineage
of the Ranas of Mewar, from whom Sivaji was descended,* quoting
Howorth, Hist, of the Mongols, i. 37 ff.]. A courtier telling Aurangzeb of his
celestial ancestry, gravely quoting the affair of the mother of the race of
Timur with the sun, the bigoted monarch coarsely replied, " Mama qahba
bud," which we will not translate.
^ Akbar commenced his reign a.d. 1556, and had been forty years on the
throne when the ' Institutes ' were composed by the x4bu-l Fazl. [The
translation of Gladwin in the original text has been replaced by that of
Jarrett, Ain, ii. 268.]
2 Orme [Historical Fragments, Notes, p. xxii] was acquainted with this
passage, and shows his knowledge of the Hindu character by observing
that it was a strange pedigree to assign a Hindu prince, for Khusru, of the
religion of Zoroaster, though compelled to many abstinences, was not re-
strained from eating beef : and Anquetil du Perron says of the Parsis, their
descendants, that they have refrained since their emigration from slaying
the cow merely to please the Hindu.
^ The cryptographic da,te is contained in the numerical value of the letters
which compose the title :
B. S. A. T. a. 1. G. N. A. E. M. ^ ^\^^^ *°*'^^ ^^ ""^^ ^l^J, either the
2. 60. 1. 9. 1. 9. 1000. 50. 1. 10. 40. 1 "^^^^ '' ^^T^' "'^ ^ Efficient value
I given to the numerals.
* WiLford, who by his indefatigable research and knowledge of Sanskrit
had accumulated extensive materials, unhappily deteriorated by a too
credulous imagination, yet containing much valuable matter available to
those sufficiently familiar with the subject to select with safety, has touched
on this, and almost on every other point in the circle of Hindu antiquities.
276 ANNALS OF MEWAR
at length the Maasiru-l-Umara, from which the following is a
literal translation : " It is well known that the Rajas of Udaipur
are exalted over all the princes of Hind. Other Hindu princes,
before they can succeed to the throne of their fathers, must
receive the khushka, or tilak of regality and investiture, from
them. This type of sovereignty is received with humility and
veneration. The khushka of these princes is made with human
blood : their title is Rana, and they deduce [236] their origin
from Noshirwan-i-Adil (i.e. the Just), who conquered the countries
of -,^ and many parts of Hindustan. During his lifetime his
son Noshizad, whose mother was the daughter of Kaiser of Rum,^
quitted the ancient worship and embraced the ' faith ^ of the
Christians,' and with numerous followers entered Hindustan.
Thence he marched a great army towards Iran, against his father
Noshirwan ; who despatched his general, Rambarzin,* with
Ali Ibrahim, a learned native of Benares, was Wilford's authority for assert-
ing the Rana's Persian descent, who stated to him that he had seen the
original history, which was entitled, Origin of the Peishwas from the Ranas
of Mewar. (Ibrahim must have meant the Satara princes, whose ministers
were the Peshwas.) From this authority three distinct emigrations of the
Guebres, or ancient Persians, are recorded, from Persia into Gujarat. The
first in the time of Abu Bakr, a.d. 631 ; the second on the defeat of Yazde-
gird, A.D. 651 ; and the tliird when the descendants of Abbas began to prevail,
A.D. 749. Also that a son of Noshirwan landed near Surat with eighteen
thousand of his subjects, from Laristan, and were well received by the prince
of the country. Abu-1 Fazl confirms this account by saying, " the followers
of Zoroaster, when they fled from Persia, settled in Surat," the contracted
term for the peninsular of Saurashtra, as well as the city of this name
[Ai7i, ii. 243].
^ The names are obhterated in the original. Ferishta [i. Introd. Ixxix]
informs us that Ramdeo Rathor, sovereign of Kananj, was made tributary
by Firoz ' Sassan ' ; and that Partap Chand, who usurped the tlvrone of
Ramdeo, neglecting to pay this tribute, Noshirwan marched into India to
recover it, and in his progress siibdued Kabul and the Panjab. From the
striking coincidence of these original and decisive authorities, we may rest
assured that they had recourse to ancient records, both of the Guebres and
the Hindus, for the basis of their histories, which research may yet discover.
2 Maurice, emperor of Byzantium. [Sykes {Hist, of Persia, ii. 495) calls
the son of Nushirwan Nushishad, and mentions his rebellion against his
father. There seems to be no evidence that Nushishad reached India : he
was slain after he revolted (Malcolm, Hist. Persia, 2nd ed. i. 112 ff.).]
^ Din-i-Tarsar. See Ebn Haukal, art. ' Serir,' or Russia ; whose king,
a son of Bahram Chassin, whom he styles a Tersar or Christian, first possessed
it about the end of the sixth century.
* The Ve.rames of Western historians [Malcolm, op. cit. i. 113].
PERSIAN DESCENT OF THE RANAS OF MEWAR 277
numerous forces to oppose him. An action ensued, in which
Noshizad was slain ; but his issue remained in Hindustan, from
zvhom are descended the Ranas of Udaipur. Nushirwan had a
wife from the Khakhan ^ of China, by whom he had a son called
Hormuz, declared heir to the throne shortly before his death.
As according to the faith of the fire-worshippers - it is not custom-
ary either to bury or to burn the dead, but to leave the corpse
exposed to the rays of the sun, so it is said the body of Nushirwan
has to this day suffered no decay, but is still fresh."
I now come to the account of Yazd, " the son of Shahriyar,
the son of Ivhusru Parves, the son of Hormuz, the son of Nush-
irwan.
" Yazd was the last king of Ajam. It is well known he fought
many battles with the IMuhammadans. In the fifteenth year of
the caliphat, Rustam, son of P^'erokh, a great chief, was slain in
battle by Saad-bin-wakas, who commanded for Omar, which
was the death-blow to the fortunes of the house of Sassan : so
that a remnant of it did not remain in a.h. 31, when Iran was
seized by the Muhammadans. This battle had lasted four days
when Rustam Ferokzad was slain by the hand of Hilkal, the son
of Al Kumna, at Saad's command [237] ; though Firdausi asserts
by Saad himself. Thirty thousand Muslims were slain, and the
same number of the men of Ajam. To count the spoils was a
torment. During this year (the thirty-first), the sixteenth of the
prophet,* the era of the Hegira was introduced. In a.h. 17 Abu
Musa of Ashur seized Hormuz, the son of the uncle of Yazdegird,
whom he sent with Yazdegird's daughter to Imam Husain, and
another daughter to Abubakr.
" Thus far have I * extracted from the history of the fire-
worshippers. He who has a mind to examine these, let him do
so. The people of the religion of Zardusht have a full knowledge
^ Khakhan was the title of the kings of Chinese Tartary. It was held
by the leader of the Huns, who at tliis period held power on the Caspian :
it was also held by the Urus, Khuzr, Bulgar, Serir, all terms for Russia,
before its Kaisar was cut down into Tzar, for the original of which, the kings
of Rome, as of Russia, were indebted to the Sanskrit Kesar, a" lion ' [Lat.
Caesar] {vide Ibn Haukal, art. ' Khozr ').
^ Din-i-Majusi ; literally, ' faith of the Magi.'
* Muhammad, born a.d. 578 ; the Hegira, or flight, a.d. 622.
* It must be borne in mind that it is the author of tlie Maasiru-l-Umara,
not the rhymer of Aurungabad, who is speaking.
278 ANNALS OF MEWAR
of all these events, with their dates ; for the pleasure of their
lives is the obtaining accounts of antiquity and astronomical
knowledge, and their books contain information of two and three
thousand years. It is also told, that when the fortunes of Yazde-
gird were on the wane, his family dispersed to different regions.
The second daughter, Shahr Banu, was married to Imam IIusaLn,^
who, when he fell a martyr (shahid), an angel carried her to
heaven. The third daughter, Banu, was seized by a plundering
Arab and carried into the wilds of Chichik, thirty coss from
Yazd. Praying to God for deliverance, she instantly disap-
peared ; and the spot is still held sacred by the Parsis, and named
' the secret abode of perfect purity.' Hither, on the twenty-
sixth of the month Bahman, the Parsis yet repair to pass a month
in pilgrimage, living in huts under indigenous vines skirting the
rock, out of whose fissures water falls into a fountain below : but
if the unclean approach the spring, it ceases to flow.
" Of the eldest daughter of Yazdegird, Maha Banu, the Parsis
have no accounts ; but the books of Hind give evidence to her
arrival in that country, and that from her issue is the tribe Sesodia.
But, at all events, this race is either of the seed of Nushishad,
the son of Nushirwan, or of that of the daughter of Yazdegird." ^
Thus have we adduced, perhaps, all the points of evidence for
the supposed Persian origin of the Rana's family. The period
of the invasion of Saurashtra by Nushishad, who mounted the
throne a.d. 531, corresponds well with the sack of Valabhi, a.d.
521 [238]. The army he collected in Laristan to depose his father
might have been from the Parthians, Getae, Huns, and other
Scythic races then on the Indus, though it is unlikely, with such
an object in view as the throne of Persia, that he would waste his
strength in Saurashtra. Khusru Parvez, grandson of Nushirwan
^ [This is the Persian tradition (Sykes, op. cit. ii. 44).]
2 For the extract from " The Annals of Princes (Maasiru-l-Umara) " let
us laud the memory of the rhymer of Aurungabad. An original copy, which
1 in vain attempted to procure in India, is stated by Sir Wilham Ouseley
to be in the British Museum. We owe that country a large debt, for we have
robbed her of all her literary treasures, leaving them to sleep on the shelves
of our pubhc institutions. [There is no real evidence of the Persian descent
of the Ranas, and it has/been suggested that the story is based on the fire
symbols on the coinage found in Kathiawar and Mewar, these, though in the
main Indo-Scythic, betraying from about sixth century a more direct
iSassanian influence (BG, i. Part i. 102). At the same time recent discoveries
indicate Persian influence in N. India.]
PERSIAN DESCENT OF THE RANAS OF IVIEWAR 279
the great, and who assumed this title according to Firdausi,
married Marian, the daughter of Maurice, the Greek emperor of
Byzantium. She bore him Shirauah (tlie Siroes of the early
Christian writers), who slew his father. It is dillicult to separate
the actions of the two Nushirwans, and still more to say which
of them merited the epithet of adil, or ' just.'
According to the ' Tables ' in Moreri,^ Nusliishad, son of Khusru
the Great, reigned from a.d. 531 to 591. This is opposed to the
Maasiru-l-Umara, which asserts that he was slain during his
rebellion. Siroes, son of lOiusru (the second Nushirwan) by liis
wife Marian, alternately called the friend and foe of the Christians,
did raise the standard of revolt, and met the fate attributed to
Nushishad ; on which Yazdegird, his nephew, was proclaimed.
The crown was intended for Shirauah's yoimger brother, which
caused the revolt, during which the elder sought refuge in India.
These revolutions in the Sassanian house were certainly simul-
taneous with those which occurred in the Rana's, and no barrier
existed to the political mtercourse at least between the princely
worshippers of Surya and Mithras. It is, therefore, curious to
speculate even on the possibility of such a pedigree to a family
whose ancestry is lost in the mists of time ; and it becomes
interesting when, from so many authentic sources, we can raise
testimonies which would furnish, to one even untinctured with
the love of hypothesis, grounds for giving ancestors to the Ranas
in Maurice of Byzantium and Cyrus (Khusru) of Persia [239]. We
have a singular support to these historic relics in a geographical
fact, that places on the site of the ancient Valabhi a city called
Byzantium, which almost affords conclusive proof that it must
have been the son of Nushirwan who captured Valabhi and Gajni,
and destroyed the family of Siladitya ; for it would be a legitimate
occasion to name such conquest after the city where his Christian
mother had had birth.- Whichever of the propositions we adopt
at the command of the author of The Annals of Princes, namely,
" that the Sesodia race is of the seed of Nushishad, son of Nushir-
wan, or of that of Mahabanu, daughter of Yazdegird," we arrive
at a singular and startling conclusion, viz. that the ' Hindua
^ Vide Grand Dictionnaire Historique.
'^ [Byzantium cannot have been a Greek colony, the name apparently
representing Vijayanta, now Vijayadurga, the southern entrance of the
Vaghotan River in Katnagiri (McCrindle, I'lolcmy, 47 ; BG, i. Part ii. 174 f.).]
280 ANNALS OF MEWAR
Suraj, descendant of a hundred kings,' the luidisputed possessor
of the honours of Rama, the patriarch of the Solar race, is the
issue of a Christian princess : that the chief prince amongst the
nations of Hind can claim affinity with the emperors of ' the
mistress of the world,' though at a tunc when her. glory had
waned, and her crown had been transferred from the Tiber to the
Bosphorus.
But though I deem it morally impossible that the Ranas should
have their lineage from any male branch of the Persian house, I
would not equally assert that Mahabanu, the fugitive daughter
of Yazdegird, may not have foimd a husband, as well as sanctuary,
with the prince of Saurashtra ; and she may be the Subhagna
(mother of Siladitya), whose mysterious amour with the ' sun ' ^
compelled her to abandon her native city of Kaira. The son of
Marian had been in Saurashtra, and it is therefore not unlikely
that her grandchild should there seek protection in the reverses
of her family.
The Salic law is here in full force, and honours, though never
acquired by the female, may be stained by her ; yet a daughter
of the noble house of Sassan might be permitted to perpetuate
the line of Rama without the reproach of taint.^
We shall now^ abandon this point to the reader, and take leave
^ It will be recollected that the various authorities given state Raja
Suraj (su7i), of Kakustha race, to be the father of Siladitya. Kakustha is a
term used synonymously with Suryavansa, according to the Solar genea-
logists. Those who may be inchned to the Persian descent may trace it from
Kaikaus, a well-known epithet in the Persian dynasties. I am unacquainted
with the etymology of Kakustha ; but it may possibly be from ka, ' of or
belonging to,' Kusa (Cush), the second son of Rama [?]. I have already
hinted that the Assyrian Medes might be descendants of Hyaspa, a branch
of the Indu-Mede of the family of Yayati which bore the name of Kausika.
[The reference in the text may be to Kakutstha, grandson of Ikshwaku,
who is said to have taken his name because he stood on the hump (Kukuda)
of Indra when he was turned into a bull (Wilson, Vishna Purana, 361).]
^ " The moral consequence of a pedigree," says Hume, " is differently
marked by the influence of law and custom. The male sex is deemed more
noble than the female. The association of our ideas pursues the regular
descent of honour and estates from father to son, and their wives, however
essential, are considered only in the light of foreign auxiharies " {Essays,
vol. ii. p. 192). Not unlike the Rajput axiom, though more coarsely ex-
pressed ; " It is, who planted the tree, not where did it grow," that marks
his idea of the comparative value of the side whence honours originate ;
though purity of blood in both hnes is essential.
SAMARSI, SAMAR SINGH 281
of Yazdegird/ the last of the house of Sassan, in the words of the
historian of Rome : " Avec lui, on voit perir pour jamais la gloire
et I'empire des Perses. Les rochers du Mazendaran et les sables
du Kerman, furent les seuls - asiles que les vainqueurs laisserent
aux sectateurs de Zoroastre "' ' [240].
CHAPTER 4
Samarsi, Samar Singh.— Having established Bappa on the throne
of Chitor S. 784 (a.d. 728), we will proceed to glean from the annals,
from the period of his departure for Iran, S. 820 (a.d. 764) to
another halting point— the reign of Samarsi, S. 1249 (a.d. 1193) ; *
an important epoch, not only in the history of Mewar, but to the
whole Hindu race ; when the diadem of sovereignty was torn
from the brow of the Hindu to adorn that of the Tatar. We
shall not, however, overleap the four intervening centuries, though
we may not be able to fill up the reigns of the eighteen princes *
whose " banner at this time was a golden sun on a crimson field," *
and several of whose names yet live recorded " with an iron pen
on the rock " of their native abodes.
An intermediate period, from Bappa to Samarsi, that of Sakti
Kumar, is fixed by the Aitpur inscription in S. 1024 (a.d. 968) ;
^ A new era had commenced, not of Yazdegird's accession, as is sup-
posed, wliich would have been vain indeed, when the throne was tottering
under him, but consequent to the completion of the grand cycle of 1440
years. He was slain at Merv in a.d. 651, the 31st of the Hegira; on the
eleventh year of which, or a.d. 632 (according to Moreri), he commenced his
reign.
^ Gibbon was wrong. India afforded them an asylum, and their issue
constitutes the most wealthy, the most respected, and the most enhghtened
part of the native community of Bombay and the chief towns of that presid-
ency.
^ Gibbon, Miscellaneous Works, ' Sur la Monarchic des Medes,' vol. iii.
* [" We now know that Samar Singh was alive up to 1299, only four
years before Alau-d-dln's siege of Chitor, and that in several inscriptions
his dates are given as 1273, 1274, 1285, etc. . . . Instead of being the father
of Karan Singh I., as stated by Tod, Samar Singh came eight genei-ations
after him, and was the father of Ratan Singh I., who, according to Muham-
madan historians, was the ruler of Chitor during the reign of Alau-d-dln,
and the husband of Padmini " (Erskine ii. A. 14 f.)]
^ See Genealogical Table.
^ This, according to the roll, was the standard of Bappa.
282 ANNALS OF MEWAR
and from the more perishable yet excellent authority of an ancient
Jain MS. the era of Allat, the ancestor of Sakti Kumar, was S. 922
(a.d. 866), four generations anterior. From Bappa's departure
for Iran, in a.d. 764, to the subversion of Hindu dominion in the
reign of Samarsi, in a.d. 1193, we find recorded an intermediate
Islamite invasion. This was during the reign of Khuman,
between a.d. 812 and 836, which event forms the chief subject
of the Khuman-Raesa, the most ancient of the poetic chronicles
of Mewar [241].
As the history of India at this period is totally dark, we gladly
take advantage of the lights thus afforded. By combining these
facts with what is received as authentic, though scarcely less
obscure or more exact than these native legends, we may furnish
materials for the future historian. With this view, let us take
a rapid sketch of the irruptions of the Arabians into India, from
the rise of Islamism to the foundation of the Ghaznivid empire,
which sealed the fate of the Hindus. The materials are but
scanty. El-Makin, in his history of the Cahphs, passes over
such intercourse almost without notice. Abu-1-Fazl, though not
diffuse, is minute in what he does say, and we can confide in his
veracity. Ferishta has a chapter devoted to this subject, which
merits a better translation than yet exists.^ We shall, however,
in the first place, touch on Bappa's descendants, till we arrive at
the point proper for the introduction of the intended sketch.
Of the twenty-four tribes of Guhilot, several issued from the
founder, Bappa. Shortly after the conquest of Chitor, Bappa pro-
ceeded to Saurashtra and married the daughter of Yusufgol,
prince of the island of Bandardiva.^ With his bride he conveyed
^ Amongst the passages which Dow [i. 37] has slurred over in his trans-
lation is the interesting account of the origin of the Afghans ; who, when
they first came in contact with those of the new faith, in a.h. 62, dwelt
around the Koh-i-Sulaiman. Ferishta, quoting authority, says : " The
Afghans were Copts, ruled by Pharaun, many of whom were converted to
the laws and rehgion of Moses ; but others, who were stubborn in their
worship to their gods, fled towards Hindustan, and took possession of the
country adjoining the Koh-i-Sulaiman. They were visited by Kasim from
Sind, and in the 143rd year of the Hegira had possessed themselves of the
provinces of Kirman, Peshawar, and all within their bounds {si?ioran),"
which Dow has converted into a province. The whole geographical descrip-
tion of the Kohistan, the etymology of the term Rohilla, and other important
matter, is omitted by him [see Briggs, trans, i. 6 f.].
* [The island Diu.] Yusufgol is stated to have held Chaul on the main-
KHUMAN I. 283
to Chitor the statue of Vyanmata, the tutelary goddess of her
race, who still divides with Eklinga the devotion of the Guhilot
princes. The temple in which he enshrined this islandic goddess
yet stands on the summit of Chitor, with many other monuments
assigned by tradition to Bappa. This princess bore him Aparajit,
who from bemg born in Chitor was nominated successor to the
throne, to the exclusion of his less fortunate elder brother, Asil
(born of the daughter of the Kaba (Pramara) prince of Kalibao near
Dwaraka), who, however, obtained possessions in Saurashtra, and
founded a race called the Asila Guhilots,^ whose descendants were
so numerous, even in Akbar's reign, as to [242] be supposed able to
bring into the field fifty thousand men at arms. We have nothing
important to record of the actions of Aparajit, who had two sons
Kalbhoj - and Nandkumar. Kalbhoj succeeded Aparajit, and
his warlike qualities are extolled in an inscription discovered
by the author in the valley of Nagda. Nandkumar slew Bhimsen
Dor (Doda), and possessed himself of Deogarh in the Deccan.
Khuman I. — Ivhuman succeeded Kalbhoj . His name is remark-
able in the history of Mewar. He came to the throne at the
land. He was most probably the father of Vanaraja Chawara, the founder
of Patan Anhilwara, whose ancestors, on the authority of the Kumarpal
Charitra, were princes of Bandardiva, held by the Portuguese since the
time of Albuquerque, who changed its name to Deo. [But Yusufgol, if he
existed, must have been a Musahnan. Vanaraja Chawara was son of
Jayasekhara, said to have been slain in battle, a.d. 696, leaving his wife
pregnant (BG, i. Part i. 150 f.). Yusufgol does not appear in the local
history.]
^ The ancient roll from which this is taken mentions Asil giving his name
to a fortress, called Asilgarh. His son, Bijai Pal, was slain in attempting to
wrest Khambayat (Cambay) from Sangram Dabhi. One of his wives, from
a violent death, was prematurely deUvered of a boy, called Setu ; and as,
in such cases, the Hindu supposes the deceased to become a discontented
spirit {churail), Churaila became the name of the tribe. Bija, the twelfth
from Asil, obtained Sonal from liis maternal uncle, Khengar Dabhi, prince
of Girnar, but was slain by Jai Singh Deo, prince of Surat. From these
names compounded, Dabi and Churaila, we may have the Dabisalima of
Mahmud. [The Asil Guhilots are now included in the Mers of the Kathiawar
coast ; their numbers are exaggerated in the text (Ain, ii. 247 ; BG, ix.
Parti. 126).] [See p. 266 above.]
^ Also called Kama. He it was who excavated the Boraila lake, and
erected the grand temple of EkUnga on the site of the hermitage of
Harita, v/hose descendant, the present officiating priest, reckons sixty-
six descents, while the princes of Mewar amount to seventy-two in the same
period.
284 ANNALS OF MEWAR
beginning of the ninth century, when Chitor was assailed by
another formidable invasion of Muhammadans. The chief object
of the Khuman Raesa is to celebrate the defence made on this
occasion, and the value of this Raesa consists in the catalogue of
the princes who aided in defending this bulwark of the Hindu
faith. The bard, in an animated strain, makes his sovereign on
this occasion successfully defend the ' crimson standard ' of
Mewar, treat with contempt the demand for tribute, and after
a violent assault, in which the ' barbarian ' is driven back, follow
and discomfit him in the plan, carrying back the hostile leader,
Mahmud, captive. With this event, which introduces the name
of Mahmud two centuries before the conqueror of Ghazni, we will
pause, and resume the promised sketch of the intercourse of Arabia
and Hindustan at this period.
The MuhammadaA Invasion, a.d. 644-55. — The first intimation
of the Moslems attempting the invasion of India is during the
caliphat of Omar, who built the port of Bassorah at the mouth of
the Tigris, chiefly to secure the trade of Gujarat and Sind ; into
which latter coimtry a powerful army penetrated under Abul
Aas,^ who was killed in battle at Aror. The Caliph Osman,
who succeeded Omar, sent to explore the state of India, while
he prepared an army to invade it in person : a design which he
never fulfilled. The generals of the Caliph Ali made conquests
in Sind, which they abandoned at All's death. While Yazid was
governor of Khorasan several attempts were made on India, as
also during the caliphat of Abdu-1 Malik, but without any last-
ing [243] results. It was not till the reign of Walid '^ that any
successful invasion took place. He not only finally conquered
Sind and the adjoining continent of India, but rendered tributary
all that part of India on this side the Ganges.^ What an exalted
idea must we not form of the energy and rapidity of such con-
quests, when we find the arms of Islam at once on the Ganges
and the Ebro, and two regal dynasties simultaneously cut off,
that of Roderic, the last of the Goths of Andaloos, and Dahir
Despati in the valley of the Indus. It was in a.h. 99 (a.d. 712,
S. 774) that Muhammad bin Kasim vanquished and slew Dahir,
^ [Ferishta (i. 2) calls him Sayyid bin Abiu-1-Aas.]
" See Table next page.
' Marigny (quoting EI-Makin), Hist, of the Arabians, vol. ii. p. 283 ;
Mod. Univ. Hint. vol. ii. p. 47.
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286 ANNALS OF MEWAR
prince of Sind, after numerous conflicts. Amongst the spoils
of victory sent to the c^|j^h on this occasion were the daughters
of the subjugated monarch, who were the cause of Kasim's de-
struction,^ when he was on the eve of earrjdng the war against
Raja [244] Harchand of Kanauj. Some authorities state that
he actually prosecuted it ; and as Sind remained a dependency
of the caliphat during several successive reigns, the successor of
Kasim may have executed his plans. Little is said of India from
this period to the reign of Al-Mansur, except in regard to the
rebellion of Yazid in Khorasan, and the flight of his son to Sind.
The eight sovereigns, who rapidly followed, were too much engaged
with the Christians of the west and the Huns on the Caspian to
think of India. Their armies were then in the heart of France,
which was only saved from the Koran by their overthrow at
Tours by Charles Martel.
Al-Mansur, when only the lieutenant of the Caliph Abbas, held
the government of Sind and of India, and made the island of
Bakhar on the Indus, and the adjacent Aror,^ the ancient capital,
his residence, naming it Mansura ; and it was during his govern-
ment that Bappa Rawal abandoned Chitor for Iran.
The celebrated Harunu-r-rashid, contemporary of Charle-
magne, in apportioning his immense empire amongst his sons,
gave to the second, Al-Mamun, Khorasan, Zabulistan, Kabulistan,
Sind, and Hindustan.^ Al-Mamun, on the death of Ilarun, de-
posed his brother, and became caliph in A.ii. 198 or a.d. 813, and
ruled to 833, the exact period of the reign of Khuman, prince of
Chitor. The domestic history brings the enemy assailant of
Chitor from Zabulistan ; and as the leader's name is given
Mahmud Khorasan Pat, there can be little doubt that it is an
error arising from ignorance of the copyist, and should be
Mamun.
^ " The two young princesses, in order to revenge the death of their
father, represented falsely to the Khahf that Muhammad bin Kasim had
been connected with them. The Khalif , in a rage, gave order for Muhammad
bin Kasim to be sewed up in a raw hide, and sent in that condition to court.
When the mandate arrived at Tatta, Kasim was prepared to carry an ex-
pedition against Harchand, monarch of Kanauj. When he arrived at court,
the Khalif showed him to the daughters of Dahir, who expressed their joy
upon beholding their father's murderer in'such a condition " [Ain/ii. 345 ;
Elliot-Dowson i. 209 f.].
^ Aror is seven miles east of Bakhar.
^ Marigny, vol. iii. p. 83 ; Univ. Hist. vol. ii. p. 162.
MATIMCD'S invasion, attack on CIIITOR 287
Mahmud's Invasion. — Witliin twenty years after this event,
the sword of conquest and conversion was withdrawn from India,
and Sind was the only province left to Mutawakkil (a.d. 850 [847-
861]), the grandson of Harun, for a century after whom the throne
of Baghdad, like that of ancient Rome, was sold by her jiraetorians
to the highest bidder. From this time we find no mention what-
ever of Hindustan, or even of Sind, imtil Sabuktigin,^ governor
of Khorasan, hoisted the standard of independent sovereignty
at Ghazni. In A.n. 365 (a.d. 974) he carried his arms [245] across
the Indus, forcing the inhabitants to abandon the religion of their
ancestors, and to read the Koran from the altars of Bal and
Krishna. Towards the close of this century he made his last
invasion, accompanied by his son, the celebrated Mahmud,
destined to be the scourge of the Hindu race, who early imbibed
the paternal lesson inculcating the extirpation of infidels. Twelve
several visitations did Mahmud make with his Tatar hordes,
sweeping India of her riches, destroying her temples and archi-
tectural remains, and leaving the coimtrj^ phmged in poverty
and ignorance. From the effect of these incursions she never
recovered ; for though she had a respite of a century between
Mahmud and the final conquest, it was too short to repair what
it had cost ages to rear : the temples of Somnath, of Chitor, and
Girnar are but types of the magnificence of past times. The
memorial of Sakti Kumar proves him to have been the contem-
porary of Sabuktigin, and to one of his son's visitations is attri-
buted the destruction of the ' city of the sun ' (Aitpur),^ his
capital.
Attack on Chitor. — Having thus condensed the little informa-
tion afforded by Muhammadan historians of the connexion
between the caliphs of Baghdad and princes of Hind, from the
first to the end of the fourth century of the Hegira, we shall revert
to the first recorded attack on the Mori prince of Chitor, which
brought Bappa into notice. This was either by Yazid or Muham-
mad bin Kasim from Sind.' Though in the histories of the
caliphs we can only expect to find recorded those expeditions
^ His father's name was Aliptigin, termed a slave by Ferishta and his
authorities ; though EI-Makin gives him an ancestor in Yazdegird. [He
was a slave (Elliot-Dowson iv. 159).]
* Ait, contracted from Aditya : hence Itwar, ' Sunday.'
' [This is not corroborated by Musulraan authorities.]
288 ANNALS OF MEWAR
which were successful, or had some lasting results, there are
inroads of their revolted lieutenants or their frontier deputies,
which frequently, though indistinctly, alluded to in Hindu annals,
have no place in Muhammadan records. Throughout the period
mentioned there was a stir amongst the Hindu nations, in which
we find confusion and dethronement from an unknown invader,
who is described as coming sometimes by Sind, sometimes by sea,
and not unfrequently as a demon and magician ; but invariably
as mlechchha, or ' barbarian.' ^ From S. 750 to S. 780 (a.d. 694
to [246] 724), the annals of the Yadus, the Chauhans, the Chawaras ,
and the Guhilots, bear evidence to simultaneous convulsions in
their respective houses at this period. In S. 750 (a.h. 75) the
Yadu Bhatti was driven from his capital Salpura in the Panjab,
across the Sutlej into the Indian desert ; the invader named
Farid. At the same period Manika Rae, the Chauhan prince of
Ajmer, was assailed and slain.^
^ Even from the puerilities of Hindu legends something may be extracted.
A mendicant dervesh, called Roshan All {i.e. the ' light of All '), had found
his way to Garh Bitli (the ancient name of the Ajmer fortress), and having
thrust his hand into a vessel of curds destined for the Raja, had his finger
cut off. The disjointed member flew to Mecca, and was recognized as
belonging to the saint. An army was equipped in the disguise of horse-
merchants, which invaded Ajmer, whose prince was slain. May we not
gather from this incident that an insult to the first Islamite missionary,
in the person of Roshan Ah, brought upon the prince the arms of the Cahph ?
The same Chauhan legends state that Ajaipal was prince of Ajmer at this
time ; that in this invasion by sea he hastened to Anjar (on the coast of
Cutch), where he held the ' guard of the ocean ' {Samudra lei Chaulci), where
he fell in opposing the landing. An altar was erected on the spot, on
wliich was sculptured the figure of the prince on horseback, with his lance
at rest, and which still annually attracts multitudes at the ' fair (Mela) of
Ajaipal.' The subsequent invasion alluded to in the text, of S. 750 (a.d.
694), is marked by a curious anecdote. When the ' Asurs ' had blockaded
Ajmer, Lot, the infant son of Manika Rae, was playing on the battlements,
when an arrow from the foe killed the heir of Ajmer, who has ever since
been worshipped amongst the lares and penates of the Chauhans ; and as
he had on a silver chain anklet at the time, this ornament is forbid to the
children of the race. In all these Rajput families there is a putra {adolesceyis)
amongst the penates, always one who has come to an untimely end, and
chiefly worshipped by females ; having a strong resemblance to the rites
in honour of Adonis. We have traced several Roman and Grecian terms
to Sanskrit origin ; may we add that of lares, from larla, ' dear ' or
' beloved '?[?].
- [The story is " puerile and fictitious : independent of which the Arabs
liad quite enough to do nearer home " (Elliot-Dowson i. 426).]
GATHERING OF THE CLANS TO DEFEND CHITOR 289
The Muster of the Clans. — ^The first of the Khichi princes who
occupied the Duab of Sindsagar in the Panjab, as well as the
ancestor of the Haras estabhshed in Golkonda, was expelled at the
same time. The invader is treated in the genuine Hindu style as a
Danava, or demon, and is named Ghairaram ^ (i.e. restless), from
Kujliban,^ a term geographically given to a portion of the
Himalaya mountains about the glaciers of the Ganges. The
ancestor of the founder of Patan was expelled from his petty
islandic dominion on the coast of Saurashtra at the same time.
This is the period when Yazid was the caliph's lieutenant in
Khorasan, and when the arms of Walid conquered to the Ganges ;
nor is there a doubt that Yazid or Kasim was the author of all
these revolutions in the Hindu dynasties. We are supported in
this by the names of the princes contained in the catalogue who
aided to defend Chitor and the Mori prince on this occasion. It
is evident that Chitor was, alternately with Ujjain, the seat of
sovereignty of the Pramara at this period, and, as it became the
rallying point of the Hindus, that this race was the first in con-
sequence.^ We find the prince of Ajmer, and the quotas of
^ [Persian : not a likely name.]
^ Signifying ' Elephant forests,' and described in a Hindu map (stamped
on cloth and painted) of India from Kujiiban to Lanka, and the provinces
west of the Indus to Calcutta ; presented by me to the Royal Asiatic Society.
* The list of the vassal princes at the court of the Mori confirms the
statement of the bard Ohand, of the supremacy of Ram Pramara, and the
partition of his dominion, as described (see p. 63, note) amongst the princes
who founded separate dynasties at this period ; hitherto in vassalage or
subordinate to the Pramara. We can scarcely suppose the fauiily to have
suffered any decay since their ancestor, Chandragupta, connected by
marriage with as well as the ally of the Grecian Seleucus, and who held
Greeks in his pay. From such connexion, the arts of sculpture and archi-
tecture may have derived a character hitherto unnoticed. Amidst the ruins
of Barolli are seen sculptured the Grecian helmet ; and the elegant ornament,
the Kumbha, or ' vessel of desire,' on the temple of Annapurna (i.e. ' giver
of food '), the Hindu Ceres, has much affinity to the Grecian device. From
the inscription (see No. 2) it is evident that Chitor was an appanage of Ujjain,
the seat of Pramar empire. Its monarch, Chandragupta (Mori [Maurya]),
degraded into the barber (Maurya) tribe, was the descendant of Srenika,
prince of Rajagriha, v/ho, according to the Jain work, Kalpadruma Kalka,
flourished in the year 477 before Vikramaditya, and from whom Chandra-
gupta was the thirteenth in descent. The names as follows : Kanika,
Udsen, and nine in succession of the name of Nanda, thence called the
Nau-nanda. These, at twenty-two years to a reign (see p. 64), would give
286 years, which— 477 = 191 s.v. + 56 = 247 a.c. Now it was in a.c. 260,
VOL. I U
290 ANNALS OF MEWAR
Saurashtra and Gujarat [247] ; Angatsi, lord of the Huns ; Busa,
the lord of the North ; Sheo, the prince of the Jarejas ; the Johya,
lord of Jangaldes ; the Aswaria, the Sepat, the Kulhar, the Malan,
the Ohir, the Hul, and many others, having nothing of the Hindu
in name, now extinct. But the most conspicuous is ' Dahir
Despati from Debal.' This is erroneously written Delhi, the seat
of the Tuars ; whereas we recognize the name of the prince of
Sind, slain by Kasim, whose expatriated son doubtless found
refuge in Chit or. ^
The Defeat of the Enemy, — This attack on the Mori prince was
defeated chiefly through the bravery of the youthful Guhilot.
The foe from Kujliban, though stated to have advanced by
Mathura, retreated by Saurashtra and Sind, pursued by Bappa.
He found the ancient seat of his ancestors, Gajni,^ still in the
possession of the ' Asur ' : a term as well as mlechchha, or ' bar-
barian,' always given to the Islamite at this period. Salim, who
held Gajni, was attacked and forced to surrender, and Bappa in-
according to Bayer, that the treaty was formed between Seleucus and
Chandragupta ; so that this scrap of Jain history may be regarded as
authentic and valuable. Asoka (a name of weight in Jain annals) succeeded
Chandragupta. He by Kunala, whose son was Samprati, with whose
name ends the hne of Srenika, according to the authority from which I
made the extract. The name of Samprati is well known from Ajnier to
Saurashtra, and his era is given in a valuable chronogrammatic catalogue
in an ancient Jain manuscript from the temple of Nadol, at 202 of the Virat
Samvat. He is mentioned both traditionally and by books as the great
supporter of the Jain faith, and the remains of temples dedicated to Mahavira,
erected by this prince, yet exist at Ajrr.er, on Abu, Kumbhalmer, and Girnar.
[Much of this needs correction, which cannot be done in the hmits of a note.
For the Nanda dynasty see Smith, EHI, 40, and for Chandragupta Maurya
and Asoka, 115 ff.]
^ [This and the second catalogue are fictions. They conflict with the
conditions then existing in Gujarat, and such motley arrays are a favourite
bardic theme (Forbes, Easmala, 31, note ; A8R, ii. 379).]
^ It has already been stated that the ancient name of Cambay was Gaini
or Gajni, whose ruins are three miles from the present city [see p. 254
above]. There is also a Gajni on the estuary of the Mahi, and Abu-1 Fazl
incidentally mentions a Gajnagar as one of the most important fortresses
of Gujarat, belonging to Ahmad Shah; in attempting to obtain which by
stratagem, his antagonist, Hoshang, king of Malwa, was made prisoner.
I am unaware of the site of tliis place, though there are remains of an exten-
sive fortress near the capital, founded by Ahmad, and which preserves no
name. It may be the ancient Gajnagar. [The Author confuses the place
in Gujarat with Jajnagar or Jajpur in Orissa, captured through a stratagem
by Hoshang {Ain, ii. 219 ; Ferishta iv. 178 ; BG, i. Part i. 359).]
GATHERING OF THE CLANS TO DEFEND CHITOR 291
ducted into this stronghold of his ancestors a nephew of his own.
It is no less singular than honourable to their veracity that the
annals should record the fact, so contrary to their religion, of
Bappa having married the daughter of the conquered Salim ; and
we have a right to infer that it was from the influence acquired
by this union tliat he ultimately abandoned the sovereignty of
Mewar and the title of ' Hindua Suraj ' to become the founder of
the ' one hundred and thirty tribes of Naushahra [248] Pathans '
of the west. It is fair to conclude from all these notices regarding
the founder of the Guhilot race in Chitor that he must have
abjured his faith for that of Islam ; and it is probable (though
the surmise must ever remain unproved) that, under some new
title applicable to such change, we may have, in one of the early
distinguished leaders of ' the Faith,' the ancestor of the Guhilots.
Khuman II. — Let us now proceed to the next irruption of the
Islamite invaders in the reign of Khuman, from a.d. 812 to 836.
Though the leader of this attack is styled ' Mahmud Khorasan
Pat,' it is evident from the catalogue of Hindu princes who came
to defend Chitor that this ' lord of Khorasan ' was at least two
centuries before the son of Sabuktigin ; and as the period is in
perfect accordance with the partition of the caliphat by Harun
amongst his sons, we can have no hesitation in assigning such
invasion to Mamun, to whose share was allotted Khorasan,
Sind, and the Indian dependencies. The records of this period
are too scanty to admit of our passing over in silence even a
barren catalogue of names, which, as texts, with the aid of col-
lateral information, may prove of some benefit to the future
antiquarian and historian.
" From Gajni came the Guhilot ; the Tak from Asir ; from
Narlai the Chauhan ; the Chalukj- a from Rahargarh ; from Setu-
bandlia the Jarkhera ; from ftlandor the Khairavi ; from Mangrol
the Makwahana ; from Jethgarh the Joria ; from Taragarh the
Rewar ; the Kachhwaha from Narwar ; from Sanchor the
Kalam ; from Junagarh the Dasanoh ; from Ajmer the Gaur ;
from Lohadargarh the Chandano ; from Dasaundi the Dor ; from
Delhi the Tuar ; from Patau the Chawara, preserver of royalty
(Rajdhar) ; from Jalor the Sonigira ; from Sirohi the Deora ;
from Gagraun the Khichi ; the Jadon from Junagarh ; the Jhala
from Patri ; from Kanauj the Rathor ; from Chotiala the Bala ;
from Piramgarh the Gohil ; from Jaisalgarh the Bhatti ; the
292 ANNALS OF MEWAR
Busa from Lahore ; the Sankhla from Roneja ; the Sehat from
Kherligarh ; from Mandalgarh the Nikumbha ; the BargUjar
from Raj or ; from Karangarh the Chandel ; from Sikar the
Sikarwal ; from Umargarh the Jethwa ; from Pali the Bargota ;
from Khantargarh the Jareja ; from Jirga the Kherwar ; from
Kashmir the Parihara."
Of the Guhilot from Gajni we have said enough ; nor shall we
comment on the Tak, or his capital, Asir, which now belongs to
the British Government. The Chauhan, who came from Narlai,
was a celebrated branch of the Ajmer [249] house, and claims the
honour of being the parent of the Sonigiras of Jalor and the
Deoras of Sirohi. Nadol is mentioned by Ferishta as falling a
prey to one of Mahmud's invasions, who destroyed its ancient
temples ; but from erroneous punctuation it is lost in the trans-
lation as Bazule.^ Of Rahargarh and the Jarkhera from Setu-
bandha (on the Malabar coast) nothing is known." Of the Khairavi
from Mandor we can only say that it appears to be a branch of the
Pramaras (who reckoned Mandor one of the nine strongholds,
' Nau-kot,^ under its dominion), established anterior to the Pari-
haras, who at this period had sovereignty in Kashmir. Both the
Dor and his capital, Dasaundi, are described in ancient books as
situated on the Ganges below Kanauj.
It is a subject of regret that the annals do not mention the
name of the Tuar prince of Delhi, which city could not have been
refounded above a century when this call was made upon its aid .
Abu-1 Fazl, Ferishta, their translators, and those who have fol-
lowed them have been corrected by the Edinburgh Review, whose
critical judgment on this portion of ancient history is eminently
good. I possess the original Hindu record used by Abu-1 Fazl,
which gives S. 829 for the first Anangpal instead of S. 429 ; and
^ I presented to the Royal Asiatic Society two inscriptions from Nadol,
one dated S. 1024, the other 1039. They are of Prince Lakha, and state
as instances of his power that he collected the transit duties at the further
barrier of Patau, and levied tribute from the prince of Chitor. He was
the contemporary of Mahmud, who devastated Nadol. I also discovered
inscriptions of the tweKth century relative to this celebrated Chauhan family,
in passing from Udaipur to Jodhpur. [Dow (i. 170) writes " Tilli and
Buzule " ; Briggs (i. 196) has " Baly and Nadole " ; Elliot-Dowson (ii. 229)
writes " Pali and Nandul," the differences being due to misreading of the
Arabic script.]
^ [Setubandha is the causeway made by Rama to Lanka or Ceylon
{10 1, V. 81).]
GATHERING OF THE CLANS TO DEFEND CHITOR 293
as there were but nineteen princes who intervened untU his dynasty
was set aside by the Chauhan, it requires no argument to support
the foiir instead of eight centuries. The former will give the just
average of twenty-one years to a reign. The name of Anangpal
was titular in the family, and the epithet was applied to the last
as to the first of the race.
The name of the Chawara prince of Patan (Anhilwara) being
recorded amongst the auxiliaries of Khuman, is another satis-
factory proof of the antiquity of this invasion ; for this dynasty
was extinct, and succeeded by the Solankis, in S. 998 (a.d. 942),
fifty years prior to Mahmud of Ghazni, who captured Patan
during the reign of Chawand, the second Solanki prince.^
The Sonigira, who came from Jalor, is a celebrated branch of
the Chauhan race, but we are ignorant of the extent of tune that
it held this fortress : and as nothing can invalidate the testimonies
afforded by the names. of the Chawara of [250] Patan, the Kaclih-
waha of Narwar, the Tuar of Delhi, and the Rathor from Kanauj,
there can be no hesitation at pointing out the anachronisms of
the chronicle, which states the Deora from Sirohi, the Khichi
from Gagraun, or the Bhatti from Jaisalgarh, amongst the levies
on this occasion ; and which we must affirm to be decided inter-
polations, the two first being at that period in possession of the
Pramara, and the latter not erected for three centuries later.
That the Deoras, the Khichis, and the Bhattis came to the aid
of KJiuman, we cannot doubt ; but the copyist, ignorant even of
the nanaes of the ancient capitals of these tribes, Chhotan, Sind-
sagar, and Tanot, substituted those which they subsequently
founded.
The Jadon (Yadu) from Junagarh (Girnar) was of the race of
Krishna, and appeared long to have held possession of this terri-
tory ; and the names of the Khcngars, of this tribe, will remain
as long as the stupendous monuments they reared on this sacred
hill. Besides the Jadon, we find Saurashtra sending forth the
Jhalas, the Balas, and the Gohils to the aid of the descendant of
the lord of Valabhipura, whose paramount authority they once
all acknowledged, and who appeared to have long maintained
influence in that distant region.
Of the tribe of Busa, who left their capital, Lahore, to succour
^ [Chamunda reigned a.d. 997-1010 ; Anhilwara was captured under
Bhima I. (1022-64).]
294 ANNALS OF MEWAR
Chitor, we have no mention, further than the name being enumer-
ated amongst the unassigned tribes of Rajputs.^ Ferishta fre-
quently notices the princes of Lahore in the early progress of
Islamism, though he does not tell us the name of the tribe. In the
reign of the caliph Al-Mansur, a.h. 143 (a.d. 761), the Afghans of
Kirman and Peshawar, who, according to this authority, were a
Coptic colony expelled from Egypt, ^ had increased in such numbers
as to abandon their residence about the ' hill of Sulaiman,' and
crossing the Indus, wrested possessions from the Hindu princes
of Lahore. This frontier warfare with a tribe which, though it
had certainly not then embraced the faith of Islam, brought to
their succour the forces of the caliph in Zabulistan, so that in five
months seventy battles were fought with varied success ; but
the last, in which the Lahore prince carried his arms to Peshawar,^
produced a peace. Hence arose a union of interests between
them and the hill tribe of Gakkhar, and all the Kohistan west of
the Indus was ceded to them [251] on the condition of guarding
this barrier into Hindustan against invasion. For this purpose
the fortress of Khaibar was erected in the chief pass of the Koh-i-
Daman. For two centuries after this event Ferishta is silent
on this frontier warfare, stating that henceforth Hindustan was
only accessible through Sind. When Aliptigin first crossed the
Indus, the prince of Lahore and the Afghans still maintained this
alliance and united to oppose him. Jaipal was then prince of
Lahore ; and it is on this event that Ferishta, for the first time,
mentions the tribe of Bhatti,* " at the advice of whose prince
he conferred the command of the united forces on an Afghan
chief," to whom he assigned the provinces of Multan and Lam-
ghan. From this junction of interests the princes of Lahore
enjoyed comparative security, until Sabuktigin and Mahmud
compelled the Afghans to serve them : then Lahore was captured.
The territory dependent upon Lahore, at this period, extended
from Sirhind to Lamghan, and from Kashmir to Multan.
Bhatinda divided with Lahore the residence of its princes. Their
first encounter was at Lingham, on which occasion young Mahmud
first distinguished himself, and as the historian says, " the eyes
1 See p. 144. ^ [Ferishta i. 6.]
* The scene of action was between Peshawar and Kirman, the latter
lying ninety miles south-west of tlie former.
* Dow omits this in his translation [see Briggs i. Introd. 9, i. 16].
GATHERING OF THE CLANS TO DEFEND CHITOR 295
of the heavens were obscured at seeing his deeds." ^ A tributary-
engagement was the result, which Jaipal soon broke ; and being
aided by levies from all the princes of Hindustan, marched an
army of one hundred thousand men against Sabuktigin, and
was again defeated on the banks of the Indus. He was at length
invested and taken in Bhatinda by Mahmud, when he put him-
self to dcath.^ The successors of Jaipal are mentioned merely
as fugitives, and always distinct from the princes of Delhi. It is
most probable that they were of the tribe termed Busa in the
annals of Mewar, i)ossibly a subdivision of another ; though
Ferishta calls the j^rince of Lahore a Brahman.
The Sankhla from Roneja. Both tribe and abode are well
known: it is a subdivision of the Pramara. Harbuji Sankhla
was the Paladin pf Marwar, in which Roneja was situated.
The Sehat from Kherligarh was a northern tribe, dwelling
about the Indus, and though entirely unknown to the modern
genealogists of India, is frequently mentioned in the early history
of the Bhattis, when their possessions extended on both sides of
the Hyphasis. As intermarriages between the Bhattis and Sehats
are [252] often spoken of, it must have been Rajput. It most
probably occupied the province of Swat, the Suvat of D'Anville,
a division of the province of Ashthanagar, where dwelt the Assa-
kenoi of Alexander ; concerning which this celebrated geographer
says, " II est mention de Suvat comme d'un canton du pays
d'Ash-nagar dans la meme geographic turque " {Eel. p. 25).
The whole of this ground was sacred to the Jadon tribe from the
most remote antiquity, from Multan, the hills of Jud, to Aswinikot
(the Tshehin-kote of D'Anville), which, built on the point of con-
fluence of the Choaspes of the Greeks with the Indus, marks the
spot where dwelt the Assakenoi, corroborated by the Puranas,
which mention the partition of all these territories amongst the
sons of Bajaswa, the lord of Kampilnagara, the grand sub-
division of the Yadu race. In all likelihood the Sehat, who came
to the aid of Khuman of Chitor, was a branch of these Assakenoi,
the opponents of Alexander.^ The modern town of Dinkot
^ The sense of this passage has been quite perverted by Dow [see
Briggs i. 16].
2 [See Smith, EHI, .382.]
^ [The capital of the Assakenoi was Massaga, near the Malakand Pass
(Smith, EHI, 54 ; McCrindle. Alexander, .334 £.).]
296 ANNALS OF MEWAR
appears to occupy the site of Aswinikot, though D'Anville feels
inchned to carry it into the heart of Bajaur and place it on the
rock (silla) Aornos.^ Such the Sehat ; not improbably the Soha,
one of the eight subdivisions of the Yadu.^ When, in S. 785,
the Bhatti chief Rao Tanu was driven across the Sutlej, the
Sehats are mentioned with other tribes as forming the army of
Husain Shah, with the Barahas, the Judis, and Johyas (the
Juds and Jinjohyas of Babur), the Butas, and the ' men of
Dud.'
The Chandel, from Karangarh, occupied the tracts now termed
Bundelkhand.
We shall pass over the other auxiliary tribes and conclude with
the Parihar, who -came from Kashmir on this occasion ; a cir-
cxmistance entirely overlooked in the dissertation on this tribe ; ^
nor does this isolated fact afford room for further discussion on a
race which expelled the Pramaras from Mandor.
Such aids, who preserved Khuman when assailed by the
' Khorasan Pat,' fully demonstrate the antiquity of the annals,
which is further attested by inscriptions. Khuman fought twenty-
four great battles, and his name, like that of Caesar, became a
family distinction. At Udaipur, if you make a false step, or
even sneeze, you hear the ejaculation of ' Khuman aid you ! '
Khuman, by the advice of the Brahmans, resigned the gaddi to
his younger son, Jograj ; but again resumed [253] it, slaying his
advisers and execrating the name of Brahman, which he almost
exterminated in his own dominions. Khuman was at length
slain by his own son, Mangal ; but the chiefs expelled the parri-
cide, who seized upon Lodorwa in the northern desert, and there
established the Mangalia Guhilots.
Bhartribhat III. — Bhartribhat (familiarly Bhato) succeeded.
In his reign, and in that of his successor, the territory dependent
on Chitor was greatly increased. All the forest tribes, from the
banks of the Mahi to Abu, were subjugated, and strongholds
erected, of which Dharangarh and Ujargarh still remain to main-
tain them. He established no less than thirteen * of his sons in
1 [For the site see Smith, EHI, 56, note 2.]
2 See p. 104. 3 See p. 119 f.
* By name, Kulanagar, Champaner, Choreta, Bhojpur, Lunara, Nimthor,
Sodara, Jodhgarh, Sandpur, Aitpur, and Gangabheva. The remaining
two are not mentioned.
THE TUARS OF DELHI 297
independent possessions in Malwa and Gujarat, and these were
distinguished as the Bhatera Guhilots.
We shall now leap over fifteen generations ; which, though
affording a few interesting facts to the antiquary, would not
amuse the general reader. We will rest satisfied with stating
that the Chauhans of Ajiner and the Guhilots of Chitor were
alternately friends and foes ; that Durlabh Chauhan was slain by
Bersi Rawal in a grand battle fought at Kawaria, of which the
Chauhan annals state ' that their princes were now so powerful
as to oppose the chief of Chitor.' Again, in the next reign, we
find the renowned Bisaldeo, son of Durlabh, combining with
Rawal Tejsi of Chitor to oppose the progress of Islamite invasion :
facts recorded by inscriptions as well as by the annals. We may
close these remarks on the fifteen princes, from Khuman to
Samarsi, with the words of Gibbon on the dark period of Guelphic
annals : " It may be presumed that they were illiterate and
valiant ; that they plundered in their youth, and reared churches
in their old age ; that they were fond of arms, horses, and hunt-
ing " ; and, we may add, continued bickering with their vassals
within when left unemployed by the enemy from without [254],
CHAPTER 5
Although the whole of this chain of ancestry, from Kanaksen
in the second, Vijaya the founder of Valabhi in the fourth, to
Samarsi in the thirteenth century, cannot be discriminated with
perfect accuracy, we may affirm, to borrow a metaphor, that " the
two extremities of it are riveted in truth " : and some links have
at intervals been recognized as equally valid. We will now
extend the chain to the nineteenth century.
Samar Singh, Samarsi : The Tuars of Delhi. — Samarsi was
born in S. 1206.^ Though the domestic annals are not silent on
his acts, we shall recur chiefly to the bard of Delhi - for his char-
^ [For the error in his date see p. 281 above.]
" The work of Chand is a universal history of the period in which he
wrote. In the sixty-nine books, comprising one hundred thousand stanzas,
relating to the exploits of Prithiraj, every noble family of Rajasthan will
find some record of their ancestors. It is accordingly treasured amongst
the archives of each race having any pretensions to the name of Rajput.
298 ANNALS OF MEWAR
acter and actions, and the history of the period. Before we pro-
ceed, however, a sketch of the pohtical condition of Hindustan
during the last of the Tuar sovereigns of Delhi, derived from this
authority and in the bard's own words, may not be unacceptable.
" In Patan is Bhola Bhim the Chalukya, of iron frame.^ On the
mountain Abu, Jeth Pramara, in battle immovable as the star
of the north. In Mewar is Samar Singh, who takes tribute from
the mighty, a wave of iron in the path of Delhi's foe. In the
midst of all, strong in his own strength, Mandor's prince, the
arrogant Nahar Rao, the might of Maru, fearing none. In Delhi
the chief of all [255] Ananga, at whose summons attended the
princes of Mandor, Nagor, Sind, Jalwat,^ and others on its confines,
Peshawar, Lahore, Kangra, and its mountain chiefs, with Kasi,*
Prayag,* and Garh Deogir. The lords of Simar * were in constant
danger of his power." The Bhatti, since their expulsion from
Zabulistan, had successively occupied as capitals, Salivahanapur
in the Panjab, Tanot, Derawar, which last they founded, and the
ancient Lodorwa, which they conquered in the desert ; and at the
period in question were constructing their present residence,
Jaisalmer. In this nook they had been fighting for centuries
From this he can trace his martial forefathers who ' drank of the wave of
battle ' in the passes of Kirman when the ' cloud of war rolled from Himachal
to the plains of Hindustan. The wars of Prithiraj, his alliances, his
numerous and powerful tributaries, their abodes and pedigrees, make the
works of Chand invaluable as historic and geographical memoranda, besides
being treasures in mythology, manners, and the annals of the mind. To
read this poet well is a sure road to honour, and my own Guru was allowed,
even by the professional bards, to excel therein. As he read I rapidly
translated about thirty thousand stanzas. Familiar with the dialects in
which it is written, I have fancied that I seized occasionally the poet's
spirit ; but it were presumption to suppose that I embodied all his brilliancy,
or fully comprehended the depth of his allusions. But I knew for whom
he wrote. The most familiar of his images and sentiments I heard daily
from the mouths of those around me, the descendants of the men whoso
deeds he rehearses. I was enabled thus to seize his meaning, where one
more skilled in poetic lore might have failed, and to make my prosaic version
of some value. [For Chand Bardai see Grierson, Modern Literary History
of Hiildustan, 3 f.]
^ [Bhima II., Chaulukya, known as Bhola, 'the simpleton,' a.d. 1179-
1242.]
^ Unknown, unless the country on the ' waters ' {jal) of Sind.
' Benares. * Allahabad.
* The cold regions {ai, ' cold ').
THE TUARS OF DELHI 299
with the heutenants of the Cahph at Aror, occasionally redeeming
their ancient possessions as far as the city of the Tak on the Indus.
Their situation gave them little political interest in the affairs of
Hindustan until the period of Prithiraj, one of whose principal
leaders, Achales, was the brother of the Bhatti prince. Anangpal,
from this description, was justly entitled to be termed the para-
mount sovereign of Hindustan ; but he was the last of a dynasty
of nineteen princes, who had occupied Delhi nearly four hvmdred
years, from the time of the founder Bilan Deo, who, according to
a manuscript in th.e author's possession, was only an opulent
Thakur when he assumed the ensigns of royalty in the then
deserted Indraprastha, taking the name of Anangpal,^ ever after
titular in the family. The Cliaulians of Ajmer owed at least
homage to Delhi at this time, although Bisaldeo had rendered it
almost nominal ; and to Someswar, the fourth in descent, Anang-
pal was indebted for the preservation of this supremacy against
the attempts of Kanauj, for which service he obtained the Tuar's
daughter in marriage, the issue of which was Prithiraj, who when
only eight yeai's of age was proclaimed successor to the Delhi
throne.
Prithiraj. — Jaichand of Kanauj and Prithiraj bore the same
relative situation to Anangpal ; Bijaipal, the father of the former,
as well as Someswar, having had a daughter of the Tuar to wife.
This originated the rivalry between the Chauhans and Rathors
which ended in the destruction of both. When Prithiraj mounted
the throne of Delhi, Jaichand not only refused to acknowledge
his supremacy, but set forth his own claims to this distinction.
In these he was supported by the prince of Patau [256] Aiihil-
wara (the eternal foe of the Chauhans), and likewise by the Pari-
hars of ISIandor. But the affront given by the latter, in refusing
to fulfil the contract of bestowing his daughter on the young
Chauhan, brought on a warfare, in which this first essay was but
the presage of his future fame. Kanauj and Patan had recourse
to the dangerous expedient of entertaining bands of Tatars,
through whom the sovereign of Ghazni was enabled to take
advantage of their internal broils.
^ Ananga is a poetical epithet of the Hindu Cupid, literally ' incorporeal ' ;
but, according to good authority, apphcable to the founder of the desolate
abode, palna being ' to support,' and anga, with the primitive an, ' without
body.'
300 ANNALS OF MEWAR
Samarsi, prince of Chitor, had married the sister of Prithiraj,
and their personal characters, as well as this tie, bound them to
each other throughout all these commotions, until the last fatal
battle on the Ghaggar. From these feuds Hindustan never was
free. But unrelenting enmity was not a part of their character :
having displayed the valour of the tribe, the bard or Nestor of
the day Vv'ould step in, and a marriage would conciliate and main-
tain in friendship such foes for two generations. From time
immemorial such has been the political state of India, as repre-
sented by their own epics, or in Arabian or Persian histories :
thus always the prey of foreigners, and destined to remain so.
Samarsi had to contend both with the princes of Patau and
Kanauj ; and although the bard says " he washed his blade in
the Jumna," the domestic annals slur over the circumstance of
Siddharaja-Jayasingha having actually made a conquest of
Chitor ; for it is not only included in the eighteen capitals enumer-
ated as appertaining to this prince, but the author discovered a
tablet ^ in Chitor, placed there by his successor, Kumarpal, bear-
ing the date S. 1206, the period of Samarsi's birth. The first
occasion of Samarsi's aid being called in by the Chauhan emperor
was on the discovery of treasure at Nagor, amounting to seven
millions of gold, the deposit of ancient days. The princes of
Kanauj and Patan, dreading the influence which such sinews of
war would afford their antagonist, invited Shihabu-d-din to aid
their designs of humiliating the Chauhan, who in this emergency
sent an embassy to Samarsi. The envoy was Chand Pundir, the
vassal chief of Lahore, and guardian of that frontier. He is con-
spicuous from this time to the hour " when he planted his lance at
the ford of the Ravi," and fell in opposing the passage of Shihabu-
d-din. The presents he carries, the speech with which he greets
the Chitor prince, his reception, reply, and dismissal are all pre-
served by [257] Chand. The style of address and the apparel
of Samarsi betoken that he had not laid aside the office and
ensigns of a ' Regent of Mahadeva.' A simple necklace of the
seeds of the lotus adorned his neck ; his hair was braided, and he
is addressed as Jogindra, or chief of ascetics. Samarsi proceeded
to Delhi ; and it was arranged, as he was connected by marriage
with the prince of Patan, that Prithiraj should march against
this prince, while he should oppose the army from Ghazni. He
^ See luscriptiou No. 5.
DEATH OF SAMAR SINGH 301
(Samarsi) accordingly fought several indecisive battles, which gave
time to the Chauhan to terminate the war in Gujarat and rejoin
him. United, they completely discomfited the invaders, making
their leader prisoner. Samarsi declined any share of the dis-
covered treasure, but permitted his chiefs to accept the gifts
offered by Chauhan. Many years elapsed in such subordinate
warfare, when the prince of Chitor was again constrained to use
his buckler in defence of Delhi and its prince, whose arrogance
and successful ambition, followed by disgraceful inactivity, in-
vited invasion with every presage of success. Jealousy and
revenge rendered the princes of Patan, Kanauj, Dhar, and the
minor courts indifferent spectators of a contest destined to over-
throw them all.
The Death of Samar Singh. — The bard gives a good description
of the preparations for his departure from Chitor, which he was
destined never to see again. The charge of the city was entrusted
to a favourite and younger son, Kama : which disgusted the
elder brother, who went to the Deccan to Bidar, where he was
well received by an Abyssinian chief,^ who had there established
himself in sovereignty. Another son, either on this occasion or
on the subsequent fall of Chitor, fled to the mountains of Nepal,
and there spread the Guhilot line.^ It is in this, the last of the
books of Chand, termed The Great Fight, that we have the char-
acter of Samarsi fully delineated. His arrival at Delhi is hailed
with songs of joy as a day of deliverance. Prithiraj and his court
advance seven miles to meet him, and the description of the
greeting of the king of Delhi and his sister, and the chiefs on either
side who recognize ancient friendships, is most animated. Sam-
arsi reads his brother-in-law an indignant lecture on his unprincely
inactivity, and throughout the book divides attention with him.
In the planning of the campaign, and march towards the
Ghaggar to meet the foe [258], Samarsi is consulted, and his
opinions are recorded. The bard represents him as the Ulysses
of the host : brave, cool, and skilful in the fight ; prudent, wise,
and eloquent in council ; pious and decorous on all occasions ;
beloved by his own chiefs, and reverenced by the vassals of the
Chauhan. In the line of march no augur or bard could better
1 Styled Habshi Padshah.
* [The Gorkhas or Gurkhas are said to have reached Nepal through
Kumaun after the fall of Chitor {IGI, xix. 32).]
302 ANNALS OF MEWAR
explain the omens, none in the field better dress the squadrons
for battle, none guide his steed or use his lance with more address.
His tent is the principal resort of the leaders after the march
or in the intervals of battle, who were delighted by his eloquence
or instructed by his knowledge. The bard confesses that his
precepts of government are chiefly from the lips of Khuman ; ^
and of his best episodes and allegories, whether on morals, rules
for the guidance of ambassadors, choice of ministers, religious or
social duties (but especially those of the Rajput to the sovereign),
the wise prince of Chitor is the general organ.
On the last of three days' desperate fighting Samarsi was slain,
together with his son Kalyan, and thirteen thousand of his house-
hold troops and most renowned chieftains.^ His beloved Pirtha,
on hearing the fatal issue, her husband slain, her brother captive,
the heroes of Delhi and Chitor " asleep on the banks of the Ghaggar,
in the wave of the steel," joined her lord through the flame, nor
waited the advance of the Tatar king, when Delhi was carried
by storm, and the last stay of the Chauhans, Prince Rainsi, met
death in the assault. The capture of Delhi and its monarch, the
death of his ally of Chitor, with the bravest and best of their
troops, speedily ensured the further and final success of the Tatar
arms ; and when Kanauj fell, and the traitor to his nation met
his fate in the waves of the Ganges, none were left to contend with
Shihabu-d-din the possession of the regal seat of the Chauhan.
Scenes of devastation, plunder, and massacre commenced, which
lasted through ages ; during which nearly all that was sacred in
religion or celebrated in art was destroyed by these ruthless and
barbarous invaders. The noble Rajput, with a spirit of constancy
and enduring courage, seized every opportunity to turn upon his
oppressor. By his perseverance and valour he wore out entire
dynasties of foes, alternately yielding ' to his fate,' or restricting
the circle of conquest. Every road in Rajasthan was moistened
with torrents of blood of the [259] spoiled and the spoiler. But
all was of no avail ; fresh supplies were ever pouring in, and
dynasty succeeded dynasty, heir to the same remorseless feeling
which sanctified murder, legalized spoliation, and deified destruc-
^ I have already mentioned that Khuman became a patronymic and
title amongst the princes of Chitor.
^ [The battle was fought at Tarain or Talawari in the Ambala District,
Panjab, in 1192.]
GALLANT RESISTANCE OF THE RAJPUTS 303
tion. In these desperate conflicts entire tribes were swept away
whose names are the only memento of their former existence and
celebrity.
Gallant Resistance of the Rajputs. — What nation on earth
would have maintained the semblance of civilization, the spirit
or the customs of their forefathers, during so many centuries
of overwhelming depression but one of such singular character
as the Rajput ? Though ardent and reckless, he can, when
required, subside into forbearance and apparent apathy, and
reserve himself for the opportunity of revenge. Rajasthan
exliibits the sole example in the history of mankind of a people
withstanding every outrage barbarity can inflict, or human
nature sustain, from a foe whose religion commands annihilation,
and bent to the earth, yet rising buoyant from the pressure, and
making calamity a whetstone to courage. How did the Britons
at once sink under the Romans, and in vain strive to save their
groves, their druids, or the altars of Bal from destruction ! To
the Saxons they alike succumbed ; they, again, to the Danes ;
and this heterogeneous breed to the Normans. Empire was lost
and gained by a single battle^ and the laws and religion of the
conquered merged in those of the conquerors. Contrast with
these the Rajputs ; not an iota of their religion or customs have
they lost, though many a foot of land. Some of their States have
been expunged from the map of dominion ; and, as a punishment
of national infidelity, the pride of the Rathor, and the glory of
the Chalukya, the overgrown Kanauj and gorgeous Anhilwara,
are forgotten names ! Mewar alone, the sacred bulwark of
religion, never compromised her honour for her safety, and still
survives her ancient limits ; and since the brave Samarsi gave
up his life, the blood of her princes has flowed in copious streams
for the maintenance of this honour, religion, and independence.
Karan Singh I. : Ratan Singh. — Samarsi had several sons ; ^
but Kama was his heir, and during his minority his mother, Kuram-
devi, a princess of Patau, nobly maintained what his father left.
She headed her Rajputs and gave battle ^ in person to Kutbu-d-din,
^ Kalyanrae, slain with his father; Kumbhkaran, who went to Bidar;
a third, the founder of the Gorkhas. [This assertion, based on the authority
of Chand, is incorrect, Samar Singh being misplaced, and succeeded by
Ratan Singh (Erskine ii. A. 146).]
" Tliis must be the battle mentioned by Ferishta (see Dow, p. 169, vol. ii.).
304 ANNALS OF MEWAR
near [260] Amber, when the viceroy was defeated and wounded .
Nine Rajas, and eleven chiefs of inferior dignity with the title of
Rawat, followed the mother of their prince.
Kama (the radiant) succeeded in S. 1249 (a.d. 1193) ; but he
was not destined to be the founder of a line in Mewar.^ The
annals are at variance with each other on an event which gave the
sovereignty of Chitor to a younger branch, and sent the elder into
the inhospitable wilds of the west, to found a city - and per-
petuate a line.* It is stated generally that Kama had two sons,
Mahup and Rahup ; but this is an error : Samarsi and Surajmall
were brothers : Kama was the son of the former and Mahup was
his son, whose mother was a Chauhan of Bagar. Surajmall had a
son named Bharat, who was driven from Chitor by a conspiracy.
He proceeded to Sind, obtained Aror from its prince, a Musalman,
and married the daughter of the Bhatti chief of Pugal, by whom
he had a son named Rahup. Kama died of grief for the loss of
Bharat and the unworthiness of Mahup, who abandoned him to
live entirely with his maternal relations, the Chauhans.
The Sonigira chief of Jalor had married the daughter of Kama,
^ He had a son, Sarwan, who took to commerce. Hence the mercantile
Sesodia caste, Sarwania.
* Dungarpur, so named from dungar, ' a mountain.'
* [The facts are tliat after " Karan Singh the Mewar family divided into
two branches — one with the title of Rawal, the other Rana. In the first,
or Rawal, branch were Khem or Kshem Singh, the eldest son of Karan Singh,
Samant Singh, Kumar Singh, Mathan Singh, Padam Singh, Jeth Singh, Tej
Singh, Samar Singh, and Ratan Singh, all of whom reigned at Chitor ; while
in the Rana branch were Rahup, a younger son of Karan Singh, Narpat,
Dinkaran, Jaskaran,Nagpal, Puranpal, PrithiPal, Bhuvan Singh, Bhim Singh,
Jai Singh, and Lakshman Singh, who ruled at Sesoda, and called themselves
Sesodias. Thus, instead of having to fit in something like ten generations
between Samar Singh, who, as we know, was ahve in 1299, and the siege of
Chitor, which certainly took place in 1303, we fijid that those ten princes
were not descendants of Samar Singh at all, but the contemporaries of his
seven immediate predecessors on the gaddi of Chitor and of himself, and
that both Ratan Singh, the son of Samar Singh, and Lakshman Singh, the
contemporary of Ratan Singh, were descended from a common ancestor,
Karan Singh I., nine and eleven generations back respectively. It is also
possible to reconcile the statement of the Musalman historians that Ratan
Singh (called Rai Ratan) was ruler of Chitor during the siege — a statement
corroborated by an inscription at Rajnagar — ^with the generally accepted
story that it was Rana Lakshman Singh who fell in defence of the fort "
(Erskine ii. A. 15).]
RAHUP assumes title RANA 805
by whom he had a child named Randhol,^ whom by treachery he
placed on the throne of Chitor, slaying the chief Guhilots. Mahup
being unable to recover his rights, and unwilling to make any
exertion, the chair of Bappa Rawal would have passed to the
Chauhans but for an ancient bard of the house. He pursued his
way to Aror, held by old Bharat as a fief of Kabul. With the
levies of Sind he marched to claim the right abandoned by Mahup
and at Pali encountered and defeated the Sonigiras. The re-
tainers of Mewar flocked to his standard, and by their aid he
enthroned himself in Chitor. He sent for his father and mother,
Ranangdevi, whose dwelling on the Indus was made over to a
younger brother, who bartered his faith for Aror, and held it as
a vassal of Kabul.
Rahup. — Rahup obtained Chitor in S. 1257 (a.d. 1201), and
shortly after sustained the attack of Shamsu-d-din, whom he met
and overcame in a battle at Nagor. Two [261] great changes
were introduced by this prince ; the first in the title of the tribe,
to Sesodia ; the other in that of its prince, from Rawal to Rana.
The puerile reason for the former has already been noticed ; ^ the
cause of the latter is deserving of more attention. Amongst the
foes of Rahup was the Parihar prince of Mandor : his name Mokal,
with the title of Rana. Rahup seized him in his capital and
brought him to Sesoda, making him renounce the rich district
of Godwar and his title of Rana, which he assumed himself, to
denote the completion of his feud. He ruled thirty-eight years
in a period of great distraction, and appears to have been well
calculated, not only to uphold the fallen fortunes of the State,
but to rescue them from utter ruin. His reign is the more re-
markable by contrast with his successors, nine of whom are
' pushed from their stools ' in the same or even a shorter period
than that during which he upheld the dignity.
From Rahup to Lakhamsi [Lakshman Singh], in the short
space of half a century, nine princes of Chitor were crowned, and
at nearly equal intervals of time followed each other to ' the
mansions of the sun.' Of these nine, six fell in battle. Nor did
they meet their fate at home, but in a chivalrous enterprise to
redeem the sacred Gaya from the pollution of the barbarian.
^ So pronounced, but properly written Randhaval, ' the standard of the
field.'
^ See note, p. 252.
VOL. I X
306 ANNALS OF MEWAR
For this object these princes successively fell, but such devotion
inspired fear, if not pity or conviction, and the bigot renounced
the impiety which Prithunall purchased with his blood, and until
Alau-d-din's reign, this outrage to their prejudices was renounced.
But in this interval they had lost their capital, for it is stated as
the only occurrence in Bhonsi's ^ reign that he [262] " recovered
Chitor " and made the name of Rana be acknowledged by all.
Two memorials are preserved of the nine princes from Rahup to
Lakhamsi, and of the same character : confusion and strife
within and without. We will, therefore, pass over these to
another grand event in the vicissitudes of this house, which
possesses more of romance than of history, though the facts are
undoubted.
^ His second son, Chandra, obtained an appanage on the Charabal, and
his issue, well known as Chandarawats, constituted one of the most powerful
vassal clans of Mewar. Rampura (Bhanpura) was their residence, yielding a
revenue of nine lakhs (£110,000), held on the tenure of service which, from
an original grant in my possession from Rana Jagat Singh to his nephew
Madho Singh, afterwards prince of Amber, was three thousand horse and foot
(see p. 235), and the fine of investiture was seventy-five thousand rui^ees.
Madho Singh, when prince of Amber, did what was invahd as well as un-
grateful ; he made over this domain, granted during his misfortunes, to
Holkar, the first limb lopped off Mewar. The Chandarawat proprietor con-
tinued, however, to possess a portion of the original estate with the fortress
of Amad, which it maintained throughout all the troubles of Rajwara till
A.D. 1821. It shows the attachment to custom that the young Rao apphed
and received ' the sword ' of investiture from his old lord paramount, the
Rana, though dependent on Holkar's forbearance. But a minority is pro-
verbially dangerous in India. Disorder from party plots made Amad
troublesome to Holkar's government, which as his ally and preserver of
tranquillity we suppressed by blowing up the walls of the fortress. This is
one of many instances of the harsh, uncompromising nature of our power,
and the anomalous description of our alhances with the Rajputs. However
necessary to repress the disorder arising from the claims of ancient pro-
prietors and the recent rights of Holkar, or the new proprietor, Ghafur
Khan, yet surrounding princes, and the general population, Mdio know the
history of past times, lament to see a name of five hundred years' duration
thus summarily extinguished, which chiefly benefits an upstart Pathan.
Such the vortex of the ambiguous, irregular, and unsystematic policy, which
marks many of our alhances, wliich protect too often but to injure, and gives
to our office of general arbitrator and high constable of Rajasthan a harsh
and unfeeHng character. Much of this arises from ignorance of the past
history ; much from disregard of the peculiar usages of the people ; or from
that expediency which too often comes in contact with moral fitness, which
will go on until tlic day predicted by the Nestor of India, when " one sikha
(seal) alone will be used in Hindustan."
RANA LACHHM an SINGH : PADMINI 307
CHAPTER 6
Lakhamsi : Lachhman Singh. — Lakhamsi ^ succeeded his father
in S. 1331 (a.d. 1275), a memorable era in the annals, when Chitor,
the repository of all that was precious yet untouched of the arts
of India, was stormed, sacked, and treated with remorseless
barbarity by the Pathan [Khilji] emperor, Alau-d-din. Twice
it was attacked by this subjugator of India. In the first siege
it escaped spoliation, though at the price of its best defenders :
that which followed is the first successful assault and capture of
which we have any detailed account.
Bhim Singh : Padmini. — Bhimsi was the uncle of the young
prince, and protector during his minority. He had espoused the
daughter of Hamir Sank (Chauhan) of Ceylon, the cause of woes
unnumbered to the Sesodias. Her name was Padmini,^ a title
bestowed only on the superlatively fair, and transmitted with
renown to posterity by tradition and the song of the bard. Her
beauty, accomplishments, exaltation, and destruction, with other
incidental circumstances, constitute the subject of one of the most
popular traditions of Rajwara. The Hindu bard recognizes the
fair, in preference to fame and love of conquest, as the motive for
the attack of Alau-d-din, who [263] limited his demand to the
possession of Padmini ; though this was after a long and fruitless
siege. At length he restricted his desire to a mere sight of this
extraordinary beauty, and acceded to the proposal of beholding
her through the medium of mirrors. Relying on the faith of the
Rajput, he 'entered Chitor slightly guarded, and having gratified
his wish, returned. The Rajput, unwilling to be outdone in con-
fidence, accompanied the king to the foot of the fortress, amidst
many complimentary excuses from his guest at the trouble he
thus occasioned. It was for this that Ala risked his own safety,
relying on the superior faith of the Hindu. Here he had an
^ [Rana Lachhman Singh was not, strictly speaking, ruler of Chitor. He
belonged to the Rana branch, and succeeded Jai Singh. When Chitor was
invested he came to lielp his relation, Rawal Ratan Singh, husband of
Padmini, and ruler of Chitor, and was killed, with seven of his sons (Erskine
ii. B. 10).]
2 [' The Lotus.' Ferishta in his account of the siege aaya nothing of
Padmini (i. 353 f.). Her story is told in Ain, ii. 269 f.]{j
308 ANNALS OF MEWAR
ambush ; Bhimsi was made prisoner, hurried away to the Tatar
camp, and his hberty made dependent on the surrender of
Padmini.
The Siege of Chitor. — Despair reigned in Chitor when this fatal
event was known, and it was debated whether Padmini should be
resigned as a ransom for their defender. Of tliis she was informed,
and expressed her acquiescence. Having provided wherewithal
to secure her from dishonour, she communed with two chiefs of
her own kin and clan of Ceylon, her uncle Gora, and his nephew
Badal, who devised a scheme for the liberation of their prince
without hazarding her life or fame. Intimation was dispatched
to Ala that on the day he withdrew from his trenches the fair
Padmini would be sent, but in a manner befitting her own and
his high station, surrounded by her females and handmaids ; not
only those who would accompany her to DeUii, but many others
who desired to pay her this last mark of reverence. Strict com-
mands were to be issued to prevent curiosity from violating the
sanctity of female decorum and privacy. No less than seven
hundred covered litters proceeded to the royal camp. In each
was placed one of the bravest of the defenders of Chitor, borne by
six armed soldiers disguised as litter-porters. They reached the
camp. The royal tents were enclosed with kanats (walls of cloth) ;
the litters were deposited, and half an hour was granted for ji
parting interview between the Hindu prince and his bride. They
then placed their prince in a litter and returned with him, while
the greater number (the supposed damsels) remained to accom-
pany the fair to Delhi. ^ But Ala had no intention to permit
Bhimsi's return, and was becoming jealous of the long interview
he enjoyed, when, instead of the prince and Padmini, the devoted
band issued from their litters : but Ala was too well guarded.
Pursuit was ordered, while these covered the retreat till they
perished to a man. A fleet horse was in reserve for [264] Bhimsi,
on which he was placed, and in safety ascended the fort, at whose
outer gate the host of Ala was encountered. The choicest of the
heroes of Chitor met the assault. With Gora and Badal at their
head, animated by the noblest sentiments, the deliverance of
their chief and the honour of their queen, they devoted them-
^ [A folk-tale of the ' Horse of Troy ' type, common in India ; see
Rhys Davids, Buddhist India, 4 f. ; Ferishta ii. 115; Grant Duff, Hist.
Mahrattas, 64, note ; cf . Herodotus v. 20.]
RAJPUT GALLANTRY AT CHITOR 309
selves to destruction, and few were the survivors of this slaughter
of the flower of Mewar. For a tinie Ala was defeated in his object,
and the havoc they had made in his ranks, joined to the dread
of their determined resistance, obUged him to desist from the
enterprise.
Mention has already been made of the adjuration, " by the
sin of the sack of Chitor." Of these sacks they enumerate three
and a half. This is the ' half ' ; for though the city was not
stormed, the best and bravest were cut off (sakha). It is described
with great animation in the Khuman Raesa. Badal was but a
stripling of twelve, but the Rajput expects wonders from this
early age. He escaped, though wounded, and a dialogue ensues
between him and his uncle's wife, who desires him to relate
how her lord conducted himself ere she joins liim. The stripling
replies : " He was the reaper of the harvest of battle ; I followed
his steps as the humble gleaner of his sword. On the gory
bed of honour he spread a carpet of the slain ; a barbarian
prince his pillow, he laid him down, and sleeps surrounded by
the foe." Again she said : " Tell me, Badal, how did my love
(piyar) behave ? " " Oh ! mother, how further describe his
deeds when he left no foe to dread or admire him ? " She smiled
farewell to the boy, and adding, " My lord will cliide my delay,"
sprung into the flame.
Alau-d-din, ha\Tiig recruited his strength, returned to his
object, Chitor. The annals state this to have been in S. 1346
(a.d. 1290), but Ferishta gives a date thirteen years later.^ They
had not yet recovered the loss of so many valiant men who had
sacrificed themselves for their prince's safety, and Ala carried on
his attacks more closely, and at length obtained the hill at the
southern point, where he entrenched himself. They still pretend
to point out his trenches ; but so many have been formed by
subsequent attacks that we cannot credit the assertion. The
poet has found in the disastrous issue of this siege admirable
materials for his song. He represents the Rana, after an arduous
day, stretched on his paUet, and during a night of watchful
anxiety, pondering on the means by which he might preserve from
the general destruction one at least of his twelve sons ; when a
voice [265] broke on his solitude, exclaiming, " Main bhukhi
^ [Chitor was captured in August 1303 (Ferishta i. 353 ; EUiot-Dowson
iii. 77).]
310 ANNALS OF MEWAR
ho'" ; ^ and raising his eyes, he saw, by the dim glare of the
chiragh,^ advancing between the granite columns, the majestic
form of the guardian goddess of Chitor. " Not satiated," ex-
claimed the Rana, " though eight thousand of my kin were late
an offering to thee ? " "I must have regal victims ; and if
twelve who wear the diadem bleed not for Chitor, the land will
pass from the line." This said, she vanished.
On the morn he convened a council of his chiefs, to whom he
revealed the vision of the night, which they treated as the dream
of a disordered fancy. He commanded their attendance at mid-
night ; when again the form appeared, and repeated the terms
on which alone she would remain amongst them. " Though
thousands of barbarians strew the earth, what are they to me ?
On each day enthrone a prince. Let the kirania,^ the chhatra
and the chamara,^ proclaim his sovereignty, and for three days
let his decrees be supreme : on the fourth let him meet the foe
and his fate. Then only may I remain."
Whether we have merely the fiction of the poet, or whether
the scene was got up to animate the spirit of resistance, matters
but little, it is consistent with the belief of the tribe ; and that
the goddess should openly manifest her wish to retain as her tiara
the battlements of Chitor on conditions so congenial to the war-
like and superstitious Rajput was a gage readily taken up and
fully answering the end. A generous contention arose amongst
the brave brothers who should be the first victim to avert the
denunciation. Arsi urged his priority of birth : he was pro-
claimed, the umbrella waved over his head, and on the fourth
day he surrendered his short-lived honours and his life. Ajaisi,
the next in birth, demanded to follow ; but he was the favourite
son of his father, and at his request he consented to let his brothers
precede him. Eleven had fallen in turn, and but one victim
remained to the salvation of the city, when the Rana, calling
his chiefs around him, said, " Now I devote myself for Chitor."
The Johar. — But another awful sacrifice was to precede this
act of self-devotion in that horrible rite, the Johar,^ where the
^ ' I am hungry.' ^ Lamp.
^ These are the insignia of royalty. The kirania is a parasol, from
kiran, ' a ray ' : the chhatra is the umbrella, always red ; the chamara, the
flowing tail of the wild ox, set in a gold handle, and used to drive away the flies.
* [Sir G. Grierson informs me that Johar or Jauhar is derived from Jatu-
THE CONQUESTS OF ALAU-D-DIN 311
females are immolated to preserve theni from pollution or cap-
tivity. The funeral pyre was lighted within the ' great sub-
terranean retreat,' in chambers impervious to the light [266] of
day, and the defenders of Chitor beheld in procession the queens,
their own wives and daughters, to the number of several thou-
sands. The fair Padmini closed the throng, which was augmented
by whatever of female beauty or youth could be tainted by Tatar
lust. They were conveyed to the cavern, and the opening closed
upon them, leaving them to find security from dishonour in the
devouring element.
A contest now arose between the Rana and his surviving son ;
but the father prevailed, and Ajaisi, in obedience to his commands,
with a small band passed through the enemy's lines, and reached
Kelwara in safety. The Rana, satisfied that his line was not
extinct, now prepared to follow his brave sons ; and calling
around him his devoted clans, for whom life had no longer any
charms, they threw open the portals and descended to the plains,
and with a reckless despair carried death, or met it, in the crowded
ranks of Ala. The Tatar conqueror took possession of an inani-
mate capital, strewed with brave defenders, the smoke yet issuing
from the recesses where lay consumed the once fair object of his
desire ; and since this devoted day the cavern has been sacred :
no eye has penetrated its gloom, and superstition has placed as
its guardian a huge serpent, whose ' venomous breath ' extin-
guishes the fight which might guide intruders to ' the place of
sacrifice.'
The Conquests of Alau-d-dln.— Thus fell, in a.d. 1303, this
celebrated capital, in the round of conquest of Alau-d-din, one
of the most vigorous and warlike sovereigns who have occupied
griha, ' a house built of lac or other combustibles,' in allusion to the story
in the Mahabliarata (i. chap. 141-151) of the attempted destruction of the
Pandavas by setting such a building on fire. For other examples of the rite
see Ferishta i. 59 f. ; EUiot-Dowson i. 313, 536 f., iii. 426, 433, iv. 277, 402,
V. 101 ; Forbes, Ras Mala, 286 ; Malcolm, Memoir Central India, 2nd ed.
1. 483. For recent cases Irvine, Army of the Indian Moghuls, 242 ; Punjab
Notes and Queries, iv. 102 ff.]
^ The Author has been at the entrance of this retreat, which, according
to the Khuman Raesa, conducts to a subterranean palace, but the m.ephitic
vapours and venomous reptiles did not invite to adventure, even had official
situation permitted such shght to these prejudices. The Author is the only
EngUshman admitted to Chitor since the days of Herbert., who appears to
have described what he sav.'.
312 ANNALS OF MEWAK
the throne of India. In success, and in one of the means of
attainment, a bigoted hypocrisy, he bore a striking resemblance
to Aurangzeb ; and the title of ' Sikandaru-s-Sani,' or the second
Alexander, which he assumed and impressed on his coins, was no
idle vaunt. The proud Anhilwara, the ancient Dhar and Avanti,
Mandor and Deogir, the seats of the Solankis, the Pramaras, the
Pariharas and Taks, the entire Agnikula race, were overturned
for ever by Ala. Jaisalmer, Gagraun, Bundi, the abodes of the
Bhatti, the Kliichi, and the Hara, with many of minor importance,
suffered all the horrors of assault from this foe of the race, though
destined again to raise their heads. The Rathors of Marwar and
the [267] Kachhwahas of Amber were yet in a state of insigni-
ficance : the former were slowly creeping into notice as the
vassals of the Pariharas, while the latter could scarcely withstand
the attacks of the original Mina population. Ala remained in
Chitor some days, admiring the grandeur of his conquest ; and
having committed every act of barbarity and wanton dilapida-
tion which a bigoted zeal could suggest, overthrowing the temples
and other monuments of art, he delivered the city in charge to
Maldeo, the chief of Jalor, whom he had conquered and enrolled
amongst his vassals. The palace of Bhim and the fair Padmini
alone appears to have escaped the wrath of Ala ; it would be
pleasing could we suppose any kinder sentiment suggested the
exception, which enables the author of these annals to exhibit
the abode of the fair of Ceylon.
The Flight of Rana Ajai Singh. — The survivor of Chitor, Rana
Ajaisi, was now in security at Kelwara, a town situated in the
heart of the Aravalli mountains, the western boundary of Mewar,
to which its princes had been indebted for twelve centuries of
dominion. Kelwara is at the highest part of one of its most ex-
tensive valleys, termed the Shero Nala, the richest district of this
Alpine region. Guarded by faithful adherents, Ajaisi cherished
for future occasion the wrecks of Mewar. It was the last behest
of his father that when he attained ' one hundred years ' (a
figurative expression for dying) the son of Arsi, the elder brother,
should succeed him. This injunction, from the deficiency of the
qualities requisite at such a juncture in his own sons, met a ready
compliance. Hamir was this son, destined to redeem the promise
of the genius of Chitor and the lost honours of his race, and whose
birth and early history fill many a page of their annals. His
RANA AJAI SINGH IN EXILE 313
father, Arsi, being out on a hunting excursion in the forest of
Ondua, with some young chiefs of the court, in pursuit of the
boar entered a field of maize, when a female offered to drive out
the game. Pulling one of the stalks of maize, which grows to the
height of ten or twelve feet, she pointed it, and mounting the
platform made to watch the corn, impaled the hog, dragged him
before the hunters, and departed. Though accustomed to feats of
strength and heroism from the nervous arms of their country-
women, the act surprised them. They descended to the stream
at hand, and prepared the repast, as is usual, on the spot. The
feast was held, and comments were passing on the fair arm which
had transfixed the boar, when a baU of clay from a sling fractured
a limb of the prince's steed. Looking in the direction whence
it [268] came, they observed the same damsel, from her elevated
stand,^ preserving her fields from aerial depredators ; but seeing
the mischief she had occasioned she descended to express her
regret and then returned to her pursuit. As they were pro-
ceeding homewards after the sports of the day, they again encoun-
tered the damsel, with a vessel of milk on her head, and leading
in either hand a young buffalo. It was proposed, in frolic, to
overturn her milk, and one of the companions of the prince
dashed rudely by her ; but without being disconcerted, she
entangled one of her charges with the horse's limbs and brought
the rider to the ground. On inquiry the prince discovered that
she was the daughter of a poor Rajput of the Chandano tribe.^
He returned the next day to the same quarter and sent for her
father, v»^ho came and took his seat with perfect independence
close to the prince, to the merriment of his companions, which
was checked by Arsi asking his daughter to wife. They were yet
more surprised by the demand being refused. The Rajput, on
going home, told the more prudent mother, who scolded him
heartily, made him recall the refusal, and seek the prince. They
were married, and Hamir was the son of the Chandano Rajputni.^
^ A stand is fixed upon four poles in the middle of a field, on which a
guard is placed armed with a shng and clay balls, to drive away the ravens,
peacocks, and other birds that destroy the corn.
^ One of the branches of the Ghauhan.
' [The same tale is told of Dhadij, grandson of Prithiraj. the ancestor of
the Dahiya Jats (Rose, Glossary, ii. 220 ; Risley, People of India, 2nd ed.,
179 f.).]
314 ANNALS OF MEWAR
He remained little noticed at the maternal abode till the cata-
strophe of Chitor. At this period lie was twelve years of age, and had
led a rustic Ufe, from which the necessity of the times recalled him.
Mewar occupied by the Musalmans : The Exploit of Hamir. —
Mewar was now occupied by the garrisons of Delhi, and Ajaisi
had besides to contend with the mountain chiefs, amongst whom
Munja Balaicha was the most formidable, who had, on a recent
occasion, invaded the Shero Nala, and personally encountered
the Rana, whom he wounded on the head with a lance. The
Rana's sons, Sajansi and Ajamsi, though fourteen and fifteen, an
age at which a Rajput ought to indicate his future character,
proved of little aid in the emergency. Hamir was summoned,
and accepted the feud against Munja, promising to return success-
ful or not at all. In a few days he was seen entering the pass of
Kelwara with Munja's head at his saddle-bow. Modestly placing
the trophy at his uncle's feet, he exclaimed : " Recognize the
head of your foe ! " Ajaisi ' kissed his beard,' ^ and observing
that fate had stamped empire on his forehead, impressed [269] it
with a tika of blood from the head of the Balaicha. This decided
the fate of the sons of Ajaisi ; one of whom died at Kelwara, and
the other, Sajansi, who might have excited a civil war, was sent
from the country.'- He departed for the Deccan, where his issue
was destined to avenge some of the wrongs the parent country
had sustained, and eventually to overturn the monarchy of
Hindustan ; for Sajansi was the ancestor of Sivaji, the founder of
the Satara throne, whose lineage ' is given in the chronicles of
Mewar.
1 This is an idiomatic phrase ; Hamir could have had no beard.
2 Des desa.
* Ajaisi, Sajansi, DaHpji, Sheoji, Bhoraji, Deoraj, Ugarsen, Mahulji,
Kheluji, Jankoji, Satuji, Sambhaji, Sivaji (the founder of the Mahratta
nation), Sambhaji, Ramraja, usurpation of the Peshwas. The Satara
throne, but for the jealousies of Udaipur, might on the imbecility of Ramraja
have been replenished from Mewar. It was offered to Nathji, the grand-
father of the present chief Sheodan Singh, presumptive heir to Chitor. Two
noble hues were reared from princes of Chitor expelled on similar occasions ;
those of Sivaji and tlie Gorkhas of Nepal. [This pedigree is largely the work
of the bards. But the Mahrattas, who seem to be chiefly sprung from the
Kunbi peasantry, claim Rajput origin, and several of their clans bear
Rajput names. It is said that in 1836 the Rana of Mewar was satisfied
that the Bhonslas and certain other families had the right to be regarded
as Rajputs {Census Report, Bombay, 1901, i. 184 f. ; Russell, Tribes and Castes
Central Provinces, iv. 199 fif.).]
RANA HAAIlR SINGH 315
Rana Hamir Singh, a.d. 1301-64. — Hamir succeeded in S. 1357
(a.d. 1301), and had sixty-four years granted to him to redeem
his country from tlie ruins of the past century, which period had
elapsed since India ceased to own tlie paramount sway of her
native princes. The day on which he assumed the ensigns of rule
he gave, in the tika daur, an earnest of his future energy, which
he signalized by a rapid inroad into the heart of the country of
the predatory Balaicha, and captured their stronghold Pusalia.
We may here explain the nature of this custom of a barbaric
chivalry.
The Inaugural Foray. — The tika daur signifies the foray of
inauguration, which obtained from time immemorial on such
events, and is yet maintained where any semblance of hostility
will allow its execution. On the morning of installation, having
previously received the tika of sovereignty, the prince at the head
of his retainers makes a foray into the territory of any one with
whom he may have a feud, or with whom he may be indifferent
as to exciting one ; he captures a stronghold or plunders a town,
and returns with the trophies. If amity should prevail with all
around, which the prince cares not to disturb, they have still a
mock representation of the custom. For many reigns after the
Jaipur princes united their fortunes to the throne of Delhi their
frontier town, Malpura, was the object of the tika daur of the
princes of Mewar.
Chitor under a Musahnan Garrison. — " \^^len Ajmall ^ went
another road," as the bard figuratively describes the demise of
Rana Ajaisi, " the son of Arsi unsheathed the sword, thence never
stranger to his hand." Maldeo remained with the royal garrison
at Chitor," but Hamir [270] desolated their plains, and left to his
eneinies only the fortified towns which could safely be inhabited.
He commanded all who owned his sovereignty either to quit
their abodes, and retire with their families to the shelter of the
hills on the eastern and western frontiers, or share the fate of the
pubhc enemy. The roads were rendered impassable fi'om his
parties, who issued from their retreats in the Aravalli, the security
^ This is a poetical version of the name of Ajaisi ; a Uberty frequently
taken by the bards for the sake of rhyme.
" [From an inscription at Chitor it appears that the fort remained in the
charge of Muhammadans up to the time of Muhammad Tughlak (1324-51),
who appointed Maldeo of Jalor governor (Erskine ii. A. 16). J
316 ANNALS OF MEWAR
of which baffled pursuit. This destructive pohcy of laying waste
the resources of their own country, and from this asylum attack-
ing their foes as opportimity offered, has obtained from the time
of Mahmud of Ghazni in the tenth, to Muhammad, the last
who merited the name of Emperor of Delhi, in the eighteenth
century.
Resistance of Hamir Singh. — Hamir made Kelwara ^ his resi-
dence, which soon became the chief retreat of the emigrants from
the plams. The situation was admirably chosen, being covered
by several ranges, guarded by intricate defiles, and situated at the
foot of a pass leading over the mountain into a still more inaccess-
ible retreat (where Kumbhalmer now stands)," well watered and
wooded, with abundance of pastures and excellent indigenous
fruits and roots. This tract, above fifty miles in breadth, is
twelve hundred feet above the level of the plains and three thou-
sand above the sea, with a considerable quantity of arable land,
and free communication to obtain supplies by the passes of the
western decUvity from Marwar, Gujarat, or the friendly Bhils,
of the west, to whom this house owes a large debt of gratitude.
On various occasions the communities of Oghna and Panarwa
furnished the princes of Mewar with five thousand bowmen,
supplied them with provisions, or guarded the safety of their
families when they had to oppose the foe in the field. The ele-
vated plateau of the eastern frontier presented in its forests and
deUs many places of security ; but Ala ^ traversed these in person,
destroying as he went : neither did they possess the advantages
of climate and natural productions arising from the elevation of
the other. Such was the state of Mewar : its places of strength
occupied by the foe, cultivation and peacefid objects neglected
from the persevering hostility of Hamir, when a proposal of
marriage came from the Hindu governor of Chitor, wiiich was
immediately accepted, contrary to the [271] wishes of the prince's
advisers.
The Recovery of Chitor. — Whether this was intended as a snare
^ The lake he excavated here, the Hamir-talao, and the temple of the pro-
tecthig goddess on its bank, still bear witness of liis acts while confined to
this retreat.
^ See Plate, view of Kumbhalmer.
^ I have an inscription, and in Sanskrit, set up by an apostate chief or
bard in his train, which I found in this tract.
THE RESISTANCE OF RANA TIAMIR SINGH 317
to entrap him, or merely as an insult, every danger was scouted
by Hamir which gave a chance to the recovery of Chitor. He
desired that ' Vie coco-md ^ might he retained,'' coolly remarking
on the dangers pointed out, " My feet shall at least tread in the
rocky steps in which my ancestors have moved. A Rajput should
always be prepared for reverses ; one day to abandon his abode
covered with wounds, and the next to reascend with the maur
(crown) on his head." It was stipulated that only five hundred
horse should form his suite. As he approached Chitor, the five
sons of the Chauhan advanced to meet him, but on the portal of
the city no toran,^ or nuptial emblem, was suspended. He, how-
ever, accepted the unsatisfactory reply to his remark on this
indication of treachery, and ascended for the first time the ramp
of Chitor. He was received in the ancient halls of his ancestors
by Rao Maldeo, his son Banbir, and other chiefs, xvith folded
hands. The bride was brought forth, and presented by her father
without any of the solemnities practised on such occasions ; ' the
knot of their gannents tied and their hands united,' and thus they
were left. The family priest recommended jjatience, and Hamir
^ This is the symbol of an offer of marriage.
^ The toran is the symbol of marriage. It consists of three wooden bars,
forming an equilateral triangle ; mystic in shape and number, and having
the apex crowned with the effigies of a peacock, it is placed over the portal
of the bride's abode. At Udaipur, when the princes of Jaisalmer, Bikaner,
and Kishangarh sinmltarieously jnarried the two daughters and grand-
daughter of i,he Raiia, the torans were suspended from the battlements of
the tripolia, or three-arched portal, leading to the palace. The bridegrooni.
on horseback, lance in hand, proceeds to break the toran (toran torna), which
is defended by the damsels of the bride, who from the parapet assail him
with missiles of various kinds, especially with a crimson powder made from
the flowers of the palasa, at the same time singing songs fitted to the occa-
sion, replete with doubie-entendres. At length the toran is broken amidst
the shouts of the retainers ; when the fair defenders retire. The simihtude
of these ceremonies in the north of Europe and in Asia increases the list of
common affinities, and indicates the violence of rude times to obtain the
object of affection ; and the lance, with which the Rajput chieftain breaks
the toran, has the same emblematic import as the spear, which, at the marri-
age of the nobles in Sweden, was a necessary implement in the furniture of
the marriage chamber (vide Mallett, Northern Antiquities). [The custom
perhaps represents a symbol of marriage by capture, but it has also been
suggested that it symbolizes the luck of the bride's fam.ily which the bride-
groom acquires by touching the arch with his sword (see Luard, Ethnographic
Survey Central India, 22 ; Enthoven, Folk-lore Notes Gujarat, 69 ; Russell,
Tribes and Castes Central Provinces, ii. 410).]
318 ANNALS OF MEWAR
retired with his bride to the apartments allotted for them. Her
kindness and vows of fidelity overcame his sadness upon learning
that he had married a widow. She had been wedded to a chief
of the Bhatti tribe, shortly afterwards slain, and when she was
so young as not to recollect even his appearance. He ceased to
lament the insult when she herself taught him how it might be
avenged, and that it might even lead to the recovery of Chitor.
It is a privilege possessed by the bridegroom to have one specific
favour complied with as a part of the dower (daeja), and Hamir
was instructed by his bride to ask for Jal, one of the civil [272]
officers of Chitor, and of the Mehta tribe. With his wife so ob-
tained, and the scribe whose talents remained for trial, he returned
in a fortnight to Kelwara. Khetsi was the fruit of this marriage,
on which occasion Maldeo made over all the hill tracts to Hamir.
Khetsi was a year old when one of the penates (Khetrpal) ^ was
foimd at fault, on which she wrote to her parents to invite her to
Chitor, that the infant might be placed before the shrine of the
deity. Escorted by a party from Chitor, with her child she
entered its walls ; and instructed by the Mehta, she gained over
the troops who were left, for the Rao had gone with his chief
adherents against the Mers of Madri. Hamir was at hand.
Notice that all was ready reached him at Bagor. StiU he met
opposition that had nearly, defeated the scheme ; but having
forced admission, his sword overcame every obstacle, and the
oath of allegiance (an) was proclaimed from the palace of his
fathers.
The Sonigira on his return was met with ' a salute of arabas,' ^
and Maldeo himself carried the account of his loss to the Khilji
king Mahmud, who had succeeded Ala. The ' standard of the
sun ' once more shone refulgent from the walls of Chitor, and was
the signal for return to their ancient abodes from their hills and
*hiding-places to the adherents of Hamir. The valleys of Kum-
bhalmer and the western highlands poured forth their ' streams of
men,' while every chief of true Hindu blood rejoiced at the pros-
pect of once more throwing off the barbarian yoke. So powerful
was this feeling, and with such activity and skill did Hamir follow
up this favour of fortune, that he marched to meet Mahmud,
1 [Khetrpal, Kshetrapala, is guardian of the field (Kshetra).]
" A kind of arquebuss [properly the gun-carriage. Irvine, Army of the
Indian Moghuls, 140 ff.]
THE POWER OF RANA HAMIR SINGH 319
who was advancing to recover his lost possessions. The king
unwisely directed his march by the eastern plateau, where numbers
were rendered useless by the intricacies of the country. Of the
three steppes which mark the physiognomy of this tract, from the
first ascent from the plain of Mewar to the descent at Chambal,
the king had encamped on the central, at Singoli, where he was
attacked, defeated, and made prisoner by Hamir, who slew Hari
Singli, brother of Banbir, in single combat. The king suffered a
confinement of three months in Chitor, nor was liberated till he
had surrendered Ajmer, Ranthambor, Nagor, and Sui Sopur,
besides paying fifty lakhs of rupees and one hundred elephants.
Hamir would exact no promise of cessation from further in-
roads, but contented himself with assuring him that from such he
sliould be prepared to defend Chitor, not witliin, but without the
walls [273]. 1
Banbir, the son of Maldeo, offered to serve Hamir, who assigned
the districts of Nimach, Jiran, Ratanpur, and the Kerar to main-
tain the family of his wife in becoming dignity ; and as he gave
the grant he remarked : " Eat, serve, and be faithful. You were
once the servant of a Turk, but now of a Hindu of your own faith ;
for I have but taken back my own, the rock moistened by the
blood of my ancestors, the gift of the deity I adore, and who will
maintain me in it ; nor shall I endanger it by the worship of a
fair face, as ditl my predecessor." Banbir shortly after carried
Bhainsror by assault, and this ancient possession guarding the
Chambal was again added to Mewar.. The chieftains of Rajasthan
rejoiced once more to see a Hindu take the lead, paid willing
homage, and aided him with service when required.
The Power of Rana Hamir Singh. — Hamir was the sole Hindu
prince of power now left in India : all the ancient dynasties were
^ Ferishta does not mention this conquest over the Khilji emperor ; but
as Mewar recovered her wonted splendour in this reign, we cannot doubt the
truth of the native annals. [There is a mistake here. The successor of
Alau-d-dln was Kutbu-d-din Mubarak, who came to the throne in 1316.
Ferishta says that Rai Ratan Singh of Cliitor, who had been taken prisoner
in the siege, was released by the cleverness of his daughter, and that Alau-
d-din ordered liis son, Khizr Khan, tO evacuate the place, on which the Rai
became tributary to Alau-d-dln. Also in 1312 the Rajputs threw the
Muhammadan officers over the ramparts and asserted their independence
(Ferishta, trans. Briggs, i. 363, 381). Erskine says that the attack was
made by Muhammad Tughlak (1324-51).]
320 ANNALS OF MEWAR
crushed, and the ancestors of the present princes of Marwar and
Jaipur brought their levies, paid homage, and obeyed the summons
of the prince of Chitor, as did the chiefs of Bundi, Gwahor, Chan-
deri, Raesin, Sikri, Kalpi, Abu, etc.
Extensive as was the power of Mewar before the Tatar occu-
pation of India, it could scarcely have surpassed the solidity
of sway which she enjoyed during the two centuries following
Hamir's recovery of the capital. From this event to the next
invasion from the same Cimmerian abode, led by Babur, we have
a succession of splendid names recorded in her annals, and though
destined soon to be surrounded by new Muhammadan dynasties,
in Malwa and Gujarat as well as Delhi, yet successfully opposing
them all. The distracted state of affairs when the races of Khilji,
Lodi, and Sur alternately struggled for and obtained the seat of
dominion, Delhi, was favourable to Mewar, whose power was
now so consolidated that she not only repelled armies from her
territory, but carried war abroad, leaving tokens of victory at
Nagor, in Saurashtra, and to the walls of Delhi.
Public Works. — The subjects of Mewar must have enjoyed not
only a long repose, but high prosperity during this period, judging
from their magnificent public works, when a triumphal [274] column
must have cost the income of a kingdom to erect, and which ten
years' produce of the crown-lands of Mewar could not at this
time defray. Only one of the structures prior to the sack of
Chitor was left entire by Ala, and is yet existing, and tliis was
raised by private and sectarian hands. It would be curious if the
unitarian profession of the Jain creed was the means of preserving
this ancient relic from Ala's wrath.^ The princes of this house
were great patrons of the arts, and especially of architecture ;
and it is a matter of surprise how their revenues, derived chiefly
from the soil, could have enabled them to expend so much on
these objects and at the same time maintain such armies as are
enumerated. Such could be effected only by long prosperity
and a mild, paternal system of government ; for the subject had
his monuments as well as the prince, the ruins of which may yet
be discovered in the more inaccessible or deserted portions of
Rajasthan. Hamir died fuU of years, leaving a name still
^ [The Jain tower, kaowu as Kirtti Stamb, ' pillar of fame,' erected in the
twelfth or thirteenth century by Jija, a Bagherwal Mahajan, and dedicated
to Adinath, the first Jain TIrthankara or saint.]
KSHETRA OR KHET SINGH: LAKSH SINGH 321
honoured in Mewar, as one of the wisest and most gallant of her
princes, and bequeathing a well-established and extensive power
to his son.
Kshetra or Khet Singh, a.d. 1364-82. — Khetsi succeeded in
S. 1421 (a.d. 1365) to the power and to the character of his father.
He captured Ajnier and Jahazpur from Lila Pathan, and rean-
nexed Mandalgarh, Dasor, and the whole of Chappan (for the first
time) to Mewar. He obtained a victory over the Delhi monarch
Humayun ^ at Bakrol ; but unhappily his life terminated in a.
family broil with his vassal, the Hara chief of Bumbaoda, whose
daughter he was about to espouse.
Laksh Singh, a.d. 1382-97. — LakhaRana, by this assassination,
mounted the throne in Chitor in S. 1439 (a.d. 1373). His first act
was the entire subjugation of the mountainous region of Merwara,
and the destruction of its chief stronghold, Bairatgarh, where he
erected Badnor. But an event of much greater importance than
settling his frontier, and which most powerfully tended to the
prosperity of the country, was the discovery of the tin and silver
mines of Jawara, in the tract wrested by Khetsi from the Bhils
of Chappan. 2 Lakha Rana has the merit of having first worked
them, though their existence is superstitiously alluded to so early
as the period of the founder. It is said the ' seven metals ' {haft-
dhat) ' were formerly [275] abundant ; but this appears figura-
tive. We have no evidence for the gold, though silver, tin,
copper, lead, and antimony were yielded in abundance (the first
two from the same matrix), but the tin that has been extracted
for many years past yields but a small portion of silver.* Lakha
Rana defeated the Sankhla Rajputs of Nagarchal,^ at Amber.
He encountered the emperor Muhammad Shah Lodi, and on one
^ [The contemporary of Khet Singh at Delhi was Firoz Shah Tughlak.]
* [The mines at Jawar, sixteen miles south of Udaipur city, produce
lead, zinc, and some silver. The mention of tin in the text seems wrong
(Watt, Diet. Econ. Prod. vi. Part iv. 356 ; Gomm. Prod. 1077).]
* Haft-dhat, corresponding to the planets, each of which ruled a metal :
hence Mihr, ' the sun,' for gold ; Chandra, ' the moon,' for silver.
* They have long been abandoned, the miners are extinct, and the pro-
tecting deities of mines are unable to get even a flower placed on their
shrines, though some have been reconsecrated by the Bhils, who have con-
verted Lakshmi into Sitalamata (Juno Lucina), whom the Bhil females
invoke to pass them through danger.
® Jhunjhunu, Singhana, and Narbana formed the ancient Nagarchal
territory. .
VOL. I • Y
322 ANNALS OF MEWAR
occasion defeated a royal army at Badnor ; but he carried the
war to Gaya, and in driving the barbarian from this sacred place
was slain.^ Lakha is a name of celebrity, as a patron of the arts
and benefactor of his country. He excavated many reservoirs
and lakes, raised immense ramparts to dam their waters, besides
erecting strongholds. The riches of the mines of Jawara were
expended to rebuild the temples and palaces levelled by Ala. A
portion of his own palace yet exists, in the same style of archi-
tecture as that, more ancient, of Ratna and the fair Padmini ;
and a minster (mandir) dedicated to the creator (Brahma), an
enormous and costly fabric, is yet entire. Being to ' the One,'
and consequently containing no idol, it may thus have escaped the
ruthless fury of the invaders.
Lakha had a numerous progeny, who have left their clans
called after them, as the Lunawats and Dulawats, now the sturdy
allodial proprietors of the Alpine regions bordering on Oghna,
Panarwa, and other tracts in the Aravalli.^ But a circumstance
which set aside the rights of primogeniture, and transferred the
crown of Chitor from his eldest son, Chonda, to the younger,
Mokal, had nearly carried it to another line. The consequences
of making the elder branch a powerful vassal clan with claims to
the throne, and which have been the chief cause of its subsequent
prostration, we will reserve for another chapter [276].
CHAPTER 7
If devotion to the fair sex be admitted as a criterion of civiliza-
tion, the Rajput must rank high. His susceptibility is extreme,
and fires at the slightest offence to female delicacy, which he
never forgives. A satirical impromptu, involving the sacrifice
^ [There was no Sultan Muhammad Shah Lodi, and that dynasty did
not begin till 1451. Firoz Shah (1351-88) was contemporary of Laksh
Singh at Delhi. It is not hkely that a Rajput in the fourteenth century
conducted a campaign at Gaya in Bengal ; but, according to Har Bilas
Sarda, author of a recent monograph on Rana Kiimbha, the fact is corro-
borated by inscriptions, Peterson, Bhaunagar Inscrijiiions, 90, 117, 119.]
^ The Sarangdeot chief of Kanor (on the borders of Chappan), one of
the sixteen lords of Mewar, is also a descendant of Lakha, as are some of
the tribes of Sondwara, about Pharphara and the ravines of the Kali
Sind.
CHONDA RENOUNCES HIS BIRTHRIGHT 323
of Rajpxit prejudices, dissolved the coalition of the Rathors and
Kachhwahas, and laid each prostrate before the Mahrattas, whom
when united they had crushed : and a jest, apparently trivial,
compromised the right of primogeniture to the throne of Chitor,
and proved more disastrous in its consequences than the arms
either of Moguls or Mahrattas.
Chonda renounces his Birthright. — ^Lakha Rana was advanced
in years, his sons and grandsons established in suitable domains,
when ' the coco-nut came ' from Ranmall, prince of Marwar, to
affiance his daughter with Chonda, the heir of ^lewar. Wlien
the embassy was announced, Chonda was absent, and the old
chief was seated in his chair of state surrounded by his court.
The messenger of Hymen was courteously received by Lakha,
who observed that Chonda would soon return and take the gage ;
" for," added he, drawing his fingers over his moustaches, " I
don't suppose you send such playthings to an old greybeard like
me." This little sally was of course applauded and repeated ;
but Chonda, offended at delicacy being sacrificed to wit, declined
accepting the symbol which his father had even in jest supposed
might be intended for him : and as it could not be returned
without gross insult to Ranmall, the old Rana, incensed at his
son's obstinacy, agreed to accept it himself, pro\nded Chonda
would swear to renounce his birthright in the event of his ha\nng
a son, and be to the child but the ' first of his Rajputs.' He
swore by Eklinga to fulfil his father's wishes.
Rana Mokal, a.d. 1397-1433. — ^Mokalji was the issue of this
union, and had attained the age of five when the Rana resolved
to signalize his finale by a raid against the enemies of their faith
[277], and to expel the ' barbarian ' from the holy land of Gaya.
In ancient times this was by no means uncommon, and we have
several instances in the annals of these States of princes resigning
' the purple ' on the approach of old age, and by a life of austerity
and devotion, pilgrimage and charity, seeking to make their
peace with heaven 'for the sins inevitably committed by all who
wield a sceptre." But when war was made against their religion
by the Tatar proselytes to Islam, the Sutlej and the Ghaggar
were as the banks of the Jordan — Gaya, their Jerusalem, their
holy land ; and if there destiny filled his cup, the Hindu chieftain
was secure of beatitude,^ exempted from the troubles of ' second
1 MuMi.
324 ANNALS OF MEWAR
birth ' ; ^ and borne from the scene of probation in celestial cars
by the Apsaras,^ was introduced at once into the ' realm of the
sun.' ^ Ere, however, the Rana of Chitor journeyed to this
bourne, he was desirous to leave his throne unexposed to civil
strife. The subject of succession had never been renewed ; but
discussing with Chonda his warlike pilgrimage to Gaya, from
which he might not return, he sounded him by asking what estates
should be settled on Mokal. " The throne of Chitor," was the
honest reply ; and to set suspicion at rest, he desired that the cere-
mony of installation should be performed previous to Lakha's
departure. Chonda was the first to pay homage and swear obedi-
ence and fidelity to his future sovereign : reserving, as the recoin-
pense of his renunciation, the first place in the councils, and
stipulating that in all grants to the vassals of the crown, his
symbol (the lance) should be superadded to the autograph of the
prince. In all grants the lance of Salumbar * still precedes the
monogram of the Rana.^
The sacrifice of Chonda to offended delicacy and filial respect
was great, for he had all the qualities requisite for command.
Brave, frank, and skilful, he conducted all public affairs after his
father's departure and death, to the benefit of the minor and the
State. The queen-mother, however, who is admitted as the
natural guardian of her infant's rights on all such occasions, felt
umbrage and discontent at her loss of povv^er ; forgetting that,
but for Chonda, she would never [278] have been mother to the
Rana of Mewar. She watched with a jealous eye all his proceed-
ings ; but it was only through the medium of suspicion she could
accuse the integrity of Chonda, and she artfully asserted that,
under colour of directing state affairs, he was exercising absolute
sovereignty, and that if he did not assume the title of Rana, he
would reduce it to an empty name. Chonda, knowing the purity
of his own motives, made liberal allowance for maternal solicitude ;
but upbraiding the queen with the injustice of her suspicions,
^ This is a literal phrase, denoting further transmigration of the soul,
which is always deemed a punishment. The soldier who falls in battle
in the faithful performance of his duty is alone exempted, according to
their martial mythology, from the pains of ' second birth.'
^ The fair messengers of heaven.
* Sitraj 3Ianda].
* The abode of the chief of the various clans of Chondawat.
6 Vide p. 235.
RATHOR influence in MEWAR : RAGHUDEVA 325
and advising a vigilant care to the rights of Sesodias, he retired
to the court of Mandu, tlien rising into notice, where he was
received with the highest distinctions, and the district of Halar ^
was assigned to him by the king.
Rathor Influence in Mewar.^ — His departure was the signal for
an influx of the kindred of the queen from INIandor. Her brother
Jodha (who afterwards gave his name to Jodhpur) was the first,
and was soon followed by his father, Rao Ranmall, and numerous
adherents, who deemed the arid region of Maru-des, and its rabri,
or maize porridge, well exchanged for the fertile plains and
wheaten bread of Mewar.
Raghudeva, the Mewar Hero. — With his grandson on his knee,
the old Rao " would sit on the throne of Bappa Rawal, on whose
quitting him for play, the regal ensigns of Mewar waved over the
head of Mandor." This was more than the Sesodia nurse ^ (an
important personage in all Hindu governments) could bear, and
bursting with indignation, she demanded of the queen if her kin
was to defraud her own child of his inheritance. The honesty of
the nurse was greater than her prudence. The creed of the Rajput
is to ' obtain sovereignty,' regarding the means as secondary
and this avowal of her suspicions only hastened their designs.
The queen soon found herself without remedy, and a remonstrance
to her father produced a hint which threatened the existence of her
offspring. Her fears were soon after augmented by the assassina-
tion of Raghudeva, the second brother of Chonda, whose estates
were Kelwara and Kawaria. To the former place, where he
resided aloof from the court, Rao Ranmall sent a dress of honour,
which etiquette requiring him to put on when presented, the
prince was assassinated in the act. Raghudeva was so much
beloved for his virtues, courage, and manly beauty, that his [279]
murder became martyrdom, and obtained for him divine honoijrs,
and a place amongst the Di Patres {Pitrideva) of Mewar. His
image is on every hearth, and is daily worshipped with the
Penates. Twice in the year his altars receive public homage
from every Sesodia, from the Rana to the serf.*
1 [Halar in W. Kathiawar (BG, viii. 4).]
^ The Dhdi. The Dhdbhdis, or ' foster-brothers,' often hold lands in
perpetuity, and are employed in the most confidential places ; on embassies,
marriages, etc.
* On the 8th day of the Dasahra, or ' military festival,' when the levies
326 ANNALS OF MEWAR
The Expulsion o£ the Rathor Party. — In this extremity the
queen-mother turned lier thoughts to Chonda, and it was not
difficult to apprise him of the danger which menaced the race,
every place of trust being held by her kinsmen, and the principal
post of Chitor by a Bhatti Rajput of Jaisalmer Chonda, though
at a distance, was not inattentive to the proverbially dangerous
situation of a minor amongst the Rajputs. At his departure he
was accompanied by two hundred Aherias or huntsmen, whose
ancestors had served the princes of Chitor from ancient times.
These had left their families behind, a visit to whom was the
pretext for their introduction to the fort. They were instructed
to get into the service of the keepers of the gates, and, being
considered more attached to the place than to the family, their
object was effected. The queen-mother was counselled to cause
the young prince to descend daily with a numerous retinue to give
feasts to the surrounding villages, and gradually to increase the
distance, but not to fail on the ' festival of lan^js ' ^ to hold the
feast (got) at Gosunda.-
These injmictions were carefully attended to. The day
arrived, the feast was held at Gosunda ; but the night was
closing in, and no Chonda appeared. With heavy hearts the
nurse, the PuroMt,^ and those in the secret moved homeward,
and had reached the emuience called Chitori, when forty horsemen
passed them at the gallop, and at their head Chonda in disguise,
who by a secret sign paid homage as he passed to his younger
are mustered at the Chaugan, or ' Champ de Mars,' and on the 10th of Chait
his altars are purified, and his image is washed and placed thereon. Women
pray for the safety of their children ; husbands, that their wives may be
fruitful. Previously to this, a son of Bappa Rawal was worshipped ; but
after the enshrinement of Raghudeva, the adoration of Kuhsputra was
gradually abohshed. Nor is this custom confined to Mewar : there is a
deified Fuira in every Rajput family — one who has met a violent death.
Besides Ekhnga, the descendants of Bappa have adopted numerous household
divinities : ttie destinies of life and death, Baenmata the goddess of the
Chawaras, Nagnachian the serpent divinity of the Rathors, and Khetrapal,
or ' fosterer of the field,' have with many others obtained a place on the
Sesodia altars. This festival may not unaptly be compared to that of
Adonis amongst the Greeks, for the Putra is worshipped chiefly by women.
^ The Diwali, from diwa, ' a lamp.' This festival is in honour of Lakshmi,
goddess of wealth.
- iSeven miles south of Chitor, on the road to Malwa.
^ The family priest and instructor of youth.
DEATH OF RAO RANMALL 327
brother and sovereign. Chonda and [280] his]^band had reached
the Rampol,^ or upper gate, unchecked. Here, when challenged,
they said they were neighbourmg chieftains, who, hearing of the
feast at Gosunda, had the honour to escort the prince home.
The story obtained credit ; but the main body, of which this was
but the advance, presently coming up, the treachery was apparent.
Chonda unsheathed his sword, and at his well-known shout the
hunters were speedily in action. The Bhatti chief, taken by
surprise, and imable to reach Chonda, launched his dagger at and
wounded him, but was himself slain ; the guards at the gates
were cut to pieces, and the Rathors hunted out and killed without
mercy.
Death of Rao Ranmall. — The end of Rao Ranmall was more
ludicrous than tragical. Smitten with the charms of a Sesodia
handmaid of the queen, who was compeUed to his embrace, the
old chief was in her arms, intoxicated with love, wine, and opium,
and heard no tiling of the tumult without. A woman's wit and
revenge combined to make his end afford some compensation for
her loss of honour. Gently rising, she bound him to his bed with
his own Marwari turban : - nor did this disturb him, and the
messengers of fate had entered ere the opiate allowed his eyes to
open to a sense of his danger. Enraged, he in vain endeavoured
to extricate himself ; and by some tortuosity of movement he
got upon his legs, his jiallet at his back like a shell or shield of
defence. With no arms but a brass vessel of ablution, he levelled
to the earth several of his assailants, when a ball from a matchlock
extended him on the floor of the palace. His son Jodha was in
the lower town, and was indebted to the fleetness of his steed for
escaping the fate of his father and kindred, whose bodies strewed
the terre-pleine of Chitor, the merited reward of their usurpation
and treachery.
The Revenge o£ Chonda. — But Chonda's revenge was not yet
satisfied. He pursued Rao Jodha, who, unable to oppose him,
took refuge with Harbuji Sankhla, leaving Mandor to its fate.
Tins city Chonda entered by surprise, and holding it till his sons
Kantatji and Manjaji arrived with reinforcements, the Rathor
treachery was repaid by their keeping possession of the« capital
during twelve years. We might here leave the future founder
^ Rampol, ' the gate of Ram.'
* Often sixty cubits in length.
328 ANNALS OF MEWAR
of Jodhpur, had not this feud led to the junction of the rich [281]
province of Godwar to Mewar, held for three centuries and again
lost by treachery. It may yet involve a struggle between the
Sesodias and Rathors.^
" Sweet are the uses of adversity." To Jodha it was the first
step in the ladder of his eventual elevation. A century and a
half had scarcely elapsed since a colony, the wreck of Kanauj,
found an asylum, and at length a kingdom, taking possession of
one capital and founding another, abandoning Mandor and
erecting Jodhpur. But even Jodha could never have hoped that
his issue would have extended their sway from the valley of the
Indus to within one hundred miles of the Jumna, and from the
desert bordering on the Sutlej to the Aravalli mountains : that
one hundred thousand swords should at once be in the hands of
Rathors, ' the sons of one father' {ek Bap ke Betan).
If we slightly encroach upon the annals of Marwar, it is owing
to its history and that of Mewar being here so interwoven, and
the incidents these events gave birth so illustrative of the national
character of each, that it is, perhaps, more expedient to advert
to the period when Jodha was shut out from Mandor, and the
means by which he regained that city, previous to relating the
events of the reign of Mokal.
Harbuji Sankhla. — Harbuji Sankhla, at once a soldier and a
devotee, was one of those Rajput cavaliers ' sans peur et sans
reproche,'' wjiose life of celibacy and perilous adventure was
mingled with the austere devotion of an ascetic ; by turns aiding
with his lance the cause which he deemed worthy, or exercising
an unbounded hospitality towards the stranger. This generosity
had much reduced his resources when Jodha sought his protection.
It was the eve of the Sada-bart, one of those hospitable rites which,
in former times, characterized Rajwara. This ' perpetual charity '
supplies food to the stranger and traveller, and is distributed not
only by individual chiefs and by the government, but by sub-
scriptions of communities. Even in Mewar, in her present
impoverished condition, the offerings to the gods in support of
their shrines and the establishment of the Sada-bart were simul-
taneous. Hospitality is a virtue pronounced to belong more
peculiarly to a semi-barbarous condition. Alas ! for refinement
^ [Godwar, including the Bali and Desuri districts in S.E. Marwar, is
now known as the Desuri Hukumat : see Erskine iii. A. 180 f.]
HARBUJI SANKHLA 329
and ultra-civilization, strangers to the happiness enjoyed by
Harbuji Sankhla. Jodha, with one hundred and twenty followers,
came to solicit the ' stranger's fare ' : but unfortunately it was
too late, the Sada-bart had been distributed. In this exigence,
Harbuji recollected that there was a wood [282] called nrnjd,^
used in dyeing, which among other things in the desert regions
is resorted to in scarcity. A portion of this was bruised, and
boiled with some flour, sugar, and spices, making altogether a
palatable pottage ; and with a promise of better fare on the
morrow, it was set before the young Rao and liis followers, who,
after making a good repast, soon forgot Chitor in sleep. On
waking, each stared at his fellow, for their mustachios were dyed
with their evening's meal ; but the old chief, who was not disposed
to reveal his expedient, made it minister to their hopes by giving
it a miraculous character, and saying " that as the grey of age
was thus metamorjjhosed into the tint of morn^ and hope, so
would their fortunes become young, and Mandor again be theirs."
Elevated by this prospect, they enlisted Harbuji on their side.
He accompanied them to the chieftain of Mewa, " whose stables
contained one hundred chosen steeds." Pabuji, a third inde-
pendent of the same stamp, with his ' coal-black steed,' was
gained to the cause, and Jodha soon found himself strong enough
to attempt the recovery of his capital. The sons of Chonda were
taken by surprise : but despising the numbers of the foe, and
ignorant who were their auxiliaries, they descended sword in
hand to meet the assailants. The elder ^ son of Chonda with
^ The wood of Solomon's temple is called ahnug ; the prefix al is merely
the article [?]. This is the wood also mentioned in the annals of Gujarat,
of which the temple to Adinatli was constructed. It is said to be indestruc-
tible even by fire. It has been surmised that the fleets of Tyre frequented
the Indian coast : could they thence have carried the Almujd for the temple
of Solomon ? [Almug, according to the Encyclopcedia Biblica (i. 1196) is
either Brazil-wood or red sandalwood (Pterocarpus santalinus). Sir G. Watt,
who has kindly examined the question, thinks it very improbable that the
mujd of the text is almug wood, because neither the true sandalwood {Scm-
tahim album) nor the red sandalwood [Pterocarpus santalinus) is found
in Rajputana. He identifies the inujd of the text with Moringa concanensis,
a sinaU tree found wild in Sind and the Konkan, which yields a gum of
considerable value, and its congener Moriruja pferygospertna {Comm. Prod.
784), the horse-radish tree of India, is used as a dye in Jamaica, and probably
could be so used in India.]
* This wood has a brownish-red tint.
^ This is related with some variation in other annals of the period.
330 ANNALS OF MEWAR
many adherents was slain ; and the younger, deserted by the
subjects of Mandor, trusted to the swiftness of his horse for
escape ; but being pursued, was overtaken and killed on the
boundary of Godwar. Thus Jodha, in his turn, was revenged,
but the ' feud was not balanced.' Two sons of Chitor had
fallen for one chief of Mandor. But wisely reflecting on the
original aggression, and the superior power of Mewar, as well as
his being indebted for his present success to foreign aid, Jodha
sued for peace, and offered as the mundkati, or ' price of blood,'
and ' to quench the feud,' that the spot where Manja fell should
be the future barrier of the two States. The entire province of
Godwar was comprehended in the cession, which for three cen-
turies withstood every contention, till the internal dissensions
of the last half century, which grew out of the cause by wliich [283]
it was obtained, and the change of succession in Mewar severed
this most valuable acquisition.^
Who would imagine, after such deadly feuds between these
rival States, that in the very next succession these hostile frays
were not only buried in oblivion, but that the prince of Marwar
abjured ' liis turban and his bed ' till he had revenged the
assassination of the prince of Chitor, and restored his infant heir
to his rights ? The amials of these States afford numerous
instances of the same hasty, overbearing temperament governing
all ; easily moved to strife, impatient of revenge, and steadfast
in its gratification. But this satisfied, resentment subsides. A
daughter of the offender given to wife banishes its remembrance,
and when the bard joins the lately rival names in the couplet,
each will complacently curl his mustachio over his lip as he hears
his ' renown expand like the lotus,' and thus ' the feud is
extinguished.' Thus have they gone on from time immemorial,
and will continue, till what we may fear to contemplate. They
have now neither friend nor foe but the British. The Tatar
invader sleeps in his tomb, and the INIahratta depredator is
muzzled and enchained. To return.
1 There is little hope, while British power acts as high constable and
keeper of the peace in Rajwara, of this being recovered : nor, were it other-
wise, would it be desirable to see it become an object of contention between
these States. Marwar has attained much grandeur since the time of Jodha,
and her resources are more unbroken than those of Mewar, who, if she
could redeem, could not, from its exposed position, maintain the province
against the brave Bathor.
MOIvAI.: LAL BAI 331
Mokal, A.D. 1397-1433. — Mokal, who; obtained the throne by
Chonda's surrender of his birthright, was not destined long to
enjoy the distinction, though he evinced quahties worthy of
heading the Sesodias". He ascended the throne in S. 1454 (a.d.
1398), at an miportant era in the history of India ; when Timur,
who had already established the race of Chagatai in the kingdoms
of Central Asia, and laid prostrate the throne of Byzantium,
turned his arms towards India. But it was not a field for his
ambition; and the event is not even noticed in the annals of
Mewar : a proof that it did not affect their repose. But they
record an attempted mvasion by the king of Delhi, which is
erroneously stated to have been by Firoz Shah. A grandson of
this prince had indeed been set up, and compelled to flee from
the arms of Timur, and as the direction of his flight was Gujarat,
it is not miiikely that the recorded attempt to penetrate by the
passes of Mewar may have been his [284]. Be this as it may,
the Rana Mokal anticipated and met him beyond the passes
of the Aravalli, in the field of Raepur, and compelled him to
abandon his enterprise. Pursuing liis success, he took posses-
sion of Sanibhar and its salt lakes, and otherwise extended and
strengthened liis territory, which the distracted state of the
empire consequent to Timur's invasion rendered a matter of
little difficulty. Mokal fmished the palace conunenced by
Laldia, now a mass of ruins ; and erected the shrine of Chatur-
bhuja, ' the four-armed deity,' ^ in the western hills.
Lai Bai. — Besides tliree sons, Rana Mokal had a daughter,
celebrated for her beauty, called Lai Bai, or ' the ruby.' She
was betrothed to the Khiclii chieftain of Gagraun, who at the
Hathleva - demanded the pledge of succour on foreign invasion .
Dhiraj, the son of the Ivliichi, had come to solicit the stipulated
aid agamst Hoshang of Malwa, who had invested their capital.
The Rana's headquarters were then at Madri, and he was em-
ployed in quelling a revolt of the mountaineers, when Dhiraj
arrived and obtained the necessary aid. Madri was destined to be
the scene of the termination of Mokal's career : he was assassmated
by liis uncles, the natural brothers of his father, from an uninten-
tional offence, which tradition has handed down in aU its details.
^ [The four-armed Vishuu, the favourite deity of the Mertia Rathors
{Census Report, Bajpuiana, 1891, ii. 26).]
' The ceremony of joining hands.
332 ANNALS OF MEWAR
Assassination of Rana Mokal. — Chacha and Mera were the
natural sons of Khetsi Rana (the predecessor of Lakha) ; their
mother a fair handmaid of low descent, generally allowed to be a
carpenter's daughter. ' The fifth sons of Mewar ' (as the natural
children are figuratively termed) possess no rank, and though
treated with kindness, and entrusted with confidential employ-
ments, the sons of the chiefs of the second class take precedence
of them, and ' sit higher on the carpet.' These brothers had the
charge of seven hundred horse in the train of Rana Mokal at
Madri. Some chiefs at enmity with them, conceiving that they
had overstepped their privileges, wished to see them humiliated.
Chance procured them the opportunity : which, however, cost
their prince his life. Seated in a grove with his chiefs around
him, he inquired the name of a particular tree. The Chauhan
chief, feigning ignorance, whispered him to ask either of the
brothers ; and not perceiving their scope, he artlessly did so.
" Uncle, what tree is this ? " The sarcasm thus prompted they
considered as reflecting on their birth (being sons [285] of the
carpenter's daughter), and the same day, while Mokal was at
his devotions, and in the act of counting his rosary, one blow
severed his arm from his body, while another stretched him
lifeless. The brothers, quickly mounting their steeds, had the
audacity to hope to surprise Chitor, but the gates were closed
upon them.
Rana Kiimbha, a.d. 1433-68. — Though the murder of Mokal
is related to have no other cause than tlie sarcasm alluded to,
the precautions taken by the young prince Kumbha,^ his suc-
cessor, would induce a belief that this was but the opening of a
deep-laid conspiracy. The traitors returned to the stronghold
near Madri, and Kumbha trusted to the friendship and good
feeling of the prince of Marwar in this emergency. His confidence
was well repaid. The prince put his son at the head of a force,
and the retreat of the assassins being near his own frontier, they
were encountered and dislodged. From Madri they fled to Pai,
where they strengthened a fortress in the mountains named
Ratakot ; a lofty peak of the compound chain whicli encircles
IJdaipur, visible from the" surrounding country, as are the remains
of this stronghold of the assassins. It would appear that their
^ [His mother was a Praraar, Subhagya Devi, daughter of Raja Jaitmall,
Sankhla.]
RANA KUMBHA 333
lives were dissolute, for they had carried off the virgin daughter
of a Chauhan, which led to their eventual detection and punish-
ment. Her father, Suja, had traced the route of the ravishers,
and, mixing Avith the workmen, foimd that the approaches to the
place of their concealment were capable of being scaled. He
was about to lay his complaint before his prince, when he met the
cavalcade of Kumbha and the Rathor. The distressed father,
' covering his face,' disclosed the story of his own and daughter's
dishonour. They encamped till night at Delwara, when, led by
the Chandana, they issued forth to surprise the authors of so
many evils.
Suja and the Tiger. — Arrived at the base of the rock, where
the parapet was yet low, they commenced the escalade, aided
by the thick foliage. The path was steep and rugged, and in the
darkness of the night each had grasped his neighbour's skirt for
security. Animated by a just revenge, the Chauhan (Suja) led
the way, when on reaching a ledge of the rock the glaring eyeballs
of a tigress flashed upon him. Undismayed, he squeezed the
hand of the Rathor prince who followed him, and who on per-
ceiving the object of terror instantly buried his poignard in her
heart This omen was superb. They soon reached the summit.
Some had ascended the parapet ; others were scrambling over,
when the minstrel [286] slipping, fell, and his drum, which was to
have accompanied his voice in singing the conquest, awoke by
its crash the daughter of Chacha. Her father quieted her fears
by saying it was only " the thunder and the rains of Bhadon " :
to fear God only and go to sleep, for their enemies were safe at
Kelwa. At this moment the Rao and his party rushed in.
Chacha and Mera had no time to avoid their fate. Chacha was
cleft in two by the Chandana, while the Rathor prince laid Mera
at his feet, and the spoils of Ratakot were divided among the
assailants.
CHAPTER 8
Bana Kumbha, a.d. 1433-68. — Kumbha succeeded his father
in S. 1475 (a.d. 1419) ; ^ nor did any symptom of dissatisfaction
^ [The dates given in the margin are based on recently found inscriptions
(Har Bilas Sarda, Maharana Kumbha : Sovereign, Soldier, Scholar, Ajmer,
1917, p. 2.]
334 ANNALS OF MEWAR
appear to usher in his reign, which was one of great success
amidst no common difficulties. The bardic historians ^ do as
much honour to the Marwar prince, who had made common
cause with their sovereign in revenging the death of his father,
as if it had involved the security of his crown ; but this was a
precautionary measure of the prince, who was induced thus to
act from several motives, and, above all, in accordance with
usage, which stigmatizes the refusal of aid when demanded :
besides ' Kumbha was the nephew of Marwar.'
It has rarely occurred in any country to have possessed suc-
cessively so many energetic princes as ruled Mewar through
several centuries. She was now in the middle path of her glory,
and enjoying the legitimate triumph of seeing the foes of her
religion captives on the rock of her power. A century had
elapsed since the bigot Ala had wreaked his vengeance on the
different monuments of art. Chitor had recovered the sack, and
new defenders had sprung up in the place [287] of those who had
fallen in their ' saffron robes,' a sacrifice for her preservation.
All that was wanting to augment her resources against the
storms which were collecting on the brows of Caucasus and the
shores of the Oxus, and were destined to burst on the head of his
grandson Sanga, was effected by Kumbha ; who with Hamir's
energy, Lakha's taste for the arts, and a genius comprehensive
as either and more fortunate, succeeded in all his undertakings,
and once more raised the ' crimson banner ' of Mewar upon the
banks of the Ghaggar, the scene of Samarsi's defeat. I/Ct us
contrast the patriarchal Hindu governments of this period with
the despotism of the Tatar invader.
From the age of Shihabu-d-din, the conqueror of India, and
his contemporary Samarsi, to the time we have now reached,
two entire dynasties, numbering twenty-four emperors and one
empress, through assassination, rebellion, and dethronement,
had followed in rapid succession, yielding a result of only nine
years to a reign. Of Mewar, though several fell in defending
their altars at home or their religion abroad, eleven princes
suffice to fill the same period.
It was towards the close of the Khilji dynasty that the satraps
^ The Raj Ratana, by Ranchhor Bhat, says : " The Mandor Rao was
pardhan, or premier to Mokal, and conquered Nawa and Didwana for
Mewar."
THE DEFEAT OF MAHMHD OF MALWA 335
of Delhi shook off its authority and estabhshed subordinate
kingdoms : Bijapur and Golkonda in the Deccan ; Malwa,
Gujarat, Jaunpur in the east ; and even Kalpi had its king.
Malwa and Gujarat had attained considerable power when
Kumbha ascended the throne. In the midst of his prosperity
these two States formed a league against him, and in S. 1496
(a.d. 1440) both kings, at the head of powerful armies, invaded
Mewar. Kumbha met them on the plains of Malwa bordering
on his own State, and at the head of one hundred thousand horse
and foot and fourteen hundred elephants, gave them an entire
defeat, carrying captive to Chitor Mahmud the Khilji sovereign
of Malwa.
Abu-1 Fazl relates this victory, and dilates on Kumbha's
greatness of soul in setting his enemy at libeii;y, not only without
ransom but with gifts.^ Such is the character of the Hindu : a
mixture of arrogance, political blindness, pride, and generosity.
To spare a prostrate foe is the creed of the Hindu cavalier, and
he carries all such maxims to excess. The annals, however, state
that Mahmud was confined six months in Chitor ; and that the
trophies of conquest were retained we have evidence from Babur,
who mentions receiving from the son of his opponent, Sanga, the
crown of the Malwa king.
The Tower of Victory. — But there is a more durable [288]
monument than this written record of victory : the triumphal
pillar in Chitor, whose inscriptions detail the event, " when,
shaking the earth, the lords of Gujarkhand and P»Ialwa, with
armies overwhelming as the ocean, invaded Medpat." Eleven
years after this event Kumbha laid the foundations of this
column, which was completed in ten more : a period apparently
too short to place " this ringlet on the brow of Chitor, which
makes her look down upon Meru with derision." We will leave
it, with the aspiration that it may long continue a monument of
the fortune of its founders.^
It would appear that the Malwa king afterwards united his
^ [It is the generosity of Rana Sanga to Muzaffar Shah of which Abn-1
Fazl speaks (Ain, ii. 221).]
^ [The Musalman historians give a different account. Ferishta says that
Mahmud stormed the lower part of Cliitor, and that the Rana fled (iv. 209).
At any rate, Mahmiid erected a tower of victory at Mandu (IGI, xvii. 173).
The result was probably indecisive. For Kumbha's pillar see Fergusson,
Hist. Indian Architecture, ii. 59 ; Smith, HFA. 202 f.]
336 ANNALS OF MEWAR
arms with Kumbha, as, in a victory gained over the imperial
forces at Jhunjhumi, when ' he planted his standard in Hissar,'
the Malwa troops were combined with those of Mewar. The
imperial power had at this period greatly declined : the KJiutba
was read in the mosques in the name of Timur, and the Malwa
king had defeated, single-handed, the last Ghorian sultan of
Delhi.
The Fortresses of Mewar. — Of eighty-four fortresses for the
defence of Mewar, thirty-tv.^o were erected by Kumbha. Inferior
only to Chitor is that stupendous work called after him Kum-
bhalmer,^ ' the hill of Kumbha,' from its natural position, and
the works he raised, impregnable to a native army. These works
were on the site of a more ancient fortress, of which the moun-
taineers long held possession. Tradition ascribes it to Samprati
Raja, a Jain prince in the second century, and a descendant of
Chandragupta ; ^ and the ancient Jain temples appear to confirm
the tradition. When Kumbha captured Nagor he brought away
the gates, with the statue of the god Hanuman, who gives his
name to the gate which he still guards. He also erected a citadel
on a peak of Abu, within the fortress of the ancient Pramara,
where he often resided. Its magazine and alarm-tower still
bear Kumbha's name ; and in a rude temple the bronze effigies
of Kumbha and his father still receive divine honours.* Centuries
have passed since the princes of Mewar had influence here, but
the incident marks the vivid remembrance of their condition.
He fortified the passes between the western frontier and Abu,
and erected the fort Vasanti near the present Sirohi, and that of
Machin, to defend the Shero Nala and Deogarh against the Mers
of Aravalli. He re-established Ahor and other smaller [289]
forts to overawe the Bhumia * Bhil of Jharol and Panarwa, and
defined the boundaries of Marwar and Mewar.
Temples. — Besides these monuments of his genius, two conse-
crated to religion have survived : that of Kumbha Sham, on
Abu, which, though worthy to attract notice elsewhere, is here
eclipsed by a crowd of more interesting objects ; the other, one
^ Pronounced Kumalmer.
2 [Grandson_of Asoka (Smith, EHI, 192 f.).]
^ [For the Abu temples see Tod, Western India, 75 £f. ; Erskine iii. A.
295.]
* A powerful phrase, indicating ' possessor of the soil.'
TEMPLES: MiRA BAl 337
of the largest edifices existing, cost upwards of a million sterling,
towards which Kumbha contributed eighty thousand pounds.
It is erected in the Sadri pass leading from the western descent
of the highlands of Mewar, and is dedicated to Rishabhadeva.^
Its secluded position has preserved it from bigoted fury, and its
only visitants now are the wild beasts who take shelter in its
sanctuary. Kumbha Rana was also a poet : but in a far more
elevated strain than the troubadour princes, his neighbours, who
contented themselves with rehearsing their own prowess or
celebrating their lady's beauty. He composed a tika, or appendix
to the ' Divine Melodies,' ^ in praise of Krishna. We can pass
no judgment on these inspirations of the royal bard, as we are
ignorant whether any are preserved in the records of the house :
a point his descendant, who is deeply skilled in such lore, might
probably answer.
Mira Bai. — Kumbha married a daughter of the Rathor of
Merta, the first of the clans of Marwar. Mira Bai * was the most
celebrated princess of her time for beauty and romantic piety.
Her compositions were numerous, though better known to the
worshippers of the Hindu Apollo than to the ribald bards. Some
of her odes and hymns to the deity are preserved and admired.
Whether she imbibed her poetic piety from her husband, or
^ The Rana's minister, of the Jain faith, and of the tribe Porwar (one of
the twelve and a half divisions), laid the foundation of this temple in a.d.
1438. It was completed by subscription. It consists of three stories, and
is supported by numerous columns of granite, upwards of forty feet in height.
The interior is inlaid with mosaics of cornelian and agate. The statues of
the Jain saints are in its subterranean vaults. We could not expect much
elegance at a period when the arts had long been declining, but it would
doubtless afford a fair specimen of them, and enable us to trace their gradual
descent in the scale of refinement. This temple is an additional proof of
the early existence of the art of inlaying. That I did not see it is now to me
one of the many vain regrets which I might have avoided.
^ Gita Govinda.
^ [She was daughter of Ratiya Rana, and was married to Kiimbha in 1413.
Her great work is the Rag Gobind (Grierson, Modern Literature of Hindustan,
12 ; Macauhffe, The Sikh Religion, vi. 342 ff. ; I A, xxv. 19, xxxii. 329 £f. ;
ASR, xxiii. 106). As an illustration of the uncertainty of early Mewar
history, according to Har Bilas Sarda, author of the monograph on Rana
Kumbha, Mira Bai was not wife of Kiimbha, but of Bhojraj, son of Rana
Sanga. She was daughter of Ratan Singh of Merta, fourth son of Rao
Duda (a.d. 1461-62). She was married to Bhojraj a.d. 1516, and died in
1546.]
VOL. I 7.
338 ANNALS OF MEWAR
whether from her lie caught the sympathy which produced the
' sequel to the songs of Govinda,' we caruiot determine. Her
history is a romance, and her excess of devotion at every shrine
of the favourite deity with the fair of Hind, from the Yamuna to
' the world's end,' ^ gave rise to many [290] tales of scandal.
Kumbha mixed gallantry with his warlike pursuits. He carried
off the daughter of the chief of Jhalawar, who had been betrothed
to the prince of Mandor : this renewed the old feud, and the
Rathor made many attempts to redeem his affianced bride. His
humiliation was insupportable, when through the purified atmo-
sphere of the periodical rains " the towers of Kumbhalmer became
visible from the castle of Mandor, and the light radiated from the
chamber of the fair through the gloom of a night in Bhadon,^ to
the hall where he brooded o'er his sorrows." It was surmised
that this night-lamp was an understood signal of the Jhalani,
who pined at the decree which ambition had dictated to her
father, in consigning her to the more powerful rival of her affianced
lord. The Rathor exhausted every resource to gain access to the
fair, and had once nearly succeeded in a surprise by escalade,
having cut his way in the night through the forest in the western
and least guarded acclivity : but, as the bard equivocally remarks,
" though he cut his way through the jhal (brushwood), he could
not reach the Jhalani."
The Assassination of Bana Kiimbha, a.d. 1468. — Kumbha had
occupied the throne half a century ; he had triumphed over the
enemies of his race, fortified his country with strongholds, em-
bellished it with temples, and with the superstructure of her fame
had laid the foundation of his own — when, the year which should
have been a jubilee was disgraced by the foulest blot in the annals ;
and his life, which nature was about to close, terminated by the
poignard of an assassin — that assassin, his son !
RanaUda, a.d. 1468-73.— This happened in S. 1525 (a.d. 1469).
Uda was the name of the parricide, whose unnatural ambition,
and impatience to enjoy a short lustre of sovereignty, bereft of
life the author of his existence. But such is the detestation
which marks this unusual crime that, like that of the Venetian
traitor, his name is left a blank in the annals, nor is Uda known
but by the epithet Hatyara, ' the murderer.' Shunned by his
kin, and compelled to look abroad for succour to maintain him
^ Jagat Khunt, or Dwarka. ^ The darkest of the rainy months.
RANA UDA : BANISHMENT OF THE CHARANS 339
on the throne polkited by his crime, Mewar in five years of
illegitimate rule lost half the consequence which had cost so many
to acquire. He made the Deora prince independent in Abu, and
bestowed Sambhar, Ajmer, and adjacent districts on the prince
of Jodhpur ^ as the price of his friendship. But, a prey to re-
morse, he felt that he [291] could neither claim regard from, nor
place any dependence upon, these princes, though he bribed them
Avith provinces. He humbled himself before the king of Delhi,
offering him a daughter in marriage to obtain his sanction to his
authority ; " but heaven manifested its vengeance to prevent
this additional iniquity, and preserve the house of Bappa Rawal
from dishonour." He had scarcely quitted the divan {diwan-
khana), on taking leave of the king, when a flash of lightning
struck the Hatyara to the earth, whence he never arose .^ The
bards pass over this period cursorily, as one of their race was the
instrument of Uda's crime.
Banishment of the Charans. — There has always been a jealousy
between the Mangtas, as they term all classes ' who extend the,'
palm,' whether Brahmans, Yatis, Charans, or Bhats ; but since!
Hamir, the Charan influence had far eclipsed the rest. A Brahman
astrologer predicted Kumbha's death through a Charan, and as
the class had given other cause of offence, Kumbha banished
the fraternity his dominions, resuming all their lands : a strong
measure in those days, and which few would have had nerve to
attempt or firmness to execute. The heir-apparent, Raemall,
who was exiled to Idar for what his father deemed an impertinent
curiosity,^ had attached one of these bards to his suite, whose
ingenuity got the edict set aside, and his race restored to their
lands and the prince's favour. Had they taken off the Brahman's
head, they might have falsified the prediction which unhappily
was too soon fulfilled.*
^ Jodha laid the foundation of his new capital in S. 1515 [a.d. 1459], ten
years anterior to the event we are recording.
2 [See p. 268 above.]
^ He had observed that his father, ever since the victory over the king at
•Jhunjhunu, before he took a seat, thrice waved his sword in circles over his
head, pronouncing at the same time some incantation. Inquiry into the
meaning of this was the cause of his banishment.
* During the rains of 1820, when the author was residing at Udaipur, the
Rana fell ill.; his complaint was an intermittent (which for several years
returned with the monsoon), at the same time that he was jaundiced with
340 ANNAI-S OF MEWAR
Rana Raemall, a.d. 1473-1508. — Raemall succeeded in S. 1530
(a.d. 1474) by his own valour to the seat of Kumbha. He had
fought and defeated the usurper, who on this occasion fied to the
king of Delhi and offered him a daughter of Mewar. After his
death in the manner described, the Delhi monarch, with Sahasmall
[292] and Surajmall, sons of the parricide, invaded Mewar, encamp-
ing at Siarh, now Nathdwara. The chiefs were faithful to their
legitimate prince, Raemall, and aided by his allies of Abu and
Girnar, at the head of fifty-eight thousand horse and eleven
thousand foot, he gave battle to the pretender and his imperial
ally at Ghasa. The conflict was ferocious. ' The streams ran
blood,' for the sons of the usurper were brave as lions ; but the
king was so completely routed that he never again entered Mewar.
Raemall bestowed one daughter on Surji (Yadu), the chief of
Girnar ; and another on the Deora, Jaimall of Sirohi, confirming
his title to Abu as her dower. He sustained the warlike reputa-
tion of his predecessors, and carried on interminable strife with
Ghiyasu-d-din of Malwa, whom he defeated in several pitched
battles, to the success of which the valour of his nephews, whom
he had pardoned, mainly contributed. In the last of these
encounters the Khilji king sued for peace, renouncing the pre-
tensions he had formerly urged."^ The dynasty of Lodi next
enjoyed the imperial bauble, and with it Mewar had to contest
her northern boundary.
The Sons of Rana Raemall. — Raemall had three sons, celebrated
bile. An intriguing Brahman, who managed the estates of the Rana's
eldest sister, held also the twofold office of physician and astrologer to the
Rana. He had predicted that year as one of evil in his horoscope, and was
about to verify the prophecy, since, instead of the active medicines requisite,
he was admijiistering the Haft dhat, or ' seven metals,' compounded. Having
a most sincere regard for the Rana's welfare, the author seized the opportunity
of a full court being assembled on the distribution of swords and coco-nuts
preparatory to the military festival, to ask a personal favour. The Rana,
smiUng, said that it was granted, when he was entreated to leave off the
poison he was taking. He did so ; the amendment was soon visible, and,
aided by the medicines of Dr. Duncan, which he readily took, his complaint
was speedily cured. The ' man of fate and physic ' lost half his estates,
which he had obtained through intrigue. He was succeeded by Amra the
bard, who is not hkely to ransack the pharmacopoeia for such poisonous
ingredients ; his ordinary prescription being the ' amrit.'
^ [Ferishta does not mention these campaigns (iv. 236 ff.), and Ghiyasu-d-
dln (a.d. 1469-99) is said to have spent his life in luxury and never to have
left his palace {BG, i. Part i. 362 ff.).]
THE SONS OP RANA RAEMALL 341
in the annals of Rajasthan : Sanga, the competitor of Babiir,
Prithiraj, the Rolando of his age, and Jaimall, Unhappily for
the country and their father's repose, fraternal affection was
discarded for deadly hate, and their feuds and dissensions were a
source of constant alarm. Had discord not disunited them, the
reign of Raemall would have equalled any of his predecessors.
As it was, it presented a striking contrast to them : his two elder
sons banished ; the first, Sanga, self-exiled from perpetual fear
of his life, and Prithiraj, the second, from his turbulence ; while
the youngest, Jaimall, was slain through his intemperance. A
sketch of these feuds will present a good picture of the Rajput
character, and their mode of life when their arms were not required
against their country's foes.
Sanga ^ and Prithiraj were the offspring of the .Jhali queen ;
Jaimall was by another mother. What moral influence the name
he bore had on Prithiraj we can surmise only from his actions,
which would stand comparison with those of his prototype [293]
the Chauhan of Delhi, and are yet the delight of the Sesodia.
When they assemble at the feast after a day's sport, or in a sultry
evening spread the carpet on the terrace to inhale the leaf or take
a cup of kusumbha,^ a tale of Prithiraj recited by the bard is the
highest treat they can enjoy. Sanga, the heir-apparent, was a
contrast to his brother. Equally brave, his courage was tempered
by reflection ; while Prithiraj burned with a perpetual thirst for
action, and often observed " that fate must have intended him
to rule Mewar." The three brothers, with their uncle, Surajmall,
were one day discussing these topics, when Sanga observed that,
though heir to ' the ten thousand towns ' of Mewar, he would
waive his claims, and trust them, as did the Roman brothers, to
the omen which should be given by the priestess of Charani Devi
at Nahra Magra,^ the ' Tiger's Mount.' They repaired to her
abode. Prithiraj and Jaimall entered first, and seated themselves
on a pallet : Sanga followed and took possession of the panther
hide of the prophetess ; his uncle, Surajmall, with one knee
resting thereon. Scarcely had Prithiraj disclosed their errand,
when the sibyl pointed to the panther-hide * as the decisive omen
^ His name classically is Sangram Singh, ' the Hon of war.'
^ [Infusion of opium.]
* About ten miles east of Udaipur.
* Singhasan is the ancient term for the Hindu throne, signifying ' the
342 ANNALS OF MEWAR
of sovereignty to Sanga, with a portion to his uncle. They re-
ceived the decree as did the twins of Rome. Prithiraj drew his
sword and would have falsified the omen, had not Surajmall
stepped in and received the blow destined for Sanga, while the
prophetess fled from their fury. Surajmall and Prithiraj were
exliausted with wounds, and Sanga fled with five sword-cuts and
an arrow in Ms eye, which destroyed the sight for ever. He made
for the sanctuary of Chaturbhuja, and passing Sivanti, took
refuge with Bida (Udawat), who was accoutred for a journey, his
steed standing by him. Scarcely had he assisted the wounded heir
of Mewar to alight when JaimaU gaUoped up in pursuit. The
Rathor guarded the sanctuary, and gave up his life in defence of
his guest, who meanwhile escaped.
Retirement of Sanga. — Prithiraj recovered from his wounds ;
and Sanga, aware of his implacable enmity, had recourse to many
expedients to avoid discovery. He, who at a future period leagued
a hundred thousand men against the descendant of Timur, was
compelled to associate with goat-herds, expelled the peasant's
abode as too stupid [294] to tend his cattle, and, precisely like our
Alfred the Great, having in charge some cakes of flour, was re-
proached with being more desirous of eating than tending them.
A few faithful Rajputs found him in this state, and, providing him
with arms and a horse, they took service with Rao Karamchand,
Pramar, chief of Srinagar,"^ and with him ' ran the country.'
After one of these raids, Sanga one day alighted under a banian
tree, and placing his dagger under his head, reposed, while two
of his faithful Rajputs, whose names are preserved," prepared his
rcfjast, their steeds grazing by them. A ray of the sun penetrating
the foliage, fell on Sanga's face, and discovered a snake, which,
feeling the warmth, had uncoiled itself and was rearing its crest
over the head of the exile : * a bird of omen * had perched itself
lion-seat.' Charans, bards, who are all Maharajas, ' great princes,' by
courtesy, have their seats of the hide of the lion, tiger, panther, or black
antelope.
^ IS early ten miles south-east of Ajmer.
^ Jai Singh Baleo and Jaimu Sindhal.
* [A common folk-tale, told of Malhar Rao Holkar and many other
princes (Crooke, Popular Religion Northern India, ii. 142 ; Malcolm, Memoir
of Central India, 2nd ed. i. 143 f. ; E. S. Hartland, Ritual and Belief, 323 f.).]
* Called the devi, about the size of the wagtail, and like it, black and
white.
THE ADVENTURES OF PRITHIRAJ 343
on the crested serpent, and was chattering aloud. A goat-herd
named Maru, ' versed in the language of birds,' passed at the
moment Sanga awoke. The prince repelled the proffered homage
of the goat-herd, who, however, had intimated to the Pramara
chief that he was served by ' royalty.' ^ The Pramara kept the
secret, and gave Sanga a daughter to wife, and protection till the
tragical end of his brother called him to the throne.
' The Adventures of Prithiraj. — When the Rana heard of the
quarrel which had nearly deprived him of his heir, he banished
Prithiraj, telling him that he might live on his bravery and main-
tain himself with strife. With but five horse ^ Prithiraj quitted
the paternal abode, and made for Bali in Godwar. These dis-
sensions following the disastrous conclusion of the last reign,
paralysed the country, and the wild tribes of the west and the
mountaineers of the Aravalli so little respected the garrison of
Nadol (the chief to^vn of Godwar), that they carried their depreda-
tions to the plains. Prithiraj halted at Nadol, and having to
procure some necessaries pledged a ring to the merchant who had
sold it to him ; the merchant recognized the prince, and learning
the cause of his disguise, proffered his services in the scheme
which the prince had in view for the restoration of order in God-
war, being determined to evince to his father that he had resources
independent of birth. The Minas were the aboriginal proprietors
of all these regions ; the Rajputs were interlopers and conquerors.
A Rawat of this tribe had regained their ancient haunts, and held
his petty court at the [295] town of Narlai in the plains, and was
even served by Rajputs. By the advice of Ojha, the merchant,
Prithiraj enlisted himself and his band among the adherents of
the Mina. On the Aheria, or ' hunter's festival,' the vassals have
leave to rejoin their famUies. Prithiraj, who had also obtained
leave, rapidly retraced his steps, and despatching his Rajputs
to dislodge the Mina, awaited the result in ambush at the gate of
the town. In a short time the Mina appeared on horseback, and
in full flight to the mountains for security. Prithiraj pm-sued,
overtook, and transfixed him with his lance to a kesula tree, and
setting fire to the village, he slew the Minas as they sought to
escape the flames. Other towns shared the same fate, and all the
^ Chhatrdhari.
* The names of his followers were, Jasa Sindhal, Sangam (Dahhi), Abha,
Jaiia, and a Badel Rathor.
344 ANNALS OF MEWAR
province of Godwar, with the exception of Desuri, a stronghold
of the Madrecha Chauhans, fell into his power. At this time
Sada Solanki, whose ancestor had escaped the destruction of
Patan and found refuge in these mountainous tracts, held Sodh-
garh. He had espoused a daughter of the Madrecha, but the grant
of Desuri and its lands ^ in perpetuity easUy gained him to the
cause of Prithiraj .
Prithiraj having thus restored order in Godwar, and appointed
Ojha and the Solanki to the government thereof, regained the
confidence of his father ; and his brother Jaimall being slain at
this time, accelerated his forgiveness and recall. Ere he rejoins
Raemall we will relate the manner of this event. Jaimall was
desirous to obtain the hand of Tara Bai, daughter of Rao Surthan,^
who had been expelled Toda by the Pathans. The price of her
hand was the recovery of this domain : but Jaimall, willing to
anticipate the reward, and rudely attempting access to the fair,
was slain by the indignant father. The quibbling remark of the
bard upon this event is that " Tara was not the star (tara) of his
destiny." At the period of this occurrence Sanga was in conceal-
ment, Prithiraj banished, and Jaimall consequently looked to
as the heir of Mewar. The Rana, when incited to revenge, replied
with a magnanimity which deserves to be recorded, " that he who
had thus dared to insult the honour of a [296] father, and that
father in distress, richly merited his fate " ; and in proof of his
disavowal of such a son he conferred on the Solanki the district
of Radnor.
Prithiraj recalled. — This event led to the recall of Prithiraj,
who eagerly took up the gage disgraced by his brother. The
adventure was akin to his taste. The exploit which won the
hand of the fair Amazon, who, equipped with bow and quiver,
subsequently accompanied him in many perilous enterprises,
wiU be elsewhere related.
^ The grant in the preamble denounces a curse on any of Prithiraj's
descendants who should resume it. I have often conversed with this
descendant, who held Sodhgarh and its lands, which were never resumed by
the princes of Chitor, though they reverted to Marwar. The chief still
honours the Rana, and many lives have been sacrificed to maintain his
claims, and with any prospect of success he would not hesitate to offer
his own.
^ This is a genuine Hindu name, ' the Hero's refuge,' from sur, ' a warrior,'
and thari, ' an abode.'
INTERVIEW BET\M5EN PRITHIRAJ & StJRAJMALL 345
Surajmall (the uncle), who had fomented these quarrels, re-
solved not to belie the prophetess if a crown lay in his path. The
claims acquired from his parricidal parent were revived when
Mewar had no sons to look to, Prithiraj on his return renewed
the feud with Surajmall, whose ' vaulting ambition ' persuaded
him that the crown was his destiny, and he plunged deep into
treason to obtain it. He joined as partner in his schemes Sarang-
deo, another descendant of Lakha Rana, and both repaired to
Muzaffar, the sultan of Malwa.^ With his aid they assailed the
southern frontier, and rapidly possessed themselves of Sadri,
Bataro, and a wide tract extending from Nai to Nimach, attempt-
ing even Chi tor. With the few troops at hand Raemall descended
to punisii the rebels, who met the attack on the river Gambhir.^
The Rana, fighting like a common soldier, had received two-and-
twenty wounds, and was nearly falling through faintness, when
Prithiraj joined him with one thousand fresh horse, and reanimated
the battle. He selected his uncle Surajmall, whom he soon
covered with wounds. Many had fallen on both sides, but neither
party would yield ; when worn out they mutually retired from
the field, and bivouacked in sight of each other.
Interview between Prithiraj and Surajmall. — It will show the
manners and feelings so peculiar to the Rajput, to describe the
meeting between the rival uncle and nephew, — unique in the
details of strife, perhaps, since the origin of man. It is taken
from a MS. of the Jhala chief who succeeded Surajmall in Sadri.
Prithiraj visited his uncle, whom he found in a small tent reclining
on a pallet, having just had ' the barber ' (nai) to sew up his
wounds. He rose, and met his nephew with the customary
respect, as if nothing unusual had occurred ; but the exertion
caused some of the wounds to open afresh, when the following
dialogue ensued :
Prithiraj. — " Well, tmcle, how are your wounds ? "
Surajmall. — " Quite healed, my child, since I have the pleasure
of seeing you " [297].
Prithiraj. — " But, uncle (kaka), I have not yet seen the
Diwanji.^ I first ran to see you, and I am very hungry ; have
you anything to eat ? "
^ [There is an error here : there was no contemporary Sultan of Malwa
of this name.] ^ Near Chitor.
* ' Regent ' ; the title the Rana is most famiharly known by.
346 ANNALS OF MEWAR
Dinner was soon served, and the extraordinary pair sat down
and ' ate off the same platter ' ; ^ nor did Prithiraj hesitate to
eat the pan,"^ presented on his taking leave.
Prithiraj. — " You and I will end our battle in the morning,
uncle,"
Surajmall. — " Very well, child ; come early ! "
They met ; but Sarangdeo bore the brunt of the conflict, re-
ceiving thirty -five wounds. During "four gharis ' swords and
lances were plied, and every tribe of Rajput lost numbers that
day " ; but the rebels were defeated and fled to Sadri, and
Prithiraj returned in triumph, though with seven woimds, to
Chitor. The rebels, however, did not relinquish their designs,
and many personal encounters took place between the uncle and
nephew : the latter saying he would not let him retain " as much
land of Mewar as would cover a needle's point " ; and Suja *
retorting, that he would allow his nephew to redeem only as
much " as would suffice to lie upon." But Prithiraj gave them
no rest, piu-suing them from place to place. In the wilds of
Batara they formed a stockaded retreat of the dhao tree,^ which
abounds in these forests. Within tliis shelter, horses and men
were intermingled : Suja and his coadjutor communing by the
night-fire in their desperate plight, when their cogitations were
checked by the rush and neigh of horses. Scarcely had the
pretender exclaimed " This must be my nephew ! " when Prithiraj
dashed his steed through the barricade and entered with his troops.
All was confusion, and the sword showered its blows indiscrimin-
ately. The young prince reached his uncle, and dealt him a blow
which would have levelled him, but for the support of Sarangdeo,
who upbraided him, adding that " a buffet now was more than a
score of wovmds in former days " : to which Suja rejoined, " only
when dealt by my nephew's hand." Suja demanded a parley ;
and calling on the prince to stop the combat, he continued : " If
I am killed, it matters not — my children are Rajputs, they will
run the [298] country to find support ; but if you are slain, what
^ TJiali, ' a brass platter.' This is the highest mark of confidence and
friendship.
* This compound of the betel or areca-nut, cloves, mace, Terra japonica,
and prepared lime, is always taken after meals, and has not unfrequently
been a medium for administering poison.
3 Hours of twenty-two minutes each.
* Famihar contraction of Surajmall. * [A7iogeissus laiifolia.]
THE ADVENTURES C? PRITHIRAJ 347
will become of Chitor ? My face wiU be blackened, and my name
everlastingly reprobated."
The sword was sheathed, and as the imcle and nephew em-
braced, the latter asked the former, " What were you about,
uncle, when I came ? " — " Only talking nonsense, chUd, after
dinner." " But with me over your head, imcle, as a foe how
could you be so neghgent ? " — " What could I do ? you had
left me no resource, and I must have some place to rest my
head ! " There was a smaU temple near the stockade^ to which
in the morning Pritliiraj requested his uncle to accompany him
to sacrifice to Kali,^ but the blow of the preceding night prevented
liim. Sarangdeo was his proxy. One buffalo had fallen, and a
goat was about to foUow, when the prince turned his sword on
Sarangdeo. The combat was desperate ; but Prithiraj was the
victor, and the head of the traitor was placed as an offering on
the altar of Time. The Gaunda ^ was plundered, the town of
Batara recovered, and Surajmall fled to Sadri, where he only
stopped to fulfil liis threat, " that if he could not retain its lands
he would make them over to those stronger than the king " ; *
and having distributed them amongst Brahmans and bards, he
finally abandoned Mewar. Passing through the wUds of Kan-
thal,* he had an omen which recalled the Charani's prediction :
"a wolf endeavouring in vain to carry off a kid defended by
maternal affection." This was interpreted as ' strong groimd for
a dwelling.' He halted, subdued the aboriginal tribes, and on
this spot erected the town and stronghold of Deolia, becoming
lord of a thousand villages, which have descended to his offspring,
who now enjoy them under British protection. Such was the
origin of Partabgarh DeoUa.*
^ The Hindu Proserpine, or CaUigenia. Is this Grecian handmaid of
Hecate also Hindu, ' born of time ' {Kali-janama) ? [Ka\\:7e;'tia, ' bearer of
fair offspring,' has, of course, no connexion with KaU.]
^ Gaunda, or Gaimra, is the name of such temporary places of refuge ;
the origin of towns bearing this name.
* Such grants are irresumable, under the penalty of sixty thousand
years in hell. This fine district is eaten up by these mendicant Brahmans.
One town alone, containing 52,000 bighas (about 15,000 acres) of rich land,
is thus lost } and by such follies Mewar has gradually sunk to her present
extreme poverty.
* [Kauthal, in Partabgarh State, is the boundary [Kantha) between
Mewar on the north, Bagar on the west, and Malwa on the east and south.]
^ [The statement in the text that Surajmall, son of Uda, retired to
348 ANNALS OF MEWAR
Prithiraj poisoned : Death of Rana Raemall. — Prithiraj was
poisoned by his brother-in-law, of Abu, whom he had punished
for maltreating his sister, and afterwards confided in. His death
was soon followed by that of Rana Raemall, who, though not
equal to his predecessors, was greatly respected, and maintained
the dignity of his station amidst no ordinary calamities [299].^
CHAPTER 9
Rana Sanga or Sangram Singh ; a.d. 1508-27. — ^Sangram,
better known in the annals of Mewar as Sanga (called Sanka by the
Mogul historians),^ succeeded in S. 1565 (a.d. 1509). With this
prince Mewar reached the summit of her prosperity. To use
their own metaphor, "he was the kalas^ on the pinnacle of her
glory." From him we shall witness this glory on the wane ; and
though many rays of splendour illuminated her declining career,
they served but to gild the ruin.
The imperial chair, since occupied by the Tuar descendant of
the Pandus, and the first and last of the Chauhans, and which had
been filled successively by the dynasties of Ghazni and Ghor, the
Khilji and Lodi, was now shivered to pieces, and numerous petty
thrones were constructed of its fragments. Mewar little dreaded
these imperial puppets, "when Amurath to Amurath succeeded,"
and when four kings reigned simultaneously between Delhi and
Benares.* The kings of Malwa, though leagued with those of
Gujarat, conjoined to the rebels, could make no impression on
Mewar when Sanga led her heroes. Eighty thousand horse, seven
Rajas of the highest rank, nine Raos, and one hundred and four
chieftains bearing the titles of Rawal and Rawat, with five
hundred war elephants, followed him into the field. The princes
of Marwar and Amber * did him homage, and the Raos of Gwalior
Deolia is incorrect. SQrajmall was first-cousin, not son of Uda, and it
was his great-grandson, BiJia, who conquered the Kanthal and founded
the town of Deolia at least fifty years later (Erskiue ii. A. 197).]
1 The walls of his palace are still pointed out.
- [Ain, ii. 270.]
* Tlie ball or urn which crowns the pinnacle [sikhar).
* Delhi, Bayana, Kalpi, and Jaunpur.
^ Prithiraj was yet but Rao of Amber, a name now lost in Jaipur. The
ADMINISTRATION AND WARS OF RANA SANGA 349
Ajmer, Sikri, Raesen/ Kalpi, Chanderi [300], Bundi, Gagraim,
Rampura, and Abu, served him as tributaries or held of him in
chief.
Sanga did not forget those who sheltered him in his reverses.
Karamchand of Srinagar had a gTant of Ajmer and the title of
Rao for his son Jagmall, the reward of his services in the reduction
of Chanderi.
The Administration and Wars oS Rana Sanga.— In a short space
of time, Sanga entirely allayed the disorders occasioned by the
intestine feuds of his family ; and were it permitted to speculate
on the cause which prompted a temporary cession of his rights
and liis dignities to his more impetuous brother, it might be
discerned in a spirit of forecast, and of fraternal and patriotic
forbearance, a deviation from which would have endangered the
country as well as the safety of his family. We may assume this,
in order to account for an otherwise pusillanimous surrender of
his birthright, and being in contrast to all the subsequent heroism
of his life, which, when he resigned, was contained within the
wreck of a form. Sanga organized his forces, with which he
always kept the field, and ere called to contend with the de-
scendant of Timur, he had gained eighteen pitched battles against
the kings of Delhi and Malwa. In two of these he was opposed
by Ibrahim Lodi in person, at Bakrol and Ghatoli, in which last
battle the imperial forces were defeated with great slaughter,
leaving a prisoner of the blood royal to grace the triumph of
Chitor. The Pilakhal (yellow rivulet) near Bayana became the
northern boundary of Mewar, with the Sind River to the east, —
touching Malwa to the south, while his native hills were an
impenetrable barrier to the west. Thus swaying, directly or by
control, the greater part of Rajasthan, and adored by the Rajputs
for the possession of those qualities they hold in estimation,
Sanga was ascending to the pinnacle of distinction ; and had
not fresh hordes of Usbeks and Tatars from the prolific shores of
the Oxus and Jaxartes again poured down on the devoted plains
twelve sons of this prince formed the existing subdivisions or clans of the
Kachhwahas, whose pohtical consequence dates from Humayun, the son
and successor of Babur.
^ [Sikri, afterwards Fatehpur Sikri, the site of Akbar's palace ; Raesen
in Bhopal State (/(?/, xxi. 62 f.).]
350 ANNALS OF MEWAR
of Hindustan, the crown of the Chakravartin ^ might again have
encircled the brow of a Hindu, and the banner of supremacy
been transferred from Indraprastha to the battlements of Chitor.
But Babur arrived at a critical time to rally the dejected followers
of the Koran, and to collect them around his own victorious
standard.
Invasions from Central Asia. — From the earliest recorded
periods of her history, India has been the prey of [301] the more
hardy population from the central regions of Asia, From this
fact we may infer another, namely, that its internal form of
government was the same as at the present day, partitioned into
numerous petty kingdoms, of tribes and clans, of a feudal federa-
tion, a prey to all the jealousies inseparable from such a condition.
The historians of Alexander bear ample testimony to such form
of government, when the Panjab alone possessed many sovereigns,
besides the democracies of cities. The Persians overran it, and
Darius the Mede accounted India the richest of his satrapies.
The Greeks, the Parthians have left in their medals the best
proofs of their power ; the Getae or Yuti followed ; and from the
Ghori Shihabu-d-din to the Chagatai Babur, in less than three
centuries, five invasions are recorded, each originating a dynasty.
Sanga's opponent was the last, and will continue so until the rays
of knowledge renovate the ancient nursery of the human race, —
then may end the anomaly in the history of power, of a handful
of Britons holding the succession to the Mede, the Parthian, and
the Tatar. But, however surprise may be excited at witnessing
such rapidity of change, from the physical superiority of man
over man, it is immeasurably heightened at the little moral
consequence which in every other region of the world has always
attended such concussions. Creeds have changed, races have ■
mingled, and names have been effaced from the page of history ;
but in this corner of civilization we have no such result, and the
Rajput remains the same singular being, concentrated in his
prejudices, political and moral, as in the days of Alexander,
desiring no change himself, and still less to cause any in others.
Whatever be the conservative principle, it merits a philosophic
analysis ; but more, a proper application and direction, by those
to whom the destinies of this portion of the globe are confided ;
^ Universal potentate : [" he whose chariot wheels run everywhere
without obstruction "]; the Hiindua reckon only six of these in their history.
BABUR'S invasion 351
for in this remote spot there is a nucleus of energy, on which may
accumulate a mass for our support or our destruction.
To return : a descendant of the Turushka of the Jaxartes, the
ancient foe of the children of Surya and Chandra, was destined
to fulfil the projihetic Purana which foretold dominion " to the
Turushka, the Yavan," and other foreign races in Hind ; and
the conquered made a right application of the term Turk, both
as regards its ancient and modern signification, when applied to
the conquerors from Turkistan. Babur, the opponent of Sanga,
was king of Ferghana, and of Turki race. His dominions were on
both sides the Jaxartes, a portion of ancient [302] Sakatai, or
Sakadwipa (Scjrthia), where dwelt Tomyris the Getic queen
immortalized by Herodotus, and where her opponent erected
Cyropolis, as did in after-times the Macedonian his most remote
Alexandria. From this region did the same Getae, Jat, or Yuti,
issue, to the destruction of Bactria, two centuries before the
Christian era, and also five subsequent thereto to found a king-'
dom in Northern India. Again, one thousand years later, Babur
issued with his bands to the final subjugation of India. As
affecting India alone, this portion of the globe merits deep atten-
tion ; but as the officina gentium, whence issued those hordes of
Asii, Jats, or Yeuts (of whom the Angles were a branch), who
peopled the shores of the Baltic, and the precursors of those
Goths who, under Attila and Alaric, altered the condition of
Europe, its importance is vastly enhanced.^ But on this occasion
it was not redundant population which made the descendant of
Timur and Jenghiz abandon the Jaxartes for the Ganges, but un-
successful ambition : for Babur quitted the delights of Samarkand
as a fugitive, and commenced his enterprise, which gave him the
throne of the Pandus, with less than two thousand adherents.
Character of Babur. — The Rajput prince had a worthy
antagonist in the king of Ferghana. Like Sanga, he was trained
in the school of adversity, and like him, though his acts of personal
heroism were even romantic, he tempered it with that discretion
which looks to its results. In a.d. 1494, at the tender age of
twelve, he succeeded to a kingdom ; ere he was sixteen he
defeated several confederacies and conquered Samarkand, and in
two short years again lost and regained it. His life was a tissue
^ [As usual, the Indian Jats are identified with the Getae, lutae or luti ,
Jutes of Bede.]
352 ANNALS OF MEWAR
of successes and reverses ; at one moment hailed lord of the chief
kingdoms of Transoxiana ; at another flying, unattended, or
putting all to hazard in desperate single combats, in one of which
he slew five champions of his enemies. Driven at length from
Ferghana, in despair he crossed the Hindu-Kush, and in 1519
the Indus. Between the Pan jab and Kabul he lingered seven
years, ere he advanced to measure his sword with Ibrahim of
Delhi. Fortune returned to his standard ; Ibrahim was slain,
his army routed and dispersed, and Delhi and Agra opened their
gates to the fugitive king of Ferghana. His reflections on success
evince it was his due : " Not to me, O God ! but to thee, be the
victory ! " says the chivalrous Babur. A year had elapsed in
possession of Delhi, ere he ventured against the most powerful of
his antagonists, Rana Sanga of Chitor.
With all Babur's qualities as a soldier, supported by the hardy
clans of the ' cloud mountains ' ( Belut Tagh) [303] of Karateghin,^
^ [The author borrows from Elphinstone, Caubul, i. 118.] The literary
world is much indebted to Mr. Erskino for his Memoirs of Baber, a work
of a most original stamp and rare value for its extensive historical and
geographical details of a very interesting portion of the globe. The king of
Ferghana, hke Caesar, was the historian of his own conquests, and unites
all the quahties of the romantic troubadour to those of the warrior and
statesman. It is not saying too much when it is asserted, that Mr. Erskine
is the only person existing who could have made such a translation, or
preserved the great charm of the original — its elevated simphcity ; and
though his modesty malces him share the merit with Dr. Leyden, it is to
him the public tlianks are due. Mr. Erslcine's introduction is such as
might have been expected from his well-known erudition and research,
and with the notes interspersed adds immensely to the value of the original.
[A new translation by Mrs. Beveridge is in course of pubhcation.] With
his geographical materials, those of Mr. Elphinstone, and the journal of
the Voyage d'Orejibourg a Bokhara, full of merit and modesty, we now
possess sufficient materials for the geography of the nursery of mankind.
I would presume to amend one valuable geographical notice (Introd. p. 27),
and which only requires the permutation of a vowel, Kas-??2er for J£as-mir ;
when we have, not ' the country of the Kas,' but the Kasia 3Iontes (mer) of
Ptolemy : the Kho {mer) Kas, or Caucasus. Mir has no signification, Mer
is ' mountain ' in Sanskrit, as is Kho in Persian. [The origin of the name
Kashmir is very doubtful : but the view in the text cannot be accepted
(see Stein, Rajatarangini, ii. 353, 386 ; Smith, EHI, 38, note ; I A, xhii.
143 ff.).] Kas was the race inhabiting these : and Kasgar, the Kasia
Regio of Ptolemy [Chap. 15]. Gar [or garh.'\ is a Sanskrit word stiU in use
for a ' region,' as Kachhwahagar, Oujargar. [See Elliot, Supplementary
Glossary, 237.] A new edition of Erskine's translation, edited by Pro-
fessor Wliitc King, is in course of publication.
BABUR and TFTE battle of KHANUA 353
the chances were many that he and they terminated their career
on the ' yellow rivxilet ' of Bayana. Neither bravery nor skill
saved him from this fate, which he appears to have expected.
What better proof can be desired than Babur's own testimony to
the fact, that a horde of invaders from the Jaxartes, without
support or retreat, were obliged to entrench themselves to the
teeth in the face of their Rajput foe, alike brave and overpower-
ing in numbers ? To ancient jealousies he was indebted for
not losing his life instead of gaining a crown, and for being
extricated from a condition so desperate that even the frenzy
of religion, which made death martyrdom in " this holy
war," scarcely availed to expel the despair which so infected
his followers, that in the bitterness of his heart he says " there
was not a single person who uttered a manly word, nor an
individual who delivered a courageous opinion."
The Battl8 of Khanua, March 16, 1527. — Babur advanced from
Agra and Sikri to oppose Rana Sanga, in full march to attack
him at the head of almost all the princes of Rajasthan. Although
the annals state some points which the imperial historian has
not recorded, yet both accounts of the conflict correspond in all
the essential details. On the 5th of Kartik, S. 1584 ^ (a.d. 1528),
according to the annals, the Rana raised the siege of Bayana,
and at Khanua encountered the advanced guard of the Tatars,
amounting to fifteen hundred men, which was entirely destroyed ;
the fugitives carrying to the main body the accounts of the
disaster, which paralysed their energies, and made them entrench
for security, instead of advancing with the confidence of victory.
Reinforcements met the same fate, and were pursued to the
camp. Accustomed to reverses, Babur met the check without
dismay, and adopted every precaution [304] that a mind fertile
in expedients could suggest to reassure the drooping spirits of his
troops. He threw up entrenchments, in which he placed his
artillery, connecting his guns by chains, and in the more exposed
parts chevaux de frise, united by leather ropes : a precaution
1 According to the Memoirs of Baber, February 11, 1527. [The battle
was fought at Khanua or Kanwaha, now in the Bharatpur State, about
twenty miles from Agra (Abu-1 Fazl, Akbarnama, i. 259 f. ; Ferishta ii. 55),
on March 16, 1527. Ferishta says that the provocation came from Rana
Sanga, who attacked Nazim Khan, Governor of Bayana, on which the latter
appealed to Babur (ii. 51). Babur says that Sanga broke his engagement
(ElUot-Dowson iv. 264 ; Badaoni, Muntakhabu-t-taivarikli, i. 444, 470).]
VOL. I 2 .\
354 ANNALS OF MEWAR
continued in every subsequent change of position. Everything
seemed to aid the Hindu cause : even the Tatar astrologer
asserted that as Mars was in the west, whoever should engage
coming froni the opposite quarter should be defeated. In this
state of total inactivity, blockaded in his encampment, Babur
remained near a fortnight, when he determined to renounce his
besetting sin, and merit superior aid to extricate himself from his
peril : the na'iveU of his vow must be given in his own words.'^
^ " On Monday, the 23rd of the first Jemadi, I had mounted to survey
my posts, and in the course of my ride was seriously struck with the reflec-
tion, that I had always resolved, one time or another, to make an effectual
repentance, and that some traces of a hankering after the renunciation of
forbidden works had ever remained in my heart : I said to myself, ' 0, my
soul.'
[Persian Verse.)
" ' How long wilt thou continue to take pleasure in sin ?
Repentance is not unpalatable — taste it.
(TurJci Verse.)
" ' How great has been thy defilement from sin !
How much pleasure thou didst take in despair !
How long hast thou been the slave of thy passions !
How much of thy life hast thou thrown, away !
Since thou hast set out on a holy war.
Thou hast seen death before thine eyes for thy salvation.
He who resolves to sacrifice his hfe to save himself
Shall attain that exalted state which thou knowest.
Keep thyself far away from all forbidden enjoyments ;
Cleanse thyself from all thy sins.'
" Having withdrawn myseK from such temptation, I vowed never more
to drink wine. Having sent for the gold and silver goblets and cups, with
all the other utensils used for drinking parties, I directed them to be broken,
and renounced the use of wine, purifying my mind. The fragments of the
goblets and other utensils of gold and silver I directed to be divided among
derwishes and the poor. The first person who followed me in my repentance
was Asas, who also accompanied me in my resolution of ceasing to cut the
beard, and of allowing it to grow. That night and the following, numbers
of Amirs and courtiers, soldiers, and persons not in the service, to the number
of nearly three hundred men, made vows of reformation. The wine which
we had with us we poured on the ground. I ordered that the wine brought
by Baba Dost should have salt thrown into it, that it might be made into
vinegar. On the spot where the wine had been poured out I directed a
wain to be sunk and built of stone, and close by the wain an almshouse to
be erected. In the month of Moharrem in the year 935, when I went to
visit Gualiar, in my way from Dholpur to Sikri, I found this wain completed.
I had previously made a vow, that if I gained the victory over Rana Sanka
the Pagan, I would remit the Temgha (or stamp-tax) levied from Musulmans.
THE BATTLE OF KHANUA 355
But the destruction of the wine flasks would appear only to have
added to the existing consternation, and made him, as a last
resort, appeal to their faith. Having addressed them in a speech
of [305] manly courage, though bordering on despair, he seized
the happy moment that his exhortation elicited, to swear them
on the Koran to conquer or perish.^ Profiting by this excite-
ment, he broke up his camp, to which he had been confined
nearly a month, and marched in order of battle to a position two
miles in advance, the Rajputs skirmishing up to his guns. With-
At the time when I made my vow of penitence, Derwish Muhammed Sarban
and Sheikh Zin put me in mind of my promise. I said, ' You did right to
remind me of this : I renounce the temgha in all my dominions, so far as
concerns Musulmans ' ; and I sent for my secretaries, and desired them
to write and send to all ray dominions firmans conveying intelligence of
the two important incide:its that had occurred " {Memoirs of Baber, p. 354).
[Elliot-Dowson iv. 269.]
^ " At this time, as I have already observed, in consequence of preceding
events, a general consternation and alarm prevailed among great and smaU.
There was not a single person who uttered a manly word, nor an individual
who delivered a courageous opinion. The Vazirs, whose duty it was to
give good counsel, and the Amirs, who enjoyed the wealth of kingdoms,
neither spoke bravely, nor was their counsel or deportment such as became
men of firmness. During the whole course of this expedition, Khalifeh
conducted himself admirably, and was unremitting and indefatigable in
his endeavours to put everything in the best order. At length, observing
the universal discouragement of my troops, and their total wa.nt of spirit,
I formed my plan. I called an assembly of all the Amirs and officers, and
addi-essed them : ' Noblemen and soldiers ! Every man that comes into
the world is subject to dissolution. When we are passed away and gone,
God only survives, unchangeable. Whoever comes to the feast of life
must, before it is over, drink from the cup of death. He who arrives at the
inn of mortality must one day inevitably take his departure from that
house of sorrow, the world. How much better it is to die with honour
than to hve with infamy !
" ' With fame, even if I die, I am contented ;
Let fame be mine, since my body is death's.
" ' The most high God has been propitious to us, and has now placed us
in such a crisis, that if we fall in the field we die the death of martyrs ; if
we survive, we rise victorious, the avengers of the cause of God. Let us,
then, with one accord, swear on God's holy word, that none of us will even
think of turning his face from this warfare, nor desert from the battle and
slaughter that ensues, till his soul is separated from his body.'
" Master and servant, small and great, all with emulation, seizing the
blessed Koran in their hands, swore in the form that I had given. My plan
succeeded to admiration, and its effects were instantly visible far and near,
on friend and foe " {Memoirs of Baber, p. 357).
356 ANNALS OF MEWAR
out a regular circumvallation, his movable pallisadoes and guns
chained, he felt no security. The inactivity of Sanga can scarcely
escape censure, however we may incline to palliate it by supposing
that he deemed his enemy in the toils, and that every day's delay
brought with it increased danger to him. Such reasoning would
be valid, if the heterogeneous mass by which the prince of Mewar
was surrounded had owned the same patriotic sentiments as
himself : but he ought to have known his countrymen, nor
overlooked the regulating maxim of their ambition, get land.
Delay was fatal to this last coalition against the foes of his race.
Babur is silent on the point to which the annals ascribe their
discomfiture, a negotiation pending his blockade at Khanua ; but
these have preserved it, with the name of the traitor who sold
the cause of his country. The negotiation ^ had reached this
point, that on condition of Babur being left Delhi and its depend-
encies, the Pilakhal at Bayana should be the boundary of their
respective dominions, and even an annual tribute was offered to
the Rana [306]. We can believe that in the position Babur then
was, he would not scruple to promise anything. The chief of
Raesen, by name Salehdi, of the Tuar tribe, was the medium of
communication, and though the arrangement was negatived,
treason had effected the salvation of Babur.
On March 16 the attack commenced by a furious onset on the
centre and right wing of the Tatars, and for several hours the
conflict was tremendous. Devotion was never more manifest on
the side of the Rajput, attested by the long list of noble names
amongst the slain as well as the bulletin of their foe, whose
artillery made dreadful havoc in the close ranks of the Rajput
cavalry, which could not force the entrenchments, nor reach
the infantry which defended them. While the battle was still
doubtful, the Tuar traitor who led the van (harawal) went over
to Babur, and Sanga was obliged to retreat from the field, which
in the onset promised a glorious victory, himself severely wounded
and the choicest of his chieftains slain : Rawal Udai ^ Singh of
^ Babur says, " Although Rana Sanka (Sanga) the Pagan, when I was at
Cabul, sent me ambassadors, and had arranged with me that if I would
march upon Delhi he would on Agra ; but when I took Delhi and Agra,
the Pagan did not move " {Memoirs of Baber, p. 339).
2 In the translation of Babur's Memoirs, Udai Singh is styled ' Wall
of the country,' confounding him with Udai Singh, successor of Sanga.
THE DEATH OF RANA SANGA 357
Dungarpur. with two hundred of his clan ; Ratna of Salumbar,
with three hundred of his Chondawat kin ; Raemall Ratlior,
son of the prince of Marwar, with the brave Mertia leaders Khetsi
and Ratna ; Ramdas the Sonigira Rao ; Uja the Jhala ; Gokul-
das Pramara; Manikchand and Chandrbhan, Chauhan chiefs of
the first rank in Mewar ; besides a host of inferior names.' Hasan
Idian of Mewat, and a son of the last Lodi king of Delhi, who
coalesced with Sanga, were amongst the kUled.^ Triumphal
pyramids were raised of the heads of the slain, and on a hillock
which overlooked the field of battle a tower of skulls was erected ;
and the conqueror assumed the title of Ghazi, wliich has ever
since been retained by his descendants.
The Death of Rana Sanga. — Sanga retreated towards the hills
of Mewat, having announced his fixed determination never to
re-enter Chitor but with victor}^ Had his life been spared to
his country, he might have redeemed the pledge ; but the year
of his defeat was the last of his existence, and he died at Baswa,^
on the frontier of Mewat, not without suspicion of poison. It is
painful to record the surmise that his ministers prompted the
deed, and the cause is one which would fix a deep stain on the
country ; namely, the purchase b}^ regicide of inglorious ease
and stipulated safety, in [307] preference to privations and
dangers, and to emulating the manly constancy of their prince,
who resolved to make the heavens his canopy tUl his foe was
crushed — a determination which was pursued with the most
resolute perseverance by some of his gallant successors.
Evils resulting from Polygamy. — Polygamy is the fertile
source of evil, moral as well as physical, in the East. It is a
relic of barbarism and primeval necessity, affording a proof that
He was Wall (sovereign) of Dungarpur, not ' Oodipoor,' wliich was not
then in existence. [Ersidne, in his later work {Hist. India, i. 473, note),
admits his error.]
^ [A hst of the slain, nearly identical, is given by Abu-1 Fazl, Akbarnarna,
i. 265.]
- [The author confuses Hasan Khan, Mewati, an imjjortant officer
(Ferishta ii. 65 ; Bayley, Muhammad Dynasties of Gujarat, 278), whom
Badaoni {Muntakhabu-t-tawarikh, i. 447) calls a Jogi in form and appear-
ance, with Hasan Khan, Lodi {Aln, i. 503).]
* [About eighty-five miles north-north-west of Jaipur city. Babur says
that he intended to pursue Sanga to Chitor, but was prevented by the defeat
of his forces advancing on Lucknow (Klhot-Dowson iv. 277).]
358 ANNALS OF MEWAR
ancient Asia is still young in knowledge. The desire of each
wife,^ that her offspring should wear a crown, is natural ; but
they do not always wait the course of nature for the attainment
of their wishes, and the love of power too often furnishes instru-
ments for any deed, however base. When we see, shortly after
the death of Sanga, the mother of liis second son intriguuig with
Babur, and bribing him with the surrender of Ranthambhor and
the trophy of victory, the crown of the Malwa king, to supplant
the lawful heir, we can easily suppose she would not have scrupled
to remove any other bar. On this occasion, however, the sus-
picion rests on the ministers alone. That Babur respected and
dreaded his foe we have the best proof in his not risking another
battle with him ; and the blame which he bestows on liimself
for the slackness of his pursuit after victory is honourable to
Sanga, who is always mentioned with respect in the commentaries
of the conqueror : and although he generally styles him the
Pagan, and dignifies the contest with the title of " the holy war,"
yet he freely acknowledges his merit when he says, " Rana Sanga
attained his present liigh eminence by his own valour and his
sword."
Appearance of Rana Sanga. — Sanga Rana was of the middle
stature, but of great muscular strength ; fair in complexion,
with unusually large eyes, which appear to be peculiar to his
descendants.^ He exhibited at his death but the fragments of
a warrior : one eye was lost in the broil with his brother ; an
arm in an action with the Lodi king of Delhi, and he was a cripple
owing to a limb being broken by a cannon-baU m another [308] ;
while he counted eighty womids from the sword or the lance
on various parts of his body. He was celebrated for energetic
^ The number of queens is determined only by state necessity and the
fancy of the prince. To have them equal in number to the days of the
week is not unusual, while the number of Imndmaids is unhmited. It will
be conceded that the prince who can govern such a household, and maintain
equal rights when clamis to pre-emmence must be perpetually asserted,
possesses no httle tact. The government of the kingdom is but an amuse-
ment compared with such a task, for it is within the Eawala that intrigue
is enthroned.
^ 1 possess his portrait, given to me by the present Hana, who has a
collection of full-lengths of ah his royal ancestors, from iSamarsi to himself,
of their exact heights and with every bodily pecuharity, whether of com-
plexion or form. They are valuable for the costume. He has often shown
them to mc while illustrating their actions.
RATAN SINGH II 3S9
enterprise, of which his capture of Muzaffar, king of Malwa, in
his own capital, is a celebrated mstance ; and his successful
storm of the almost impregnable Ranthambhor, though ably
defended by the imperial general Ah, gained him great renown.
He erected a small palace at lOianua, on the line wliich he deter-
mined should be tiie northern limit of Mewar ; and had he been
succeeded by a prince possessed of his foresight and judgment,
Babur's descendants might not have retained the sovereignty of
India. A cenotaph long marked the spot where the fire con-
smned the remains of this celebrated prince. Sanga had seven
sons, of whom the two elder died in non-age. He was succeeded
by the third son,
Rana Ratan Singh II., a.d. 1527-31.— Ratna (S. 1586, a.d.
1530) possessed all the arrogance and martial virtue of his race.
Like his father, he determined to make the field his capital, and
commanded that the gates of Chitor never should be closed,
boasting that " its portals were Dellii and Mandu." Had he been
spared to temper by experience the exuberance of youthful
impetuosity, he would have well seconded the resolution of his
father, and the league against the enemies of his coimtry and
faith. But he was not destined to pass the age always dangerous
to the turbulent and impatient Rajput, ever courting strife if it
woiild not find him. He had married by stealth the daughter
of Prithiraj of Amber, probably before the death of liis elder
brothers made hun heir to Chitor. His double-edged sword, the
proxy of the Rajput cavalier, represented Ratna on this occasion.^
Unfortunately it was kept but too secret ; for the Hara prince of
Bundi,^ in ignorance of the fact, demanded and obtained her to
wife, and carried her to his capital. The consequences are
attributable to the Rana alone, for he ought, on coming to the
throne, to have espoused her ; but his vanity was flattered at
the mysterious transaction, which he deemed would prevent all
apphcation for the hand of his ' affianced ' (manga). The
bards of Bundi are rather pleased to record the power of their
^ [The practice of sending his sword to represent the bridegroom probably
originated in the desire for secrecy, and has since been observed, as among
the Raj Gonds of the Central Provinces, for the sake of convenience, and
in order to avoid expense (Forbes, Rasmala, 621 ; BG, ix. Part i. 143,
145 f . ; Russell, Tribes and Castes, Central Provinces, iii. 77).]
- yurajmali.
360 ANNALS OF MEWAli
princes, who dared to solicit and obtain the hand of the ' bride '
of Chitor. The princes of Buiidi had long been attached to the
Sesodia house : and from the period when their common ancestors
fought together on the banks of the Ghaggar against [309] Sliihabu-
d-din, they had silently grown to power under the wing of Mewar,
and often proved a strong plume in her pinion. The Hara in-
habited the hiUy tract on her eastern frontier, and tiiough not
actually incorporated with Mewar, they yet paid homage to her
princes, bore her ensigns and titles, and in return often poured
forth their blood. But at the tribunal of Ananga,"^ the Rajput
scattered all other homage and allegiance to the wmds. The
maiden of Amber saw no necessity for disclosing her secret or
refusing the brave Hara, of whom fame spoke loudly, when
Katna delayed to redeem liis proxy.
Death o£ Eana Eatan Singh. — The unintentional offence sank
deep into the heart of the liana, and though he was closely
connected with the Hara, havmg married liis sister, he brooded
on the means of revenge, in the attainment of which he sacrificed
his own life as well as that of his rival. The festival of the Aheria -
(the spring hunt), which has thrice been fatal to the princes of
Mewar, gave the occasion, when they fell by each other's weapons.
Though Ratna enjoyed the dignity only five years, he had the
satisfaction to see the ex-king of Ferghana, now fomider of the
Mogul dynasty of India, leave the scene before liim, and without
the diminution of an acre of land to Mewar smce the fatal day of
Bayana. Rana Ratna was succeeded by his brother,
Eaua Eikramajitj a.d. 1631 -S5. — Bikramajit,^ in S. 1591
(a.d. 1585). This prince had aU the turbulence, without the
redeenung qualities of character, which endeared his brother to
his subjects ; he was insolent, passionate, and vmdictive, and
utterly regardless of that respect which his proud nobles rigidly
exacted. Instead of appearing at their head, he passed his time
amongst wrestlers and prize-fighters, on whom and a multitude
^ The Hindu Cupid, implying ' incorporeal,' from anga, ' body,' with
the privative prehx ' an.''
^ 1 have given the relation of this duel in the narrative of my journeys
on my visit to the cenotaph of Ratna, erected where he fell. It was the
pleasure of my hfe to listen to the traditional anecdotes illustrative of Rajput
history on the scenes of their transactions.
'^ The Rhakha orthogiajihy for Vikramaditya.
ATTACK ON CHITOR BY SULTAN BAHADUR 361
of ' paiks,' or foot soldiers, he Ia\nslied those gifts and that appro-
bation, to which the aristocratic Rajput, the equestrian order
of Rajasthan, arrogated exclusive right. In this innovation he
probably imitated his foes, who had learned the superiority of
infantry, despised by the Rajput, who, except in sieges, or when
' they spread the carpet and hamstrung their steeds,' held the
foot-soldier very cheap. The use of artillery was now becoming
general, and the [310] Muslims soon perceived the necessity of
foot for their protection : but prejudice operated longer upon
the Rajput, who still curses ' those vile guns,' which render of
comparatively little value the lance of many a gallant soldier ;
and he still prefers falling with dignity from his steed to descending
to an equality with his mercenary antagonist.
An open rupture was the consequence of such innovation, and
(to use the figurative expression for misrule) ' Papa Bai ka
Raj ' ^ was triumphant ; the police were despised ; the cattle
carried off by the mountaineers from under the walls of Chitor ;
and when his cavaliers were ordered in pursuit, the Rana was
tauntingly told to send his paiks.
The Attack by Bahadur, Sultan of Gujarat. — Bahadur, sultan
of Gujarat, determined to take advantage of the Rajput divisions,
to revenge the disgrace of the defeat and captivity of liis pre-
decessor Muzaffar.2 Reinforced by the troops of Mandu, he
marched against the Rana, then encamped at Loicha, in the
Bimdi territory. Though the force was overwhelming, yet with
the high courage which belonged to his house, Bikramajit did not
hesitate to give battle ; but he found weak defenders in his
mercenary paiks, while his vassals and kin not only kept aloof,
but marched off in a body to defend Chitor, and the posthumous
son of Sanga Rana, still an infant.
^ The government of Papa Bai, a princess of ancient time, whose mis-
managed sovereignty has given a proverb to the Rajpuf. [Major Luard
informs me that Papa Bai is said to have been the daughter of a Rajput
of Siddal. She and Shiral Seth, a corn-merchant who, in return for his
penances, asked to be made a king for three ghatikas (tv.enty-four minutes
each)^ and gave indiscriminately alms to rich and poor, are bywords for
foohsh extravagance. She is worshipped at a shrine in Ujjain by all who
desire good crops, especially sugar. Another name for such a period of
misrule is Harbong ka raj (Elliot, Supplemental Glossary, 466 if.).]
^ Taken by Prithiraj and carried to Rana Raemall, who took a large
sum of money and seven hundred horses as his ransom.
362 ANNALS OF MEVVAR
There is a sanctity in the very name of Chitor, which from
the earhest times secured her defenders ; and now, when threat-
ened again by ' the barbarian,' such the inexphcable character
of the Rajput, we find the heir of SurajmaU abandonmg
his new capital of Deoha, to pour out tlie few drops which
yet circulated in his veins in defence of the abode of his
fathers.
' The son of Bmidi,' with a brave band of five hundred
Haras, also came ; as did the Sonigira and Deora Raos of Jalor
and Abu, with many auxiliaries from aU parts of Rajwara. This
was the most powerful eflort hitherto made by the sultans of
Central India, and European artillerists ^ are recorded in these
[311] amials as brought to the subjugation of Chitor. The
engineer is styled ' Labri Khan of Fringan,' and to his skill
Bahadur was indebted for the successful storm which ensued.
He spriuig a mine at the ' Bika rock,' which blew up forty-five
cubits of the rampart, with the bastion where the brave Haras
were posted. The Bundi bards dwell on this incident, which
destroyed their prince and five hundred of his kin. Rao Durga,
with the Chondawat chieftains Sata and Dudu and their vassals,
bravely defended the breach and repelled many assaults ; and,
to set an example of courageous devotion, the queen-mother
Jawahir Bai, of Rathor race, clad in armour, headed a sally in
which she was slain. Still the besiegers gained gromid, and the
^ We have, iu the poems of Chand, frequent indistinct notices of firearms,
especially the nal-gola or iw6e-ball ; but whether discharged by percussion
or the expansive force of gunpowder is dubious. The poet also repeatedly
speaks of " the volcano of the held," giving to understand great guns ; but
these may be interpolations, though I would not check a full investigation of
so curious a subject by raismg a doubt. Babur was the first who intro-
duced field guns in the Muhammadan wars, and Bahadur's mvasion is the
fii'st notice of their apphcatiou in sieges, for in Alau-d-din's time, in the
thirteenth century, he used the catapult or battering-ram, called manjanik.
To these guns Babur was indebted for victory over the united cavaky of
Rajasthan. They were served by Rumi Klian, probably a Boumehot,
or fciyrian Christian. The Franks (Faringis), with Bahadur, must have been
some of Vasco di Gama's crew. [For the use of artihery in Mogul times see
the full account by Irvine {Army of the Indian Moghuls, 113 &.). Manjanik
is the Greek /xdyyafof. Bumi K.han was an Ottoman Turk, called IChuda-
wand Khan, who learned the science in Turkish service (Erskine, Hist, of
India, ii. 49 ; Ain, i. 441). Akbar is said to have used Chinese artillery,
and to have employed Enghsh gunners from fcJurat (Manucci i. 139 ; Irvine,
op. oil. 152). J
CROWNING OF A NEW RANA : THE JOHAR 363
last council convened was to concert means to save the infant
son of Sanga from this imminent peril.
Crowning oi a New Kana. — But Cliitor can only be defended by
royalty, and again they had recourse to the expedient of crowning
a king, as a sacrifice to the dignity of the protectmg deity of Chitor.
Baghji, prince of Deoha, courted the msignia of destruction ; the
bamier of Mewar floated over him, and the golden sun from its
sable field never shone more refulgent than when the changi ^
was raised amidst the shouts of her defenders over the head of the
son of ISurajmaU.
The Johar. — The infant, Udai Smgh, was placed m safety
with Surthan, prmce of Bundi,^ the garrison put on their saffron
robes, wliile materials for the johar were preparmg. There was
little tune for the pyre. The bravest had fallen in defendmg the
breach, now completely exposed. Combustibles were quickly
heaped up m reservoirs and magazines excavated in the rock,
mider which gunpowder was strewed. Karnavati, mother of
the prmce, and sister to the gallant Arjmi Hara, led the procession
of willing victims to their doom, and thirteen thousand females
were thus swept at once from the record of life. The gates
were tlu'own open, and the Deoha chief, at the head of the
survivors, with a blind and impotent despair, rushed on his
fate [312J.
Bahadur must have been appalled at the horrid sight on viewing
his conquest ; ^ the mangled bodies of the slain, with hmidreds
ui the last agonies from the poniard or poison, awaiting death as
less dreadful than dishonour and captivity.* To use the emphatic
^ The Changi, the chief insignia of regahty in Mewar, is a sun of gold in
the centre of a disc of black ostrich feathers or felt, about three leet in
diameter, elevated on a pole, and carried close to the prince. It has some-
thing oi a iScytiiic cast about it. What changi imports I never understood,
[l^robabiy fers. chang, ' anytiiiug bent.']
^ The name of the faitblul Kajput who preserved Udai Singh, Chakasen
Dhundei'a, deserves to be recorded.
^ The date, " Jeth sudi I'Zth, S. 1589," a.d. 1533, and according to
Ferishta a.h. 949, a.d. 1532-33. [Chitor was taken in 1534. The Mirat-i-
Bikandari states that on March 24, 1533, Bahadur received the promised
tribute, and moved his camp from Ciiitor (Bayley, Muhammadan Dynasties
of Gujarat, 372).]
•* i^'rom ancient times, leadhig the females captive appears to have been
the sign of complete victory. Kajput inscriptions often ahude to " a con-
queror beloved by the wives of iiis conq^uered foe," and in the early parts
364 ANNALS OF MEWAR
words of the annalist, "the last day of Chitor had arrived."
Every clan lost its chief, and the choicest of their retainers ;
during tRe siege and in the storm thirty-two thousand Rajputs
were slain. This is the second sakha of Chitor.
Bahadur had remained but a fortnight, when the tardy advance
of Humayun with his succours warned him to retire.'^ According
to the annals, he left Bengal at the solicitation of the queen
Karnavati ; but instead of following up the spoU-encumbered
foe, he commenced a pedantic war of words with Bahadur,
punning on the word ' Chitor.' Had Humayun not been so
distant, this catastrophe would have been averted, for he was
bound by the laws of chivalry, the claims of which he had acknow-
ledged, to defend the queen's cause, whose knight he had become.
The relation of the peculiarity of a custom analogous to the taste
of the chivalrous age of Europe may amuse. ^Vlien her Ama-
zonian sister the Rathor queen was slain, the mother of the
infant prince took a surer method to shield him in demanding
the fulfilment of the pledge given by Humayun when she sent
the Rakhi to that monarch.
The Rakhi. — ' The festival of the bracelet ' ( Rakhi) is in spring,
and whatever its origin, it is one of the few when an intercourse
of gallantry of the most delicate nature is established between
the fair sex and the cavaliers of Rajasthan. Though the bracelet
may be sent by maidens, it is only on occasions of urgent necessity
or danger. The Rajput dame bestows with the Rakhi the title
of adopted brother ; and while its acceptance secures to her all
the protection of a cavaliere servente, scandal itself never suggests
any other tie to his devotion. He may hazard his life in her
cause, and yet never receive a smUe in reward, for he cannot
even see the fair object who, as brother of her adoption, has con-
stituted him her defender. But there is a charm in the mystery
of such connexion, never endangered by close observation, and
the loyal to the fair may well attach a value [313] to the public
recognition of being the Rakhi-band Bhai, the ' bracelet-bound
brother ' of a princess. The intrinsic value of such pledge is
of Scripture the same notion is referred to. The mother of Sisera asks*
" Have they not divided the prey ; to every man a damsel or two ? '
(Judges v. 30.)
^ [Ferishta ii. 75 f. Badaoni says that Humayun hesitated to interfere
because Bahadur was attacking an infidel {MuntaJchabu-t-tawarikh, i. 453 f.).]
THE RAKHI 365
never looked to, nor is it requisite it should be costly, though it
varies with the means and rank of the donor, and may be of
flock silk and spangles, or gold chains and gems. The acceptance
of the pledge and its return is by the kachhli, or corset, of simple
silk or satin, of gold brocade and pearls. In shape or application
there is nothing similar in Europe, and as defending the most
delicate part of the structure of the fair, it is peculiarly appropriate
as an emblem of devotion. A whole province has often accom-
panied the Kachhli, and the monarch of India was so pleased with
this courteous delicacy in the customs of Rajasthan, on receiving
the bracelet of the princess Karnavati, which invested him with
the title of her brother, and uncle and protector to her infant
Udai Singh, that he pledged himself to her service, " even if the
demand were the castle of Ranthambhor." Humayun proved
himself a true knight, and even abandoned his conquests in
Bengal when called on to redeem his pledge and succour Chitor,
and the widows and minor sons of Sanga Rana.^ Humayun
had the highest proofs of the worth of those courting his pro-
tection ; he was with his father Babur in all his wars in India,
and at the battle of Bayana his prowess was conspicuous, and is
recorded by Babur's own pen. He amply fulfilled his pledge,
expelled the foe from Chitor, took Mandu by assault, and, as
some revenge for her king's aiding the king of Gujarat, he sent
for the Rana Bikramajit, whom, following their own notions of
^ Many romantic tales are founded on ' the gift of the Rakhi.' The
author, who was placed in the enviable situation of being able to do good,
and on the most extensive scale, was the means of restoring many of these
ancient famihes from degradation to affluence. The greatest reward he
could, and the only one he would, receive, was the courteous civihty dis-
played in many of these interesting customs. He was the Rakhi-band Bhai
of, and received ' the bracelet ' from, three queens of Udaipur, Bundi, and
Kotah, besides Chand Bai, the maiden sister of the Rana ; as well as many
ladies of the chieftains of rank, with whom he interchanged letters. The
sole articles of ' barbaric pearl and gold,' which he conveyed from a country
where he was six years supreme, are these testimonies of friendly regard.
Intrinsically of no great value, they were presented and accepted in the
ancient spirit, and he retains them with a sentiment the more powerful,
because he can no longer render them any service. [The Rakhi (Skt. raksha,
' protection ') is primarily a protective amulet assumed at the full moon
of Sawan (Julj -August) (Forbes, Rdsmala, 609). It was worn on this date
to avert the unhealthiness of the rainy season. Jahangir and Akbar followed
the custom, introduced by their Hindu ladies (Jahangir, Memoirs, 246 ;
Badaoni, op. cit. ii. 269).]
366 ANNALS OF MEWAR
investiture, he girt with a sword in the captured citadel of his
foe.i
The Muhammadan historians, strangers to their customs, or
the secret motives which caused the emperor to abandon Bengal,
ascribe it to the Rana's solicitation ; but we may credit the annals,
which are in vinison with the chivalrous notions of the Rajputs,
into which succeeding monarchs, the great Akbar, his son [314]
Jahangir, and Shah Jahan, entered with delight ; and even
Aurangzeb, two of whose original letters to the queen-mother of
Udaipur are now in the author's possession, and are remarkable
for their elegance and purity of diction, and couched in terms
perfectly accordant with Rajput delicacy.^
Restoration of Bikramaiit. — Bikramajit, thus restored to his
capital, had gained nothing by adversity ; or, to employ the words
of the annalist, " experience had yielded no wisdom." He renewed
all his former insolence to his chiefs, and so entirely threw aside
his own dignity, and, what is of still greater consequence, the
reverence universally shown to old age, as to strike in open court
Karamchand of Ajmer, the protector of his father Sanga in his
misfortunes. The assembly rose with one accord at this indignity
to their order ; and as they retired, the Chondawat leader
Kanji, the first of the nobles, exclaimed, " Hitherto, brother
chiefs, we have had but a smell of the blossom, but now we
shaU be obliged to eat the fruit " ; to which the insulted Pramara
added, as he hastily retired, " To-morrow its flavour will be
known."
Though the Rajput looks up to his sovereign as to a divinity,
and is enjoined implicit obedience by his religion, which rewards
him accordingly hereafter, yet this doctrine has its limits, and
precedents are abundant for deposal, when the acts of the prince
may endanger the realm. But there is a bond of love as well as
of awe which restrains them, and softens its severity in the
paternity of sway ; for these princes are at once the father and
king of their people : not in fiction, but reality — for he is the
^ [Probably policy, rather than romance, caused Hiimayun to interfere.]
^ He addresses her as " dear and virtuous sister," and evinces much
interest in her welfare. We are in total ignorance of the refined sentiment
which regulates such a people — our home-bred prejudices deem them
beneath inquiry ; and thus indolence and self-conceit combine to deprive
the benevolent of a high gratification.
THE ESCAPE OF UDAI SINGH 367
representative of the common ancestor of the aristocracy — the
sole lawgiver of Rajasthan.
Death of Rana Bikramajit. — Sick of these minors (and they
had now a third in prospect), which in a few years had laid pros-
trate the throne of Mewar, her nobles on lea\'ing their unworthy
prince repaired to Banbir, the natural son of the heroic Prithiraj,
and offered " to seat him on the throne of Chitor." He had the
virtue to resist the solicitation ; and it was only on painting the
dangers which threatened the country, if its chief at such a period
had not their confidence, that he gave his consent. The step
between the deposal and death of a king is necessarily short [315],
and the cries of the females, which announced the end of Bik-
ramajit, were drowned in the acclamations raised on the elevation
of the changi over the head of the bastard Banbir.
CHAPTER 10
Rana Banbir Singh, a.d. 1535-37. — A few hours of sovereignty
sufficed to check those ' compunctious visitings ' which assailed
Banbir ere he assumed its trappings, with which he found himself
so little encumbered that he was content to wear them for life.
Whether this was the intention of the nobles who set aside the
unworthy son of Sanga, there is abundant reason to doubt ; and
as he is subsequently branded with the epithet of ' usurper ' it
was probably limited, though unexpressed, to investing him with
the executive authority during the minority of Udai Singh.
Banbir, however, only awaited the approach of night to remove
with his own hands the obstacle to his ambition.
The Escape of Udai Singh, the Heir. — Udai Singh was about
six years of age. " He had gone to sleep after his rice and milk,"
when his nurse was alarmed by screams from the rawala,^ and the
Bari ^ coming in to take away the remains of the dinner, informed
her of the cause, the assassination of the Rana. Aware that one
murder was the precursor of another, the faithful nurse put her
^ The seraglio, or female palace.
5* Bari, Nai, are names for the barbers, who aie the cuisiniers of the Rajputs.
[The special duty of the Bari is making leaf -platters from which Hindus eat :
he is also a domestic servant, but does not, like the Nai, work as a barber.]
368 ANNALS OF MEWAR
charge into a fruit basket and, covering it with leaves, she de-
livered it to the Bari, enjoining him to escape with it from the
fort. Scarcely had she time to substitute her own infant in the
room of the prince, when Banbir, entering, inquired for him.
Her lips refused their ofBce ; she pointed to the cradle, and beheld
the murderous steel buried in the heart of her babe [316]. The
little victim to fidelity was burnt amidst the tears of the rawala,
the inconsolable household of their late sovereign, who supposed
that their grief was given to the last pledge of the illustrious Sanga.
The nurse (Dhai) was a Rajputni of the Khichi tribe, her name
Panna, or ' the Diamond.' Having consecrated with her tears
the aslies of her child, she hastened after that she had preserved.
But well had it been for Mewar had the poniard fulfilled its in-
tention, and had the annals never recorded the name of Udai
Singh in the catalogue of her princes.
The faithful barber was awaiting the nurse in the bed of the
Berach River, some miles west of Chitor, and fortunately the
infant had not awoke until he descended the city. They departed
for Deolia, and sought refuge with Singh Rao, the successor to
Baghji, who fell for Chitor ; who dreading the consequence of
detection, they proceeded to Dungarpur. Rawal Askaran then
ruled this principality, which, as well as Deolia, was not only a
branch, but the elder branch, of Chitor. With every wish to
afford a shelter, he pleaded the danger which threatened himself
and the child in such a feeble sanctuary. Pursuing a circuitous
route through Idar, and the intricate valleys of the Aravalli, by
the help and with the protection of its wild inmates, the Bhils, she
gained Kumbhaimer. The resolution she had formed was bold
as it was judicious. She demanded an interview with the governor^
Asa Sail his name, of the mercantile tribe of Depra,^ and a follower
of the theistical tenets of the Jains. The interview being granted,
she placed the infant in his lap, and bid him " guard the life of
his sovereign.'" He felt perplexed and alarmed : but his mother,
who was present^ upbraided him for his scruples. " Fidelity,"
said she, " never looks at dangers or difficulties. He is your
master, the son of Sanga, and by God's blessing the result will
be glorious." Having thus fulfilled her trust, the faithful Panna
^ [Dr. Tessitori states that the true form of the name is Dahipra or Dahi-
pura, and they seem to be the same as the Depla of Gujarat, where they are
said to have been originally Lohanas {BG, ix. Part i. 122).]
INSTALLATION OF RANA UDAI SINGH 369
withdrew from Kumbhalmer to avoid the suspicion which a
Rajputni about a Srawak's ^ child would have occasioned, as the
heir of Chitor was declared to be the nephew of the Depra.
The Boyhood of Udai Singh. — Suspicions were often excited
regardinjT Asa's nephew ; once, especially, on the anniversary
(samvatsara) of the governor's father, when " the Rajput guests
being in one rank, and the men of v/ealth in another, j'oung Udai
seized a vessel of curds, which no intreaty could prevail on him
to relinquish, deriding their threats " [317]. Seven years elapsed
before the secret transpired ; at length self-revealed, from the
same independent bearing. On occasion of a visit from the
Sonigira chief, Udai was sent to receive him, and the dignified
manner in which he performed the duty convinced the chief
' he was no nephew to the Sah.' Rumour spread the tale, and
brought not only the nobles of Mewar, but adjacent chiefs, to
hail the son of Sanga Rana. Sahidas of Salumbar, the representa-
tive of Chonda, Jaga of Kelwa, Sanga of Bagor, all chiefs of the
clans of Chondawat ; the Chauhans of Kotharia and Bedla, the
Pramar of Bijolia Akhiraj (Sonigira), Prithiraj of Sanchor, and
Lunkaran Jethawat, repaired to Kumbhalmer, when all doubt
was removed by the testimony of the nurse, and of her coadjutor
in the preservation of the child.
Installation of Rana Udai Singh, a.d. 1537-72. — A court was
formed, when the faithful Asa Sah resigned his trust and placed
the prince of Chitor ' in the lap of the Kotharia Chauhan,' as
the ' great ancient ' ^ among the nobles of Mewar, who was
throughout acquainted with the secret, and who, to dissipate the
remaining scruples which attached to the infant's preservation,
' ate off the same platter with him.' The Sonigira Rao did not
hesitate to affiance to him his daughter, and it was accepted
by his advisers, notwithstanding the interdict of Hamir to any
intermarriage with the Sonigira, since the insult of giving the
widow to his bed. Udai received the tika of Chitor in the
castle of Kumbha, and the homage of nearly all the chiefs of
Mewar.
The tidings soon reached the usurper, who had not borne his
^ The laity of the Jain persuasion are so called [srdvaJc, meaning ' a
disciple '].
* Bara ' great,' burha ' aged ' ; the ' wise elder ' of Rajasthan, where old
age and dignity are synonymous.
VOL. I 2 B
370 ANNALS OF MEWAR
faculties meekly since his advancement ; but having seized on
the dignity, he wished to ape all the customs of the legitimate
monarchs of Chitor, and even had the effrontery to punish as an
insult the refusal of one of the proud sons of Chonda to take the
dauna from his bastard hand.
The Dauna, a Recognition of Legitimacy. — The dauna, or daua,
is a portion of the dish of which the prince partakes, sent by his
own hand to whomsoever he honours at the banquet. At the
rasora, or refectory, the chiefs who are admitted to dine in the
presence of their sovereign are seated according to their rank.
The repast is one of those occasions when an easy familiarity
is permitted, which, though unrestrained, never exceeds the
bounds [318] of etiquette, and the habitual reverence due to their
father and prince. \Vlien he sends, by the steward of the kitchen,
a portion of the dish before him, or a little from his own kansa,
or plate, all eyes are guided to the favoured mortal, whose good
fortune is the subject of subsequent conversation. Though, with
the diminished lustre of this house, the dauna may have lost its
former estimation, it is yet received with reverence ; but the
extent of this feeling, even so late as the reign of Arsi Rana, the
father of the reigning prince, the following anecdote will testify.
In the rebellion during this prince's reign, amongst the ancient
customs which became relaxed, that of bestowing the dauna
was included ; and the Rana conferring it on the Rathor prince
of Kishangarh, the Bijolia chief, one of the sixteen superior nobles
of Mewar, rose and left the presence, observing, " Neither the
Kachhwaha nor the Rathor has a right to this honour, nor can we,
who regard as sanctified even the leavings of your repast, witness
this degradation ; for the Thakur of Kishangarh is far beneath
me." To such extent is this privilege even yet carried, and such
importance is attached from habit to the personal character of the
princes of Mewar, that the test of regal legitimacy in Rajasthan
is admission to eat from the same plate (kansa) with the Rana :
and to the refusal of this honour to the great Man Singh of Amber
may be indirectly ascribed the ruin of Mewar.^
It may therefore be conceived with what contempt the
haughty nobility of Chitor received the mockery of honour from
the hand of this ' fifth son of Mewar ' ; and the Chondawat chief
had the boldness to add to his refusal, " that an honour from the
^ [On the privilege of eating with the Rana see p. 213 above.]
DEPOSITION OF RANA BANBIR SINGH 371
hand of a true son of Bappa Rawal became a disgrace when proffered
by the offspring of the handmaid Sitalseni." The defection soon
became general, and all repaired to the valley of Kumbhalmer
to hail the legitimate son of Mewar. A caravan of five hundred
horses and ten thousand oxen, laden with merchandise from
Cutch, the dower of Banbir's daughter, guarded by one thousand
Gaharwar Rajputs, was plundered in the passes : a signal intima-
tion of the decay of his authority, and a timely supply to the
celebration of the nuptials of Udai Rana with the daughter of
the Rao of Jalor. Though the interdict of Hamir was not for-
gotten, it was deemed that the insult given by Banbir Sonigira was
amply effaced by his successor's redemption of the usurpation
of Banbir Sesodia. The marriage was solemnized at Bali, within
the limits of Jalor, and the [319] customary offerings were sent
or given by all the princes of Rajasthan. Two chiefs only, of
any consequence, abstained from attending on their lawful prince
on this occasion, the Solanki of Maholi and Maloji of Tana. In
attacking them, the bastard was brought into conflict ; but
Maloji was slain and the Solanki surrendered.
Deposition of Rana Banbir Singh. — Deserted by all, Banbir
held out in the capital ; but his minister admitted, under the garb
of a reinforcement with supplies, a thousand resolute adherents
of the prince : the keepers of the gates were surprised and slain,
and the an of Udai Singh was proclaimed. Banbir was even
permitted to retire with his family and his wealth. He sought
refuge in the Deccan, and the Bhonslas of Nagpur are said to
derive their origin from this spurious branch of Chitor.^
Rana Udai Singh, a.d. 1537-72. — Rana Udai Singh ascended
the throne in S. 1597 (a.d. 1541-2). Great were the rejoicings on
the restoration of this prince. ' The song of joy,' ^ which was
composed on the occasion, is yet a favourite at Udaipur, and
on the festival of Isani (the Ceres of Rajasthan), the females still
chant in chorus the ' farewell to Kumbhalmer.' * But the evil days
of Mewar which set in with Sanga's death, and were accelerated
by the fiery valour of Ratna and the capricious conduct of Bik-
ramajit, were completed by an anomaly in her annals : a coward
succeeding a bastard to guide the destinies of the Sesodias. The
^ [There seems no basis for this tradition. The Bhonslas sprang from a
Maratha headman of Deora in Satara {IGI, xviii. 306).]
^ Suhaila. ^ Kumbhalmer bidaona.
372 ANNALS OF MEWAR
vices of Ratna and his brother were virtues compared to this
physical defect, the consequences of which destroyed a great
national feeling, the opinion of its invincibility.
His Character. — " Woe to the land where a minor rules or a
woman bears sway ! " exclaims the last of the great bards ^ of
Rajasthan ; but where both were united, as in Mewar, the
measure of her griefs was full. Udai Singh had not one quality
of a sovereign ; and wanting martial virtue, the common heritage
of his race, he was destitute of all. Yet he might have slumbered
life away in inglorious repose during the reign of Humayun, or
the contentions of the Pathan usurpation ; but, unhappily for
Rajasthan, a prince was then rearing who forged fetters for the
Hindu race which enthralled them for ages ; and though the
corroding hand of time left but their fragments, yet even now,
though emancipated, they bear the indelible marks of the manacle ;
not like the galley slave's, physical and exterior, but deep mental
scars, never to be effaced. Can a nation which has run its long
career of glory be [320] regenerated ? Can the soul of the Greek
or the Rajput be reanimated with the spark divine which defended
the kunguras ^ of Chitor or the pass of Thermopylae ? Let history
answer the question.
Birth of Akbar. — In the same year that the song of joy was
raised in the cloud-capped ' palace of Kiunbhalmer for the
deliverance of Udai Singh, the note of woe was pealed through
the walls of Umarkot, and given to the winds of the desert, to
proclaim the birth * of an infant destined to be the greatest
monarch who ever swayed the sceptre of Hindustan. In an oasis
of the Indian desert, amidst the descendants of the ancient Sogdoi ^
of Alexander, Akbar first saw the light ; his father a fugitive, the
diadem torn from his brows, its recovery more improbable than
was its acquisition by Babur. The ten years which had elapsed
since Humayun's accession were passed in perpetual strife with
his brothers, placed according to custom in subordinate govern-
ments. Their selfish ambition met its reward ; for with the fall
of Humayun their own was ensured, when Sher Shah displaced
the dynasty of Chagatai for his own, the Pathan (or Sur).
^ Chand, the heroic bard of the last Hindu emperor. [Cf. Ecclesiastes,
X. 16.]
« Battlements. » Badal MahaU. * November 23, a.d. 1542.
* The Sodhas, a branch of the Pramaras, see p. 111.
EARLY YEARS OF AKB.\R 373
Defeat and Flight of Humayun, a.d. 1540. — From the field of
battle at Kanauj, where Humayun left his crown, his energetic
opponent gave him no respite, driving him before him from Agra
to Lahore. Thence, with his family and a small band of adherents,
alternately protected and repelled by Hindu chieftains, he reached
the valley of Sind, where he struggled to maintain himself amidst
the greatest privations, attempting in succession each stronghold
on the Indus, from Multan to the ocean. Foiled in every object,
his associates made rebels by distress, he abandoned them for
the more dubious shelter of the foes of his race. Vain were his
solicitations to Jaisalmer and Jodhpur ; and though it cannot
be matter of wonder that he found no commiseration from either
Bhatti or Rathor, we must reprobate the unnational conduct of
Maldeo, who, the Mogul historian says, attempted to make him
captive. From such inhospitable treatment the royal exile
escaped by again plunging into the desert, where he encoimtered,
along with the tender objects of his solicitude, hardships of the
most appalling description, until sheltered by the Sodha prince
of Umarkot. The high courage and the virtues of this monarch
increase that interest in liis sufferings which royalty in distress
never fails to awaken by its u'resistible influence [321] upon our
sympathies ; and they form an affecting episode in the history
of Ferishta.^ Humayun, though more deeply skilled in the
^ " Humaioon mounted his horse at midnight and fled towards Amercot,
which is about one hundred coss from Tatta. His horse, on the way, falling
down dead with fatigue, he desired Tirdi Beg, who was weU mounted, to let
him have liis ; but so ungenerous was this man, and so low was royalty
faUen, that he refused to comply with his request. The troops of the raja
being close to his heels, he was necessitated to mount a camel, tiU one Nidim
Koka, dismounting his own mother, gave the king her horse, and, placing
her on the camel, ran himself on foot by her side.
" The country through which they iied being an entire sandy desert, the
troop began to be'in the utmost distress for water. Some ran mad, others
feh down dead ; nothing was heard but dreadful screams and lamentations.
To add, if possible, to this calamity, news arrived of the enemy's near
approach. Humaioon ordered ah those who could light to halt, and let the
women and baggage move forward. The enemy not making their appear-
ance, the king rode on in front to see how it fared with his famUy.
" Night, in the meantime, coming on, the rear lost their way, and in the
morning were attacked by a party of the enemy. Shech Ah, with about
twenty brave men, resolved to seU his life dear. Having repeated the creed
of martyrdom, he rushed upon the enemy, and the first arrow having reachetl
the heart of the chief of the party, the rest were by the valour of his handful
374 ANNALS OF MEWAR
mysteries of astrology than any professed seer of his empire,
appears never to have enjoyed that prescience which, according
to the initiated in the science, is to be obtained from accurate
observation :
And coming events cast their shadows before ;
for, could he, by any prophetic power, have foreseen that the
cloud which then shaded his fortunes, was but the precursor of
glory to his race, he would have continued his retreat from the
sheltering sand-hills of Umarkot with very different sentiments
from those which accompanied his flight into Persia [322].
Early Years of Akbar. — Hmnayvm educated the young Akbar
put to flight. The other Moguls joined in the pursuit, and took many of the
camels and horses. They then continued their march, found the king
sitting by a well which he had fortunately found, and gave him an account
of their adventure.
" Marching forward the next day from this well, they were more dis-
tressed than before, there being no water for two days' journey. On the
fourth day of their retreat they fell in with another well, which was so deep,
that the only bucket they had took a great deal of time in being wound up,
and therefore a drum was beat to give notice to the caffilas when the bucket
appeared, that they might repair by turns to drink. The people were so
impatient for the water, that as soon as the first bucket appeared, ten or
twelve of them threw themselves upon it before it quite reached the brim
of the well, by which means the rope broke, and the bucket was lost, and
several fell headlong after it. When this fatal accident happened, the
screams and lamentations of all became loud and dreadful. Some loUing
out their tongues, rolled themselves in agony on the hot sand ; while others,
precipitating themselves into the well, met with an immediate, and conse-
quently an easier death. What did not the unhappy king feel, when he saw
this terrible situation of his few faithful friends !
" The next day, though they reached water, was not less fatal than the
former. The camels, who had not tasted water for several days, now drank
so much that the greatest part of them died. The people, also, after drink-
ing, complained of an oppression of the heart, and in about half an hour a
great part of them expired..
" A few, with the king, after this unheard-of distress, reached Amercote.
The raja, being a humane man, took compassion on their misfortunes : he
spared nothing that could alleviate their miseries, or express his fidelity to
the king.
" At Amercote, upon Sunday the fifth of Rigib, in the year nine hundred
and forty-nine, the prince Akber was brought forth by Hamida Banu Begum.
The king, after returning thanks to God, left his family under the protection
of Raja Rana, and, by the aid of that prince, marched against Bicker."
Dow's Feyishta [2nd ed. ii. 136 ff. Compare that of Briggs ii. 93 ff.].
EARLY YEARS OF AKBAR 375
in the same school of adversity in which he had studied under
Babur. Between the Persian court and his ancient patrimony
in Transoxiana, Kandahar, and Kashmir, twelve years were
passed in everj^ trial of fortune. During this short period, India,
always the prize of valour, had witnessed in succession six ^
kings descended from the Pathan ' Lion ' {sher), of whom the
last, Sikandar, was involved in the same civil broUs which brought
the crown to his family. Humayun, then near Kashmir, no
sooner observed the tide of events set counter to liis foe, than he
crossed the Indus and advanced upon Sirhind, where the Pathan
soon appeared with a tumultuous array. The impetuosity of
young Akbar brought on a general engagement, which the veterans
deemed madness. Not so Humayun, who gave the command to
his boy, whose heroism so excited all ranks, that they despised
the numbers of the enemy, and gained a glorious victory. This
was the presage of his future fame ; for Akbar was then but
twelve years of age,^ the same period of life at which his grand-
father, Babur, maintained himself on the throne of Farghana.
Humayun, worthy of such a son and such a sire, entered Delhi in
triumph ; but he did not long enjoy Ms recovered crown. His
death will appear extraordinary, according to the erroneous
estimate formed of Eastern princes : its cause was a faU from
the terrace of his library ; ' for, like every individual of his race,
lie was not merely a patron of literature, but himself a scholar.
Were we to contrast the literary acquirements of the Chagatai
princes with those of their contemporaries of Europe, the balance
of lore would be found on the side of the Asiatics, even though
Elizabeth and Henry IV. of France were in the scale. Amongst
the princes from the Jaxartes are historians, poets, astronomers,
founders of systems of government and religion, warriors, and
great captains, who claim our respect and admiration.
Akbar's Struggle for the Empire. — Scarcely had Akbar been
seated on the throne, when Delhi and Agra were wrested from
him, and a nook of the Panjab constituted all his empire : but by
the energetic valour of the great Bairam Khan, his lost sovereignty
was regained with equal rapidity, and estabhshed by the wisdom
^ [Four are usually reckoned : Islam Shah, Muhammad Shah Adil,
Ibrahim Shah, and Sikandar Shah.]
2 A.D. 1554.
* [At the Sher Mandal in Parana Kila, Delhi, on January 24, 1556.]
376 ANNALS OF BIEWAR
of this Suliy ^ of Hindustan on a rock. Kalpi, Chanderi, Kalanjar,
all Bundelkhand and Malwa, were soon attached to the empire,
and at the early age of eighteen Akbar assumed the uncontrolled
[323] direction of the State. He soon turned his attention
towards the Rajputs ; and whether it was to revenge the in-
hospitality of Maldeo towards his father, he advanced against
the Rathors, and stormed and took Merta, the second city in
Marwar. Raja Biharimall [or Bahar MaU] of Amber anticipated
the king, enrolled himself and son Bhagwandas amongst his
vassals, gave the Chagatai a daughter to wife, and held his country
as a fief of the empire. But the rebellions of the Usbek nobles,
and the attempts of former princes to regain their lost power,
checked for a time his designs upon Rajasthan. These matters
adjusted, and the petty sovereigns in the East (to whom the
present monarch of Oudh is as Alexander) subjected to authority,
he readily seized upon the provocation which the sanctuary given
to Baz Bahadur of Malwa and the ex-prince of Narw^ar afforded,
to turn his arms against Chitor.^
Comparison o£ Akbar with Rana Udai Singh. — Happy the
country where the sovereignty is in the laws, and where the
monarch is but the chief magistrate of the State, unsubjected to
those vicissitudes which make the sceptre in Asia unstable as a
pendulum, kept in perpetual oscillation by the individual passions
of her princes ; where the virtues of one will exalt her to the
summit of prosperity, as the vices of a successor will plunge her
into the abyss of degradation . Akbar and Udai Singh furnish
the corollary to this self-evident truth.
The Rana was old enough to pliilosophize on ' the uses of
adversity ' ; and though the best of the ' great ancients ' had
fallen in defence of Chitor, there were not wanting individuals
capable of instilling just'^ and noble sentiments into his mind :
but it was of that common character which is formed to be
^ There are excellent grounds for a parallel between Akbar and Henry
IV. and between Bairam and Sully, who were, moreover, almost contem-
poraries. The haughty and upright Bairam was at length goaded from
rebeUion to exile, and died by assassination only four years after Akbar's
accession. [January 31, 1561.] The story is one of the most useful lessons
of history. [The life of Akbar has been fully told, with much new evidence,
by V. A. Smith, Akbar the Great Mogul, 1917.]
- A.H. 975, or A.D. 1567.
AKBAR AND RANA UDAI SINGH 377
controlled by others ; and an artful and daring concubine stepped
in, to govern Udai Singh and Mewar.
Akbar was not older when he came to the throne ^ of Delhi
than Udai Singh when he ascended that of Mewar. Nor were
his hopes much brighter ; but the star which beamed upon his
cradle in the desert, conducted to his aid such coiuisellors as the
magnanimous Bairam, and the wise and virtuous Abu-1 Fazl.
Yet it mavii be deemed hardly fair to contrast the Rajput with
the Mogul : the one disciplined into an accurate knowledge of
human nature, by experience of the [324] mutability of fortune ;
the other cooped up from infancy in a valley of his native hills,
his birth concealed, and his education restricted.^
Akbar was the real founder of the empire of the Moguls, the
first successful conqueror of Rajput independence : to tliis end
his virtues were powerful auxiliaries, as by his skill in the analysis
of the mind and its readiest stimulant to action, he was enabled
to gild the chains with which he boimd them. To these they
became familiarized by habit, especially when the throne exerted
its power in acts gratifying to national vanity, or even in minister-
ing to the more ignoble passions. But generations of the martial
races were cut off by his sword, and lustres roUed away ere his
conquests were sufficiently confirmed to permit him to exercise
the beneficence of his nature, and obtain by the imiversal acclaim
of the conquered, the proud epithet of Jagad Guru, or ' guardian
of mankuid.' He was long ranked with Shihabu-d-din, Ala, and
other instruments of destruction, and with every just claim ; and,
like these, he constructed a Mimbar ^ for the Koran from the
altars of Eklinga. Yet he finally succeeded in healing the wounds
his ambition had inflicted, and received from millions that meed
of praise which no other of his race ever obtained.
The absence of the kingly virtues in the sovereign of Mewar
filled to the brim the bitter cup of her destiny. The guardian
goddess of the Sesodias had promised never to abandon the rock
of her pride while a descendant of Bappa Rawal devoted himself
to her service. In the first assault by Ala, twelve crowned heads
^ A.D. 1556 ; both were under thirteen years of age.
^ If we argue this according to a Rajput's notions, he will reject the com-
promise, and say that the son of Sanga should have evinced himself worthy
of his descent, under whatever circumstances fortune might have placed
him.
* The pulpit or platform of the Islamite preachers.
378 ANNALS OF MEWAR
defended the ' crimson banner ' to the death. In the second,
when conquest led by Bajazet ^ came from the south, the chieftain
of Deoha, a noble scion of Mewar, " though severed from her
stem," claimed the crown of glory and of martyrdom. But on
this, the third and grandest struggle, no regal victim appeared
to appease the Cybele of Chitor, and win her to retain its ' kun-
guras ' * as her coronet. She fell ! the charm was broken ; the
mysterious tie was severed for ever which connected p325] Chitor
with perpetuity of sway to the race of Guhilot. With Udai Singh
fled the " fair face " which in the dead of night unsealed the eyes
of Samarsi, and told him " the glory of the Hindu was depart-
ing " : ^ with him, that opinion, which for ages esteemed her walls
the sanctuary of the race, which encircled her with a halo of glory,
as the palladium of the religion and the liberties of the Rajputs.
To traditions such as these, history is indebted for the noblest
deeds recorded in her page ; and in Mewar they were the covert
impulse to national glory and independence. For this the
philosopher will value the relation ; and the philanthropist as
being the germs or nucleus of resistance against tyrannical
domination. Enveloped in a wild fable, we see the springs of
their prejudices and their action : batter down these adamantine
walls of national opinion, and all others are but glass. The once
invincible Chitor is now pronounced indefensible. " The abode
of regality, which for a thousand years reared her head above all
the cities of Hindustan," is become the refuge of wild beasts,
which seek cover in her temples ; and this erst sanctified capital
is now desecrated as the dwelling of evil fortune, into which the
entrance of her princes is solemnly interdicted.
Akbar besieges Chitor, September, a.d. 1567. — Ferishta men-
tions but one enterprise against Chitor, that of its capture ; but
the annals record another, when Akbar was compelled to relinquish
the undertaking.* The successful defence is attributed to the
^ Malik Bayazid was the name of the Malwa sovereign ere he came to the
throne, corrupted by Europeans to Bajazet. He is always styled ' Baz
Bahadur ' in the annals of Mewar.
* Battlements.
' The last book of Chand opens with this vision.
* [Ferishta ii. 299 ff. " It does not appear when that attempt was made,
and it is diflScult to find a place for it in Abu-1 Fazl's chronology, but there
is also difficulty in believing the alleged fact to be an invention " (Smith,
Akbar, the Oreat Mogxd, 81).]
AKBAR BESIEGES CHITOR 379
masculine courage of the Rana's concubine queen, who headed
the sallies into the^heart of the Mogul camp, and on one occasion
tQ the emperor's headquarters. The imbecile Rana proclaimed
that he owed his deliverance to her ; when the chiefs, indignant
at this imputation on their courage, conspired and put her to
death. Internal discord invited Akbar to reinvest Chitor ; he
had just attained his twenty-fifth year, and was desirous of the
renown of capturing it. The site of the royal Urdu,^ or camp,
is still pointed out. It extended from the village of Pandauli ^
along the high road to Basai, a distance of ten miles. The head-
quarters of Akbar are yet marked by a pyramidal column of
marble, to which tradition has assigned the [326] title of Akbar
ka diwa, or ' Akbar's lamp.' * Scarcely had Akbar sat down
before Chitor, when the Rana was compelled (say the annals) to
quit it ; but the necessity and his wishes were in unison. It
lacked not, however, brave defenders. Sahidas, at the head of a
numerous band of the descendants of Chonda, was at his post,
^ Of which horde is a corruption.
2 There are two villages of this name. This is on the lake called Man-
sarowar on whose bank I obtained that invaluable inscriijtion (see No. 2)
in the nail-headed character, which settled the estabhshment of the Guhilot
in Chitor, at a httle more than (as Orme has remarked) one thousand years.
To the eternal regret of my Yati Guru and myself, a barbarian Brahman
servant, instead of having it copied, broke the venerable column to bring
the inscription to Udaipur.
^ It IS as perfect as when constructed, being of immense blocks of compact
white Hmestone, closely fitted to each other ; its height thirty feet, the base
a square of twelve, and summit four feet, to which a staircase conducts. A
huge concave vessel was then filled with fire, which served as a night-beacon
to this ambulatory city, where all nations and tongues were assembled, or
to guide the foragers. Akbar, who was ambitious of being the founder of
a new faith as well as kingdom, had tried every creed, Jewish, Hindu, and
even made some progress in the doctrines of Christianity, and may have in
turn affected those of Zardusht, and assuredly this pyramid possesses more
of the appearance of a pyreum than a ' diwa ' ; though either would have
fulfilled the purport of a beacon. [Mr. V. A. Smith, quoting Kavi Raj
Shyamal Das, 'Antiquities at Nagari ' {JASB, Part i. vol. Ivi. (1887),
p. 75), corrects the statements in this note. There was no interior staircase,
and more accurate measurements are : height, 36 ft. 7 in. ; 14 ft. 1 in.
square at base ; 3 ft. 3 in. square at apex. The tower is sohd for 4 ft., then
hollow for 20 ft., and sohd again up to the top. The building may be very
ancient, though used by Akbar as alleged by popular tradition ; probably a
wooden ladder gave access to the chamber and to the summit. The original
purpose of the building, which stands near Nagari, some six miles N.E. of
Chitor, is uncertain [Akbar the Great Mogul, 86, note).]
380 ANNALS OF MEWAR
' the gate of the sun ' ; there he fell resisting the entrance of the
foe, and there his altar stands, on the brow of the rock which was
moistened with his blood. Rawat Duda of Madri led ' the sons
of Sanga.' ^ The feudatory chiefs of Bedla and Kotharia,
descended from Pritliiraj of Delhi- — the framar of Bijolia — the
Jhala of Sadri — inspired their contingents with their brave
example : these were all home chieftains. Another son of Deolia
again combated for Chitor, with the Sonigira Rao of Jalor —
Isaridas Rathor, Karamchand Kachhwaha,^ with Duda Sadani,*
and the Tuar prince of Gwalior, were distinguished amongst the
foreign auxiharies on tliis occasion.
Jaimall and Fatta. — But the names which shine brightest in
this gloomy page of the annals of Mewar, which are still held
sacred by the bard and the true Rajput, and immoitahzed by
Akbar's own pen, are Jaimall of Radnor and Patta of Kelwa,
both of the sixteen superior vassals of Mewar. The first was a
Rathor of the Mertia house, the bravest of the brave clans of
Marwar ; the other was head of the Jagawats, another gi-and
shoot from Chonda. The names of Jaimall and Patta are ' as
household words,' inseparable in Mewar, and will be honoured
while tiie Rajput retains a shred of his inheritance or a spark of
his ancient recollections. Though deprived of the stimulus which
would have been given had their prince been a witness of their
deeds, heroic achievements such as those already recorded were
conspicuous on this occasion ; and many a fair form threw the
buclder over the scarf, and led the most desperate sorties [327].
When Salumbar * fell at the gate of the sun, the command
devolved on Patta of Kelwa. He was only sixteen ; ^ his father
had fallen in the last shock, and his mother had survived but to
rear this the sole heir of their house. Like the Spartan mother
of old, she commanded him to put on the ' saffron robe,' and to
die for Chitor : but surpassing the Grecian dame, she illustrated
^ The Sangawats, not the sons of Rana Sauga, but of a chieftain of
Chonda's kin, whose name is the patronymic of one of its principal sub-
divisions, of whom the chief of Deogarh is now head (see p. 188).
^ Of the Panchaenot branch.
^ One of the iShaikhavat subdivisions.
* The abode of the Chondawat leader. It is common to call them by
the name of their estates.
* [He must have been older, as he left two sons, and had already served
in defence of Merta (fcjmith, op. cil. 88).]
THE JOHAR 381
her precept by example ; and lest any soft ' compunctious
\'isitings ' for one dearer than herself might dim the lustre of
Kelwa, she armed the young bride with a lance, with her de-
scended the rock, and the defenders of Chitor saw her fall, fighting
by the side of her Amazonian mother. "When their wives and
daughters performed such deeds, the Rajputs became reckless of
life. They had maintained a protracted defence, but had no
thoughts of surrender, when a ball struck Jaimall, who took the
lead on the fall of the kin of Mewar. His soul revolted at the
idea of ingloriously perishing by a distant blow. He saw there
was no ultimate hope of salvation, the northern defences being
entirely destroyed, and he resolved to signalize the end of his
career. The fatal Johar was commanded, while eight thousand
Rajputs ate the last ' bira ' ^ together, and put on their saffron
robes ; the gates were thrown open, the work of destruction
commenced, and few survived ' to stain the yellow mantle '
by inglorious surrender. Akbar entered Chitor, when thirty
thousand of its inhabitants became \actims to the ambitious
thirst of conquest of this ' guardian of mankind.' All the heads
of clans, both home and foreign, fell, and seventeen hundred of
the immediate kin of the prince sealed their duty to their country
with their lives. The Tuar chief of Gwalior appears to have been
the only one of note who was reserved for another day of glory .^
Nine queens, five princesses (their daughters), with two infant
sons, and the families of all the chieftains not at their estates,
perished in the flames or in the assault of this ever memorable
day. Their divinity had indeed deserted them ; for it was on
Adityawar, the day of the sun,' he shed for the last time a ray of
glory on Chitor. The rock of their strength was despoiled ; the
temples, the palaces dilapidated : and, to complete her humilia-
tion and his triumph, Akbar bereft her of all the symbols of [328]
regality : the nakkaras,* whose reverberations proclaimed, for miles
^ The bira, or pan, the aromatic leaf so called, enveloping spices, terra
japonica, calcined shell-hne, and pieces of the areca nut, is always presented
on taking leave.
^ [His name appears to have been SaHvahan, and as he had married a
Sesodia princess, he was bound to fight for the Rana {A8R, ii. 394).]
' " Chait sudi igarahwan, S. 1624," 11th Chait, or May, a.d. 1568.
[The Musalman writers give February 23, 1568 {Akbarridma, ii. 471 ;
Elhot-Dowson v. 327 ; c/. Badaoni ii. 111).]
* Grand kettle-drums, about eight or ten feet in diameter.
382 ANNALS OF MEWAR
around, the entrance and exit of her princes ; the candelabras
from the shrine of the ' great mother,' who girt Bappa Rawal with
the sword with which he conquered Chitor ; and, in mockery of her
misery, her portals, to adorn his projected capital, Akbarabad.^
Akbar claimed the honour of the death of Jaimall by his own
hand : the fact is recorded by Abu-1 Fazl, and by the emperor
Jahangir, who conferred on the matchlock which aided him to
this distinction the title of Sangram.* But the conqueror of
Chitor evinced a more exalted sense, not only of the value of his
conquest, but of the merits of his foes, in erecting statues to the
names of Jaimall and Patta at the most conspicuous entrance of
his palace at Delhi ; and they retained that distinction even
when Bernier was in India.'
The Sin oJ the Capture oJ Chitor. — When the Carthaginian
gained the battle of Cannae, he measured his success by the
bushels of rings taken from the fingers of the equestrian Romans
^ The tija sakha Chitor ra, or ' tliird sack of Chitor,' was marked by the
most illiterate atrocity, . for every monument spared by Ala or Bayazid
was defaced, which has left an indehble stain on Akbar's name as a lover
of the arts, as well as of humanity. Ala's assault was comparatively harm.-
less, as the care of the fortress was assigned to a Hindu prince ; and Bayazid
had little time to fulfil this part of the Mosaic law, maintained with rigid
severity by the followers of Islamism. Besides, at those periods, they
possessed both the skill and the means to reconstruct : not so after Akbar,
as the subsequent portion of the annals will show but a struggle for existence.
The arts do not flourish amidst penury : the principle to construct cannot
long survive, when the means to execute are fled ; and in the monumental
works of Chitor we can trace the gradations of genius, its splendour and
decay. [There is no good evidence that Akbar destroyed the buildings
(Smith, op. cit. 90).]
^ " He (Akber) named the matchlock with which he shot Jeimul Singram.
being one of great superiority and choice, and with which he had slain three
or four thousand birds and beasts " (Jahangir-namah). [Ed. Rogers-
Beveridge 45 ; Ain, i. 116, 617 ; Badaoni ii. 107.]
* " I find nothing remarkable at the entry but two great elephants of
stone, which are in the two sides of one of the gates. Upon one of them is
the statue of Jamel (Jeimul), that famous raja of Cheetore, and upon the
other Potter (Putta) his brother. These are two gallant men that, together
with their mother, who was yet braver than they, cut out so much work
for Ekbar ; and who, in the sieges of towns which they maintained against
him, gave such extraordinary proofs of their generosity, that at length they
would rather be killed in the outfalls (salhes) with their mother, than submit ;
and for this gallantry it is, that even their enemies thought them worthy to
have these statues erected to them. These two great elephants, together
with the two resolute men sitting on them, do at the first entry into this
THE CAPTURE OF CHITOR 383
who fell in that memorable field. Akbar estimated his, by the
quantity of cordons (zimnar) of [329] distinction taken fi-om the
necks of the Rajputs, and seventy-four mans and a half ^ are the
recorded amount. To eternize the memory of this disaster, the
numerals '74J' are talak, or accursed.^ Marked on the banker's
letter in Rajasthan it is the strongest of seals, for ' the sin of the
slaughter of Chitor ' ^ is thereby invoked on all who violate a
letter under the safeguard of this mysterious number. He would
be a fastidious critic who stopped to calculate the weight oi these
cordons of the Rajput cavaliers, probably as much over-rated
as tlie trophies of the Roman rings, which are stated at three and
a half bushels. It is for the moral impression that history deigns
to note such anecdotes, in themselves of trivial import. So long
as ' 74| ' shall remain recorded, some good will result from the
calamity, and may survive when the event which caused it is
buried in oblivion.
Escape of Rana Udai Singh : Foundation of Udaipur. — When
Udai Singh abandoned Chitor, he found refuge with the Gohil in
the forests of Rajpipli. Thence he passed to the valley of the
fortress make an impression of I know not what greatness and awful terror "
(Letter written at Delhi, 1st July 1663, from edition printed in London in 1684,
ill the author's possession). [Ed. V. A. Smith, 256.] Such the impression
made on a Parisian a century after the event : but far more powerful the
charm to the author of these annals, as he pondered on the spot where
Jaimall received the fatal shot from Sangram, or placed flowers on the
cenotaph that marks the fall of the son of Chonda and the mansion of
Patta, whence issued the Sesodia matron and her daughter. Every foot of
ground is hallowed by ancient recollections. [For the question of these
statues see V. A. Smith, HFA, 426 ; ASR, i. 225 ff. ; Manucci, ii. 11.]
In these the reader may in some degree participate, as the plate gives
in the distance the runas of the dwellings both of Jaimall and Patta on
the projection of the rock, as well as ' the ringlet on the forehead of
Chitor,' the column of victory raised by Lakha Rana.
^ The mail is of four seers : the maund is forty, or seventy-five pounds.
Dow, calculating all the captured wealth of India by the latter, has rendered
many facts improbable. [The man in the Ain was 55^ lbs.]
^ [Sir H. M. EUiot proved that the use of 74i is merely a modification
of the figures 74^^, meaning apparently 84, a sacred number {Suppleme^ital
Glossary, 197). In the Central Provinces it is said that it originated in
Jahangir's slaughter of the Nagar Brahmans, when 7450 of them threw
away their sacred cords and became Sudras to save their lives (Russell,
Tribes and Castes, ii. 395).]
* ' Chitor marya ra pap ' .* ra is the sign of the genitive, in the Doric
tongue of Mewar, the la of the refined.
384 ANNALS OF MEWAR
Giro in the Aravalli, in the vicinity of the retreat of his great
ancestor Bappa, ere he conquered Chitor. At the entrance of this
valley, several years previous to this catastrophe, he had formed
the lake, still called after him Udai Sagar, and he now raised a
dyke between the mountains which dammed up another mountain
stream. On the cluster of hills adjoining he raised the small
palace called Nauchauki, around which edifices soon arose, and
formed a city to which he gave his own name, Udaipur,^ hence-
forth the capital of Mewar.
Death of Rana Udai Singh. — Four years had Udai Singh sur-
vived the loss of Chitor, when he expired at Gogunda, at the early
age of forty-two ; yet far too long for his country's honour and
welfare. He left a num.erovis issue of twenty-five legitimate sons,
whose descendants, all styled Ranawat, pushed aside the more
ancient stock, and form that extensive clan distinctively termed
the Babas, or ' infants,' of Mewar, whether Ranawats, Purawats,
or Kanawats. His last act was to entail with a barren sceptre
contention upon his children ; for, setting aside the established
laws of primogeniture, he proclaimed his favourite son Jagmall
his successor.
Jagmall proclaimed Rana. — In Mewar there is no interregnum :
even the ceremony of matam (mourning) is held at the [330]
house of the family priest while the palace is decked out for
rejoicing. On the full moon of the spring month of Phalgun,
while his brothers and the nobles attended the funeral pyre,
Jagmall took possession of the throne in the infant capital,
Udaipur : but even while the triunpets sounded, and the heralds
called aloud " May the king live for ever ! " a cabal was formed
round the bier of his father.
Jagmall deposed in favour o£ Rana Partap Singh. — It will be
borne in mind that Udai Singh espoused the Sonigira princess ;
and the Jalor Rao, desirous to see his sister's son have his right,
demanded of Kistna, the ' great ancient ' of Mewar and the leader
of the Chondawats, how such injustice was sanctioned by him.
" When a sick man has reached the last extreme and asks for
milk to drink, why refuse it ? " was the reply ; with the addition :
" The Sonigira's nephew is my choice, and my stand by Partap."
JagmaU had just entered the Rasora, and Partap was saddling
^ Classically Udayapura, the city of the East ; from udaya (oriens), the
point of sunrise, as asta (west) is of sunset.
RANA PARTAP SINGH 385
for his departure, when Rawat Kistna entered, accompanied by
the ex-prince of GwaHor. Each chief took an arm of Jagmall,
and with gentle violence removed him to a seat in front of the
' cushion ' he had occupied ; the hereditary premier remarking,
" You had made a mistake, Maharaj : that place belongs to your
brother " : and girding Partap with the sword (the privilege of
this house), thrice touching the ground, hailed him king of Mewar.
All followed the example of Salumbar. Scarcely was the ceremony
over, when the young prince remarked, it was the festival of the •
Aheria, nor must ancient customs be forgotten : " Therefore to
horse, and slay a boar to Gauri,^ and take the omen for the
ensuing year." They slew abundance of game, and in the mimic
field of war, the nobles who surrounded the gallant Partap antici-
pated happier days for Mewar [331].
CHAPTER 11
Bana Partap Singh, a.d. 1572-97. — Partap ^ succeeded to the
titles and renown of an illustrious house, but without a capital,
without resources, his kindred and clans dispirited by reverses :
yet possessed of the noble spirit of his race, he meditated the
recovery of Chitor, the vindication of the honour of his house,
and the restoration of its power. Elevated with this design, he
hurried into conflict with his powerful antagonist, nor stooped
to calculate the means which were opposed to him. Accustomed
to read in his country's annals the splendid deeds of his fore-
fathers, and that Chitor had more than once been the prison of
their foes, he trusted that the revolutions of fortune might co-
operate with his own efforts to overturn the unstable throne of
Delhi. The reasoning was as just as it was noble ; but whilst
he gave loose to those lofty aspirations which meditated liberty
to Mewar, his crafty opponent was counteracting his views by a
scheme of policy which, when disclosed, filled his heart with
^ Ceres — The Aheria, or Mahurat ka Shikar, will be explained in the
Personal Narrative, as it would here break the connexion of events.
^ [Partap Singh is usually caUed by the Muhammadans Rana Kika,
Ktka (in Marwar gtga, in Malwa Kuka), meaning ' a small boy ' {Ain, i.
339 ; EIliot-Dowson v. 397, 410).]
VOL. I 2 c
386 ANNALS OF MEWAR
anguish. The wily Mogul arrayed against Partap his kindred in
faith as well as blood. The princes of Marwar, Amber, Bikaner,
and even Bundi, late his firm ally, took part with Akbar and
upheld despotism. Nay, even his own brother, Sagarji,^ deserted
him, and received, as the price of his treachery, the ancient capital
of his race, and the title which that possession conferred
[332].
Rana Partap Singh resists the Moguls. — But the magnitude of the
peril confirmed the fortitude of Partap, who vowed, in the words
of the bard, "to make his mother's milk resplendent"; and he
amply redeemed his pledge. Single-handed, for a quarter of a
century did he withstand the combined efforts of the empire ;
at one time carrying destruction into the plains, at another fljang
from rock to rock, feeding his family from the fruits of his native
hills, and rearing the nursling hero Amra, amidst savage beasts
and scarce less savage men, a fit heir to his prowess and revenge.
The bare idea that " the son of Bappa Rawal should bow the
head to mortal man," was insupportable ; and he spurned every
overture which had submission for its basis, or the degradation
of uniting his family by marriage with the Tatar, though lord
of countless multitudes.
The brilliant acts he achieved during that period live in every
valley ; they are enshrined in the heart of every true Rajput,
and many are recorded in the annals of the conquerors. To
recount them all, or relate the hardshijDs he sustained, would be
to pen what they would pronounce a romance who had not
traversed the country where tradition is yet eloquent with his
exploits, or conversed with the descendants of his chiefs, who
^ Sagarji held the fortress and lands of Kandhar. His descendants
formed an extensive clan called Sagarawats, who continued to hold Kandhar
till the time of Sawai Jai Singh of Amber, whose situation as one of the great
tatraps of the Mogul court enabled him to wrest it from Sagarji's issue, upon
sheir refusal to intermarry with the house of Amber. The great Mahabat
Khan, the most intrepid of Jahangir's generals, was an apostate Sagarawat.
They established many chieftainships in Central India, as Umri Bhadaura,
Ganeshganj, Digdoh ; places better known to Sindhia's officers than to the
British. [It is remarkable that the author beheved that Mahabat Khan was
a Rajput. This man, the De Montfort of Jahanglr, had such close Hindu
affinities and associations that he was thought to be a Hindu. He was a,
Musulman, Zamana Beg of Kabul, best known for his arrest of Jahangir in
1628. He died in 1644. (Jahanglr, Memoirs, Rogers-Beveridge i. 24 ;
Ain, i. 337 f., 347, 371, 414 ; Elphinstonc, Hist, of India, 567.)]
THE VOW OF RANA PARTAP SINGH 387
cherish a recollection of the deeds of their forefathers, and melt,
as they recite them, into manly tears.^
Partap was nobly supported ; and though wealth and fortune
tempted the fidelity of his chiefs, not one was found base enough
to abandon him. The sons of Jaimall shed their blood in his
cause, along with the successors of Patta — ^the house of Salumbar
redoubled the claims' of Chonda to fidelity ; and these five lustres
of adversity are the brightest in the chequered page of the history
of Mcwar, Nay, some chiefs, attracted by the very desperation
of his fortunes, pressed to his standard, to combat and die with
Partap. Amongst these was the Delwara chief, whose devotion
gained him the prince's ' right hand.'
The Vow of Rana Partap Singh. — To commemorate the desola-
tion of C'hitor, which the bardic historian represents as a ' widow '
despoiled of the ornaments to her loveliness, Partap interdicted
to himself and his successors every article of luxury or pomp,
until the insignia of her glory should be redeemed. The gold
and silver dishes were laid aside [383] for pattras ^ of leaves ;
their beds henceforth of straw, and their beards left untouched.
But in order more distinctly to mark their fallen fortune and
stimulate to its recovery, he commanded that the martial nakkaras,
which always sounded in the van of battle or processions, should
follow in the rear. This last sign of the depression of Mewar
still survives ; the beard is yet untouched by the shears ; and
even in the subterfuge by which the patriot king's behest is set
aside, we have a tribute to his memory : for though his descendant
eats off gold and silver, and sleeps upon a bed, he places the
leaves beneath the one and straw under the other.^
Often was Partap heard to exclaim, " Had Udai Singh never
been, or none intervened between him and Sanga Rana, no
^ I have climbed the rocks, crossed the streams, and traversed the plains
which were the theatre of Partap's glory, and conversed with the lineal
descendants of Jaimall and Patta on the deeds of their forefathers, and
many a time has the tear started in their eye at the tale they recited.
^ The first invented drinking cup or eating vessel being made from the
leaf {jMt) of particular trees, especially the palasa {Butea frondosa) and bar
(Ficus religiosa). The cups of a beautiful brown earthenware, made at
Kotharia, are chiefly pateras, of a perfectly classical shape. Query, the
Roman j^atera, or the Greek ttot?;/?, or Saxon j90< ? \jpatera, pateo, ' to lie open ' ;
pot. O.E. pott, Lat. potus, ' drinking.']
^ [For some further details see Rdsmdla, 307.]
388 ANNALS OF MEWAR
Turk should ever have given laws to Rajasthan." Hindu society
had assumed a new form within the century preceding : the
wrecks of dominion from the Jumna and Ganges had been silently
growing into importance ; and Amber and Marwar had attained
such power, that the latter single-handed coped with the imperial
Sher Shah ; while numerous minor chieftainships were attaining
shape and strength on both sides the Chambal. A prince of
commanding genius alone was wanting, to snatch the sceptre of
dominion from the Islamite. Such a leader they found in Sanga,
who possessed every quality which extorts spontaneous obedience,
and the superiority of whose birth, as well as dignity, were ad-
mitted without cavil, from the Himalaya to Rameswaram.^
These States had powerful motives to obey such a leader, in the
absence of whom their ancient patrimony was lost ; and such
they would have found renewed in Sanga's grandson, Partap,
had Udai Singh not existed, or had a less gifted sovereign than
Akbar been his contemporary.
With the aid of some chiefs of judgment and experience,
Partap remodelled his government, adapting it to the exigencies
of the times and to his slender resources. New grants were
issued, with regulations defining the service required. Kxun-
bhalmer, now the seat of government, was strengthened, as well
as Gogunda and other mountain fortresses ; and, being unable
to keep the field in the plains [334] of Me war, he followed the
system of his ancestors, and commanded his subjects, on pain of
death, to retire into the mountains. During the protracted
contest, the fertile tracts watered by the Banas and the Berach,
from the Aravalli chain west to the eastern tableland, were be
chiragh, ' without a lamp.'
Many tales are related of the unrelenting severity with which
Partap enforced obedience to this stern policy. Frequently,
with a few horse, he issued forth to see that his commands were
obeyed. The silence of the desert prevailed in the plains ; grass
had usurped the place of the waving corn ; the highways were
choked with the thorny babul,^ and beasts of prey made their
abode in the habitations of his subjects. In the mi^st of this
desolation, a single goatherd, trusting to elude observation, dis-
obeyed his prince's injunction., and pastured his flock in the
1 The bridge of Rama, the southern point of the peninsula {lOI, xxi. 173 ff.]
2 Mimosa [Acacia} Arabica.
AKBAR ATTACKS RANA PARTAP SINGH 389
luxuriant meadows of Untala, on the banks of the Banas. After
a few questions, he was killed and hung up in terrorem. By such
patriotic severity Partap rendered ' the garden of Rajasthan ' of
no value to the conqueror, and the commerce already estabUshed
between the INIogid court and Europe, conveyed through Mewar
from Surat and other ports, was intercepted and plundered.
Akbar attacks Rana Partap Singh, a.d. 1576.— Akbar took
the field against the Rajput prince, establishing his headquarters
at Ajmer. This celebrated fortress, destined ultimately to be one
of the twenty -two subahs of his empire and an imperial residence,
had admitted for some time a royal garrison. Maldeo of Marwar,
who had so ably opposed the usurper Sher Shah, was compelled
to follow the example of his brother prince, Bhagwandas of Amber,
and to place himself at the footstool of Akbar : only two years
subsequent to Partap's accession, after a brave but fruitless
resistance in Merta and Jodhpur, he sent his son, Udai Singh, to
pay homage to the king.^ Akbar received him at Nagor, on his
route to Ajmer, on which occasion the Raos of Mandor were made
Rajas ; and as the heir of Marwar was of uncommon bulk, the
title by which he was afterwards known in Rajasthan was Mota
Raja,2 and henceforth the descendants of the kings of Kanauj
had the ' right hand ' of the emperor of the Moguls. But the
Rathor was greater in his native pride than with all the accession
of dignity or power which accrued on his sacrifice of Rajput
principles [335]. Udai ' le gros ' was the first of his race who
gave a daughter in marriage to a Tatar. The bribe for which
he bartered his honour was splendid ; for four provinces,' yielding
£200,000 of aimual revenue, were given in exchange for Jodh
Bai,* at once doubling the fisc of Marwar. With such examples
1 A.H. 977, A.D. 1569. [Ai7i, i. 429 £.]
- There is less euphony in the English than in the French designation,
Udai ' le Gros.' [Erskine (iii. A. 58) with less probabihty says it may mean
' great, potent, good.']
3 Godwar, Rs. 900,000 ; Ujjain, 249,914 ; Debalpur, 182,500; Badnawar,
250,000.
* The magnificent tomb of Jodh Bai, the mother of Shah Jahan, is at
Sikandra, near Agra, and not far from that in which Akbar's remains are
deposited. [Jodh Bai is a title, meaning ' Jodhpur lady.' There were some
doubts about her identity, but she was certainly daughter of Udai Singh
and wife of Jahanglr {Ain, i. 619). For her tomb see Sleeman, Rambles,
348.]
390 ANNALS OF MEWAR
as Amber and Marwar, and with less power to resist the temptation,
the minor chiefs of Rajasthan, with a brave and numerous vassal-
age, were transformed into satraps of Delhi, and the importance
of most of them was increased by the change. Truly did the
Mogul historian designate them ' ' at once the props and the orna-
ments of the throne."
Rana Partap Singh deserted by Rajput Princes. — But these were
fearful odds against Partap : the arms of his countrymen thus
turned upon him, derived additional weight from their self-
degradation, which kindled into jealousy and hatred against the
magnanimous resolution they wanted the virtue to imitate.
When Hindu prejudice was thus violated by every prince in
Rajasthan (that of Biuidi alone excepted ^), the Rana renounced
all alliance with those who were thus degraded ; and in order to
carry on the line, he sought out and incorporated with the first
class of nobles of his own kin the descendants of the ancient
princes of Delhi, of Patau, of Marwar, and of Dhar. To the
eternal honour of Partap and his issue be it told, that to the very
close of the monarchy of the Moguls, they not only refused such
alliance with the throne, but even with their brother princes of
Marwar and Amber. It is a proud triumph of virtue to record,
from the autograph letters of the most powerful of their princes,
Bakhta Singh and Jai Singh, that whilst they had risen to great-
ness from the surrender of principle, as Mewar had decayed from
her adherence to it, they should, even while basking in court
favour, solicit, and that humbly, to be readmitted to the honour
of matrimonial intercourse — ' to be purified,' ' to be regenerated,'
' to be made Rajputs ' : and that this was granted only on
condition of their abjuring the contaminating practice which
had disunited them for more than a century ; with the additional
stipulation, that the issue of marriage with the house [336]
of Mewar should be the heirs to those they entered : con-
ditions which the decline of the empire prevented from being
broken.
Raja Man Singh and Rana Partap Singh.— An anecdote illus-
trative of the settled repugnance of this noble family to sully
the purity of its blood may here be related, as its result had a
1 The causes of exemption are curious, and are preserved in a regular
treaty with the emperor, a copy of which the author possesses, which will
be given in The Annals of Bundi.
RAJA MAN SINGH AND RANA PARTAP SINGH 391
material influence on its subsequent condition. Raja Man, who
had succeeded to the throne of Amber, was the most celebrated of
his race, and from him may be dated the rise of his country.
This prince exemplified the wisdom of that policy which Babur
adopted to strengthen his conquest ; that of connecting his
family by ties of marriage with the Hindus. It has been already
related, that Humayun espoused a daughter of Bhagwandas,
consequently Raja Man was brother-in-law to Akbar.^ His
courage and talents well seconded this natural advantage, and
he became the most conspicuous of all the generals of the empire.
To him Akbar was indebted for half his triumphs. The Kachh-
waha bards find a delightful theme in recounting his exploits,
from the snow-clad Caucasus to the shores of the ' golden Cher-
sonese.' ^j Let the eye embrace these extremes of his conquests,
Kabul and the Paropanisos of Alexander, and Arakan (a name
now well known) on the Indian Ocean ; the former reunited, the
latter subjugated, to the empire by a Rajput prince and a Rajput
army. But Akbar knew the master-key to Hindu feeling, and by
his skill overcame prejudices deemed insurmountable, and many
are the tales yet told of their blind devotion to their favourite
emperor.
Raja Man was returning from the conquest of Sholapur to
Hindustan when he invited himself to an interview with Partap,
then at Kumbhalmer, who advanced to the Udaisagar to receive
him. On the mound which embanks this lake a feast was pre-
^ [Akbar married a daughter of Raja Bihari Mall and sister of Bhag-
wandas {Ain, i. 310, 339). There is no evidence of the marriage of Humayun
into this family.]
* When Raja Man was commanded to reduce the revolted province of
Kabul, he hesitated to cross the Indus, the Rubicon of the Hindu, and which
they term Atak, or ' the barrier,' as being the hmit between their faith and
the barbarian. On the Hindu prince assigning this as his reason for not
leading his Rajputs to the snowy Caucasus, the accomphshed Akbar sent
him a couplet in the dialect of Rajasthan : —
" Sabhi bhumi Gopal ki " The whole earth is of God,
Ja men Atak kaha. In which he has placed the Atak.
Ja ke man men atak he. The mind that admits imxiediments
Soi Atak raha." Will always find an Atak."
[Dr. Tessitori, whose version is given, remarks that the popular form of
the third hne is : Bhitar tati pap ki.] This dehcate irony succeeded when
stronger language would have failed.
392 ANNALS OF MEWAR
pared for the prince of Amber. The board v/as spread, the Raja
summoned, and Prince Amra appointed to wait upon him ; but
no Rana appeared, for whose absence apologies alleging headache
were urged by his son, with the request [337] that Raja Man
would waive all ceremony, receive his welcome, and commence.
The prince, in a tone at once dignified and respectful, replied :
" Tell the Rana I can divine the cause of his headache ; but the
error is irremediable, and if he refuses to put a plate (kansa)
before me, who will ? " Further subterfuge was useless. The
Rana expressed his regret ; but added, that " he could not eat
with a Rajput who gave his sister to a Turk, and who probably
ate with him." Raja Man was unwise to have risked this disgrace :
and if the invitation went from Partap, the insult was ungenerous
as well as impolitic ; but of this he is acquitted. Raja Man left
the feast untouched, save the few grains of rice he offered to Anndeva,^
which he placed in his turban, observing as he withdrew : "It
was for the preservation of your honour that we sacrificed our
own, and gave our sisters and our daughters to the Turk ; but
abide in peril, if such be your resolve, for this country shall not
hold you " ; and mounting his horse he turned to the Rana, who
appeared at this abrupt termination of his visit, "If I do not
humble your pride, my name is not Man " : to which Partap
replied, " he should always be happy to meet him " ; while
some one, in less dignified terms, desired he would not forget to
bring his ' Phupha ' [father's sister's husband], Akbar, The
ground was deemed impure where the feast was spread : it was
broken up and lustrated with the water of the Ganges, and the
chiefs who witnessed the humiliation of one they deemed apostate,
bathed and changed their vestments, as if polluted by his presence.
Every act was reported to the emperor, who was exasperated at
the insult thus offered to himself, and who justly dreaded the
revival of those prejudices he had hoped were vanquished ; and
it hastened the first of those sanguinary battles which have
immortalised the name of Partap : nor will Haldighat be for-
gotten while a Sesodia occupies Mewar, or a bard survives to
relate the tale.
Salim's Campaign, a.d. 1576.- — Prince Salim, the heir of
^ The Hindus, as did the Greeks and other nations of antiquity, always
made offering of the first portion of each meal to the gods. Anndeva,
* the god of food.'
BATTLE OF HALDIGHAT O:^ GOGUNDA 393
Delhi/ led the war, guided by the counsels of Raja Man and the
distinguished apostate sou of Sagarji, INIahabat lOian. Partap
truste(4 to his native hills and the valour of twenty-two thousand
Rajputs to withstand the son of Akbar. The divisions of the
royal army encountered little opposition at the exterior defiles
by which they penetrated the western side of the [338] Aravalli,
concentrating as they approached the chief pass which conducted
to the vulnerable part of this intricate country.
Battle o£ Haldighat or Gogunda, June 18, 1576.— The range to
which Partap was restricted was the mountainous region around,
though cliiefly to the west of the new capital. From north to
south, Kimibhalmer to Rakhablmath,^ about eighty miles in
length ; and in breadth, from Mirpur west to Satola east, about
the same. The whole of this space is moimtain and forest, valley
and stream. The approaches to the capital from every point to
the north, west, and south are so narrow as to merit the term of
defile ; on each side lofty perpendicular rocks, with scarcely
breadth for two carriages abreast, across wliich are those ramparts
of nature termed Col in the mountain scenery of Europe, which
occasionally open into spaces sufficiently capacious to encamp a
large force. Such was the plain of Haldighat, at the base of a
neck of mountain which shut up the valley and rendered it almost
inaccessible.* Above and belotv the Rajputs were posted, and
on the cliffs and pinnacles overlooking the field of battle, the
faithful aborigines, the Bhil, with his natural weapon the bow and
arrow, and huge stones ready to roU upon the combatant enemy.
At this pass Partap was posted with the flower of Mewar, and
glorious was the struggle for its maintenance. Clan after clan
followed with desperate intrepidity, emulating the daring of their
prince, who led the crimson banner into the hottest part of the
field. In vain he strained every nerve to encounter Raja Man ;
but though denied the luxury of revenge on his Rajput foe, he
^ [Tliis is impossible, because Sallm, aftenvards the Emperor Jahangir,
was only iu his seventh year. The generals in command were Man Singh
and Asaf Khan.]
2 [Rakhabhdev, with a famous Jain temple, forty miles south of Udaipur
city (Erskine ii. A. 118).]
* Whoever has travelled through the OberhasU of Meyringen, in the
Oberland Bernois, requires no description of the alpine AravaUi. The Col
de Balme, in the vale of Chamouui, is, on a larger scale, the Haldighat of
Mewar.
394 ANNALS OF MEWAR
made good a passage to where Salim commanded. His guards
fell before Partap, and but for the steel plates which defended
his howda, the lance of the Rajput would have deprived •A.kbar
of his heir. His steed, the gallant Chetak, nobly seconded his
lord, and is represented in all the historical drawings of this
battle with one foot raised upon the elephant of the Mogul, while
his rider has his lance propelled against his foe. The conductor,
destitute of the means of defence, was slain, when the infuriated
animal, now without control, carried off Salim. On this spot
the carnage was imoiense : the Moguls eager to defend Salim ;
the heroes of Mewar to second their prince, who had already
received seven woiuids [339].^ Marked by the ' royal umbrella,'
which he would not lay aside, and which collected the might of
the enemy against him, Partap was thrice rescued from amidst
the foe, and was at length nearly overwhelmed, when the Jhala
chief gave a signal instance of fidelity, and extricated him with
the loss of his own life. Mana seized upon the insignia of Mewar,
and rearing the ' gold sun ' over his own head, made good his way
to an intricate position, drawing after him the brunt of the
battle, while his prince was forced from the field. With all his
brave vassals the noble Jhala fell ; and in remembrance of the
deed his descendants have, since the day of Haldighat, borne the
regal ensigns of Mewar, and enjoyed ' the right hand of her
princes.' ^ But this desperate valour was unavailing against
such a force, with a numerous field artillery and a dromedary
corps mounting swivels ; and of twenty-two thousand Rajputs
assembled on that day for the defence of Haldighat, only eight
thousand quitted the field alive.*
The Escape of Bana Partap Singh. — Partap, unattended, fled
on the gallant Chetak, who had borne him through the day, and
who saved him now by leaping a mountain stream when closely
pursued by two Mogul chiefs, whom this impediment momentarily
^ Three from the spear, one shot, and three by the sword.
^ The descendants of Mana yet hold Sadri and all the privileges obtained
on this occasion. Their kettle-drums beat to the gate of the palace, a
privilege allowed to none besides, and they are addressed by the title of Raj,
or royal.
3 [The battle fought on June 18, 1576, is known to Musalman historians
as the battle of Khamnaur or Khamnor, twenty-six miles north of Udaipur
city (Badaoni ii. 237 ; Akbarndma, iii. 244 if. ; Elhot-Dowson v. 398 ;
Aiii, i. 339; Smith, Akbar the Great Mogul, 151 H'.).]
THE ESCAPE OF RANA PARTAP SINGH 395
checked. But Chetak, like his master, was wounded ; his
pursuers gained upon Partap, and the flash from the flinty rock
announced them at his heels, when, in the broad accents of his
native tongue, the salutation Ho ! nila ghora ra aswnr, ' Ho ! rider
of the blue horse,' made him look back, and he beheld but a single
horseman : that horseman his brother.
Sakta, whose personal enmity to Partap had made him a
traitor to Mewar, beheld from the ranks of Akbar the ' blue
horse ' flying unattended. Resentment was extinguished, and a
feeling of affection, mingling with sad and humiliating recollec-
tions, took possession of his bosom. He joined in the pursuit,
but only to slay the pursuers, who fell beneath his lance ; and
now, for the first time in their lives, the brothers embraced in
friendship. Here Chetak feU, and as the Rana unbuckled his
caparison to place it upon Ankara, presented to him by his
brother, the noble steed expired. An altar was raised, and yet
marks the spot, where Chetak ^ died ; and the entire scene may
be seen painted on the walls of half the houses of the capital [340].
The greeting between the brothers was necessarily short ; but
the merry Sakta, who was attached to Salim's personal force,
could not let it pass without a joke ; and inquiring " how a man
felt when flying for his hfe ? " he quitted Partap with the assur-
ance of reunion the first safe opportunity. On rejoining Salim,
the truth of Sakta was greatly doubted when he related that
Partap had not only slain his pursuers, but his own steed, which
obliged him to return on that of the Khorasani. Prince Salim
pledged his word to pardon him if he related the truth ; when
Sakta replied, " The burthen of a kingdom is on my brother's
shoulders, nor could I witness his danger without defending him
from it." Salim kept his word, but dismissed the future head of
the Saktawats. Determined to make a suitable nazar on his
introduction, he redeemed Bhainsror by a coup de main, and
joined Partap at Udaipur, who made him a grant of the conquest,
which long remained the chief abode of the Saktawats ; ^ and
^ ' Chetak ka Chabutra'' is near to Jharol.
2 The mother of Sakta was the Baijiraj, ' Royal Mother ' (Queen
Dowager) of Mewar. She loved this son, and left Udaipur to superintend
his household at Bhainsror: since which renunciation of rank to affection,
the mothers of the senior branch of Saktawab are addressed Baijiraj.
[Bliainsror is now held by a Chondawat Rawat.]
396 ANNALS OF MEWAR
since the day when this, their founder, preserved the Ufe of his
brother and prince against his Mogul pursuers, the birad of the
bard to all of his race is Khorasani Multani ka Agal, ' the
barrier to Khorasan and Multan,' from which countries were the
chiefs he slew.
On the 7th of Sawan, S. 1632 (July, a.d. 1576), a day ever
memorable in her annals, the best blood of Mewar irrigated the
pass of Haldighat. Of the nearest kin of the prince five hundred
were slain : the exiled prince of Gwalior, Ramsah, his son lOian-
derao, with three hundred and fiftj'' of his brave Tuar clan, paid
the debt of gratitude with their lives. Since their expulsion by
Babur they had found sanctuary in Mewar, whose princes
diminished their feeble revenues to maintain inviolable the rites
of hospitality.^ Mana, the devoted Jhala, lost one hundred and
fifty of his vassals, and every house of Mewar mourned its chief
support.
Siege of Kumbhalmer. — Elate with victory, Salim left the
hills. The rainy season had set in, which impeded operations,
and obtained for Partap a few months of repose ; but with the
spring the foe returned, when he was again defeated,^ and took
post in Kumbhalmer, which was invested by the Koka, Shahbaz
Khan. He here made a gallant and [341] protracted resistance,
and did not retire till insects rendered the water of the Naugun
well, their sole resource, impure.' To the treachery of the
Deora chief of Abu, who was now with Akbar, this deed is im-
puted. Partap thence withdrew to Chawand,* while Bhan, the
Sonigira chief, defended the place to the last, and was slain in
the assault. On this occasion also fell the chief bard of Mewar,
who inspired by his deeds, as well as by his song, the spirit of
resistance to the ' ruthless king,' and whose laudatory couplets
on the deeds of his lord are still in every mouth. But the spirit
of poesy died not with him, for princes and nobles, Hindu and
^ Eight hundred rupees, or £100 daily, is the sum recorded for the support
of this prince.
2 The date of this battle is Magh Sudi 7, S. 1633, a.d. 1577.
3 [For the career of Shahbaz Khan, known as Koka or 'foster-brother,'
who died in 1600, see Aln, i. 399 if. Kumbhalmer was captured in 1578-9
(EUiot-Dowson v. 410, vi. 58). "About 1578 " (Erskine ii. A. 116).]
* A town in the heart of the mountainous tract on the south-west of
Mewar, called Chappan, containing * about three hundred and fifty towns
and villages, peopled chiefly by the aboriginal Bhils.
FURTHER IMPERIALIST ADVANCE 397
Turk, vied with each other in exalting the patriot Partap, in
strains replete with those sentiments which elevate the mind of
the martial Rajput, who is inflamed into action by this national
excitement.
Further Imperialist Advance.— On the fall of Kumbhalmer, the
castles of Dharmeti and Gogunda were invested by Raja Man.
Mahabat Khan took possession of Udaipur ; and while a prince
of the blood ^ cut off the resources furnished by the inhabitants
of Oghna Panarwra, Khan Farid invaded Chappan, and ap-
proached Chawand from the south. Thus beset on every side,
dislodged from the most secret retreats, and hunted from glen
to glen, there appeared no hope for Partap : yet, even while his
pursuers deemed him panting in some obscure lurking-place, he
would by mountain signals reassemble his bands, and assail them
unawares and often unguarded. By a skilful manoeuvre, Farid,
who dreamed of nothing less than making the Rajput prince
his prisoner, was blocked up in a defile and his force cut off to
a man. Unaccustomed to such warfare, the mercenary Moguls
became disgusted in combating a foe seldom tangible ; while the
monsoon swelled the mountain streams, filling the reservoirs
with mineral poisons and the air with pestilential exlialations.
The periodical rains accordingly always brought some respite to
Partap.
Years thus rolled away, each ending with a diminution of his
means and an increase to his misfortunes. His family was his
chief source of anxiety : he dreaded their captivity, an appre-
hension often on the point of being realised. On one occasion
they were saved by the faithful Bhils of Kava, who carried them
in wicker baskets and concealed them in the tin mines of Jawara.
where they guarded [342] and fed them. Bolts and rings are
still preserved in the trees about Jawara and Chawand, to which
baskets were suspended, the only cradles of the royal children of
Mewar, in order to preserve them from the tiger and the wolf.
Yet amidst such complicated evils the fortitude of Partap re-
mained unshaken, and a spy sent by Akbar represented the
Rajput and his chiefs seated at a scanty meal, maintaining all
the etiquette observed in prosperity, the Rana bestowing the
dauna to the most deserving, and which, though only of the wild
fruit of the country, was received with all the reverence of better
^ Called Ami Sah in the Annals.
398 ANNALS OF MEWAR
days. Such inflexible magnanimity touched the soul of Akbar,^
and extorted the homage of every chief in Rajasthan ; nor could
those who swelled the gorgeous train of the emperor withhold
their admiration. Nay, these annals have preserved some
stanzas addressed by the Khankhanan,^ the first of the satraps
of Delhi, to the noble Rajput, in his native tongue, applauding his
valour and stimulating his perseverance : " All is unstable in
this world : land and wealth will disappear, but the virtue of a
great name lives for ever. Patta ^ abandoned wealth and land,
but never bowed the head : alone, of all the princes of Hind, he
preserved the honour of his race."
But there were moments when the wants of those dearer than
his own life almost excited him to frenzy. The wife of his bosom
was insecure, even in the rock or the cave ; and his infants, heirs
to every luxury, were weeping around him for food : for with
such pertinacity did the Mogul myrmidons pursue them, that
" five meals have been prepared and abandoned for want of
opportunity to eat them." On one occasion his queen and his
son's wife were preparing a few cakes from the flour of the meadow
grass,* of which one was given to each ; half for the present, the
rest for a future meal. Partap was stretched beside them ponder-
ing on his misfortunes, when a piercing cry from his daughter
roused him from reflection : a wild cat had darted on the reserved
portion of food, and the agony of hunger made her shrieks in-
supportable. Until that moment his fortitude had been un-
subdued. He had beheld, his sons and his kindred fall around
him on the field without emotion — " For this the Rajput was
born " ; but the lamentation of his children for food " unmanned
him." He cursed the name of royalty, if only to be enjoyed on
such conditions, and he demanded of Akbar a mitigation of his
hardships [343].
Submission of Rana Partap Singh. — Overjoyed at this indica-
tion of submission, the emperor commanded pubhc rejoicings,
and exultingly showed the letter to Prithiraj, a Rajput compelled
to follow the victorious car of Akbar. Prithiraj was the younger
1 [Akbar was anxious to destroy Partap, but he could not carry on a
guerilla campaign in Rajputana, and he had work to do elsewhere (Smith,
Akbar the Great Mogul, 153).]
^ fMirza Abdu-r-rahim, son of Bairam Khan (Ain, i. 334).]
3 A colloquail contraction for Partap. * Called Mol.
\
SUBMISSION OF RANA PARTAP SINGH 399
brother of the prince of Bikaner,^ a State recently grown out of
the Rathors of jNIarvvar, and which, being exposed in the flats of
the desert, had no power to resist the example of its elder, Maldeo.
Prithiraj was one of the most gallant chieftains of the age, and
like the Troubadour princes of the west, could grace a cause
with the soul-insi^iring effusions of the muse, as well as aid it
with his sword : nay, in an assembly of the bards of Rajasthan,
the palm of merit was unanimously awarded to the Rathor
cavalier. He adored the very name of Partap, and the intelligence
filled him with grief. With all the warmth and frankness of his
nature, he told the king it was a forgery of some foe to the fame
of the Rajput prince. " I know him well," said he ; " for your
crown he would not submit to your terms." He requested and
obtained permission from the king to transmit by his courier a
letter to Partap, ostensibly to ascertain the fact of his submission,
but really with the view to prevent it. On this occasion he
composed those couplets, still admired, and which for the effect
they produced will stand comparison with any of the sirvcntes of
the Troubadours of the west.^
" The hopes of the Hindu rest on the Hindu ; yet the Rana
forsakes them. But for Partap, all would be placed on the same
level by Akbar ; for our chiefs have lost their valour and our
females their honour. Akbar is the broker in the market of our
race : all has he purchased but the son of Uda ; he is beyond his
price. What true Rajput would part with honour for nine days
(nauroza) ; yet how many have bartered it away ? Will Chitor
come to this market, when all have disposed of the chief article
of the Ivhatri ? Though Patta has squandered away wealth,
yet this treasure has he preserved. Despair has driven man to
this mart, to witness their dishonour : from such infamy the
descendant of Hamir alone has been preserved. The world asks,
whence the concealed aid of Partap ? None but the soul of
manliness and his sword : with it, well has he maintained the
Khatri's pride. This broker in the market [344] of men will one
day be overreached ; he cannot live for ever : then will om* race
come to Partap, for the seed of the Rajput to sow in our desolate
1 [Rae Singh (1571-1611).]
^ It is no affectation to say that the spirit evaporates in the lameness of
the translation. The author could feel the force, though he failed to imitate
the strength, of the original.
400 ANNALS OF MEWAR
lands. To him all look for its preservation, that its purity may
again become resplendent."
Rally o£ Rana Partap Singh. — This effusion of the Rathor was
equal to ten thousand men ; it nerved the drooping mind of
Partap, and roused him into action : for it was a noble incentive
to find every eye of his race fixed upon him.
The Nauroza. — The allusion of the princely poet in the phrase,
" bartering their honour on the Nauroza," requires some explana-
tion. The Nauroza, or ' New Year's Day,' when the sun enters
Aries, is one of great festivity among the Muhammadan princes
of the East ; but of that alluded to by Prithiraj we can form an
adequate idea from the historian Abu-1 Fazl.^
It is not New Year's Day, but a festival especially instituted
by Akbar, and to which he gave the epithet lOiushroz, ' day of
pleasure,' held on the ninth day (nauroza), following the chief
festival of each month. The court assembled, and was attended
by all ranks. The queen also had her court, when the wives of
the nobles and of the Rajput vassal princes were congregated.
But the Khushroz was chiefly marked by a fair held within the
precincts of the court, attended only by females. The merchants'
wives exposed the manufactures of every clime, and the ladies
of the court were the purchasers.^ " His majesty is also there in
disguise, by which means he learns the value of merchandise, and
hears what is said of the state of the empire and the character of
the officers of government." The ingenuous Abu-1 Fazl thus
^ [Ain, i. 276 f. ; Memoirs of Jahangir, trans. Rogers-Beveridge, 48 £.]
^ At these royal fairs were also sold the productions of princely artisans,
male and female, and which, out of compliment to majesty, made a bounte-
ous return for their industry. It is a fact but little known, that most Asiatic
princes profess a trade : the great Aurangzeb was a cap-maker, and sold
them to such advantage on these ' ninth day ' fairs, that his funeral ex-
penses were by his own express command defrayed from the privy purse,
the accumulation of his personal labour. A delightful anecdote is recorded
of the Khilji king Mahmud, whose profession was hterary, and who obtained
good prices from his Omrahs for his specimens of calligraphy. While engaged
in transcribing one of the Persian poets, a professed scholar, who with
others attended the conversazione, suggested an emendation, which was
instantly attended to, and the supposed error remedied. When the MuUah
was gone, the monarch erased the emendation and re-inserted the passage.
An Omrah had observed and questioned the action, to which the king
repUed : "It was better to make a blot in the manuscript than wound the
vanity of a humble scholar." [Ferishta tolls the story of Nasiru-d-din
Mahmud, i. 24G.]
i
AKBAR AND RAJPUT LADIES 401
softens down the unhallowed purpose of this day ; but posterity
cannot admit that the great Akbar was to obtain these results
amidst the Pushto jargon of the dames of Islam, or the mixed
Bhakha of the fair of [345] Rajasthan. These ' ninth day fairs '
are the markets in which Rajput honour was bartered, and to
which the brave Prithiraj makes allusion.^
Akbar and Rajput Ladies. — It is scarcely to be credited that
a statesman like Akbar should have hazarded his popularity or
his power, by the introduction of a custom alike appertaining to
the Celtic races of Europe as to these the Goths of Asia ; * and
that he should seek to degrade those whom the chances of war
had made his vassals, by conduct so nefarious and repugnant to
the keenly cherished feelings of the Rajput. Yet there is not a
shadow of doubt that maiiy of the noblest of the race were dis-
honoured on the Nauroza ; and the chivalrous Prithiraj was only
preserved from being of the number by the high courage and
virtue of his wife, a princess of Mewar, and daughter of the
founder of the Saktawats. On one of these celebrations of the
^ [Compare the later accounts of these fairs by Bernier 272 f. ; and
Manucci i. 195. Aurangzeb transferred the Nauroz rejoicings to the corona-
tion festival in Raniazan ( Jadunath Sarkar, Life of Aurangzib, iii. 93). The
ladies of the Mughal court usually spoke, not Pushto, but Turki.]
^ This laxity, as regards female delicacy, must have been a remnant of
Scythic barbarism, brought from the banks of the Jaxartes, the land of the
Getae, where now, as in the days of Tomyris, a shoe at the^door is a sufficient
barrier to the entrance of many Tatar husbands. It is a well-known fact,
also, that the younger son in these regions inherited a greater share than the
elder, which is attributed to their pastoral habits, which invited early
emigration in the elder sons. This habit prevailed with the Rajput tribes
of very early times, and the annals of the Yadus, a race alhed to the Yuti-
Getae, or Jat, afford many instances of it. Modified it yet exists amongst the
Jarejas (of the same stock), with whom the sons divide equally ; which
custom was transmitted to Europe by these Getic hordes, and brought into
England by the Jut brothers, who foimded the kingdom of Kent {kanthi, ' a
coast' in Gothic and Sanskrit), where it is yet known as Gavelkind. In
Enghsh law it is termed borough-English. In Scotland it existed in barbarous
times, analogous to those when the Nauroza was sanctioned ; and the lord of
the manor had privileges which rendered it more than doubtful whether the
first-born was natural heir : hence, the youngest was the heir. So in France,
in ancient times ; and though the ' droit de Jambage ' no longer exists, the
term sufficiently denotes the extent of privilege, in comparison with which
the other rights of ' Noi^ages,^ the seigneur's feeding his greyhounds with
the best dishes and insulting the bride's blushes with ribald songs, were
innocent. [The ethnological views in this note do not deserve notice.]
VOL. I 2d
402 ANNALS OF MEWAR
lOiushroz, the monarch of the Moguls was struck with the beauty
of the daughter of Mewar, and he singled her out from amidst the
united fair of Hind as the object of his passion. It is not im-
probable that an ungenerous feeling vmited with that already
impure, to despoil the Sesodias of their honour, through a princess
of their house under the protection of the sovereign. On retiring
from the fair, she found herself entangled amidst the labyrinth
of apartments by which egress was purposely ordained, when
Akbar stood before her : but instead of acquiescence, she drew
a poniard from her corset, and held it to his breast, dictating,
and making him repeat, the oath of renunciation of the infamy
to all her race. The anecdote is accompanied in the original
with many dramatic circumstances. The guardian goddess of
Mewar, the terrific Mata, appears on her tiger in the subterranean
passage of this palace of pollution, to strengthen her mind by a
solemn denunciation [346], and her hand with a weapon to
protect her honour. Rae Singh, the elder brother of the princely
bard, had not been so fortunate ; his wife wanted either courage
or virtue to withstand the regal tempter, and she returned to
their dwelling in the desert despoiled of her chastity, but loaded
with jewels ; or, as Prithiraj expresses it : " She returned to her
abode, tramping to the tinkling sound of the ornaments of gold
and gems on her person ; but where, my brother, is the moustache ^
on thy lip ? "
Adventures o£ Rana Partap Singh. — It is time to return to the
Aravalli, and to the patriot j^rince Partap. Unable to stem the
torrent, he had formed a resolution worthy of his character ; he
determined to abandon Mewar and the blood-stained Chitor (no
longer the stay of his race), and to lead his Sesodias to the Indus,
plant the ' crimson banner ' on the insular capital of the Sogdoi,
and leave a desert between him and his inexorable foe. With his
family, and all that was yet noble in Mewar, his chiefs and vassals,
a firm and intrepid band, who prefeiTcd exile to degradation, he
descended the Aravalli, and had reached the confines of the desert,
when an incident occurred which made him change his measures,
and still remain a dweller in the land of his forefathers. If the
historic annals of Mewar record acts of unexampled severity,
^ The loss of this is the sign of mourning. [Tliere is naturally no confirma-
tion of these anecdotes in the Musalman historians, but they possibly may
be true.]
ADVENTURES OF RANA PARTAP SINGH 403
they are not without instances of unparalleled devotion. The
minister of Partap, whose ancestors had for ages held the office,
placed at his prince's disposal their accumulated wealth, which,
with other resources, is stated to havej been equivalent to the
maintenance of twenty-five thousand men for twelve years.
The name of Bhama Sah is preserved as the saviour of Mewar.
With this splendid proof of gratitude, and the sirvente of Prithiraj
as incitements, he again " screwed his courage to the sticking-
place," collected his bands, and while his foes imagined that he
was endeavouring to effect a retreat through the desert, surprised
Shahbaz in his camp at Dawer, whose troops were cut in pieces.
The fugitives were pursued to Amet, the garrison of which shared
the same fate. Ere they could recover from their consternation,
Kumbhalmer was assaulted and taken ; Abdulla and his garrison
were put to the sword, and thirty-two fortified posts in like manner
carried by surprise, the troops being put to death without mercy.
To use the words of the annals : " Partap made a desert of Mewar ;
he made an [347] offering to the sword of whatever dwelt in its
plains " : an appalling but indispensable sacrifice. In one short
campaign (S. 1586, a.d. 1530), he had recovered all Mewar, except
Chitor, Ajmer, and Mandalgarh ; and determining to have a
slight ovation in return for the triumph Raja Man had enjoyed
(who had fulfilled to the letter his threat, that Partap should
" live in peril "), he invaded Amber, and sacked its chief mart of
commerce, Malpura.
Udaipur was also regained ; though this acquisition was so
unimportant as scarcely to merit remark. In all likelihood it
was abandoned from the difficulty of defending it, when all around
had submitted to Partap ; though the annals ascribe it to a gener-
ous sentiment of Akbar, prompted by the great Khankhanan,
whose mind appears to have been captivated by the actions of
the Rajput prince.^ An anecdote is appended to account for
Akbar's relaxation of severity, but it is of too romantic a nature
even for this part of their annals.
Mewar left in Peace by the Imperialists. — Partap was indebted
to a combination of causes for the repose he enjoyed during the
latter years of his life ; and though this may be ascribed principally
to the new fields of ambition which occupied the Mogul arms, we
are authorized also to admit the full weight of the influence that
1 [See p. 398, above.]
404 ANNALS OF MEWAR
the conduct of the Hindu prince exerted upon Akbar, together
with the general sympathy of his fellow-princes, who swelled the
train of the conqueror, and who were too powerful to be regarded
with indifference. ,
Repose was, however, no boon to the noblest of his race. A
mind like Partap's could enjoy no tranquillity while, from the
summit of the pass which guarded Udaipur, his eye embraced the
Kunguras of Chitor, to which he must ever be a stranger. To a
soul like his, burning for the redemption of the glory of his race,
the mercy thus shown him, in placing a limit to his hopes, was
more difficult of endurance than the pangs of fabled Tantalus.
Imagine the warrior, yet in manhood's prime, broken with fatigues
and covered with scars, from amidst the fragments of basaltic
ruin ^ (fit emblem of his own condition !), casting a wistful eye to
[348] the rock stained with the blood of his fathers ; whilst in the
' dark chamber ' of his mind the scenes of glory enacted there
appeared with unearthly lustre. First, the youthful Bappa, on
whose head was the ' mor he had won from the Mori ' : ^ the
warlike Samarsi, arming for the last day of Rajput independence,
to die with Prithiraj on the banks of the Ghaggar : again, descend-
ing the steep of Chitor, the twelve sons of Arsi, the crimson banner
floating aroimd each, while from the embattled rock the guardian
goddess looked down on the carnage which secured a perpetuity
of sway. Again, in all the pomp of sacrifice, the Deolia chiefs,
Jaimall and Patta ; and like the Pallas of Rajasthan, the Chon-
dawat dame, leading her daughter into the ranks of destruction :
examples for their sons' and husbands' imitation. At length
clouds of darkness dimmed the walls of Chitor : from her battle-
1 These mountains are of granite and close-grained quartz ; but on the
summit of the pass there is a mass of columnar rocks, which, though the
author never examined them very closely, he has little hesitation in calling
basaltic. Were it permitted to intrude his own feelings on his reader, he
would say, he never passed the portals of Debari, which close the pass leading
from Chitor to Udaipur, without throwing his eye on this fantastic pinnacle
and imagining the picture he has drawn. Whoever, in rambhng through
the ' eternal city,' has had his sympathy awakened in beholding at the
Porta Salaria the stone seat where the conqueror of the Persians and the
Goths, the blind Bclisarius, begged his daily dole,— or pondered at the un-
sculptured tomb of Napoleon upon the vicissitudes of greatness, will appre-
ciate the feeUng of one who, in sentiment, had identified himself with the
Rajputs, of whom Partap was justly the model.
2 [A pun on maur, ' a crown,' and the Maurya tribe.]
THE LAST DAYS OF RANA PARTAP 405
merits ' Kungura Rani ' ^ had fled ; the tints of dishonour began
to blend with the visions of glory ; and lo ! Udai Singh appeared
flying from the rock to which the honour of his house was united .
Aghast at the picture his fancy had portrayed, imagine him turn-
ing to the contemplation of his own desolate condition, indebted
for a cessation of persecution to the most revolting sentiment that
can assail an heroic mind — compassion ; compared with which
scorn is endurable, contempt even enviable : these he could
retaliate ; . but for the high-minded, the generous Rajput, to be
the object of that sickly sentiment, pity, was more oppressive
than the arms of his foe.
The Last Days of Rana Partap. — A premature decay assailed
the pride of Rajasthan ; a mind diseased preyed on an exhausted
frame, and prostrated him in the very summer of his days. The
last moments of Partap were an appropriate commentary on his
life, which he terminated, like the Carthaginian, swearing his suc-
cessor to eternal conflict against the foes of his country's indej^end-
ence. But the Rajput prince had not the same joyful assurance
that inspired the Numidian Hamilcar ; for his end was clouded
with the presentiment that his son Amra would abandon his
fame for inglorious repose. A powerful sympathy is excited by
the picture which is drawn of this final scene. The dying hero
is represented in a lowly dwelling ; his chiefs, the faithful com-
panions of many a glorious day, awaiting round his pallet the
dissolution of their prince, when a groan of mental anguish made
Salumbar inquire [349], " Wliat afflicted his soul that it would
not depart in peace ? " He rallied : " It lingered," he said,
" for some consolatory pledge that his country should not be
abandoned to the Turk " ; and with the death-pang upon him,
he related an incident which had guided his estimate of his son's
disposition, and now tortured him with the reflection that for
personal ease he would forgo the remembrance of his own and
his country's wrongs.
On the banks of the Pichola, Partap and his chiefs had con-
structed a few huts - (the site of the future palace of Udaipur),
^ ' The queen of battlements,' the turreted Cybele of Rajasthan.
2 This magnificent lake is now adorned with marble palaces. Such was
the wealth of Mewar even in her dechne. [The lake is said to have been
constructed by a Banjara at the end of the fourteenth century, and the
embankment was built by Rana Udai Singh in 1560. The lake is 2^ miles
456 ANNALS OF MEWAR
to protect them during the inclemency of the rains in the day of
their distress. Prince Amra, forgetting the lowhness of the
dwelhng, a projecting bamboo of the roof caught the folds of
his turban and dragged it off as he retired. A hasty emotion,
which disclosed a varied feeling, was observed with pain by
Partap, who thence adopted the opinion that his son would never
withstand the hardships necessary to be endured in such a cause.
" These sheds," said the'dying prince, " will give way to sumptuous
dwellings, thus generating the love of ease ; and luxury with its
concomitants will ensue, to which the independence of Mewar,
which we have bled to maintain, will be sacrificed : and you,
my chiefs, will follow the iDcrnicious example." They pledged
themselves, and became guarantees for the prince, " by the throne
of Bappa Rawal," that they would not permit mansions to be
raised till Mewar had recovered her independence. The soul
of Partap was satisfied, and with joy he expired.
Thus closed the life of a" Rajput whose memory is even now
idolized by every Sesodia, and will continue to be so, till renewed
oppression shall extinguish the remaining sparks of patriotic
feeling. May that day never arrive ! yet if such be her destiny,
may it, at least, not be hastened by the arms of Britain !
It is worthy the attention of those who influence the destinies
of States in more favoured climes, to estimate the intensity of
feeling which could arm this prince to oppose the resources of a
small principality against the then most powerful empire of the
world, whose armies were more numerous and far more efficient
than any ever led by the Persian against the liberties of Greece.
Had Mewar possessed her Thucydides or her Xenophon, neither
the wars of the Peloponnesus nor the retreat of the ' ten thousand '
would have yielded more diversified incidents for [350] the historic
muse, than the deeds of this brilliant reign amid the many vicissi-
tudes of Mewar. Undaunted heroism, inflexible fortitude, that
which ' keeps honour bright,' perseverance, — with fidelity such
as no nation can boast, were the materials opposed to a soaring
ambition, commanding talents, unlimited means, and the fervour
of religious zeal ; all, however, insufficient to contend with one
unconquerable mind. There is not a pass in the alpine Aravalli
long, and IJ broad, with an area of over one square mile. In the middle
stand the island palaces, the Jagmandir and the Jagniwas (Erskine ii. A.
109).]
RANA MiAR SINGH I. 407
that is not sanctified by some deed of Partap, — some brilliant
victory or, oftener, more glorious defeat. Haldigliat is the
Thermopylae of Mewar ; the field of Dawer her Marathon.
CHAPTER 12
Rana Amar Singh I., a.d. 1597-1620. — Of the seventeen sons
of Partap, Amra, who succeeded him, was the eldest. From the
early age of eight to the hour of his parent's death, he had been
his constant companion and the partner of his toils and dangers.
Initiated by his noble sire in every act of mountain strife, familiar
with its perils, he entered on his career ^ in the very floAver of
manhood, already attended by sons able to maintain whatever
his sword might recover of his patrimony.
Akbar, the greatest foe of Mewar, survived Partap nearly
eight years .^ The vast field in which he had to exert the re-
sources of his mind, necessarily withdrew him from a scene where
even success ill repaid the sacrifices made to attain it. Amra
was left in perfect repose during the remainder of this monarch's
life, which it was not wisdom to disturb by the renewal of a
contest against the colossal power of the Mogul. An extended
reign of more than half a century permitted Akbar to consolidate
the vast empire he had erected, and to model the form of his
[351] government, which displays, as handed down by Abu-1
Fazl, an incontestable proof of his genius as well as of his natural
beneficence. Nor would the Mogul lose, on being contrasted
with the contemporary princes of Europe : with Henry IV. of
France, who, like himself, ascended a throne weakened by dis-
sension ; with Charles V., alike aspiring to universal sway : or
the glorious queen of our own isle, who made advances to Akbar
and sent him an embassy.^ Akbar was fortunate as either Henry
1 S. 1653, A.D. 1597.
^ [It has now been established by Mr. V. A. Smith that Akbar died on
October 17, O.S., October 27, N.S., 1605 {lA, xliv. November 1915).]
* The embassy under Sir Thomas Roe was prepared by EHzabeth, but
did not proceed till the accession of James. He arrived just as Mewar had
bent her head to the Mogul yoke, and speaks of the Rajput prince Karan,
whom he saw at court as a hostage for the treaty, with admiration. [The
embassy was in India from 1615 to 1619. Roe's Journal has been edited by
W. Foster, Hakluyt Society, 1899.]
408 ANNALS OF MEWAR
or Elizabeth in the choice of his ministers. The lofty integrity,
military genius, and habits of civil industry, for which Sully was
distinguished, found their parallel in Bairam ; and if Burleigh
equalled in wisdom, he was not superior in virtue to Abu-1 Fazl,
nor possessed of his excessive benevolence. Unhappily for
Mewar, all this genius and power combined to overwhelm' her.
It is, however, a proud tribute to the memory of the Mogul
that his name is united with that of his rival Partap in numerous
traditionary couplets honourable to both ; and if the Rajput
bard naturally emblazons first on his page that of his own hero,
he admits that none other but Akbar can stand a comparison
with him ; thereby confirming the eulogy of the historian of his
race, who, in sumining up his character, observes that, "if he
sometimes did things beneath the dignity of a great king, he never
did anything unworthy of a good man." But if the annalist of
the Bundi State can be relied upon, the very act which caused
Akbar's death will make us pause ere we subscribe to these testi-
monies to the worth of departed greatness, and, disregarding
the adage of only speaking good of the dead, compel us to in-
stitute, in imitation of the ancient Egyptians, a posthumous
inquest on the character of the monarch of the Moguls. The
Bundi records are well worthy of belief, as diaries of events were
kept by her princes, who were of the first importance in this and
the succeeding reigns : and they may be more likely to throw a
light upon points of character of a tendency to disgrace the
Mogul king, than the historians of his court, who had every
reason to withhold such. A desire to be rid of the great Raja
Man of Amber, to whom he was so much indebted, made the
emperor descend [352] to act the part of the assassin. He pre-
pared a ma'ajun, or confection, a part of which contained poison ;
but, caught in his own snare, he presented the innoxious portion
to the Rajput and ate that drugged with death himself.^ We
have a sufficient clue to the motives which influenced Akbar to
a deed so unworthy of him, and which were more fully developed
in the reign of his successor ; namely, a design on the part of
Raja Man to alter the succession, and that Khusru, his nephew,
should succeed instead of Salim. With such a motive, the aged
emperor might have admitted with less scruple the advice which
prompted an act he dared not openly undertake, without exposing
^ [The question has been discussed in the Bundi Annals, below.]
ADMINISTRATION OF RANA AMAR SINGH 409
the throne in his latter days to the dangers of civil contention,
as Raja Man was too powerful to be openly assaulted.
The Administration of Rana Amar Singh. — Let us return to
Mewar. Ainra remodelled the institutions of his country, made
a new assessment of the lands and distribution of the fiefs, appor-
tioning the service to the times. He also established the grada-
tion of ranks such as yet exists, and regulated the sumptuary laws
even to the tie of a turban,^ and many of these are to be seen
engraved on pillars of stone in various parts of the country.
The repose thus enjoyed realized the prophetic fears of Partap,
whose admonitions were forgotten. Amra constructed a small
palace on the banks of the lake, named after himself ' the abode
of immortality,' - still remarkable for its Gothic contrast to the
splendid marble edifice erected by his successors, now the abode
of the princes of Mewar.
Jahangir attacks Mewar. — Jahangir had been four years on
the throne, and having overcome all internal dissension, resolved
to signalize his reign by the subjugation of the only prince who
had disdained to acknowledge the paramount power of the Moguls ;
and assembling the royal forces, he put them in motion for Mewar.
Amra, between tlie love of ease and reputation, wavered as to
the conduct he should adopt ; nor were sycophants wanting who
Counselled ignoble ease and peaceful sloth,
Not peace :
and dared to prompt his following the universal contagion, by
accepting the imperial farman. In such a state of mind the
chiefs foimd their prince, when [353] they repaired to the new
abode to warn him, and prepare him for the emergency. But
the gallant Chondawat, recalling to their remeinbrance the dying
behest of their late glorious head, demanded its fulfilment. All
resolved to imitate the noble Partap,
. . . preferring
Hard liberty before the easy yoke
Of servile pomp.
Chief of Salumbar intervenes. — A magnificent mirror of
^ The Amrasahi pagri, or turban, is still used by the Rana and some nobles
on court days, but the foreign nobiUty have the privilege, in this respect,
of conforming to their own tribes. ^ Amara mahall.
410 ANNALS OF MEWAR
European fabrication adorned the embryo palace. Animated
with a noble resentment at the inefficacy of his appeal to the
better feelings of his prince, the chieftain of Salumbar hurled ' the
slave of the carpet ' ^ against the splendid bauble, and starting
up, seized his sovereign by the arm and moved him from the
throne. " To horse, chiefs ! " he exclaimed, " and preserve from
infamy the son of Partap." A burst of passion followed the
seeming indignity, and the patriot chief was branded with the
harsh name of traitor ; but with his sacred duty in view, and
supported by every vassal of note, he calmly disregarded the
insult. Compelled to mount his steed, and surrounded by the
veterans and all the chivalry of Mewar, Amra's passion vented
itself in tears of indignation. In such a mood the cavalcade
descended the ridge, since studded with palaces, and had reached
the sjjot where the temple of Jagannath now stands, when he
recovered from this fit of passion ; the tear ceased to flow, and
passing his hand over his moustache,^ he made a courteous
salutation to all, entreating their forgiveness for this omission of
respect ; but more especially expressing his gratitude to Salumbar,
he said, " Lead on, nor shall you ever have to regret your
late sovereign." Elevated with every sentiment of generosity
and valour, they passed on to Dawer, where they encountered
the royal army* led by the brother of the Khankhanan, as it
entered the pass, and which, after a long and sanguinary combat,
they entirely defeated.*
Defeat of the Imperialists. — The honours of the day are chiefly
attributed to the brave Kana, uncle to the Rana, and ancestor
of that numerous clan called after him Kanawats. A truce
followed this battle, but it was of short duration ; for another
and yet more murderous conflict took place in the spring of 1666,
in the pass of the sacred Ranpur [35 J.], where the imperial army,
under its leader AbduUa, was almost exterminated ; * though
with the loss of the best and bravest of the chiefs of Mewar,
^ A small brass ornament placed at the corners of the carpet to keep it
steady.
^ This is a signal both of defiance and self-gratulation.
3 S. 1664, A.D. 1608.
« Phalgun 7th, S. 1666, the spring of A.D. 1610. Ferishta [Dow iii. 37]
misplaces this battle, making it immediately precede the invasion under
Khurram. The defeats of the Mogul forces are generally styled ' recalls of
the commander.'
JAHANGIR establishes SAGRA as ran a 411
whose names, however harsh, deserv^e preservation.^ A feverish
exultation was the fruit of this victorj% which shed a hectic flush
of glory over the declining days of Mewar, when the crimson
banner once more floated throughout the province of Godwar.
Jahangir establishes Sagra as Rana. — Alarmed at these suc-
cessive defeats, Jahangir, preparatory to equipping a fresh army
against Mewar, determined to establish a new Rana, and to instal
him in the ancient seat of power, Chitor, thus hoping to withdraw
from the standard of Amra many of his adherents. The experi-
ment evinced at least a knowledge of their prejudices ; but, to
the honour of Rajput fidelity, it failed. Sagra, who abandoned
Partap and went over to Akbar, was selected ; ^ the sword of in-
vestiture was girded on him by the emperor's own hands, and
under the escort of a Mogul force he went to reign amidst the
ruins of Chitor. Her grandeur, even in desolation, is beautifully
depicted at this very period by the chaplain to the embassy from
P^lizabeth to Jahangir, the members composing which visited
the capital of the Sesodias in their route to Ajmer.'
For seven years Sagra had a spurious homage paid to him
amidst this desolation, the ruined pride of his ancestors. But
^ Dudo, Sangawat of Deogarh, Narayandas, Surajmall, Askarn, all
Sesodias of the first rank ; Puran Mall, son of Bhan, the chief of the Sak-
tawats ; Haridas Rathor, Bhopat the Jhala of Sadri, Kahirdas Kachhwaha,
Keshodas Ghauhan of Bedla, Mukimddas Rathor, Jaimallot, of the blood of
Jaimall.
- [When Partap was attacked by Akbar, Sakra, as he is called, paid his
respects at court, and was appointed Commander of 200 {Ain, i. 519).]
' " Chitor, an antient great kingdom, the chief city so called, which
standeth upon a mighty hill flat on the top, walled about at the least ten
Enghsh miles. There appear to this day above a hundred ruined churches,
and divers fair palaces, which are lodged in like manner among the ruins,
besides many exquisite pillars of carved stone, and the ruins likewise of a
hundred thousand stone houses, as many English by their observation have
guessed. There is but one ascent unto it, cut out of a firm rock, to which a
man must pass through four (sometime very magnificent) gates. Its chief
inhabitants at this day are Ziim and Ohim, birds and wild beasts ; but the
stately ruins thereof give a shadow of its beauty ivhile it flourished in its pride.
It was won from Ramas, an ancient Indian prince, who was forced to live
himself ever after on high mountainous places adjoining to that province,
and his posterity to hve there ever since. Taken from him it was by Achabar
Padsha (the father of that king who lived and reigned when I was in these
parts) after a very long siege, which famished the besieged, without which
it could never have been gotten." [E. Terry, A Voyage to East-India, \111,
p. 77 f.]
412 ANNALS OF MEWAR
it is gratifying to record, that not even by this recreant son of
Chitor could the impressions formed in contemplating such scenes
be resisted ; and Sagra, though flinty as the rock to a brother and
nephew, could not support the silent admonition of the altars of
the heroes who had fallen in her defence. The triumphal column
raised for victory over a combination of [355] kings, was a per-
petual memento of his infamy ; nor could he pass over one
finger's breadth of her ample surface, without treading on some
fragment which remmded him of their great deeds and his own
unworthiness. We would be desirous of recording, that a nobler
remembrancer than ' coward conscience,' animated the brother of
Partap to an act of redeeming virtue ; but when the annals tell us,
that " the terrific Bhairon (the god of battle) openly manifested his
displeasure," it is decisive that it was not less the wish for greatness,
than the desire to be " without the illness should attend it " ; and
sending for his nephew, he restored to him Chitor, retiring to the
isolated Kandhar.^ Some time after, upon going to court, and
being upbraided by Jahangir, he drew his dagger and slew himself
in the emperor's presence : an end worthy of such a traitor.^
Conquests of Rana Amar Singh I. — Amra took possession of
the seat 'of his ancestors ; but wanting the means to put it in
defence, the acquisition only served to increase the temporary
exultation. The evil resulting from attaching so much conse-
quence to a capital had been often signally manifested ; as to
harass the enemy from their mountains, and thereby render his
conquests unavailing, was the only policy which could afford
the chance of independence. With Chitor the Rana acquired, by
surrender or assault, possession of no less than eighty of the chief
towns and foi'tresses of Mewar : amongst them Untala, at whose
capture occurred the patriotic struggle between the clans of
Chondawat and Saktawat for the leading of the vanguard, else-
where related.^ On this memorable storm, besides the leaders
^ An isolated rock in the plain between the confluence of the Parbati
and Chambal, and the famous Rauthambhor. The author has twice passed
it in his travels in these regions.
" It was one of his sons who apostatized from his faith, who is well known
in the imperial liistory as Mahabat Khan, beyond doubt the most daring
chief in Jahangir's reign [see p. 386, above]. This is the secret of his bond
of luiion with prince Khurram (Shah Jahan), himseK half a Rajput. It was
with his Rajputs Mahabat did that daring deed, making Jahangir jirisoner
in his own camp, in the zenith of his power. ^ Page 175, above.
i
SAKTA AND THE SAKTAWATS 413
of the rival bands, five of the infant clan Saktawat, consisting
but of sixteen brave brothers, with three of the house of Salumbar,
perished, struggling for the immortality promised by the bard.
We may here relate the rise of the Saktawats, with which is
materially connected the future history of Mewar.
Sakta and the Saktawats. — Sakta was the second of the twenty-
four sons of Udai Singh. Wlien only five years of age, he dis-
covered that fearless temperament which marked' his manhood
[356]. The armourer having brought a new dagger to try its
edge by the usual proof on thinly spread cotton, the child asked
the Rana " if it was not intended to cut bones and flesh," and
seizing it, tried it on his own litfle hand. The blood gushed on
the carpet, but he betrayed no symptom of pain or surprise.
Whether his father admitted the tacit reproof of his own want
of nerve, or that it recalled the prediction of the astrologers,
who, in casting Sakta's horoscope, had announced that he was
to be " the bane of Mewar," he was incontinently commanded
to be put to death, and was carried off for this purpose, when
saved by the Salumbar chief, who arrested the fiat, sped to the
Rana, and begged his life as a boon, promising, having no heirs,
to educate him as the future head of the ChondaAvats. The
Salumbar chief had children in his old age, and while wavering
between his own issue and the son of his adoption, the young
Sakta was sent for to court by his brother Partap. The brothers
for a considerable time lived on the most amicable footing, un-
happily interrupted by a dispute while hunting, which in time
engendered mutual dislike. While riding in the ring, Partap
suddenly proposed to decide their quarrel by single combat,
" to see who was the best lancer." Not backward, Sakta replied,
" Do you begin " ; and some little time was lost in a courteous
struggle for the first spear, when, as they took their ground and
agreed to charge together, the Purohit ^ rushed between the
combatants and implored them not to ruin the house. His
appeal, however, being vain, there was but one way left to pre-
vent the imnatural strife : the priest drew his dagger, and plung-
ing it in his breast, fell a lifeless corpse between the combatants.
Appalled at the horrid deed, ' the blood of the priest on their
head,' they desisted from their infatuated aim. Partap, waving his
hand, commanded Sakta to quit his dominions, who bowing retired,
^ Family priest.
414 ANNALS OF MEWAR
and carried his resentments to Akbar. Partap performed with the
obsequies of this faithful servant many expiatory rites, and made an
irrevocable grant of Salera to his son, still enjoyed by his descend-
ants, while a small column yet identifies the spot of sacrifice to
fidelity. From that hour to the memorable day when the founder
of the Saktawats gained the birad of the race ' Khurasan Multan
ka Aggal,' on the occasion of his saving his sovereign flying from
the field, the brothers had never beheld each other's face [357].
Sakta had seventeen sons, all of whom, excepting the heir
of Bhainsror,^ attended his obsequies. On return from this rite
they found the gates barred against them by Bhanji, now chief
of the Saktawats, who told them " there were too many mouths,"
and that they must push their fortunes elsewhere wlule he attended
his sovereign with the quota of Bhainsror. They demanded their
horses and their arms, if such were his pleasure ; and electing
Achal as their head (whose wife was then pregnant), they took
the route to Idar, which had recently been acquired by a junior
branch of the Rathors of Marwar.^ They had reached Palod
when the pangs of childbirth seized the wife of Achal ; and being
rudely repulsed by the Sonigira vassal of Palod, who refused her
shelter at such a moment, they sought refuge amidst the ruins
of a temple.^ It was the shrine of Mata Janavi, ' the mother of
births,' the Juno Lucina of the Rajputs. In a corner of the
sanctviary they placed the mother of a future race ; but the rain,
which fell in torrents, visibly affected the ruin. A beam of
stone gave way, which but for Bala would have crushed her :
he supported the sinking roof on his head till the brothers cut
down a babul tree, with which they propped it and relieved him.
In this retreat Asa (Hope) was born, who became the parent of
an extensive branch known as the Achalis Saktawats.
The ' Great Mother ' was propitious. The parent of ' Hope '
was soon enabled to resume her journey for Idar, whose chief
received them with open arms, and assigned lands for their
1 I have visited the cenotaphs of Sakta and his successors at the almost
insulated Bhainsror on the Chanibal. The castle is on a rock at the conflu-
ence of the blatk Bamani and the Chambal.
'^ [idar was not occupied by the Rathors till 1728 {IGI, xiii. 325).]
^ Probably the identical temple to the Mother, in which I found a valu-
able inscription of Kumarpal of Anhilwara Patau, dated S. 1207. Palod
is in the district of Nimbahera, now alienated from Mewar, and under that
upstart Pathan, Amir Khan.
SAKTA AND THE SAKTAWATS 415
support. Here they had been some time when the Rana's prime
minister passed through Idar from a pilgrimage to Satrunjaya.^
A violent storm would have thrown down the tent in which was
his wife, but for the exertion of some of the brothers ; and the
minister, on learning that it was to the near kin of his sovereign
he was indebted for this kindness, Invited them to Udaipur,
taking upon him to provide for them with their own proper head,
which they declined without a special invitation. This was not
long wanting ; for Amra [358] was then collecting the strength
of his hills against the king, and the services of the band of
brothers, his kinsmen, were peculiarly acceptable. The first act
of duty, though humble, is properly recorded, as ennobled by the
sentiment which inspired it, and the pictured scene is yet pre-
served of Bala and Jodha collecting logs of wood for a night fire
in the mountain bivouac for their kinsman and sovereign. In
the more brilliant exploit which followed Bala took the lead,
and though the lord of Bhainsror was in camp, it was Bala who
obtained the leading of the vanguard : the commencement of
that rivalry of clanship from whence have resulted some of the
most daring, and many of the most merciless deeds in the history
of Mewar. The right to lead in battle belonged to the Chonda-
wats, and the first intimation the chieftain had of his prince's
inconsiderate insult was from the bard incessantly repeating the
' birad ' of the clan, until ' the portal of the ten thousand ' of
Mewar deemed him mad. " Not so," replied he ; " but it is, perhaps,
the last time your ears may be gratified with the watchword of
Chonda, which may to-morrow be given as well as the Harawal to the
Saktawats." An explanation followed, and the assault of Untala
ensued, which preserved the rights of the Chondawats, though nobly
contested by their rivals. The vassal of Bakrol carried the tidings
of the successful assault to the Rana, who arrived in time to re-
ceive the last obeisance of Bala, whose parting words to his prince
were seized on by the bard and added to the birad of the clan :
and although, in sloth and opium, they now " lose and neglect the
creeping hours of time," yet whenever a Saktawat chief enters
the court of his sovereign, or takes his seat amongst his brother
chiefs, the bards still salute him with the dying words of Bala :
^ One of the five sacred mounts of the Jains, of whose faith was the
minister. Of these I shall speak at length in the Personal Narrative. [IGI,
xix. 316 ff.]
416 ANNALS OF MEWAR
" Dilua ddtdr.
Chauguna junjhdr,
Khurdsdn Multdn ka dggdl." ^
Then passing the hand over his moustache, for a moment the
escalade of Untala flits before liis vision, where Bala, Achalis,
Jodha, Dilla, and Chatiu-bhan, five of the seventeen sons of Sakta,
fell for the maintenance of the post of honour [359]. Bhanji
soon after performed a service which obtained him the entire
favour of his prince, vt^ho, returning from Ratlam, was insulted
by the Rathors of Bhindar, which was punished by the Saktawat,
who took the town by assault, expelling the aggressors. Anara
added it to his fief of Bhainsror, and since the latter was bestowed
on the rival clan, Bliindar has continued the chief residence of
the leader of the Saktawats. Ten chiefs ^ have followed in regular
^ ' Double gifts, fourfold sacrifice.' Meaning, with increase of their
prince's favour the sacrifice of their hves would progress ; and which, for
the sake of euphony probably, preceded the birad won by the founder,
' the barrier to Khurasan and Multan.\
The Birad of the Chondawats is : Das sahas Mewar lea bar Kewdr, ' the
portal of the ten thousand [towns] of Mewar.' It is related that Sakta,
jealous of so sweeping a birad, complained that nothing was left for him :
when the master bard reph'ed, he was Kewdr ka aggal, the bar which secures
the door {Kewdr).
2 Sakta. — 17 sons.
Bhanji.
Dayal. Ber. Man. Gokuldas. Puran Mall.
Sabal Singh.
I
Mokham Singh.
I
Amar Singh.
Prithi Singh.
Jeth Singh.
Ummed Singh.
I
Kushal Singh.
Zorawar,
[to whom succeeded in order Hamir Singh, Madan Singh, Kesari Singh,
and Madho Singh, the present Maharaja, who succeeded in 1900 (Erskine
ii. A. 99).]
RENEWED ATTACK BY JAHANGIR 41T
succession, whose issue spread over Mewar, so that in a few genera-
tions after Sakta, their prince could muster the swords of ten
thousand Saktawats ; but internal feuds and interminable
spoliation have checked the progress of population, and it might
be difficult now to assemble half that number of the ' children
of Sakta ' fit to bear arms.
Renewed Attack by Jahangir. Battle of Khamnor. — To
return. These defeats alarmed Jahangir, who determined to
equip an overwhelming force to crush the Rana. To this end he
raised the imperial standard at Ajmer, and assembled the expedi-
tion under his immediate inspection, of which he appointed his
son Parvez commander, with instructions on departure " that if
the Rana or his elder son Karan should repair to him, to receive
them with becoming attention, and to offer no molestation to
the country." ^ But the Sesodia prince little thought of sub-
mission : on the contrary, flushed with success, he gave the
royal army the meeting at a spot oft moistened with blood, the
pass of Khamnor,^ leading into the heart of the hills. The
imperial army was disgracefully beaten, and fled, pursued with
great havoc, towards Ajmer. The Mogul historian admits it
to have been a glorious day for Mewar. He describes Parvez
entangled in the passes, dissensions in his camp, his supplies cut
off, and under all [360] these disadvantages attacked ; his pre-
cipitate flight and pursuit, in which the royal army lost vast
numbers of men.^ But Jahangir in his diary slurs it over, and
^ A.D. 1611.
^ Translated ' Brampoor ' in Dow's Ferishta, and transferred to the
Deccan ; and the pass {bdla-ghat) rendered the Balaghat mountains of the
south. There are numerous similar errors. [The Author seems to be mis-
taken. Dow (iii. 39) speaks of " Brampour, the capital of the Rana's
dominions." Khamnor is in W. Mewar, a httle distance south of Nath-
dwara.]
^ The details of battles, unless accompanied by exploits of individuals,
are very uninteresting. Under this impression, I have suppressed whatever
could impair the current of action by amphfication, otherwise not only the
Rajput bard, but the contemporary Mogul historian, would have afforded
abundant matter ; but I have deemed both worthy of neglect in such cases.
Ferishta's history is throughout most faulty in its geograpliical details,
rendered still more obscure from the erroneous orthography, often arising
from mistaken punctuation of the only translation of this valuable work yet
before the public. There is one gentleman (Lieut. -Col. Briggs) well quali-
fied to remedy these defects, and who, with a laudable industry, has made
VOL. I 2 E
418 ANNALS OF MEWAR
simply remarks : " Fearing that Khusrau's affair might be pro-
longed, I ordered my son Parwiz to leave some of the Sardars
to look after the Rana, and to come to Agra with Asaf Khan and
a body of those nearly connected with him in the service." ^
This son, tutored by the great Mahabat Khan, fared no better
than Parvez ; he was routed and slain. But the Hydra was
indestructible ; for every victory, while it cost the best blood of
Mewar, only multiplied the number of her foes. Seventeen
pitched battles had the illustrious Rajput fought since the death
of his father : but the loss of his experienced veterans withered
the laurels of victory, nor had he sufficient repose either to
husband his resources or to rear his young heroes to replace
them. Another and yet more mighty army was assembled
under Prince Kliurram, the ablest of the sons of Jahangir, and
better known in history as Shah Jahan, when emperor of the
Moguls.
Again did the Rana with his son Karan collect the might of
their hills ; but a handful of warriors was all their muster to meet
the host of Delhi, and the ' crimson banner,' which for more than
eight hundred years had waved in proud independence over the
heads of the Guhilots, was now to be abased to the son of Jahangir.
The Emperor's own pen shall narrate the termination of this
strife.
" My chief object, after my visit to the Khwaja [the tomb of
Mu'inu-d-dln Chishti, the saint of Ajmer] was to put a stop to
the affair of the rebel Rana. On this account I determined to
remain myself at Ajmlr and send on Baba Khurram, my fortunate
son. This idea was a very good one, and on this account, on
the 6th of Day [tenth month of the solar year] at the hour fixed
on, I dispatched him in happiness and triumph. I presented
him with a qaba (outer coat) of gold brocade with jewelled flowers
and pearls round the flowers, a brocaded turban with strings of
pearls, a gold woven sash with chains of pearls, one of my private
elephants called Fath Gaj, with trappings, a splendid horse, a
an entire translation of the works of Ferishta, besides collating the best MSS.
of the original text. It is to be hoped he wiU present his performance to the
public. [This appeared in four volumes, 1829; reprinted, Calcutta, 1908.]
^ [Memoirs of Jalmnglr, trans. Rogers-Beveridge, p. 70. The incorrect
versions of this and other passages in the text have been replaced from the
recent translation and that in EUiot-Dowson.]
RECEPTION OF THE RANA BY PRINCE KHURRAM 419
jewelled sword, with a phul katdra (dagger). In addition to the
men first appomted to this duty under the leadership of Khan
A'zam, I sent 12,000 more horse with my son, and honoured their
khil'at (wearing robes of honour) leaders." ^
On 14th Isfandarmuz [twelfth month of the solar year] " a
representation came from my son Baba Khurram that the elephant
'Alam Guman [' arrogant of the earth '], of which the Rana was
very fond, together with seventeen 'Alamguman other elephants,
had fallen into the hands of the victorious army." ^ Jahangir
rode this elephant on the second day of the New Year, which began
on 21st March 1614.'
" In the month of Bahman [eleventh solar month] there came
pieces of good news, one after the other. The first was that the
Rana Amar Singh had elected for obedience and service to the
Court. The circumstances of this affair are these. Sultan
KhuiTam, by dint of placing a great inany posts, especially in
some places where most people said it was impossible to place
them on account of the badness of the air and water and the wild
nature of the localities, and by dmt of moving the royal forces
one after another in pursuit, without regard to the heat or ex-
cessive rain, and making prisoners of the inhabitants of that
region, brought matters with the Rana to such a pass that it
became clear to him that if this should happen to him again he
must either fly the country or be made prisoner. Being without
remedy, he chose obedience and loyalty, and sent to my fortunate
son his maternal uncle Subhkaran, with Haridas Jhala, who was
one of the two men in his confidence, and petitioned that if that
fortunate son would ask forgiveness for his offences and tran-
quillize his mind, and obtain for him the auspicious sign-manual
(panja,* the mark of the Emperor's five fingers), he would himself
1 [Memoirs, 256.] 2 [-/^j^ 259.] ' [Ibid. 2G0.]
* The giving the hand amongst all nations has been considered as a pledge
for the iDerformance or ratification of some act of importance, and the
custom amongst the Scythic or Tatar nations, of transmitting its impress as
a substitute, is here practically described. I have seen the identical Farman
in the Rana's archives. The hand being immersed in a compost of sandal-
wood, is appUed to the paper, and the palm and five fingers (panja) are yet
distinct. In a masterly dehneation of Oriental manners {Camels Letters
from the East) is given an anecdote of Muhammad, who, unable to sign his
name to a convention, dipped liis hand in ink, and made an impression
therewitli. It is evident the Prophet of Islam only followed an ancient
solemnity, of the same import as that practised by Jahangir.
420 ANNALS OF MEWAR
wait on my son, and would send his son and successor, Karan
Singh, or he, after the manner of other Rajas, would be enrolled
among the servants of the Court and do service. He also begged
that he himself might be excused from coming to Court on account
of his old age. Accordingly, my son sent them in company with
his own Dlwan, Mulla Shukru-llah, whom after the conchision of
this business I dignified with the title of Afzal Khan, and Sundar
Das, his major-domo, who, after the matter was settled, was
honoured with the title of Ray Rayan, to the exalted Court, and
represented the circumstances. My lofty mind was always
desirous, as far as possible, not to destroy the old families. The
real point was that as Rana Amar Singh and his fathers, proud
in the strength of the hilly country and their abodes, had never
seen or obeyed any of the kings of Hindustan, this should be
brought about in my reign. At the request of my son, I forgave
the Rana's offences, and gave a gracious farman that should
satisfy him, and impressed on it the mark of my auspicious i^alm.
I also wrote a farman of kindness to my son that if he could
arrange to settle the matter I should be much pleased. My son
also sent them [perhaps the uncle and Haridas, or the farmans]
with Mulla Shukru-llah and Sundar Das to the Rana to console
him and make him hopeful of the royal favour. They gave him
the gracious farman with the sign-manual of the auspicioiis hand,
and it was settled that on Sunday, the 26th of the month Bahman,
he and his sons should come and pay their respects to my
son." ^
" In the end of this month, when I was employed in hunting
in the environs of Ajmlr, Muhammad Beg, an attendant on my
fortunate son Sultan Khurram, came and brought a report from
that son, and stated that the Rana had come with his sons and
paid his respects to the prince : the details would be made known
by the report. I immediately turned the face of supplication
to the Divine Court, and prostrated myself in thanksgiving. I
presented a horse, an elephant, and a jewelled dagger to the
aforesaid Muhammad Khan, and honoured him with the title of
Zu-1-faqar Khan [' Lord of the sword ']."2
" From the report it appeared that on Sunday the 26tli Bah-
man, the Rana paid his respects to my fortunate son with the
politeness and ritual that servants pay their respects, and pro-
1 [3Iemoirs, 272 £f.] ^ ^jiji^_ 275.]
RECEPTION OF THE RANA BY PRINCE KHURRAM 421
duced as offerings a famous large ruby that was in his house,
with some decorated articles and seven elephants, some of them
fit for the private stud, and which had not fallen into our hands,
and were the only ones left him, and nine horses. My son also
behaved to him with perfect kindness. When the Rana clasped
his feet and asked forgiveness for his faults, he took his hand
and placed it on his breast, and consoled him in such a manner
as to comfort him. He presented him with a superb dress of
honour, a jewelled sword, a horse with a jewelled saddle, and a
private elephant with silver housings, and as there were not more
than 100 men with him who were worthy of complete robes of
honour, he gave 100 sarupd [dresses] and 50 horses and 12 jewelled
khapivd [daggers]. As it is the custom of the Zamlndars ^ that
the son who is the heir-apparent should not go with his father
to pay his respects to a king or prince,- the Rana observed tliis
custom, and did not bring with him Karan, the son who had
received the tlkd [forehead mark of inauguration]. As the hour
(fixed by astrology) of his departure of that son of lofty fortune
from that place was the end of that same day, he gave him leave,
so that, having himself gone, he might send Karan to pay his
respects. To hun also he gave a superb dress of honour, a jewelled
sword and dagger, a horse with a gold saddle, and a special ele-
phant, and on the same day, taking Karan in attendance, he
proceeded towards the illustrious Court." *
" In my mterview with Sultan Khurram on his arrival at Ajmer,*
he represented that if it was my pleasure he would present the
prince Karan, whom I accordingly desired him to bring. He
arrived, paid his respects, and his rank was commanded to be, at
the request of my son, immediately on my right hand, and I rewarded
him with suitable khilats. As Karan, owing to the rude life he
had led in his native hills, was extremely shy, and unused to the
pageantry and experience of a court, in order to reconcile and
give him confidence I daily gave him some testimonies of my
^ [The Rana is purposely treated as a mere landowner under the State.]
* This was to avoid treachery. I have often had the honour to receive
the descendant princes, father and son, ' of these illustrious ones ' together
(note by the Author).
3 [Memoirs, 275 f.]
* [The remaining part of the narrative is fairly correct, and has been
allowed to stand, with necessary corrections in transHteration of proper
names.]
422 ANNALS OF MEWAR
regard and protection, and in the second day of his service I gave
him a jewelled dagger, and on the third a choice steed of Irak
with rich caparisons ; and on the same day, I took him with me
to the queen's court, when the queen, Nur Jahan, made him
si^lendid kliilats, elephant and horse caparisoned, sword, etc.
The same day I gave him a rich necklace of pearls, another day
an elephant, and it was my wish to give him rarities and choice
things of every kind. I gave him three royal hawks and three
gentle falcons trained to the hand,^ a coat of mail, chain and plate
armour, and two rings of value ; and, on the last day of the
month, carpets, state cushions, perfumes, vessels of gold, and a
pair of the bullocks of Gujarat.^
" 10th year.' At this time I gave prince Karan leave to return
to his jagir ; * when I bestowed on him an elephant, horse, and
a pearl necklace valued at 50,000 rupees (£5000) ; and from the
day of his repairing to my court to that of his departure, the
value of the various gifts I presented him exceeded ten laklis of
rupees (£125,000), exclusive of one hundred and ten horses, five
elephants, or what my son lOiurram gave him. I sent Mubarik
Khan along with [364] him, by whom I sent an elephant, horse,
etc., and various confidential messages to the Rana.
" On the 8th Safar ^ of the 10th year of the h. 1024 Karan
was elevated to the dignity of a Mansabdar * of five thousand,
when I presented him with a bracelet of pearls, in which was a
ruby of great price.
" 24th Muharram,' 10th year (a.d. 1615), Jagat Sing, son of
Karan, aged twelve years, arrived at court and paid his respects,
and presented the arzis of his father and grandfather, Rana
Amra Singh. His countenance carried the impression of his
^ Baz and Tura.
2 [On the famous oxen of Gujarat see Forbes, Rasmala, 540; Watt,
Comm. Prod. 733 ff.]
' Of his reign.
* Such was now the degraded title of the ancient, independent sovereign
Mewar. Happy Partap, whose ashes being mingled with his parent earth,
was spared his country's humiliation !
* [The second mouth of the Musalman calendar.]
® With this the annals state the restoration of many districts : the
Kherar, Phulia, Badnor, Mandalgarh, Jiran, Nimach, and Bhainsror, with
supremacy over DeoMa, and Dungarpur.
' [The first month of the Muhammadan year.]
LETTER OF JAHANGIR TO JAMES I. 423
illustrious extraction,^ and I delighted his heart with presents and
kindness.
^ It must have been this grandson of Amra of whom Six Thomas Roe
thus writes : " The right issue of Porus is here a king m the midst of the
Mogul's dominions, never subdued till last year ; and, to say the truth,
he is rather bought than conquered : won to own a superior by gifts and laot
by arms. The pillar erected by Alexander is yet standing at Delhi, the
ancient seat of Rama, the successor of Porus " {Extract of a letter to the
Archbishop of Canterbury, dated at Ajmere, January 29, 1615).
Copy of a letter written by the great Mogul unto King James, in the
Persian tongue, here faithfully translated, which was as follows :
" Unto a king rightly descended from his ancestors, bred in mihtary
affairs, clothed with honour and justice, a commander worthy of all com-
mand, strong and constant in the rehgion which the great prophet Christ
did teach. King James, whose love hath bred such an impression in my
thoughts as shall never be forgotten ; but as the smell of amber, or as a
garden of fragrant flowers, whose beauty and odour is still increasing, so,
be assured, my love shall still grow and increase with yours.
" The letters which you sent me in the behalf of your merchants I have
received, whereby I rest satisfied of your tender love towards me, desiring
you not to take it iU, that I have not wrote to you heretofore : this present
letter I send to you to renew our loves, and herewith do certifie you, that I
have sent forth my firmaunes throughout all my countries to this effect,
that if any Enghsh ships or merchants shall arrive in any of my ports, my
people shall permit and suffer them to do what they please, freely in their
merchandising causes, aiding and assisting them in all occasion of injuries
that shall be offered them, that the least cause of discourtesie be not done
unto them ; that they may be as free, or freer than my own people.
" And as now, and formerly, I have received from you divers tokens of
your love ; so I shall still desire your mmdfulness of me by some novelties
from your countries, as an argument of friendship betwixt us, for such is the
custom of princes here.
" And for your merchants, I have given express order through all my
dominions, to suffer them to buy, sell, transport, and carry away at their
pleasure, without the lett or hinderance of any person whatsoever, all such
goods and merchandises as they shall desire to buy ; and let this my letter as
fully satisfie you in desired peace and love, as if my own son had been
messenger to ratifie the same.
" And if any in my countries, not fearing God, nor obeying their king,
or any other void of rehgion, should endeavour to be an instrument to break
tliis league of friendship, I would send my son Sultan Caroom, a souldier
approved in the wars, to cut him off, that no obstacle may hinder the con-
tinuance and increase of our affections.
" When your majesty shall open this letter, let your royal heart be as
fresh as a small garden, let all people make reverence at your gate. Let
your throne be advanced higher. Amongst the greatness of the kings of
the prophet Jesus, let your majesty be the greatest ; and all monarchs
derive their wisdom and counsel from your breast, as from a fountain, that
424 ANNAI.S OF MEWAR
" On the 10th Shaban,^ Jagat Singh had permission to return
to his house. At his departure I presented him with 20,000
rupees, a horse, elephant, and khilats [365] ; and to Haridas
Jhala, preceptor of Prince Karan, 5000 rupees, a horse, and
khilat ; and I sent by him six golden images ^ to the Rana.
" 28th Rabiu-1-Akhir,^ 11th year. The statues of the Rana and
Karan, sculptured in zvhite marble, I desired should have inscribed
the date in which they were jjrejyared and presented, and commanded
they should be placed in the gardens at Agra.'*^
" In the 11th year of my reign an arzi from Itimad Khan
acquainted me that Sultan Khurram had entered the Rana's
country, and that prince and his son had both exchanged visits
with my son ; and that from the tribute, consisting of seven
elephants, twenty-seven saddle horses, trays of jewels, and
ornaments of gold, my son took three horses and returned all the
rest, and engaged that Prince Karan and fifteen hundred Rajput
horse should remain with him in the wars.
" In the 13th year Prince Karan repaired to my court, then at
Sindla, to congratulate me on my victories and conquest of the
Deccan, and presented 100 mohars,^ 1000 rupees, nazarana, and
effects in gold and jewels to the amount of 21,000 rupees, hardy
the law of the majesty of Jesus may receive, and flourish under your pro-
tection.
" The letters of love and friendship which you sent me, the present
tokens of your good affection towards me, I have received by the hands of
your ambassadour, Sir Thomas Row, who weU deserveth to be j^our trusty
servant, dehvered to me in an acceptable and happy hour ; upon which
mine eyes were so fixed, that I could not easily remove them unto any other
objects, and have accepted them with great joy and dehght, etc."
The last letter had this beginning : " How gracious is your majesty,
whose greatness God preserve. As upon a rose in a garden, so are mine
eyes fixed upon you. God maintain your estate, that your monarchy may
prosper and be augmented ; and that you may obtain all your desires
worthy the greatness of your renown ; and as the heart is noble and upright,
so let God give you a glorious reign, because you strongly defend the law of
the majesty of Jesus, which God made yet more flourishing, for that it was
confirmed by miracles, etc." {Delia Valle, p. 473).
' [Sha'ban, the eighth month.]
^ There are frequent mention of such images (puilis), but I know not
which they are. [The word in the original is SJioshpari, ' golden maces.']
3 [The fourth month.]
* [On these statues see Smith, HFA, 42G ff.]
^ Golden suns, value £1 : 12s.
TREATMENT OF THE RANA BY JAHANGIR 425
elephants and horses ; the last I returned, but kept the rest, and
next daj' presented him a dress of honour ; and from Fatehpur
gave him his leave, with elephant, horse, sword, and dagger, and
a horse for his father.
" 14th year of my reign. On the 17th Rabiu-1-awwal,^ 1029 h.,
I received intelligence of the death of Rana Amra Singh.^ To
Jagat Singh, his grandson, and Bhim Singh, his son, in attendance,
I gave khilats, and dispatched Raja Kishordas * with the farman
conferring benefits and with the dignity of Rana, the khilat of
investiture, choice horses, and a letter of condolence suitable
to the occasion to Prince Karan. 7th Shawwal.* Biharidas
Brahman I dispatched with a [366] farman to Rana Karan,
desiring that his son with his contingent should attend me."
Treatment of the Rana by Jahangir. — To have generalized this
detail of the royal historian would have been to lessen the interest
of this important period in the annals of Mewar. Jahangir
merits to have his exultation, his noble and unostentatious
conduct, described by his own pen, the extreme minuteness of
which description but increases the interest. With his self-
gratulation, he bears full testimony to the gallant and long-
protracted resistance of the Rajputs ; and while he impartially,
though rather erroneously, estimates their motives and means
of opposition, he does Amra ample justice in the declaration, that
he did not yield until he had but the alternative of captivity or
exile ; and with a magnanimity above all praise, he records the
Rajput prince's salvo for his dignity, " that he would hold himself
excused from attending in person." The simple and naive
declaration of his joy, " his going abroad on Alam Guman,"
the favourite elephant of the Rana which had been captured, on
learning his submission, is far stronger than the most pompous
testimony of public rejoicing. But there is a heart-stirring
philanthropy in the conduct of the Mogul which does him im-
mortal honour ; and in commanding his son " to treat the
illustrious one according to his heart's wishes," though he so
long and so signally had foiled the roj'al armies, he proved himself
worthy of the good fortune he acknowledges, and well shows his
1 [The third month.] ^ |-He died in 1620.]
^ Increasing the respect to the Ranas by making a prince the bearer of
the farman.
* [The tenth month.]
426 ANNALS OF MEWAR
sense of the superiority of the chief of all the Rajputs, by placing
the heir of Mewar, even above all the princes of his own house,
' immediately on his right hand.' Whether he attempts to relieve
the shyness of Karan, or sets forth the princely appearance of
Jagat Singh, we see the same amiable feeling operating to lighten
the chains of the conquered. But the shyness of Karan deserved
a worthier term : he felt the degradation which neither the
statues raised to them, the right hand of the monarch, the dignity
of a ' commander of five thousand,' or even the restoration of the
long-alienated territory could neutralize, when the kingdom to
which he was heir was called a fief (jagir), and himself, ' the
descendant of a hundred kings,' a vassal (jagirdar) of the empire,
under whose banner, which his ancestors had so signally opposed,
he was now to follow with a contingent of fifteen hundred Rajput
horse.
Seldom has subjugated royalty met with such consideration ;
yet, to a lofty mind like Amra's, this courteous condescension
but increased the severity of endurance [367]. In the bitterness
of his heart he cursed the magnanimity of lOiurram, himself of
Rajput blood ^ and an admirer of Rajput valour, which circum-
stance more than the force of his arms had induced him to sur-
render ; for Khurram demanded but the friendship of the Rajput
as the price of peace, and to withdraw every Muhammadan from
Mewar if the Rana would but receive the emperor's farman
outside of his capital. This his proud soul rejected ; and though
he visited Prince Khurram as a friend, he spurned the proposition
of acknowledging a superior, or receiving tlie rank and titles
awaiting such an admission. The noble Amra, who —
Rather than be less.
Cared not to be at all —
took the resolution to abdicate ^ the throne he could no longer
hold but at the will of another. Assembling his chiefs, and
^ Khurram was son of a Rajput princess of Amber [whose name, accord-
ing to Beale, was Balmati] of the Kachhwaha tribe, and hence his name was
probably Kurm, synonymous to kachhwa, a tortoise. The bards are always
punning upon it. [The Persian word khurram, ' glad, joyful,' has, of
course, no connexion with Hindi kurm, ' a tortoise.']
* Surrendered S. 1672, a.d. 1G16 (according to Dow, S. 1669, a.d. 1613) ;
died 1621 [1620. There seems to bo no corroboration of his abdication.]
RANA KARAN SINGH II. 427
disclosing his determination, he made the tika on his son's fore-
head ; and observing that the honour of Mewar was now in his
hands, forthwith left the capital and secluded himself in the
Nauchauki : ^ nor did he from that hour cross its threshold, but
to have his ashes deposited with those of his fathers.
Character of Eana Amar Singh. — All comment is superfluous
on such a character as Rana Amra. He was worthy of Partap
and his race. He possessed all the physical as well as mental
qualities of a hero, and was the tallest and strongest of all the
princes of Mewar. He was not so fair as they usually are, and
he had a reserve bordering upon gloominess, doubtless occasioned
by his reverses, for it was not natural to him ; he was beloved
by his chiefs for the qualities they most esteem, generosity and
valour, and by his subjects for his justice and kindness, of which
we can judge from his edicts, many of which yet live on the
column or the rock [368].
CHAPTER 13
Eana Karan Singh II., a.d. 1620-28. — Karan, or Kama [the
radiant), succeeded to the last independent king of Mewar, S. 1677,
A.D. 1621. Henceforth we shall have to exhibit these princely
' children of the sun ' with diminished lustre, moving as satellites
round the primary planet ; but, unaccustomed to the laws of
its attraction, they soon deviated from the orbit prescribed, and
in the eccentricity of their movements occasionally displayed
their unborrowed effulgence. For fifteen himdred years we have
traced each alternation of the fortune of this family, from their
establishment in the second, to their expulsion in the fifth century
from Saurashtra by the Parthians ; the acquisition and loss of
Idar ; the conquest and surrender of Chitor ; the rise of Udaipur
^ It must have been here that Sultan Khurram visited the Rana. The
remams of this palace, about half a mile without the city wall (north), on a
cluster of hills, are yet in existence. It was built by Udai Singh on the banks
of a lake, under which are gardens and groves, where the author had the
Rana's permission to pitch liis tents in the hottest m'onths. [When Khurram
was in revolt against his father, he stayed at first in the Rana's palace ; but
as his followers Uttle respected Rajput prejudices, he removed to the Jag-
mandir, and the island became his home till shortly before his father's death
(Erskine ii. A. 109).]
428 ANNALS OF MEWAR
and abasement of the red flag to Jahangir ; and we shall conclude
with not the least striking portion of their history, their unity of
interests with Britain.
Karan was deficient neither in courage nor conduct ; of both
he had given a decided proof, when, to relieve the pecuniary
difficulties of his father, with a rapidity unparalleled, he passed
through the midst of his foes, surjorised and plundered Surat,
and carried off a booty which was the means of protracting the
evil days of his country. But for the exercise of the chief virtue
of the Rajput, he [369] had little scope throughout his reign, and
fortunately for his country the powerful esteem and friendship
which Jahangir and Prince Khurram evinced for his house, enabled
him to put forth the talents he possessed to repair past disasters.
He fortified the heights round the caj^ital, which he strengthened
with a wall and ditch, partly enlarged the noble dam which
retains the waters of the Pichola, and built that entire portion of
the palace called the Rawala, still set apart for the ladies of the
court.
Terms between Rana Karan Singh and Jahangir.— When Rana
Amra made terms with Jahangir, he stipulated, as a salvo for his
dignity and that of his successors, exemption from all personal
attendance ; and confined the extent of homage to his successors
receiving, on each lapse of the crown, the farman or imperial
decree in token of subordination, which, more strongly to mark
their dependent condition, the Rana was to accept without the
walls of his capital ; accordingly, though the heirs-apparent of
Mewar ^ attended the court, they never did as Rana. Partly to
lessen the weight of this sacrifice to independence, and partly to
exalt the higher grade of nobles, the princes of the blood-royal
of Mewar were made to rank below the Sixteen, a fictitious diminu-
tion of dignity which, with similar acts peculiar to this house,
enhanced the self-estimation of the nobles, and made them brave
every danger to obtain such sacrifices to the ruling passion of the
Rajput, a love of distinction.^ It is mentioned by the emperor
^ The contingent of Mewar was one thousand horse.
^ During the progress of my mediation between the Rana and his nobles,
in 1818, the conduct of the Hneal representative of Jainiall, the defender of
Chitor against Akbar, was striking. Instead of surrendering the lands
whicli he was accused of usurping, he placed himself at the door of the thresh-
old of the palace, whence he was immovable. His claims were left to my
adjudication : but he complained with great heat of the omission of cere-
SESODIAS IN THE IMPERIAL SERVICE 429
that he placed the heir-apparent of Mewar immediately on his
right hand, over all the princes of Hindustan ; consequently the
superior nobles of Mewar, who were all men of royal descent,
deemed themselves, and had their [370] claims admitted, to rank
above their peers at other courts, and to be seated almost on an
equalitj^ witli their princes.*
Sesodias in the Imperial Service. — The Sesodia chieftains were
soon distinguished amongst the Rajput vassals of the Mogul, and
had a full share of power. Of these Bhim, the younger brother
of Karan, who headed the quota of Mewar, was conspicuous, and
became the chief adviser and friend of Sultan Khurram, who well
knew his intrepidity. At his son's solicitation, the emperor
conferred upon him the title of Raja, and assigned a small princi-
pality on "the Banas for his residence, of which Toda was the
capital. Ambitious of perpetuating a name, he erected a new
city and palace on the banks of the river, which he called Raj-
mahall, and which his descendants held till about forty years ago.
The ruins of Rajmahall ^ bear testimony to the architectural taste
monials, and especially of the prostration of honours by the prince. I in-
cautiously remarked that these were trivial compared with the other objects
in view, and begged him to disregard it. " Disregard it ! why, it was for
these things my ancestors sacrificed their lives ; when such a band * as this
on my turban was deemed ample reward for the most distinguished service,
and made them laugh at wounds and hardships ! " Abashed at the incon-
siderate remark which provoked this lofty reproof, I used my influence to
have the omission rectified : the lands were restored, and the enthusiastic
reverence with which I spoke of Jaimall would have obtained even greater
proof of the Badnor chief's regard for the fame of his ancestors than the
surrender of them implied. Who would not honour this attachment to
such emblems in the days of adversity ?
^ This was conceded, as the following anecdote will attest. When the
first Peshwa [Balaji Visvanath (1707-20)] appeared at the Jaipur court he
was accompanied by the Salumbar chieftain. The Jaipur prince divided his
gaddi (cushion) with the Peshwa, and the latter made room for the Salumbar
chief upon it, observing that their privileges and rank were similar. The
same Peshwa had the address to avoid all discussion of rank at Udaipur, by
alleging the prerogative of his order to ' spread his cloth in front of the throne,^
a distinction to which every priest is entitled.
^ The plate represents Rajmahall, on the Banas, now in the fief of Rao
Chand Singh, one of the Jaipur nobles, whose castle of Duni is in the
* Balaband, a fillet or band, sometimes embroidered ; often, as in the
present case, of silk or gold tliread knotted, and tassels tied round the turban.
Balaband is synonymous with diadem.
430 ANNALS OF MEWAR
of this son of Mewar, as do the fallen fortunes of his descendant
to the instability of power : the lineal heir of Raja Bhim serves
the chief of Shahpura on half a crown a day !
Revolt and Death of Bhim Singh. — Jahangir, notwithstanding
his favours, soon had a specimen of the insubordinate spirit of
Bhim. Being desirous to separate him from Sultan Khurram,
who aspired to the crown in prejudice to his elder brother Parvez,
he appointed Bhim to the government of Gujarat, which was
distinctly refused. Detesting Parvez, who, it will be recollected,
invaded Mewar, and was foiled for his cruelty on this occasion^
Bhim advised his friend at once to throw off the mask, if he
aspired to reign. Parvez was slain,^ and Khurram manifested his
guilt by flying to arms [371]. He was secretly supported by a
strong party of the Rajput interest, at the head of which was
Gaj Singh of Marwar, his maternal grandfather, who cautiously
desired to remain neutral. Jahangir advanced to crush the
incipient revolt ; but dubious of the Rathor (Gaj Singh), he gave
the van to Jaipur, upon which the prince furled his banners and
determined to be a spectator. The armies approached and were
joining action, when the impetuous Bhim sent a message to the
Rathor either to aid or oppose them. The insult provoked him
to the latter course, and Bhim's party was destroyed, himself
slain,^ and Khurram and Mahabat Khan compelled to seek refuge
distance. There are many picturesque scenes of this nature on the Banas.
Duni made a celebrated defence against Sindhia's army in 1808, and held
out several months, though the Mahratta prince had an army of forty thou-
sand men and a park of eighty pieces of cannon to oppose two hundred
Rajputs. They made sorties, captured his foragers, cut his batteries to pieces,
and carried off his guns (of which they had none), and, placing them on their
walls, with his own shot made the whole army change position, beyond
matchlock range. At last their inexpertness rendered them useless, and
they obtained honourable terms. On one occasion the foragers of our escort
were returning, and met Sindhia's coming away without their guns and
cattle, which had just been taken from them. Our lads, from fellowship,
volunteered to recover them, and returned on the captors, who gave them
up (if my memory deceive me not) without a struggle, and from respect to
the red coat !
1 [Parvez died at Burhanpur, Nimar District, Central Provinces, in his
thirty-eighth year, on October 28, 1626.]
^ Man Singh, chief of the Saktawats, and lus brother Gokuldas, were
Bhim's advisers, and formed with Mahabat Khan the junta who ruled the
Mogul heir-apparent. Man held Sanwar in tlie Khairar, and was celebrated
REVOLT AND DEATH OF BHiM SINGH 431
in Udaipur. In this asylum he remained undisturbed : apart-
ments in the palace were assigned to him ; but his followers little
respecting Rajput prejudices, the island became his residence,
on Avliich a sumptuous edifice Avas raised, adorned with a lofty
dome crowned with the crescent. The interior was decorated
with mosaic, in onyx, cornelian, jaspers, and agates, rich Turkey
carpets, etc. ; and that nothing of state might be wanting to
the royal refugee, a throne was sculptured from a single block of
serpentine, supported by quadriform female Caryatidae. In the
court a little chapel was erected to the Muhammadan saint Madar,^
and here the prince with his court resided, every wish anticipated,
till a short time before his father's death, when he retired into
Persia.^
Such was Rajput gratitude to a prince who, when the chances
of war made him victor over them, had sought unceasingly to
mitigate the misery attendant on the loss of independence ! It
is pleasing to record to the honour of this calumniated race, that
these feelings on the part of Karan were not transient ; and that
so far from expiring with the object.
The debt immense of endless gratitude
was transmitted as an heirloom to his issue ; and though two
centuries have fled, during which Mewar had suffered every
in Anira's wars as the great champion of the Sesodias. He counted above
eighty wounds, and had at various times " sent a ser (two pounds) of ex-
foUated bone to the Ganges." Such was the affection between Man and
Bhim, that they concealed the death of the latter, sending him food in
Bhim's name ; but he no sooner learned the truth than he tore away the
bandages and expired. Of Gokuldas the bard says, in allusion to the
peaceful reign of Karan, " The wreath of Karan's renown was fading, but
Gokul revived it with his blood." It was with the Sesodia Rajputs and
the Saktawats that Mahabat performed the most daring exploit in Mogul
history, making Jahangir prisoner in his own camp : but it is too long for
insertion in a note. [This occurred in 1626 ; see Elphinstone, Hist, of
India, 568.]
^ [The saint Madar is said to have been a Jew from Aleppo who hved
from A.D. 1050 to 1433, and was buried at Makanpur in the Cawnpur District,
where pilgrims visit his tomb {101, xvii. 43 ; Dabistan, trans. Shea-Troyer
iii. 244 ff.).]
^ Contemporary historians say to Golkonda. [Khurram was prevented
by bad health from going to Persia, and proceeded to the Deccan, whence
he returned after his father's death (Elphinstone, op. cit. 573 ; EUiot-
Dowson vi. 433, 437, 445).]
432 ANNALS OF MEWAR
variety of woe, pillaged by Mogul [372], Pathan, and Mahratta,
yet the turban of Prince Khurram, the symbol of fraternity,^ has
been preserved, and remains in the same folds as when transferred
from the head of the Mogul to that of the Rajput prince. The
shield is yet held as the most sacred of relics, nor will the lamp
which illumines the chapel of Madar want oil while the princes of
Udaipur have wherewithal to supply it.^
Death of Rana Karan Singh. — Rana Karan had enjoyed eight
years of perfect tranquillity when he was gathered to his fathers.
The sanctuary he gave Prince Khurram had no apparent effect
on Jahangir, who doubtless believed that the Rana did not
sanction the conduct of his brother Bhim. lie was succeeded
by his son Jagat Singh, ' the lion of the world,' in S. 1684 (a.d.
1628).
Bana Jagat Singh I., a.d. 1628-53. — The Emperor Jahangir died
shortly after his accession [October 28, 1627], and while Khurram
was in exile. This event, which gave the throne to the friend of
his house, was announced to him by the Rana, who sent his
brother and a band of Rajputs to Surat to form the cortege of
the emperor, who repaired directly to Udaipur ; and it was in
the Badal Mahall (' the cloud saloon ') of his palace that he was
first saluted by the title of ' Shah Jahan,' by the satraps and
tributary princes of the empire.^ On taking leave, the new
monarch restored five alienated districts, and presented the Rana
^ An exchange of turbans is the symbol of fraternal adoption.
^ It is an affecting proof of the perpetuity of true gratitude,
" Which owing, owes not,"
as weU as of reUgious toleration, to find the shrine of the Muhammadan
saint maintained in this retreat of the Sesodias, and the priest and estabhsh-
ment kept up, though the son of their benefactor persecuted them with
unrelenting barbarity. Are these people worth concihating ? or does the
mist of ignorance and egotism so blind us that we are to despise the minds
hidden under the cloak of poverty and long oppression ? The orange-
coloured turban, and the shield of Shah Jahan, have been brought from
their sacred niche for my view : that I looked on them with sentiments of
reverence, as reUcs consecrated by the noblest feehng of the mind, wiU
be credited. I bowed to the turljan with an irresistible impulse, and a
fervour as deep as ever did pilgrim before the most hallowed shrine.
3 Ferishta [Dow iii. 99], whose geography is often quite unintelligible,
omits this in his history, and passes the king direct to Ajmer : but the
annals are fuller, and describe the royal insignia conveyed by Mahabat,
AbduUa, Khan Jahan, and his secretary Sadullah.
ERECTION OF BUILDINGS AT UDAIPUR 433
•with a ruby of inestimable value, giving him also permission to
reconstruct the fortifications of Chitor.^
The twenty-six years during which Jagat Singh occupied the
throne passed in uninterrupted tranquillity : a state imfruitful
to the bard, who flourishes only amidst agitation and strife.
This period was devoted to the cultivation of the peaceful arts,
especially architecture ; and to Jagat Singh Udaipur is indebted
for those magnificent works which bear his name, and excite our
astonishment, after all the disasters we have related, at the
resources he found to accomplish them [373].
Erection of Buildings at Udaipur. — The palace on the lake
(covering about four acres), called the Jagniwas, is entirely his
work, as well as many additions to its sister isle, on which is the
Jagmandir.*^ Nothing but marble enters into their composition ;
columns, baths, reservoirs, fountains, all are of this material,
often inlaid with mosaics, and the uniformity pleasingly diversified
by the hght passing through glass of every hue. The apartments
are decorated with historical paintings in water-colours, almost
meriting the term fresco from their deep absorption in the wall,
though the darker tmts have bleaded with and in part oljscured
the more delicate shades, from atmospheric causes. The walls,
both here and in the grand palace, contain many medallions, in
considerable relief, in gypsum, portraying the principal historical
events of the family, from early periods even to the marriage
pomp of the present Rana. Parterres of flowers, orange and
lemon groves, intervene to dispel the monotony of the buildings,
shaded by the wide-spreading tamarind and magnificent evergreen
khirni ; * while the graceful palmyra and coco wave their plume-
like branches over the dark cypress or cooling plantain. Detached
colonnaded refectories are placed on the water's edge for the
chiefs, and extensive baths for their use. Here they listened to
the tale of the bard, and slept off their noonday opiate amidst
^ [According to Manucci (i. 214 f.) Shahjahan ordered his Wazir S'adullah
Khan to prepare a campaign against the Rana, but the plan was disclosed
by a woman, and the Rana made terms, ceded territory, and paid a sum
of money. Shahjahan is said to have destroyed the fortifications of Chitor,
on the ground that they had been repaired without his father's permission.]
^ ' The minster of the world.' [According to Erskine (ii. A. 109) the
Jagmandir was built by Jagat Singh I. (1628-52) ; the Jagniwas by Jagat
Singh II. (1734-51).]
^ [Wrightia tinctoria (Watt, Comm. Prod. 1131 f.).]
VOL. I 2 F
434 ANNALS OF MEWAR
the cool breezes of the lake, wafting delicious odours from mjTiads
of the lotus-flower which covered the surface of the waters ; and
as the fumes of the potion evaporated, they opened their eyes
on a landscape to which not even its inspirations could frame an
equal : the broad waters of the Pichola, with its indented and
well-wooded margin receding to the terminating point of sight,
at which the temple of Brahmpuri opened on the pass of the
gigantic Aravalli, the field of the exploits of their forefathers.
Amid such scenes did the Sesodia princes and chieftains recreate
during two generations, exchanging the din of arms for voluptuous
inactivity.
Jagat Singh was a liighly respected prince, and did much to
efface the remembrance of the rude visitations of the Moguls.
The dignity of his character, his benevolence of address and
personal demeanour, secured the homage of all who had access
to him, and are alike attested by the pen of the emperor, the
ambassador of England, and the chronicles of Mewar. He had
the proud satisfaction [374] of redeeming . the ancient capital
from ruin ; rebuilding the " chaplet bastion,' restoring the portals,
and replacing the pinnacles on the temples of Chitrakot." By a
princess of Marwar he left two sons, the eldest of whom succeeded.
Rana Raj Singh, a.d. 1652-80. — Raj Singh (the royal lion)
moiuited the throne in S. 1710 (a.d. 1654). Various causes over
which he had no control combined, together with his personal
character, to break the long repose his country had enjoyed. The
emperor of the Moguls had reached extreme old age, and the
ambition of his sons to usurp his authority involved every Rajput
in support of their individual pretensions. The Rana inclined to
Dara,^ the legitimate heir to the throne, as did nearly the whole
Rajput race ; but the battle of Fatehabad * silenced every
pretension, and gave the lead to Aurangzeb, which he maintained
by the sacrifice of whatever opposed his ambition. His father,
brothers, nay, his own offspring, were in turn victims to that
thirst for power which eventually destroyed the monarchy of the
Moguls.
^ The Mala Burj, a ' chaplet bastion ' blown up by Akbar, is a small
fortress of itself.
* I have copies of the original letters written by Dara, Suja, Murad, and
Aurangzeb on this occasion, each soliciting the Rana's aid.
^ [SamQgarh, afterwards called Fatehabad, May 20, 1658 (Jadunath
Sarkar, Life of Aurangzib, ii. 32 ff. ; Manucci i. 270 ff. ; Bernier 49 ff.)-]
PRINCES CONTEMPORARY WITH AURANGZEB 435
The policy introduced by their founder, from which Akbar,
Jahangir, and Shah Jahan had reaped so many benefits, was
unwisely abandoned by the latter, who of all had the most power-
ful reasons for maintaining those ties which connected the Rajput
princes vnth his house. Historians have neglected to notice the
great moral strength derived from this unity of the indigenous
races with their conquerors ; for during no similar period was
the empire so secure, nor the Hindu race so cherished, as during
the reigns of Jahangir and Shah Jahan : the former born from a
Rajput princess of Amber, and the latter from the house of
Marwar. Aurangzeb's unmixed Tatar blood brought no Rajput
sympathies to his aid ; on the contrary, every noble family shed
their best blood in withstanding his accession, and in the defence
of Shah Jahan's rights, while there was a hope of success. The
politic Aurangzeb was not blind to this defect, and he tried to
remedy it in his successor ; for both his declared heir. Shah Alam,
and Azam, as well as his favourite grandson,^ were the offspring
of Rajputnis ; but, uninfluenced himself by such predilections,
his bigotry outweighed his policy, and he visited the Rajputs
with an unrelenting and unwise persecution [375].
We shall pass the twice-told tale of the struggle for power
which ended in the destruction of the brothers, competitors with
Aurangzeb : this belongs to general history, not to the annals of
Mewar ; and that history is in every hand,- in which the magna-
nimity of Dara,^ the impetuosity of Murad, and the activity of
Suja met the same tragical end.
Princes contemporary with Aurangzeb. — It has seldom occurred
that so many distinguished princes were contemporary as during
the reign of Aurangzeb. Every Rajput principality had a head
above mediocrity in conduct as in courage. Jai Singh of Amber,
^ Kambakhsh (son of Jodhpuri, not Udaipuri), 'the gift of Cupid.' Of
this the Greeks made Cambyses. [Kambakhsh was son of Udaipuri, the
youngest and best-loved concubine of Aurangzeb (Judunath Sarkar i. 64).
Cambyses is Old Persian Kabuziya or Kambuziya (Maspero, Passing of
the Empires, 655, note).]
* Bernier, who was an eye-witness of these transactions, describes them
far better than the Mogul historians, and his accounts tally admirably
with the Rajput annals. [But he is not always to be trusted (Jadunath
Sarkar ii. 10, note).]
* [The proper form is Dara Shukoh or Shikoh, ' equal in splendour to
Darius.']
436 ANNALS OF MEWAR
surnamed ' the Mirza Raja ' ; Jaswant Singh of Marwar, with the
Haras of Bundi and Kotah ; the Rathors of Bikaner, and
Bundelas of Orchha and Datia, were men whose prejudices,
properly consulted, would have rendered the Mogul power in-
dissoluble : but he had but one measure of contumely for all,
which inspired Sivaji with designs of freedom to Maharashtra,
and withdrew every sentiment of support from the princes of
Rajasthan. In subtlety and the most specious hypocrisy, in that
concentration of resolve which confides its deep purpose to none,
in every qualification of the warrior or scholar,^ Aurangzeb had
^ We possess a most erroneous idea of the understanding of Asiatic
princes, and the extent of its cultivation. Aurangzeb's rebuke to his tutor
MuUa Sale [MuUa Sahh, Bemier 154 ; Manucci ii. 30], who beset him with
a sycophantic intrusion on his coming to the throne, may correct tliis,
and, with the letter of Rana Raj Singh, give the European world juster
notions of the pawers of mind both of Hindu and Muhammadan. It is
preserved by Bernier, who had ample opportunity to acquire a knowledge
of them. (From an edition in the autJior^s possession, printed a.t>. 1684,
only three years after these events.)
" ' What is it you would have of me. Doctor ? Can you reasonably
desire I should make you one of the chief Omrahs of my court ? Let me
tell you, if you had instructed me as you should have done, nothing would
be more just ; for I am of this persuasion, that a child well educated and
instructed is as much, at least, obliged to his master as to his father. But
where are those good documents you have given me ? In the first place,
you have taught me that all that Frangistan (so it seems they call Europe)
was nothing but I know not what Uttle island, of which the greatest king
was he of Portugal, and next to him he of Holland, and after him he of
England : and as to the other kings, as those of France and Andalusia,
you have represented them to me as our petty Rajas ; teUing me that the
kings of Indostan were far above them aU together, and that they were the
true and only Houmayons, the Ekbars, the Jehan-Guyres, the Chah-Jehans,
the fortunate ones, the great ones, the conquerors and kings of the world ;
and that Persia and Usbec, Kachguer, Tartar and Catay, Pegu, Cliina and
Matchina did tremble at the name of the. kings of Indostan. Admirable
geography ! You should rather have taught me exactly to distinguish
all those different states of the world, and well to understand their strength,
their way of fighting, their customs, rehgions, governments, and interests ;
and, by the perusal of sohd lustory,.to observe their rise, progBess, decay,
and whence, how, and by what accidents and errors those great changes
and revolutions of empires and kingdoms have happened. I have scarce
learnt of you the name of my grandsires, the famous founders of this empire :
so far were you from having taught me the history of their fife, and what
course they took to make such great conquests. You had a mind to teach
me the Arabian tongiie, to read and to write. I am much obliged to you,
forsooth, for having made me lose so much time upon a language that
AURANGZEB'S REBUKE TO HIS TUTOR 437
no superior amongst the many distinguished [376] of his race ;
but that sin by which ' angels fell ' had steeped him in an ocean
of guilt, and not only neutralized his natural capacities, but
converted the means for unlimited power into an engine of self-
requires ten or twelve years to attain to its perfection ; as if the son of a
king should think it to be an honour to him to be a grammarian or some
doctor of the law, and to learn other languages than those of his neighbours,
when he cannot well bo without them ; he, to whom time is so precious for
so many weighty things, which he ought by times to learn. As if there
were any spirit that did not with some reluctancy, and even with a kind of
debasement, employ itself in so sad and dry an exercise, so longsoni and
tedious, as is that of learning words.'
" Thus did Arung-Zebe resent the pedantic instructions of his tutor ;
to which 'tis affirmed in that court, that after some entertainment which
he had with others, he further added the following reproof :
" ' Know you not, that childhood well govern'd, being a state which is
ordinarily accompanied with an happy memory, is capable of thousands of
good precepts and instructions, which remain deeply impressed the whole
remainder of a man's life, and keep the mind always raised for great actions ?
The law, prayers, and science, may they not as well be learned in our mother-
tongue as in Arabick ? You told my father, Chah Jehan, that you would
teach me philosophy. 'Tis true, I remember very well, that you have
cntertain'd me for many years with airy questions of tilings that afford
no satisfaction at aU to the mind, and are of no use in humane society,
empty notions and mere phancies, that have only this in them, that they
are very hard to understand and very easie to forget, which are only capable
to tire and spoil a good understanding, and to breed an opinion that is
insupportable. I still remember, that after you had thus amused me, I
know not how long, with your fine philosophy, all I retained of it was a
multitude of barbarous and dark words, proper to bewilder, perplex, and
tire out the best wits, and only invented the better to cover the vanity and
ignorance of men hke yourself, that would make us beheve that they know
all, and that under those obscure and ambiguous words are hid great mysteries
which they alone are capable to understand. If you had season'd me with
that plulosophy which formeth the mind to ratiocination, and insensibly
accustoms it to be satisfied with nothing but sohd reasons, if you had given
me those excellent precepts and doctrines which raise the soul above the
assaults of fortune, and reduce her to an unshakeable and always equal
temper, and permit her not to be lifted up by prosperity nor debased by
adversity ; if you had taken care to give me the knowledge of what we are
and what are the first principles of things, and had assisted me in forming
in my mind a fit idea of the greatness of the universe, and of the admirable
order and motion of the parts thereof ; if, I say, you had instdled into me
this kind of philosophy, I should think myself incomparably more obhged
to you than Alexander was to his Aristotle, and beheve it my duty to
recompense you otherwise than he did him. Should not you, instead of
your flattery, have taught me somewhat of that point so important to a
438 ANNALS OF MEWAR
destruction. " This hypocrisy," says the eloquent Orme/
" encreased with his power, and in order to palliate to his Maho-
medan subjects the crimes by which he had become their sove-
reign, he determined to enforce the conversion of the Hindoos
by the severest penalties, and even threatned the sword ; as if
the blood of his subjects were to wash away the stains, with
which he was imbrued by the blood of his family. . . . Labour
left the field and industry the loom, until the decrease of the
revenues drew representations from the governors of the pro-
vinces ; which induced Aurungzebe to substitute a capitation
tax ^ as the ballance of the account between the two religions."
The same historian justly characterizes this enactment as one so
contrary to all notions of sound policy, as well as of the feelings
of humanity, that " reflection seeks the motive with amazement."
In this amazement we might remain, nor seek to develop the
motive, did not the ample page of history in all [377] nations
disclose that in the name of rehgion more blood has been shed,
and more atrocity committed, than by the united action of the
whole catalogue of the passions. Muhammad's creed was based
on conversion, which, by whatever means effected, was a plenary
atonement for every crime. In obedience thereto Aurangzeb
acted ; but though myriads of victims who clung to their faith
were sacrificed by him at the fiat of this gladiatorial prophet, yet
nor these, nor the scrupulous fulfilment of fanatic observances,
could soothe at the dread hour the perturbations of the ' still
small voice ' which whispered the names of father, brother, son,
bereft by him of life. Eloquently does he portray these terrors
in his letters to his grandson on his death-bed, wherein he says,
" Whichever way I look, I see onlj^ the divinity " — and that an
offended divinity [378] .»
king, which is, what the reciprocal duties are of a sovereign to his subjects
and those of subjects to their sovereign ; and ought not you to have con-
sidered, that one day I should be obhged witli the sword to dispute my
life and thfe crown with my brothers ? Is not that the destiny almost of
all the sons of Indostan ? Have you ever taken any care to make me learn,
what 'tis to besiege a town or to set an army in array ? For tliese things I am
obliged to others, not at all to you. Go, and retire to the village whence you
are come, and let nobody know who you are or what is become of you.' "
[For another version of th's speech see Bcrnier 154 ff., Manucci ii. 30 fl:.]
^ [Historical Fragments of the Mogul Empire, ed. 1782, p. 101. The
quotation in the text has been corrected.] - The Jizya.
^ I deem it right, in order further to illustrate the cultivated understand-
RANA raj SINGH 439
Rana Raj Singh defies Aurangzeb. — ^Raj Singh had signaUzed
his accession by tlie revival of tlie warlike Tika-daur, and plundered
ing of Aurangzeb, to annex the letters written to his sons a few days before
his death. With such talents, with so just a conception as these and the
rebuke to his tutor evince of his kiaowledgo of the right, what might he not
have been had not fell ambition misguided him !
■' To Shaw Azim Shaw. [Shah Azam Shah.]
" Health to thee ! my heart is near thee. Old age is arrived : weakness
subdues me, and strength has forsaken aU my members. I came a stranger
into this world, and a stranger I depart. I know nothing of myself, what
I am, and for what I am destined. The instant which passed in power,
hath left only sorrow behind it. I have not been the guardian and pro-
tector of the empire. My valuable time has been passed vainly. I had
a patron in my own dwelling (conscience), but his glorious light was unseen
by my dim sight. Life is not lasting, there is no vestige of departed breath,
and all hopes from futurity are lost. The fever has left me, but nothing
of me remains but skin and bono. My son (Kaum Buksh), though gone
towards Beejapore, is still near ; and thou, my son, are yet nearer. The
worthy of esteem, Shaw Aulum, is far distant ; and my grandson (Azeem
Ooshauu), by the orders of God, is arrived near Hindostan. The camp
and followers, helpless and alarmed, are hke myself, full of affliction, restless
as the quicksilver. Separated from their lord, they know not if they have
a master or not.
" I brought nothing into this world, and, except the infirmities of man,
carry nothing out. I have a dread for my salvation, and with what torments
I may be punished. Though I have strong rehance on the mercies and
bounty of God, yet, regarding my actions, fear will not quit me ; but
when I am gone, reflection wiU not remain. Come then what may, I have
launched my vessel to the waves. Though Providence wiU protect the
camp, yet, regarding appearances, the endeavours of my sons are indis-
pensably incumbent. Give my last prayers to my grandson (Bedar Bukht),
whom I cannot see, but the desire affects me. The Begum (his daughter)
appears affhcted ; but God is the only judge of hearts. The foolish thoughts
of women produce nothing but disappointment. FareweU ! farewell !
farewell ! " [This letter is printed by H. Bihmoria, Letters oj Aurangzeb,
71 f.]
" To the Prince Kaum Buksh. [Kambakhsh.]
" My son, nearest to my heart. Though in the height of my power,
and by God's permission, I gave you advice, and took with you the greatest
pains, yet, as it was not the divine will, you did not attend with the ears
of compliance. Now I depart a stranger, and lament my own ineignificance,
what does it profit nie ? I carry with me the fruits of my sins and imperfec-
tions. Surprising Providence ! I came here alone, and alone I depart.
The leader of this caravan hath deserted me. The fever which troubled
me for twelve days has left me. Wherever I look, I see nothing but the
divinity. My fears for the camp and foUowers are great : but, alas ! I
know not myself. My back is bent with weakness, and my feet have lost
the powers of motion. The breath which rose is gone, and left not even
440 ANNALS OF MEWAR
Malpura, which though on the Ajmer frontier, Shah Jahan, when
advised to vengeance, replied " it was only a folly of his nephew." ^
An appeal to his gallantry made him throw down the gauntlet
to Aurangzeb in the plenitude of his power, when the valour of
the Sesodias again burst forth in all the splendour of the days of
Partap ; nor did the contest close till after a series of brilliant
victories, and with the narrow escape from captivity of the
Xerxes of Hindustan. The Mogul demanded the hand of the
princess of Rupnagar, a junior branch of the Marwar house, and
sent with the demand (a compliance with which was contemplated
hope behind it. I have committed numerous crimes, and know not with
what punishments I may be seized. Though the protector of mankind
will guard the camp, yet care is incumbent also on the faitliful and my sons.
When I was ahve, no care was taken ; and now I am gone, the consequence
may be guessed. The guardianship of a people is the trust by God com-
mitted to my sons. Azim Shaw is near. Be cautious that none of the
faitliful are slain, or their miseries fall upon my head. I resign you, your
mother and son, to God, as I myself am going. The agonies of death come
ujion me fast. Behadur Shaw is still where he was, and his son is arrived
near Hindostan. Bedar Bukht is in Guzarat. Hyaut al Nissa, who has
beheld no afflictions of time till now, is full of sorrows. Regard the Begum
as without concern. Odiporee,* your mother, was a partner in my illness,
and wishes to accompany me in death ; but every thing has its appointed time.
" The domestics and courtiers, however deceitful, yet must not be ill-
treated. It is necessary to gain your views by gentleness and art. Extend
your feet no lower than your skirt. The couiplaints of the unpaid troops
are as before. Dara Shelckoh, though of much judgment and good under-
standing, settled large pensions on his people, but paid them ill and they
were ever discontented. I am going. Whatever good or evil I have done,
it Avas for you. Take it not amiss, nor rememlier what offences I have done
to yourself ; that account may not be demanded of me hereafter. No one
has seen the departure of his own soul ; but 1 see that mine is departing "
{Memoirs of Eradut Khan). See Scott's Hist, of the Dekhan [ii. Part iv.].
[This letter, with some variants, is printed by BiUmoria, 73 f.]
^ The emperor was the adojited brother of Rana Karan.
* Orriie [Fragments, 119] calls her a Cashmerian ; certainly she was not
a daughter of the Rana's family, though it is not impossible she may have
been of one of the great famihes of Shahpura or Banera (then acting in-
dependently of the Rana), and her desire to burn shows her to have been
Rajput. [" Such an inference is wrong, because a Hindu princess on
marrying a Muslim king lost her caste and rehgion, and received Islamic
burial. We read of no Rajputni of the harem of any of the Mughal emperors
having burnt herself with her deceased husband, for the very good reason
that a Mushm's corpse is buried and not burnt. Evidently Udipuri meant
that she would kiU herself in passionate grief on the death of Aurangzib "
(Jadunath Sarkar i. 64, note).]
IMPOSITION OF THE JIZYA 441
as certain) a cortege of two thousand horse to escort the fair to
court. But the haughty Rajputni, either indignant at such
precipitation or charmed with the gallantry of the Rana, who
had e^dnced his devotion to the fair by measuring his sword with
the head of her house, rejected with disdain the proffered alliance,
and, justified by brilliant precedents in the romantic history of
her nation, she entrusted her cause to the arm of the chief of the
RajjDut race, offering herself as the reward of protection. The
family priest (her preceptor) deemed his office honoured by being
the messenger of her wishes, and the billet he conveyed is in-
corporated in the memorial of this reign. " Is the swan to be
the mate of the stork : a Rajputni, pure in blood, to be wife to
the monkey- faced barbarian ! " concluding with a threat of self-
destruction if not saved from dishonour. This appeal, with other
powerful motives, was seized on with avidity by the Rana as a
pretext to throw away the scabbard, in order to illustrate the
opening of a warfare, in which he determined to put all to the
hazard in defence of his country and his faith. The issue was an
omen of success to his warlike and [379] superstitious vassalage.
With a chosen band he rapidly passed the foot of the Aravalli
and appeared before Hupnagar, cut up the imperial guards, and
bore off the prize to his capital. The daring act was applauded
by all who bore the name of Rajput, and his chiefs with joy
gathered their retainers around the ' red standard,' to protect
the queen so gallantly achieved.
The Imposition of the Jizya or Capitation Tax. — The annaUst of
Rajputana is but an indifferent chronologist, and leaves us
doubtful of the exact succession of events at this period. It was
not, however, till the death of those two powerful princes, Jaswant
Singh of Marwar and Jai Singh of Amber, both poisoned by
conunand of the tjTant, the one at his distant government of
Kabul, the other in the Deccan, that he deemed himself free to
put forth the full extent of his long-concealed design, the imposi-
tion of the jizya or capitation tax on the whole Huidu race. But
he miscalculated his measures, and th» murder of these princes,
far from advancing his aim, recoiled with vengeance on his head.
Foiled in his plot to entrap the infant sons of the Rathor by the
self-devotion of his vassals,^ the compound treachery evinced that
1 Two hundred and fifty Rajputs opposed five thousand of the Imperialists
at a pass, till the family of Jaswant escaped.
442 ANNALS OF MEWAR
their only hope lay in a deadly resistance. The mother of Ajit,
the infant heir of Marwar, a woman of the most determined
character, was a princess of Mewar, and she threw herself upon
the Rana as the natural guardian of his rights, for sanctuary
{saran) during the dangers of his minority. This was readily
yielded, and Kelwa assigned as his residence, where under the
immediate safeguard of the brave Durgadas Ajit resided,^ while
she nursed the spirit of resistance at home. A union of interests
was cemented between these the chief States of Rajputana, for
which they never before had such motive, and but for repeated
instances of an ill-judged humanity, the throne of the Moguls
might have been completely overturned [380].
Letter of Remonstrance to Aurangzeb. — On the promulgation
of that barbarous edict, the jizya, the Rana remonstrated by
letter, in the name of the nation of which he was the head, in a
style of such micompromising dignity, such lofty yet temperate
resolve, so much of soul-stirring rebuke mingled with a boundless
and tolerating benevolence, such elevated ideas of the Divinity
with such pure philanthropy, that it may challenge competition
with any epistolary production of any age, clime, or condition.^
^ The Rana received the young Rathor with the most princely hospitaUty,
and among other gifts a diamond worth ten thousand dinars is enumerated.
2 This letter, first made known to Europe by Orme {Fragments, Notes,
sciii. ft'.], has by him been erroneously attributed to Jaswant Singh of
Marwar, who was dead before the promulgation of the edict, as the mention
of Ramsingh sufficiently indicates, whose father, Jai Smgh, was contemporary
with Jaswant, and ruled nearly a year after his death. My Munshi obtained
a copy of the original letter at Udaipur, where it is properly assigned to
the Rana. [Compare the version of this letter in Jadunath Sarkar (iii.
325 ft.), who remarks that " the internal evidence and biographical details
of the writer apply to Shivaji and not to Raj Singh. In the penultimate
paragraph of the letter Eajah Ram Singh is given for Rana Raj Singh
by ASBMs and Orme ; but no Jaipur chieftain could have been ' the
head of the Hindus.' "] It were superfluous to give a translation after
the elegant production of Sir W. B. Rouse.
" Letter from Rana Raj Singh to Aurangzeb.
" All due jiraise be rendered to the glory of the Ahnighty, and the munifi-
cence of your majesty, which is conspicuous as the sun and moon. Although
I, your well-wisher, have separated from your subhme presence, I am never-
theless zealous in the performance of every bounden act of obedience and
loyalty. My ardent wishes and strenuous services are employed to promote
the pros^jerity of the Kings, Nobles, IVIirzas, Rajahs, and Roys of the pro-
vinces of Hindostan, and the chiefs of ^rauu, Turaun, Room, and Shawm,
LETTER OF REMONSTRANCE TO AURANGZEB 443
In this are contained the true principles of Christianity, and to
the illustrious Gentile, and such as acted as he did, was pointed
the inhabitants of the seven climates, and all persons travelling by land
and by water. This my inclination is notorious, nor can your royal wisdom
entertain a doubt thereof. Reflecting therefore on my former services,
and your majesty's condescension, I presume to sohcit the royal attention
to some circumstances, in which the pubUc as weU as private welfare is
greatly interested.
" I have been informed that enormous sums have been dissipated in the
prosecution of the designs formed against me, your well-wisher ; and that
you have ordcfed a tribute to be levied to satisfy the exigencies of your
exhausted treasury.
" May it please your majesty, your royal ancestor Mahomed 'Jelaul ul
Deen Akbar, whose throne is now in heaven, conducted the affairs of this
empire in equity and fu-m security for the space of fifty-two years, preserving
every tribe of men in ease and happiness, whether they were followers of
Jesus or of Moses, of David or Mahomed ; were they Brahmins, were they
of the sect of Dharians, which denies the et'ernity of matter, or of that which
ascribes the existence of the world to chance, they all equally enjoyed his
countenance and favour : insomuch that his people, in gratitude for the
indiscriminate protection he afforded them, distmguished him by the appel-
lation of Juggut Gooroo (Guardian of Mankind).
" His majesty Mahomed Noor ul Deen Jehanghccr, likewise, whose
dweUing is now in paradise, extended, for a period of twenty-two years,
the shadow of his protection over the heads of his people ; successful by a
constant fidehty to his alhes, and a vigorous exertion of his arm in business.
" Nor less did the illustrious Shah Jehan, by a propitious reign of thirty-
two years, acquire to himself immortal reputation, the glorious reward of
clemency and virtue.
" Such were the benevolent inchnations of your ancestors. Whilst they
pursued these great and generous principles, wheresoever they directed
their steps, conquest and prosperity went before them ; and then they
reduced many countries and fortresses to their obedience. During your
majesty's reign, many have been ahenated from the empire, and farther
loss of territory must necessarily follow, since devastation and rapine now
universally prevail without restraint. Your subjects are trampled under
foot, and every province of your empire is impoverished ; depopulation
spreads, and difficulties accumulate. When indigence has reached the
habitation of the sovereign and his princes, what can be the condition of
the nobles ? As to the soldiery, they are in murmurs ; the merchants
complaining, the Mahomedans discontented, the Hindoos destitute, and
multitudes of people, Avretched even to the want of their nightly meal, are
beating their heads throughout the day in rage and desperation.
" How can the dignitj'^ of the sovereign be preserved who employs his
power in exacting heavy tributes from a people thus miserably reduced ?
At this juncture it is told from east to west, that the emperor of Hindostan,
jealous of the poor Hindoo devotee, will exact a tribute from Brahmins,
Sanorahs, Joghies, Berawghies, Sanyasees ; that, regardless of the illustrious
444 ANNALS OF MEWAR
that golden sentence of toleration, " Those [381] who have not
the law, yet do by nature the things contamed in the law, shall
be a law unto themselves."
Aurangzeb attacks Mewar. — This letter, the sanctuary afforded
Ajit, and (what the historical parasite of the Mogul's life dared
not indite ^) the carrying off of his betrothed, made him pour out
all the phials of his wrath against the devoted Mewar, and his
preparations more resembled those for the conquest of a potent
kingdom than the subjugation of a Rajput zamindar,^ a vassal of
that colossal empire on whose surface his domain was but a
speck. In the very magnitude of these, the Suzerain of Hindustan
paid the highest tribute of praise to the tributary Rajput, for he
denuded the very extremities of his empire to assemble a host
which he deemed must prove irresistible. Akbar was recalled
from his province, Bengal ; Azam from the distant Kabul ; and
even Muazzam (the Mogul's heir) from the war in the Deccan.
honour of his Timurean race, he condescends to exercise his power over the
solitary inoffensive anchoret. If your majesty places any faith in those
books, by distinction called divine, you will there be instructed that God
is the God of all mankind, not the God of Mahomedans alone. The Pagan
and the Mussulman are equally in His presence. Distinctions of colour are
of His ordination. It is He who gives existence. In your temples, to His
name the voice is raised in prayer ; in a house of images, where the bell is
shaken, stiU He is the object of adoration. To vilify the rehgion or customs
of other men is to set at naught the pleasure of the Almighty. When we
deface a picture, we naturally incur the resentment of the painter ; and
justly has the poet said, presume not to arraign or scrutinize the various
works of power divine.
" In fine, the tribute you demand from the Hindoos is repugnant to
justice : it is equally foreign from good pohcy, as it must impoverish the
country : moreover, it is an innovation and an infringement of the laws of
Hindostan. But if zeal for your own rehgion hath induced you to deter-
mine upon this measure, the demand ought, by the rules of equity, to have
been made first upon Ramsing, who is esteemed the principal amongst the
Hindoos. Then let your weU-wisher be called upon, with whom you will
have less difficulty to encounter ; but to torment ants and flies is unworthy
of an heroic or generous mind. It is wonderful that the ministers of your
government shoidd have neglected to instruct your majesty in the rules
of rectitude and honour."
^ It is well known that Aurangzeb forbade the continuation of the
history of his hfe, subsequent to that portion comprehending the first ten
years [the Alamgirndma ; see Jadunath Sarkar ii. 302].
^ The epithet by which these Tatar sovereigns affected to call the
indigenous (bhumia) princes.
AURANGZEB ATTACKS IVfEWAR 445
With this formidable array ^ the emperor entered Mewar, and
soon reduced the low countries, which experience had taught
them were indefensible, the inhabitants pre\aously retiring with
their effects to the hills.^ Chitor, Mandalgarh, Mandasor, Jiran,
and many other strongholds were obtained after the usual form
of opposition, and garrisoned by the Moguls. Meanwhile the
Rana was animating the might of the Aravalli, where he meditated
a resistance proportioned to the peril which threatened every
cherished prejudice of his race : not the mere defence of dominion
or dignity, but a struggle, pro arts et focis, around which rallied
every Rajput with the most deadly determination. Even the
pruTiitive races of the western wilds, " the Palindas ^ and Pali-
pats 3 {lord of the passes), with thousands of bows, and hearts
devoted in the cause of Hindupat," * assembled round the red
banner of Mewar. The Rana divided his forces into three bodies
[382]. His eldest son, Jai Singh, was posted on the crest of the
AravalU, ready to act on the invaders from either side of the
mountains. Prince Blum was to the west, to keep up the com-
munications with the outlets to Gujarat ; while the Rana, with
the main body, took post in the Nai deftle, unassailable by the
enemy, and hanging on his left flank, ready to turn it, and cut
off all retreat the moment the Imperialists entered the mountains.
Aurangzeb advanced to Debari, but instead of entering the
valley of Avhich it was the gorge, he halted, and by the advice of
Taha-rt'^var Khan ^ sent on Prince Akbar with fifty thousand men
to the capital. This caution of the wily monarch saved him
from the ably planned scheme of the Rajput prince, who evinced
a thorough knowledge * of the topography of this intricate and
^ There were no such field trains in Europe as those of the Moguls.
Seventy pieces of heavy ordnance, sixty of horse artillery, and a dromedary
corps three hundred strong, mounting swivels, accompanied the emperor
on an excursion to Kashmir. Bernier, who gives this detail, describes
what he saw [217 f.].
- [For this campaign see the account in Jadunath Sarkar, Life of Axirangzib ,
iii. 365 ft'.]
^ Pal is the local term for these long defiles, the residence of the moun-
taineers : their chiefs are called Indras, Pali, in Bhakha, Pat.
* Chief of the Hindus.
^ [In the text " Tyber " Khan. His original name was Jan Beg, also
known as Badshah Kuh Khan, one of Aurangzeb's great nobles (Manucci
ii. 239, note 3, 247, note). His tragical end is told later on.]
^ The Saktawat leader, Gharibdas, has the merit of having prompted
446 ANNALS OF JMEWAR
romantic portion of his domain. The Girwa, emphatically ' the
Circle,' from which the valley of the capital is named, has this
form to the eye when viewing it from thence as a centre. It is,
however, an irregular ellipse of about fourteen miles in length
from south to north, and about eleven in breadth from east to
west, the capital being situated towards the extremity of the
transverse axis, having only the lake Pichola between it and the
base of the Aravalli, The mountains of this circular (girwa)
valley, ranging from eight to twelve hundred feet in height, are
of primitive formation, and raise their fantastic pinnacles in
every diversity of shape over each other. To the westward the
grand chain rises two thousand feet above the plains, and might
be termed the chords of which the Girwa is an irregular segment
of a circle, less in height, and far less compound in character.
Towards the plains east, it has three practicable passes ; one, the
more northern, by Delwara ; the other (central), by Debari ; a
third, leading to the intricacies of Chappan, that of Nai. Of
these three passes the emperor chose the most practicable, and
encamped near the Udaisagar lake, on the left of its entrance.
The Advance oJ Prince Akbar. — Prince Akbar advanced.
" Not a soul interrupted his progress to the city. Palaces,
gardens, lakes, and isles met his eye, but no living thing : all was
silence." Akbar encamped. Accustomed to this desertion from
the desire of the people to avoid a licentious soldiery, and lulled
into a hardy security, he was surprised [383] by the heir of Mewar.
Some were praying, some feasting, some at chess : " they came
to steal and yet fell asleep," says the annalist, and were dispersed
with terrific and unrelenting slaughter. Cut off from the possi-
bility of a junction with the emperor by a movement of a part
of the Rana's personal force, Akbar attempted a retreat to the
plains of Marwar by the route of Gogunda. It was a choice of
evils, and he took the worst. The allodial vassals of the moun-
tains, with the Bhil auxiliaries, outstripped his retreat, and
blocked up farther egress in one of those long-extended valleys
termed Nal, closed by a natural rampart or Col, on which they
this plan. His speech on the advance of Aurangzeb is given in the Annals ;
and his advice, " Let the king have free entrance through the passes, shut
him in, and make famine his foe," was literally followed, with the hard
knocks, which being a matter-of-course accompaniment, the gallant Saktawat
deemed it unnecessary to specify.
THE ADVANCE OF PRINCE AKBAR 447
formed nhhaiis of trees, and manning the crests on each side,
hurled destruction on the foe ; while the prince, in like manner,
blocked up the entrance and barred retrogression. Death
menaced them in every form. For several days they had only
the prospect of surrender to save them from famine and a justly
incensed foe, when an ill-judged humanity on the part of Jai
Singh saved them from annihilation. He admitted overtures,
confided in protestations to renounce the origin of the war, and
gave them guides to conduct them by the defile of Jhilwara, nor
did they halt till protected by the walls of Chitor.^
^ Orme, who has many valuable historical details of this period, makes
Aurangzeb in person to have been in the predicament assigned by the
annals to his son, and to have escaped from the operation of those liigh and
gallant sentiments of the Rajput, which make him no match for a wily
adversary.
" In the meantime Aurengzebe was carrying on the war against the Rana
of Cheetore, and the Raja of Marwar, who on the approach of his army at
the end of the preceding year, 1678, had abandoned the accessible country,
and drew their herds and inhabitants into the vallies, within the mountains ;
the army advanced amongst the defiles with incredible labour, and with so
little inteUigence, that the division which moved with Aurengzebe himself
was unexpectedly stopped by insuperable defences and precipices in front ;
whilst the Rajpoots in one night closed the streights in his rear, by feUing
the overhanging trees ; and from their stations above prevented all en-
deavours of the troops, either within or without, from removing the obstacle.
Udeperri, the favourite and Circassian wife of Aurengzebe, accompanied
him in this arduous war, and with her retinue and escort was enclosed in
another part of the mountains ; her conductors, dreading to expose her
person to danger or public view, surrendered. She was carried to the Rana,
who received her with homage and every attention. Meanwhile the em-
peror himself might have perished by famine, of which the Rana let him
see the risque, by a confinement of two days ; when he ordered his Rajpoots
to withdraw from their stations, and suffer the way to be cleared. As soon
as Aurengzebe was out of danger, the Rana sent back his wife, accompanied
by a chosen escort, who only requested in return that he would refrain from
destroying the sacred animals of their rehgion which might still be left in the
plains ; but Aurengzebe, who believed in no virtue but seK-interest, imputed
the generosity and forbearance of the Rana. to the fear of future vengeance,
and continued the war. Soon after he was again well-nigh enclosed in the
mountains. This second experience of difficulties beyond his age and con-
stitution, and the arrival of his sons, Azim and Acbar, determined him not
to expose himself any longer in the field, but to leave its operations to their
conduct, superintended by his own instructions from Azmir ; to which city
he retired with the households of his family, the officers of his court, and his
bodyguard of four thousand men, dividing the array between his two sons,
who each had brought a considerable body of troops from their respective
448 ANNALS OF MEWAR
Another body of the Imperialists, under the celebrated Dilir
Khan,^ who [384] entered by the Desuri Pass from Marwar (prob-
ably with a view of extricating Prince Akbar), were allowed to
advance imopposed, and when in the long intricate gorge were
assailed by Bikram Solanki ^ and Gopinath Rathor ' (both nobles
of Me war), and after a desperate conflict entirely destroyed. On
each occasion a vast booty fell into the hands of the Rajputs.
So ably concerted was this mountain Avarfare, that these defeats
were the signal for a simultaneous attack by the Rana on Aurang-
zeb, who, with his son Azam, watched at Debari the result of the
operations under Akbar and Dilir. The great home-clans had
more than their wonted rivalry to sustain them, for the gallant
Durgadas with the Rathor swords (tahvCir Bdthorun) whetted by
an accumulation of wrongs, were to combat with them against
their common oppressor ; and nobly did they contest the palm of
glory. The tyrant could not withstand them : his guns, though
manned by Franks, could not protect him against the just cause
and avenging steel of the Rajput, and he was beaten and com-
pelled to disgraceful flight, with an immense loss in men and
equipment. The Rana had to lament many brave leaders, home
and auxiliary ; and the imperial standard, elephants, and state
equipage fell into his hands, the acquisition of Mohkam and the
Saktawats. This glorious encounter occurred in the spring month
of Phalgun, S. 1737, March a.d. 1681 [1680].
The discomfited forces formed a junction under the walls of
Chitor, whence the emperor dictated the recall of his son. Prince
Muazzam, from the Deccan, deeming it of greater moment to
regain lost importance in the north than to prevent the independ-
ence of Sivaji. Meanwhile the acti^^ty of Sawaldas (descended
from the illustrious Jaimall) cut off the communication between
Chitor and Ajmer, and alarmed the tyrant for his personal safety.
Leavmg, therefore, this perilous warfare to his sons Azam and
Akbar, with instructions how to act till reinforced, — foiled in his
governments. They continued the war each in a different part of the
country, and neither at the end of the year had forced the ultimate passes of
the mountains" {^Historical Fragments, 119 f.].
^ [Dilir Khan, otherwise Jalal Khan Daudzai, died at Aurangabad,
1682-83 (Manucci i. 243). Grant Duff speaks highly of his services in the
Deccan (145 f.)-]
^ Chief of Rupnagar.
' Chief of Ghancrao, in Godwar, now alienated from Mewar.
DIVERSION MADE BY THE RAJPUTS 449
vengeance and personally disgraced, he abandoned Mewar, and
at the head of his guards repaired to Ajmer. Thence he detached ^
Khan Rohilla, with twelve thousand men, against Sawaldas,
with supplies and equipments for his sons. The Rathor, joined
by the troops of Marwar, gave him the meeting at Pur Mandal,
and defeated the Imperialists with great loss, driving them back
on Ajmer [385].
Diversion made by the Rajputs. — Wliile the Rana, his heir and
auxiliaries, were thus triumphant in all their operations, Prince
Bhim with the left division was not idle, but made a powerful
diversion by the invasion of Gujarat, captured Idar, expelling
Hasan and his garrison, and proceeding by Birnagar, suddenly
appeared before Patau, the residence of the provincial satrap,
which he plundered. Siddhpur, Modasa,^ and other towns shared
the same fate ; and he was in full march to Surat, when the bene-
volence of the Rana, touched at the woes of the fugitives, who
came to demand his forbearance, caused liim to recall Bhim in
the midst of his career.
Contrary to the Rajput character, whose maxim is parcere
subjectis, they were compelled by the utter faithlessness of Aurang-
zeb (chiefly vulnerable through his resources) to retaliate his
excesses ; and Dayal Sah, the civil minister, a man of high
courage and activity, headed another flying force, which ravaged
Malwa to the Nerbudda and Betwa. Sarangpur, Dewas, Sironj,
Mandu, Ujjain, and Chanderi were plundered, and numerous
garrisons put to the sword ; and, to use the words of the Chronicle,
" husbands abandoned their wives and children, and whatever
could not be carried off was given to the flames." For once they
avenged themselves, in imitation of the tyrant, even on the
religion of their enemies : " the Kazis were bound and shaved,
and the Korans thrown into wells." The minister was unrelenting
and made Malwa a desert, and from the fruits of his incursions
repaired the resources of his master. Flushed with success,
he formed a junction with the heir of Mewar, and gave battle to
Azam near Chitor. On this occasion the flower of Mewar, with
the Rathor and Khichi auxiliaries,* were engaged, and obtained
^ [Some name is wanting here.]
^ [Siddhpur, a famous place of pilgrimage in Baroda State {IGI, xxii.
358 f.); Modasa, fifty-two miles north-east of Ahmadabad (BG, vi. 346).]
* Mokham and Ganga Saktawats, Ratan Chondawat of Salumbar,
VOL. I 2 G
450 ANNALS OF MEWAR
a glorious victorj', the Mogul prince being defeated and pursued
with great slaughter to Ranthambhor, which he entered. This
was a just revenge, for it was Azam who surprised Chitor the year
preceding. In Mewar the contest terminated with the expulsion
of the Imperialists from the country ; when the Rana, in support
of the rights of the minor prince of Marwar, united his arms to
the forces of that state, and opened the campaign at Ghanerao,
the chief town of [386] Godwar. The heroic mother of the infant
Rathor prince, a daughter of Mewar, had, since the death of her
husband, well supported his rights, having resisted every aggres-
sion and regained many lost advantages over their antagonist.
Prince Bhim commanded the Sesodias, who formed a junction
with the Rathors, and gave battle to the royal forces led by
Akbar and Tahawwar Khan, whom they entirely defeated.
The victory is chiefly attributed to a stratagem of a Rajput chief,
who, having carried off five hxmdred camels from the Imperialists,
conceived the idea of fixing torches to them and letting them
loose in the royal camp ; and, in the confusion produced by the
charge of such a body, the Rajputs assaulted them.
Plan to dethrone Aurangzeb. — On their continued successes,
the Rana and his allies meditated the project of dethroning the
tyrant and setting up his son Akbar. The pernicious example
of his father towards Shah Jahan was not lost upon Akbar, who
favourably received the overture ; but he wanted the circum-
spection which characterized Aurangzeb, whose penetration
defeated the scheme when on the eve of execution.^ Already
had the Rajput armies united with Akbar, and the astrologer had
fixed the day which was to exalt him ; but the revealer of secrets
baffled his own prediction by disclosing it to the emperor. Au-
rangzeb, attended only by his guards at Ajmer, had recourse to
the same artifice which raised him to empire, in order to ward
off this danger. Akbar was but one day's march distant ; his
elder sons, Muazzam and Azam, yet far off. Not a moment was
to be lost : he penned a letter to his son, which by a spy was
Chandrasen Jhala of Sadri, Sabal Singh Chauhan of Bedla, Berisal Pun war of
Bijolia. Four of the chiefs made speeches on the eve preceding the battle,
which are recorded in the Chronicle.
^ [For Akbar's rebellion see Jadunath Sarkar ii. 402 ff. ; Elliot-Dowson
vii. 298 ff. ; Manucci ii. 243 ff.]
OVERTURES FOR PEACE 451
dropped in 'the tent of the Rajput leader Durgadas.^ In this he
applauded a pretended scheme by which Akbar was to fall upon
them when they engaged the emperor. The same scheme had
saved Sher Shah in this coimtry from Maldeo, and has more
recently been put in practice, and with like success, in the war -svith
Sivaji. It succeeded. The Rajputs detached themselves from
the prince Avho had apparently betrayed them. Tahaw^var Khan,
in despair, lost his life in an attempt to assassinate the emperor, ^
and before the artifice was discovered, the reinforcements under
Muazzam and Azam arrived, and Aurangzeb was saved. The
Rajputs still offered saran (refuge) to Akbar ; but aware of his
father's \ngour of character, he deemed himself unsafe in his
vicinage, and accepted the escort of five himdred Rajputs led by
Durgadas [387], who cut their way through everj^ opposition by
the defiles of Mewar and Dungarpur, and across the Nerbudda,
to the Mahratta leader Sambhaji, at Palargarh, whence he was
shortly after conveyed in an English ship to Persia.'
Overtures for Peace. — " The escape of Acbar " (observes an
historian,* who appreciated the importance of the transactions
of this period) " to Sambagee, oppressed Aurengzebe with as
much anxiety, as formerly the phantom of his brother Sujah
amongst the Pitans ; and the consequence of their alliance
^ A portrait of tWs Rathor hero was given to the author of the present
work by his descendants. He was chief of Dunara, on the Luni. He saved
his young sovereign's hfe from the tyrant, and guarded him during a long
minority, heading the Rathors in all the wars for the independence of his
country. A bribe of forty thousand gold s^uns was sent to him by Azam
without stipulation, when conveying Akbar out of danger. The object was
obvious, yet the Mogul prince dared not even specify his wishes. It is
needless to say that Durga spurned the offer. [For the flight of Akbar see
Jadunath Sarkar ii. 415 £F.]
- [For the attempt of Tahawwar Khan to assassinate Aurangzeb see
Manucci ii. 247 ff. ; Jadunath Sarkar ii. 411 ff.]
* [Palargarh is perhaps Palanpur (IGI, xix. 354). Akbar died in Persia,
1706.1
* " We are not without hopes that some of the many in India who have
the means will supply the portions of information which are deficient in
these fragments, and must otherwise always continue out of our reach.
The knowledge is well worth the inquiry ; for, besides the magnitude of the
events and the energy of the characters which arise within this period, there
are no states or powers on the continent of India, with whom our nation
have either connection or concern, which do not owe the origin of their
present condition to the reign of Aurengzebe, or to its influence on the reigns
of his successors " (Orme's Fragments [Notes i. f.]).
452 ANNALS OF MEWAR
became a nearer care than the contuiuance of the war against
the Rajpoots, whose gallant activity prevented a speedy decision
by the sword ; but the dignity of the throne forbad any overtures
of peace to a resistance which had attempted the deposal, if not
the life, of the monarch. A Rajpoot officer, who had long served
with distinction under Delire Khan, solved the difficulty : he
quitted the army on the pretence of retiring to his own country
and visited the Rana as from courtesy on his journey. The
conversation turned on the war, which the Rajpoot perhaps reaUy
lamented, and he persuaded the Rana that although Aurengzebe
would never condescend to make, he might accept overtures
of peace : upon which he was empowered by the Rana to tender
them." ^ The domestic annals confirm this account, and give
the name of this mediator. Raja Shyam Singh of Bikaner ; but
the negotiation was infamously protracted to the rains, the period
when oi^erations necessarily cease, and by which time Aurangzeb
had recruited his broken forces, and was again enabled to take
the field ; and it was concluded " without assertion or release of
the capitation tax, but with the surrender of the districts taken
from Chitor, and the State of Jodhpur was included in the treaty."
How correctly this elegant historian had obtained a knowledge
of those events, a translation of the treaty evinces.^ But these
1 [Orme, Fragments, 150 f.]
^ " Jawab-sotval [treaty, Q QQ 'question — answer '] o/ ^Swr
Singh (uncle of Rana Raj j . L f] Singh) and Narhar Bhat
ivith the AUUII Emperor.
Panja, or impress of the Em- v^ ^^ peror's hand, with the word
' Manzuri,' written by him- \_ ' J self. Manzuri (' agreed ').
" Your servants, according to your royal pleasure and summons, have
been sent by the Rana to represent what is written underneath. We hope
you will agree to these requests, be.sides others which will be made by
Padam Singh.
"1. Let Chitor, with the districts adjacent appertaining thereto when it
was inhabited, be restored.
" 2. In such temples and places of Hindu religious resort as have been
converted into mosques, the past cannot be recalled, but let this practice
be abolished.
" 3. The aid hitherto afforded to the empire by the Rana shall be con-
tinued, but let no additional commands be imposed.
" 4. The sons and dependants of the deceased Raja Jaswant Singh so
CRUEL TREATMENT OF RAJA OF GOLKONDA 453
occurrences belong to the succeeding reign, for the Rana died
about this period/ from wounds and vexation.
Cruel Treatment of Raja of Golkonda. — Once more we claim
the reader's admiration on behalf of another patriot prince of
Mewar, and ask him to contrast the indigenous Rajput with the
emperor of the Aloguls [388] ; though to compare them would be
manifestly unjust, since in every moral virtue they were antipodes
to each other. Aurangzeb accumulated on his head more crimes
than any prince who ever sat on an Asiatic throne. With all
the disregard of life which marks his nation, he was never be-
trayed, even in the fever of success, into a single generous action ;
and, contrary to the prevailing principle of our nature, the
moment of his foe's submission was that chosen for the maUgnant
completion of his revenge : witness his scourging the prostrate
Iving of Golkonda.^ How opposite to the beneficence of the
Rajput prince, who, when the most efficient means of self-defence
lay in the destruction of the resources of his enemy, feeling for
the miseries of the suffering population of his persecutor, recalled
his son m the midst of victory ! As a skilful general and gallant
soldier, in the defence of his country, he is above all [389] praise.
As a chivalrous Rajput, his braving all consequences when called
upon to save the honour of a noble female of his race, he is without
parallel. As an accomphshed prince and benevolent man, his
dignified letter of remonstrance to Aurangzeb on the promulga-
tion of the capitation edict, places him high in the scale of moral
as well as intellectual excellence ; and an additional evidence
of both, and of his taste for the arts, is furnished by the formation
of the inland lake, the Rajsamund, with a slight account of which,
and the motives for its execution, we shall conclude the sketch of
this glorious epoch in the annals of Mewar.
soon as enabled to perform their duties, we hope will have their country
restored to them. *
" Respect prevents inferior demands. May the splendour of your for-
tune, like the sun illuminating the world, be for ever increasing and never set.
" The Arzi (requests) of your servants, Sur Singh and Narhar Bhat."
* S. 1737, A.D. 1681.
^ It was to defend the rights of the heir of Marwar, as well as to oppose
the odious jizya, that the Rana took to arms. Ajit was still under the
Rana's safeguard.
2 [Orme, Fragments, 217 f. A tUti'erent story is told by Khafi Khan
(EUiot-Dowson vii. 334).]
454 ANNALS OF MEWAR
The Rajsamund Lake. — This great national work is twenty-
five miles north of the capital, and is situated on the declivity
of the plain about two miles from the base of the Aravalli. A
small perennial stream, called the Gomati or ' serpentine,' ^
flowing from these mountains, was arrested in its course, and
confined by an immense embankment, made to form the lake
called after himself, Rajsamund, or ' royal sea.' The hand or
dam forms an irregular segment of a circle, embracing an extent
of nearly three miles, and encirchng the waters on every side
except the space between the north-west and north-east points.
This barrier, which confines a sheet of water of great depth, and
about twelve miles in circumference, is entirely of white marble,
with a flight of steps of the same material, throughout this extent,
from the summit to the water's edge ; the whole buttressed by an
enormous rampart of earth, wliich, had the projector lived, would
have been planted with trees to form a promenade. On the south
side are the town and fortress built by the Rana, and bearing his
name, Rajnagar ; and upon the embankment stands the temple
of KankroU, the shrine of one of the seven forms {sarup) of
Krishna. The whole is ornamented with sculpture of tolerable
execution for the age ; and a genealogical sketch of the founder's
family is inscribed in conspicuous characters. One million one
hundred and fifty thousand pounds sterling,^ contributed by the
Rana, his chiefs and opulent subjects, was expended on this work,
of which the material was from the adjacent quarries. But,
magnificent, costly, and useful as it is, it derives its chief beauty
from the benevolent motive to which it owes its birth : to alleviate
the miseries of a starving population, and make their employment
conducive to national benefit, during one of those awful visitations
[390] of providence, famine, and pestilence with which these
states are sometimes afflicted.
The Famine o£ a.d. 1662. — It was in S. 1717,^ only seven years
after the accession of Raj Singh, that these combined evils reached
Mewar, less subject to them, owing to its natural advantages,
than any other State in India ; * and on Tuesday the 8th of Pus,
^ [A common error ; Gtomati, meaning ' rich in cattle,' has no connexion
with Hiiadi ghumna, ' to twist.']
" Ninety-six lakhs of rupees [Erskine ii. A. 9].
3 A.D. 1661.
* From all I could learn, it was the identical pestilence which has been
ravaging India for the last ten years, erroneously called cholera morbus.
THE FAMINE OF A.D. 1662 455
Hasti Nakshatra (constellation of the elephant), as fixed by the
astrologer, the first stone was laid. " The chief of Mewar, deeply
meditating on this extreme distress, determined to raise a monu-
ment, by which the wretched might be supported and his own
name perpetuated. This was seven years in constructing, and
at its commencement and termination all the rites of sacrifice
and oblation were observed.
" The Rana went to implore favour at the temple of the ' four-
armed ' ; for though Asarh ^ was over, not a drop of rain fell
from the heavens ; and, in like manner, the months of Sawan |;
and Bhadon ^ passed away. For want of water the world was
in despair, and people went mad with himger. Things unknown
as food were eaten. The husband abandoned the wife, the wife
the husband — parents sold their children — time increased the
evil ; it spread far and wide : even the insects died : they had
nothing to feed on. Thousands of aU ages became victims to
hunger. Those who procured food to-day, ate twice what nature
required. The wind was from the west, a pestilential vapour.
The constellations were always visible at night, nor was there a
cloud in the sky by day, and thunder and lightning were unknown.
Such portents filled mankind with dread. Rivers, lakes, and
fountains were dried up. Men of wealth meted out the portions
of food. The ministers of religion forgot their duties. There
was no longer distinction of caste, and the Sudra and Brahman
were undistingiiishable. Strength, wisdom, caste, tribe, all were
abandoned, and food alone was the object. The Charbaran ^
threw away every symbol of separation ; all was lost in hunger.
Fruits, flowers, every vegetable thing, even trees were stripped
of their bark, to appease the cravings [391] of hunger : nay, 7nan
ate man ! Cities were depopulated. The seed of families was
lost, the fishes were extinct, and the hope of all extmguished." ^
About thirty-five years ago the same disease carried off multitudes in these
countries. Orme [Fragments, 200] gives notice of something similar in
A.D. 1684, in the imperial camp near Goa, when five hundred victims daily
fell its prey. Mewar was not free from the last visitation of 1818, and the
only son of the Rana was the first person attacked.
^ The three months of rain, termed the Barsat. [Asarh is the month
June to July, followed by Sawan«and Bhadon.]
^ The four castes, sacerdotal, mihtary, mercantile, and servile.
^ From the Eaj Vilas, the chronicle of the reign of Raj Singh.
456 ANNAI.S OF MEWAR
Such is the simple yet terrific record of this pestilence, from
which Mewar was hardly freed, when Aurangzeb commenced the
religious warfare narrated, with all its atrocities, still further to
devastate this fair region. But a just retribution resulted from
this disregard to the character and prejudices of the Rajputs,
which visited the emperor with shame, and his successors with
the overthrow of their power.
CHAPTER 14
Rana Jai Singh, a.d. 1680-98. — Rana Jai Singh took possession
of the Gaddi ^ in S. 1737 (a.d. 1681). A circumstance occurred
at his birth, which as descriptive of manners may deserve notice.
A few hours only intervened between his entrance into the world
and that of another son called Bhim. ,It is customary for the
father to bind round the arm of the new-born infant a root of
that species of grass called the amardub, the ' imi^erishable ' dub,
well known for its nutritive properties and luxuriant vegetation
under the most intense heat.^ The Rana first attached the
ligature round the arm of the youngest, apparently an oversight,
though in fact from superior affection for his mother. As the
boys approached to manhood, the Rana, apprehensive that this
preference might create dissension, one day drew his sword, and
placing it in the hand of Bhim (the elder), said, it was better to
use it at once on his brother, than hereafter to endanger the
safety of the State. This [392] appeal to his generosity had an
instantaneous effect, and he not only ratified, ' by his father's
throne,' ^ the acknowledgment of the sovereign rights of his
brother, but declared, to remove all fears, " he was not his son
if he again drank water within the pass of Debari " ; and, collect-
ing liis retain^s, he abandoned Udaipur to court Fortune where
she might be kinder. The day was sultry, and on reaching the
barrier he halted tmder the shade of a sacred fig-tree to bestow a
last look upon the place of his birth. His cup-bearer {Paniyari)
brought his sUver goblet filled from the cool fountain, but as he
^ ' The Cushion,' by -which a Rajput tlirone is designated.
* [Dub, Cynodon dactylon, the most common and useful Indian grass
(Watt, Comm. Prod., 463 f).]
' Gaddi hi an.
RANA JAI SINGH AND AURANGZEB 457
raised it to liis lips, he recollected that his vow was incomplete
while within the portal ; he poured the libation on the earth in
the name of the Supreme, and casting the cup as an offering to
the deity of the fountain, the huge gates closed upon the valley.
He proceeded to Bahadur Shah, who conferred upon him the
dignity (niansab) of a leader of three thousand five hundred horse,
with the Bawana, or fifty-two districts for their support : but
quarrelling with the imperial general, he was detached with his
contingent west of the Indus, where he died.^
Treaty between Rana Jai Singh and Aurangzeb. — Let us return
to Jai Singh {the lion of victory). He concluded a treaty with
Aurangzeb, conducted by Prince Azam and Dilir Khan, who
took every occasion to testify his gratitude for the clemency of
Rana Raj Singh, when blockaded in the defiles of the Aravalli.
At this conference, the Rana was attended by ten thousand horse
and forty thousand foot, besides the multitude collected from
the momitams to view the ceremony, above one hundred thousand
souls, who set up a shout of joy at the prospect of revisiting the
plams, which disconcerted Azam, while Dilir expatiated on the
perils from which the Rana's generosity had liberated him.
Azam, who said he was no stranger to the Rana's illustrious house,
concluded a treaty on the sj^ot, in which, as a salvo for the imperial
dignity, a nommal fine and surrender of three districts were
inserted for aiding Akbar's rebellion, and a hint that the regal
colour {crimson) of his tents and umbrella [393] should be dis-
continued. That advantages were gained by the Rana, we may
infer from Dilir' s sons being left as hostages for Azam's good
faith ; a fact we learn from his farewell address to the Rana !
" Your nobles are rude, and my children are the hostages of your
safety ; but if at the expense of their lives I can obtain the entire
^ I give these anecdotes as related to me by his descendant and repre-
sentative the Raja of Banera, while seated in a balcony of his castle over-
looking the plains of Mewar. Often have I quenched my thirst at the
fountain, and hstened to their traditionary tales. It is a spot consecrated
to recollections : every altar which rises around it is a text for the ' great
ancients ' of the clans to expatiate on ; and it is, moreover, a grand place of
rendezvous, whether for the traveller or sportsman. Bhim dislocated his
spine in a feat of strength. He was celebrated for activity, and could,
while his steed was urged to his speed, disengage and suspend himself by
the arms from the bough of a tree ; and to one of these experiments he owed
his death.
458 ANNALS OF MEWAR
restoration of your country, keep your mind at ease, for there
was friendship between your father and me."
The Jaisamund Lake.— But all other protection than what
his sword afforded was futile ; and though Dilir's intentions were
noble, he had little control over events : in less than five years
after his accession, the Rana was again forced to fly the plains
for the inaccessible haunts of Kamori. Yet, in spite of these
untoward circumstances and luiinterrupted warfare, such were
the resources of this little State that the Rana completed a work
which perpetuates his name. He threw a dam across a break in
the moxintains, the channel of an ever-flowing stream, by which
he formed the largest lake in India,^ giving it his own name, the
Jaisamund, or sea of victory. Nature had furnished the hint
for tliis undertaking, for there had always existed a considerable
volume of water ; but the Rana had the merit of uniting these
natural buttresses, and creating a Uttle sea from the Dhebar pool,
its ancient appellation. The circumference cannot be less than
thirty miles, and the benefits to cultivation, especially in respect
to the article of rice, which requires perpetual irrigation, were
great. On this huge rampart he erected a palace for his favourite
queen, Komaladevi, a princess of the Pramara race, famiharly
known as the Ruthi Rani, or ' testy queen.'
Rana Jai Singh and his heir Amar Singh. — Domestic unhappi-
ness appears to have generated in the Rana inaptitude to state
affairs ; and, unluckUy, the favoured queen estranged him from
his son. Amra, a name venerated in Mewar, was that of the
heir of Jai Singh. His mother was of the Bundi house, a family
which has performed great services to, and brought great calami-
ties upon, the ancient sovereigns of Mewar. To the jealousies of
the rival queens, one of them mother to the heir, the other the
favourite of the sovereign, are attributed dissensions, which at
such a juncture were a greater detriment than the loss of a battle,
and which afford another illustration, if any were wanting, of
the impolicy of polygamy. The annals of Mewar seldom exhibit
those unnatural contentions for power, from which no other
Hindu State was exempt ; this was owing to the wholesome
regulation of not investing the princes of the blood with any [394]
^ [The Bhojpur lake, which covered an area of 250 square miles, was
much larger, the Jaisamund covering only 21 square miles (Smith, EHl,
39G ; Erskine ii. A. 8 f.).]
REBELLION OF AMAR SINGH 459
political authority ; and establishing as a counterpoise to natural
advantages an artificial degradation of their rank, which placed
them beneath the sixteen chief nobles of the State ; which, while
it exalted these in their own estimation, lessened the national
humiUation, when the heirs-apparent were compelled to lead
their quota in the arriere-ban of the empire.
Rebeliion of Amar Singh.— Rana Jai Singh, who had evinced
such gallantry and activity in the wars of Aurangzeb, now secluded
himself with Komala in the retreat of Jaisamund, leaving Amra
imder the guidance of the Pancholi ^ minister, at the capital.
But he having personally insulted this chief officer of the State,
iu consequence of receiving a rebuke for turning loose an in-
furiated elephant in the town, the Rana left his retreat, and
visiting Chitor in his tour, arrived at Udaipur. Amra awaited
not his father's arrival, but adding his mother's resentments to
a feeling of patriotic indignation at the abasement his indolence
produced, fled to Bundi, took up arms, and, joined by many of
his owia nobles and Hara auxiliaries, returned at the head of ten
thousand men. Desirous of averting civil war, the Rana retired
to Godwar beyond the Aravalli, whence he sent the Ghanerao
chieftain, the first feudatory of that department, to expostulate
with his son. But Amra, supported by three-fourths of the
nobles, made direct for Kumbhalmer to secure the State treasure,
saved by the Depra governor for his sovereign. A failure in
tliis project, the knowledge that the Rathors fostered the quarrel
with a view to obtain Godwar, and the determination of the few
chiefs yet faithful ^ to the Rana, to defend the Jhilwara pass to
the last, made the prince listen to terms, which were ratified at
the shrine of EkJinga, whereby the Rana was to return to the
capital, and the prince to abide in exile at the new palace during
the life of his father, which closed twenty years after his accession.
Had he maintained the reputation he established in his early
years, the times v»^ere well calculated for the redemption of his
country's independence ; but documents which yet exist afford
little reason to doubt that in his latter years a state of indolence,
^ [Pancholi, Panchauli, of wiiich the derivation is uncertain, perhajis
pancha-kula, ' five houses,' is the local title of the Desi or Mathur Kayasths,
or writer caste {Census Report Marwar, 1891, ii. 111).]
^ Beri Sal of Bijoha, Kandal of Salumbar, Gopinath of Ghanerao, and
the Solanki of Desuri.
460 ANNALS OF MEWAR
having all the effects of imbecility, supervened, and but for the
formation of ' the victorious sea,' would have left his name a
blank in the traditional history of Mewar.
Rana Amar Singh II., a.d.. 1698-1710. — Amra II., who suc-
ceeded in S. 1756 (a.d. 1700), had much of the gallantry [395] and
active turn of mind of his illustrious namesake ; but the degrading
conflict with his father had much impaired the moral strength of
the country, and counteracted the advantages which might have
resulted from the decline of the Mogul power. The reigns of Raj
Singh and Jai Singh illustrate the obvious truth, that on the
personal character of the chief of a feudal government everything
depends. The former, infusing by his talent and energy patriotic
sentiments into all his subordinates, vanquished in a series of
conflicts the vast military resources of the empire, led by the
emperor, his sons, and chosen generals ; while his successor, heir
to this moral strength, and with every collateral aid, lowered her
to a stage of contempt from which no talent could subsequently
raise her.
Amra early availed himself of the contentions amongst the
sons of Aurangzeb to anticipate events, and formed a private
treaty ^ with the Mogul heir-apparent, Shah Alam, when com-
^ " Private Treaty between the Rana and Shah Alam Bahadur Shah,
and bearing his sign-manual.
" Six articles of engagement, just, and tending to the happiness of the
jjeople, have been submitted by you, and by mo accepted, and with God's
blessing shall be executed without deviation —
" 1. The re-estabhshment of Cliitor as in the time of Shah Jahan.
" 2. Prohibition of kine-kilhng.*
* From the second of these articles, which alternate between stipulations
of a temporal and spiritual nature, we may draw a lesson of great poMtical
importance. In ail the treaties which have come under my observation,
the insertion of an article against the slaughter of kine was prominent. This
sacrifice to their national prejudices was the subject of discussion with every
ambassador when the States of Rajasthan formed engagements with the
British Government in 18f 7-18, " the prohibition of kine-kilhng within their
respective hmits." From the construction of our armies we could not
guarantee this article, but assurances were given that every practical atten-
tion would be paid to their wishes ; and kine are not absolutely slain within
the jurisdiction of any of these Rajput princes. But even long habit,
though it has famiharized, has not reconciled them to this revolting sacrifice ;
nor would the kine-killer in Mewar be looked upon with less detestation
than was Cambyses by the Egyptians, when he thrust his lance into the
fiank of Apis. But in time this will be overlooked, and the verbal assurance
RESULTS OF RAJPUT DEFECTION 461
manded to the countries west of the Indus, on which occasion
[396] the Mewar contingent ^ accompanied him, and fought
several gallant actions under a Saktawat chieftain.
Breach between the Rajputs and the Mughal Empire. — It is
important to study the events of this period, which involved the
overthrow of the IMogul power, and originated that form of
society which paved the way to the dominion of Britain in these
distant regions. From such a review a political lesson of great
value may be learned, which wiU show a beacon warning us
against the danger of trusting to mere physical power, unaided
"3. The restoration of all the districts held in the reign of Shah Jahan.
" 4. Freedom of faith and religious worship, as during the government
of him whose nest is Paradise (Akbar).
" 5. Whoever shall be dismissed by you shall receive no countenance from
the Icing.
" 6. The abrogation of the contingent for the service of the Deccan." *
^ It consisted of twenty-two Nakkarahand chiefs, i.e. each entitled to a
kettle-drum, and fifteen Turais, or chiefs, entitled to brass trumpets. [" As
a mark of favour, kettle-drums (naqqdrah) and the right to play them (naubat)
might be granted to a subject, but ho must be a man of the rank of 2000
sawar (troopers) or upwards. As an invariable condition, however, it was
stipulated they should not be used when the Emperor was present, or
within a certain distance from his residence " (Irvine, Army of the
Indian Moghuls, 30, 208 f.).]
wiU become a dead letter ; men of good intention will be lulled into the
belief that, because not openly combated, the prejudice is extinct, and that
homage to our power has obliterated this article of their creed. Thus
Aurangzeb thought, but he avowedly and boldly opposed the religious
opinions of his tributaries ; we only hold them in contempt, and even pro-
tect them when productive of no sacrifice. Yet if we look back on the
early page of history, we shaU find both policy and benevolence combined
to form this legislative protection to one of the most useful of domestic
animals, and which would tempt the belief that Triptolemus, the lawgiver
of Sparta, had borrowed from Manu [Latus, xi. 60, 69, 71], or rather from
the still greater friends of dumb creatiires, the Jains, in the law which
exempted not only the lordly bull from the knife, but " every Uving thing."
* The Mewar contingent had been serving under Azam in the south, as
the following letter from him to the Rana discloses : — " Be it known to
Rana Amra Singh, your arzi [petition]"'arrived, and the accounts of your
mother gave me great grief, but against the decrees of God there is no
struggling. Pray for my welfare. Raja Rae Singh made a request for you ;
you are my own ; rest in full confidence and continue in your obedience.
The lands of your illustrious ancestors shall all be yours — but this is the time
to evince your duty — the rest learn from your own servants — continue to
think of me."
" Your Rajputs have behaved well."
462 ANNALS OF MEWAR
by the latent, but more durable support of moral influence.
When Aurangzeb neglected the indigenous Rajputs, he en-
dangered the keystone of his power ; and in despising opinion,
though his energetic mind might for a time render him independent
of it, yet long before his death the enormous fabric reared by
Akbar was tottering to its foundation : demonstrating to convic-
tion that the highest order of talent, either for government or
war, though aided by unlimited resources, will not suffice for the
maintenance of power, unsupported by the affections of the
governed. The empire of Aurangzeb was more extensive than
that of Britain at this day — the elements of stability were in-
comparably more tenacious : he was associated with the Rajputs
by blood, which seemed to guarantee a respect for their opinions ;
he possessed the power of distributing the honours and emolu-
ments of the statCj when a service could be rewarded by a pro-
vince,^ drawing at will supplies of warriors from the mountains
of the west, as a check on his indigenous subjects, while these
left the plains of India to control the Afghan amidst the snows of
Caucasus. But the most devoted attachment and most faithful
service were repaid by insults to their habits, and the imposition
of an obnoxious tax ; and to the jizya, and the unwdse pertinacity
with which his successors adhered to it, must be directly ascribed
the overthrow of the monarchy. No condition was exempted
from this odious and impolitic assessment, which was deemed by
the tyrant a mild substitute for the conversion he once meditated
of the entire Hindu race to the creed of Islam. ^
^ In lieu of all, what reward does Britain hold out to the native popula-
tion to be attached ? Heavy duties exclude many products of their industry
from the home market. The rates of pay to civil officers afford no security
to integrity ; and the faithful soldier cannot aspire to higher reward than
£1 20 per annum, were his breast studded with medals. Even their prejudices
are often too little considered, prejudices, the violation of which lost the
throne of India, in spite of every local advantage, to the descendants of
Aurangzeb.
* [Jizya, meaning ' tribute,' was a capitation tax imposed on subjects
{zimmi) who did not follow the state religion, Islam. Its hardship lay in
the fact that it was additional to, and about the same amount as the revenue
demand, the latter being thus nearly doubled. Great merchants in the
time of Aurangzeb paid Rs. 13.8 ; the middle class Rs. 6.12 ; the poor
Rs. 3.8 per annum per head (Manucci ii. 234). On the Jizya see Hughes,
Diet. Islam, 248 ; Smith, Akbar the Great Mogul, 65 f. ; Keene, Turks in
India, 153 ff. ; Grant Duff, Hist, of the Mahrattas, 145; Jadunath Sarkar,
Life of Aurangzib, iii. 305 iL]
RAJPUT APOSTATES 463
Rajput Apostates. — An abandonment of their faith was the
Rajput's surest road to the tyrant's favour [397], and an instance
of this dereliction in its consequences powerfully contributed to
the annihilation of the empire. Rao Gopal, a branch of the
Rana's family, held the fief of Rampura, on the Chambal,^ and
was serving with a select quota of his clan in the wars of the
Deccan, when his son, who had been left at home, withheld the
revenues, which he applied to his own use instead of remitting
them to his father. Rao Gopal complained to the emperor ; but
the son discovered that he could by a sacrifice not only appease
Aurangzeb, but attain the object of his wishes : he apostatized
from his faith, and obtained the emperor's forgiveness, with the
domain of Rampura. Disgusted and provoked at such infurious
conduct, Rao Gopal fled the camp, made an unsuccessful attempt
to redeem his estate, and took refuge with Rana Amra, his
suzerain. This natural asylum granted to a chief of his own kin
was construed by the tyrant into a signal of revolt, and Azam
was ordered to Malwa to w^atch the Rana's motions : conduct
thus characterized in the memoirs of a Rajput chieftain,^ one of
the most devoted to Aurangzeb, and who died fighting for his
son. " The emperor showed but little favour to his faithful and
most useful subjects the Rajputs, which greatly cooled their
ardour in his service." The Rana took up arms, and Malwa
joined the tumult ; while the first irruption of the Mahrattas
across the Nerbudda,^ under Nima Sindhia, compelled the em-
peror to detach Raja Jai Singh to join Prince Azam. Amidst
these accumulated troubles, the Mahrattas rising into importance,
the Rajput feudatories disgusted and alienated, his sons and
grandsons ready to commit each individual pretension to the
decision of the sword, did Aurangzeb, after a reign of terror of
half a century's duration, breathe his last on the 28th Zilqa'da, a.d.
1707 [February 21], at the city bearing his name — Aurangabad.
^ Rampura Bhanpura (city of the sun) to distinguish it from Rampura
Tonk. Rao Gopal was of the Chandarawat clan. See note, p. 306.
^ Rao Dalpat Bundela of Datia, a portion of whose memoirs were pre-
sented to me by the reigning prince, his descendant.
* A.D. 1706-7. [The Mahrattas crossed the Nerbudda in 1705 (Grant
Duff, Hist. Mahrattas, 177 ; Malcolm, Memoir Central India, i. 58 ff.). The
latter remarks that they came to attack the government, not the people,
and acted with the concurrence of the Plindu chiefs discontented with the
policy of Aurangzeb.]
464 ANNALS OF IVfEWAR
Shah Alam Bahadur Shah, Emperor, a.d. 1707-12. — At his
death his second, son Azani assumed the imperial dignity, and
aided by the Rajput princes of Datia and Kotah,^ who had
always served in his division, he marched to Agra to contest the
legitimate claims of his eldest brother Muazzam, who was ad-
vancing from Kabul supj^orted by the contingents of Mewar and
Marwar, and all western Rajwara. The battle of Jajau [398] ^
was fatal to Azam, who with his son Bedarbakht and the princes
of Kotah and Datia was slain, when Muazzam ascended the
throne under the title of Shah Alam Bahadur Shah. This prince
had many qualities which endeared him to the Rajputs, to whom
his sympathies were united by the ties of blood, his mother being
a Rajput princess.* Had he immediately succeeded the bene-
ficent Shah Jahan, the race of Timur, in all human probability,
would have been still enthroned at Delhi, and might have pre-
sented a picture of one of the most powerful monarchies of Asia.
But Aurangzeb had inflicted an incurable wound on the mind of
the Hindu race, which for ever estranged them from his successors ;
nor were the virtues of Bahadur, during the short lustre of his
sway, capable of healing it. The bitter fruit of a long experience
had taught the Rajputs not to hope for amelioration from any
graft of that stem, which, like the deadly Upas, had stifled the
vital energies of Rajasthan, whose leaders accordingly formed a
league for mutual preservation; which it would have been madness
to dissolve merely because a fair portion of virtue was the in-
heritance of the tyrant's successor. They had proved that no
act of duty or subserviency could guarantee them from the
infatuated abuse of power, and they were at length steeled
against every appeal to their loyalty, replying with a trite adage,
which we may translate ' quern Deus vult perdere, prius de.mentat,''
— of common application with the Rajput in such a predicament.
The Rise o£ the Sikhs. — The emperor was soon made to perceive
the little support he had in future to expect from the Rajputs.
Scarcely had he quashed the pretensions of Kambakhsh, his
youngest brother, who proclaimed himself emperor in the Deccan,
than he was forced to the north, in consequence of an insurrection
^ Rao Dalpat (Bundela), and Rao Ram Singh (Hara).
^ [Twenty miles south of Agra, June 1, 1707.]
3 [Nawab Bai, daughter of the Raja of Rajauri, Kashi^Ir, who died in
1690 (Manucci ii. 57, note).]
THE RISE OF THE SIKHS 465
of the Sikhs of Lahore. This singular race, the disciples (sikhs)
of a teacher called Nanak, were the descendants of the Scythic
Getae/ or Jat, of Transoxiana, who so early as the fifth century
were established in the tract watered by the Ave arms {Punjab)
of the Indus. Little more than a century has elapsed since their
conversion from a spurious Hinduism to the doctrines of the
sectarian Nanak, and their first attempt to separate themselves,
in temporal as well as spiritual matters, from all control, and they
are now the sole independent power within the limits [399 J of the
Mogul monarchy. On this occasion ^ the princes of Amber and
Marwar visited the emperor, but left his camp without permission,
and, as the historian * adds, manifested a design to struggle for
independence. Such was the change in their mutual circum-
stances that the Mogul sent the heir-apparent to conciliate and
conduct thein to him ; but they came at the head of all their
native bands, when " they were gratified with whatever their
insolence demanded " : * a splenetic effusion of the historian,
which well paints their altered position. From the royal urdu,^
or camp, they repaired to Rana Amra at Udaipur, where a triple
league was formed, which once more united them to the head of
their nation. This treaty of unity of interests against the common
foe was solemnized by nuptial engagements, from which those
princes had been excluded since the reigns of Akbar and Partap.
To be readmitted to this honour was the basis of this triple
alliance, in which they ratified on oath the renunciation of all
connexion, domestic or political, with the empire. It was,
moreover, stipulated that the sons of such marriage should be
heirs, or if the issue were females, that they should never be
dishonoured by being married to a Mogul.
Sacrifice o£ the Right of Primogeniture.— But this remedy, as
will be seen, originated a worse disease ; it was a sacrifice of the
rights of primogeniture (chmg to by the Rajputs with extreme
pertinacity), productive of the most injurious effects, which
^ See History of ike Tribes, article ' Jats,' p. 127.
2 A.D. 1709-10.
^ Memoirs of Iradat Khan, p. 58 [translated by Captain Jonathan Scott ;
extracts from the work of Iradat Khan will be found in EUiot-Dowson vii.
534 f.] ; also autograph letters of all those princes, with files of the regular
newspapers {akhbars) of the day, in my possession, dated from the emperor's
camp. * Metiioirs of Iradat Khan.
^ Hence the corruption of horde.
VOL. I 2 H
466 ANNALS OF MEWAR
introduced domestic strife, and called upon the stage an umpire
not less baneful than the power from whose iron grasp they were
on the point of freeing themselves : for although this treaty laid
prostrate the throne of Babur, it ultimately introduced the
Mahrattas as partisans in their family disputes, who made the
bone of contention their own.
The injudicious support afforded by the emperor to the apostate
chief of Rampura first brought the triple federation into action.
The Rana, upholding the cause of Himmat Singh, made an
attack on Rampura, which the apostate usurper Ratan Singh,
now Raj Muslim Khan, defeated, and was rewarded for [400] it
by the emperor.^ But the same report conveyed to the king
" that the Rana determined to lay waste his country, and retire
to the hills," '' which was speedily confirmed by the unwelcome
intelligence that Sawaldas, an officer of the Rana's, had attacked
Firoz Khan^ the governor of Pur Mandal, who was obliged to
retreat with great loss to Ajmer ; ^ on which occasion this loyal
descendant of the illustrious Jaimall lost his life.* The brave
Durgadas, who conveyed the rebellious Akbar through all opposi-
tion to a place of refuge, again appeared upon the stage — his
own prince being unable to protect him, he had found a safe
asylum at Udaipur, and had the sum of five hundred rupees
daily paid for his expenditure — a princely liberality. But the
result of this combination was reserved for the following reigns,
Shah Alam being carried off by poison,^ ere he could correct the
disorders which were rapidly breaking up the empire from the
Hindu-Kush to the ocean. Had his life been spared, his talents
for business, his experience, and courteous manners might have
retarded the ruin of the monarchy, which the utter unworthiness
of his successor sunk beyond the power of man to redeem. Every
^ Newspapers, dated 3rd Rajab, San. 3 — (3rd year of his reign).
^ Newspapers, 10th Rajab, San. 3.
' Newspapers, 5th Shavval, San. 3.
* The following edict, which caused this action, I translated from the
archives ; it is addressed to the son of Sawaldas : — " Maharana Amra Singh
to Rathor Rae Singh Sawaldasot (race of Sawaldas) — Lay waste your
villages and the country around you — your families shall have other habita-
tions to dwell in — for particulars consult Daulat Singh Chondawat : obey
these." Asoj, S. 1764 (Dec. a.d. 1708).
* [February 18] a.d. 1712. [The Musalraan authorities do not cor^
roborate the assertion that he was poisoned.]
FARRUKHSIYAR, EMPEROR, A.D. 1712 13 4G7
subsequent succession was through blood ; and the sons of Shah
Alam performed the part for which they had so many great
examples. Two brothers,^ Sayyids, from the town of Barha in the
Duab, were long the Warwicks of Hindustan, setting up and
plucking down its puppet kings at their pleasure ; they had
elevated Farrukhsiyar when the triumvirs of Rajasthan com-
menced their operations.
Farrukhsiyar, Emperor, a.d. 1712-19. — Giving loose to long-
suppressed resentment, the Rajputs abandoned the spirit of
toleration which it would have been criminal to preserve ; and
profiting by the lessons of their tyrants, they overthrew the
mosques built on the sites of their altars, and treated the civil
and religious officers of the government with indignity. Of these
every town in Rajasthan had its mulla to proclaim the name of
Muhammad, and its kazi for the administration of justice, —
branches of government [401] entirely wrested from the hands of
the native princes,^ abusing the name of independence. But for
a moment it was redeemed, especially by the brave Rathors, who
had made a noble resistance, contesting every foot of land since
the death of .Jaswant Singh, and now his son Ajit entirely expelled
the Moguls from jMarwar. On this occasion the native forces of
the triple alliance met at the salt lake of Sambhar, which was
made the common boundary of their territory, and its revenues
were equally divided amongst them.
The pageant of an emperor, guided by the Sayyids, or those
who intrigued to supplant their ministry, made an effort to
oppose the threatening measures of the Rajputs ; and one of
them, the Amiru-1-iunara,^ marched against Raja Ajit, xA\o
received private instructions from the emperor to resist his
commander - in - chief, whose credit was strengthened by the
means taken to weaken it, which engendered suspicions of
treachery. Ajit leagued with the Sayyids, who held out to the
Rathor an important share of power at court, and agreed to pay
tribute and give a daughter in marriage to Farrukhsiyar.
^ Husain Ali and Abdu-lla Khan.
^ Next to kine-killing was the article inhibiting the introduction of the
Adalat, or British courts of justice, into the Rajput States, in all their
treaties with the British Government in a.d. 1817-18, the very name of
which is abhorrent to a native.
^ The title of Husain Ah, — ^as Kutbu-1-mulk (the axis of the State), was
that of his brother Abdu-lla.
468 ANNALS OF MEWAR
Marriage of Farrukhsiyar : Grant to the British. — This marriage
yielded most important results, which were not confined to the
Moguls or Rajputs, for to it may be ascribed the rise of the British
power in India. A dangerous malady,^ rendering necessary a
surgical operation upon Farrukhsiyar, to which the faculty of
the court were unequal, retarded the celebration of the nuptials
between the emperor and the Rajput princess of Marwar, and
even threatened a fatal termination. A mission from the British
merchants at Surat was at that time at court, and, as a last
resource, the surgeon attached to it was called in, who cured
the malady, and made the emperor happy in his bride.* His
gratitude was displayed with oriental magnificence. The em-
peror desired Mr. Hamilton to name [402] his reward, and to the
disinterested patriotism of this individual did the British owe
the first royal grant or farman, conferring territorial possession
and great commercial privileges. These were the objects of the
mission, which till this occurrence had proved unsuccessful.
This gorgeous court ought to have been, and probably was,
impressed with a high opinion of the virtuous self-denial of the
inhabitants of Britain ; and if history has correctly preserved the
transaction, some mark of public gratitude should have been
forthcoming from those who so signally benefited thereby. But
to borrow the phraseology of the Italian historian, " Obligations
which do not admit of being fully discharged are often repaid
with the coin of ingratitude " : the remains of this man rest in
the churchyard of Calcutta, without even a stone to mark the
spot ! ^
^ A white swelling or tumour on the back.
- The ceremony is described, as it was celebrated, with true Asiatic
pomp. " The Ameer-ool Omra conducted the festivities on the part of the
bride, and the marriage was performed with a splendour and magnificence
till then unseen among the princes of Hindust'han. Many pompous insignia
were added to the royal cortege upon this occasion. The illuminations
rivalled the planets, and seemed to upbraid the faint lustre of the stars.
The nuptials were performed at the palace of the Ameer-ool Omra, whence
the emperor conveyed his bride with the highest splendour of imperial
pomp to the citadel, amidst the resoundings of musical instruments and
the acclamations of the people " (Scott's History of Aurangzeb^s Successors,
vol. i. p. 132. [For the cure of Farrukhsiyar by Surgeon W. Hamilton see
C. R. Wilson, Early Annals of the English in Bengal, ii. 235.]
* [There is a monument of Hamilton in St. John's Church, Calcutta {IGI,
X. 280).]
THE JIZYA REIMPOSED 469
The Jizya Reimposed. — This marriage, which promised a
renewal of interests with the Rajputs, was soon followed by the
revival of the obnoxious jizya. The character of this tax, though
much altered from its original imposition by Aurangzeb, when
it was at once financial and religious, was held in vinmitigated
abhorrence by the Hindus from the complex association ; and
although it was revived cliiefly to relieve pecuniary wants, it
kindled a universal feeling of hatred amongst aU classes, and
quenched the little zeal which the recent marriage had inspired
in the Rajputs of the desert. The mode and channel of its
introduction evinced to them that there was no hope that the
intolerant spirit which originally suggested it would ever be
subdued. The weak Farrukhsiyar, desirous of snapping the
leading-strings of the Sayyids, recalled to his court Inayatu-lla
Khan,^ the minister of Aurangzeb, and restored to him his office
of Diwan, who, to use \he words of the historian of the period,
" did not consult the temper of the times, so very different from
the reign of Aurangzeb, and the revival of the jizya came with
him." Though by no means severe in its operation, not amount-
ing to three-quarters per cent on annual income,^ — from which
the lame, the blind, and very poor were exempt, — it nevertheless
raised a general spirit of hostility, particularly from its retaining
the insulting distinction of a ' tax on mfidels.' Resistance to
taxation appears to be a universal feeling, in which even the
Asiatic forgets the divine right of sovereignty, and wliich throws
us back on the pervading spirit of selfishness which [403] governs
human nature. The tamgha,^ or stamp tax, which preceded the
jizya, would appear to have been as unsatisfactory as it was
general, from the solemnity of its renunciation by Babur on the
field of battle after the victory over infidels, which gave him the
crown of India ; and though we have no record of the jizya being
its substitute, there are indications which authorize the inference.
^ [Inayatu-Ua Khan, a Persian of Naishapur, was tutor of Zebu-n-nissa
Begam, daughter of Aurangzeb, and held high office in his reign and in that
of Farrukhsiyar. He died in 172G (Beale, s.v.).]
^13 rupees on every 2000 rupees.
' [Altamgha, ' the red seal,' technically ' a royal grant. On its
remission by Babur see Erskine, Hist, of India, i. 467. EUiot remarks that
the altamgha as a tax was eniorced as early as the time of Alau-d-din and
Flroz Shah (Elhot-Dowson iii. 36.5). For the use of the seal see Memoirs
of Jalidiujlr, trans. Rogers-Beveridge, 23.]
470 ANNALS OF IVIEWAR
Rana Amar Singh asserts Rajput Independence. — Rana Amra
was not an idle spectator of these occurrences ; and although the
spurious thirst for distinction so early broke up the alUance by
detaclung Ajit, he redoubled his efforts for personal independence,
and with it that of the Rajput nation. An important document
attests this solicitude, namely, a treaty ^ with the emperor, in
which the second article stipulates emancipation from the galling
jizya. It may be well to analyse this treaty, which attests the
^ " Memorandum of Bequests.
" 1. The Mansab of 7000, the highest grade of rank.
" 2. Farman of engagement under the panja private seal and sign that
the jizya shall be abolished — that it shall no longer be imposed on the
Hindu nation ; at all events, that none of the Chagatai race shaU authorize
it in Mewar. Let it be annulled.
"3. The contingent of one thousand horse for service in the Deccau to
be excused.
" 4. AU places of Hmdu faith to be rebuild, with perfect freedom of
religious worship.
" 5. If my uncles, brothers, or chiefs, repair to the Presence, to meet no
encouragement.
" 6. The Bhumias of DeoHa, Banswara, Dungarpur, and Sirohi, besides
other zamindars over whom I am to have control, they shall not be admitted
to the Presence.
" 7. The forces I possess are my chiefs — what troops you may require
for a given period, you must furnish with rations (peti), and when the
service is over, their accounts will be settled.
" 8. Of the Hakkdars, Zamindars, Mansabdars, who serve you with zeal
and from the heart, let me have a hst — and those who are not obedient I
will punish ; but in effecting this no demand is to be made ioT-Faemali." *
" List of the districts attached to the PwnjJmzari,] at present under
sequestration, to be restored — Phuha, Mandalgarh, Badnor, Pur, Basar,
Ghayaspur, Pardhar, Banswara, Dungarpur. Besides the 5000 of old, you
had on ascending the throne granted an increase of 1000, and on account of
the victory at Sinsuii 1000 more, of two and three horse." %
" Of three crores of dams \\ in gift {iyiam,), namely, two according to far-
man, and one for the payment of the contingent in the Deccan, and of
which two are immediately required, you have given me in heu thereof
Sirohi.
" Districts uov/ desired — Idar, Kekri, Mandal, Jahazpur, Malpur (and
another illegible)."
* Destruction of property, alluding to the crops which always suffered
in the movements of disorderly troops.
t Mansab of 5000.
+ It was usual to allow two and thi-eo horses to each cavaher when favour
was intended.
II 40 dams to the rupee.
DEATH OF RANA AMAR SINGH 471
altered condition of both parties. Its very title marks the
subordination of the chief of the Rajputs ; but while this is
headed a ' Memorandum of Requests,' the eighth article dis-
closes the effective means of the Rana, for there he assumes an
air of protection towards the emperor. In the opening stipulation
for the mansah of 7000, the [404] mind reverts to the great Amra,
who preferred abdication to acknowledgment of a superior ; but
opinion had undergone a change as great as the mutual relations
of the Rajputs. In temporal dignities other States had risen to
an equality with Mewar, and all had learned to look on the Mogul
as the fountain of honour. The abolition of the jizya, freedom
from religious restraint, control over the ancient feudatories of
his house, and the restoration of all sequestrations, distinguish
the other articles, and amply attest the improving attitude of
Mewar, and the rapid decay of the Mogul empire. The Mahrattas
imder Raja Sahu ^ were successfully prosecuting their peculiar
system in the south, with the same feelings which characterized
the early Gothic invaders of Italy ; strangers to settled govern-
ment, they imposed the taxes of chauth and desmukhi,^ the fourth
and tetith of all territorial income, in the countries they overran.
The Jat tribes west of the Chambal likewise bearded their
oppressors in this reign, by hoisting the standard of independence
at the very threshold of their capital ; and from the siege of
Sinsini (mentioned in this treaty) to the last storm of Bharatpur,
they maintained the consequence thus assumed.
Death of Rana Amar Singh. — This treaty was the last act of
Rana Amra's life ; he died in a.d. 1716 [1710], leaving the reputa-
tion of an active and high-minded prince, who well upheld his
station and the prosperity of his country, notwithstanding the
anarchy of the period. His encouragement of agriculture and
protection of manufactures are displayed in the edicts engraved
on pillars, which will hand down his name to posterity. His
memory is held in high veneration ; nor do the Rajputs admit
the absolute degradation of ISIewar till the period of the second
prince in succession to Amra [405].
^ [Sahu, ' the honest, respectable man,' a title given by Aurangzeb
to Sivaji, son of Sambhaji (Grant Duff, 184).]
^ [Des7nukhi from Sardesmukh, an officer exercising police and revenue
jurisdiction under the Marathas. These taxes were confirmed in favour of
Sivaji in 1665 {Ibid. 94).]
472 ANNALS OF MEWAR
CHAPTER 15
Rana Sangram Singh II., a.d. 1710-34. — Sangram Singh (the
lion of battle) succeeded ; a name renowned in the annals of
IMewar, being that of the opponent of the founder of the Moguls.
He ascended the throne about the same time with INIuhammad
Shah,^ the last of the race of Timur who deserved the name of
emperor of India. During the reign of Sangram, from a.d. 1716
to 1734, this mighty empire was dismembered ; when, in lieu of
one paramount authority, numerous independent governments
started up, which preserved their uncertain existence imtil the
last revolution, which has given a new combination to these
discordant materials — Muliammadan, Mahratta, and Rajput, in
the course of one century under the dominion of a handful of
Britons ! Like the Satraps of the ancient Persian, or the Lieu-
tenants of Alexander, each chief proclaimed himself master of the
province, the government of which was confided to his loyalty
and talents ; and it cannot fail to diininish any regret at the
successive prostration of Bengal, Oudh, Haidarabad, and other
less conspicuous States, to remember that they were founded in
rebelUon, and erected on ingratitude ; and that their rulers were
destitute of those sympathies, which could alone give stability
to their ephemeral greatness, by improving the condition of their
subjects. With the Mahrattas the case is different : their emer-
gence to power claims our admiration, when tyranny transformed
the industrious husbandman, and the minister of religion, into
a hardy and enterprising soldier, and a skilful functionary of
government. Had their ambition been restrained within legiti-
mate bounds, it would have been no less gratifying than pohtically
and morally just that the family of Sivaji should have retained
its [406] authority in countries which his active valour wrested
from Aurangzeb. But the genius of conquest changed their
natural habits ; they devastated instead of consolidating ; and
in lieu of that severe and frugal simplicity, and that energy of
enterprise, which were their peculiar characteristics, they became
distinguished for mean parsimony, low cunning, and dastardly
depredation. Had they, retaining their original character, been
content with their projaer sphere of action, the Deccan, they
1 [September 29, 1719.]
DEPOSITION OF FARRUKHSlYAR 473
might yet have held the sovereignty of that vast region, where
their habits and language assimilated them with the people.
But as they spread over the north they encountered national
antipathies, and though professing the same creed, a wider
difference in sentiment divided the Mahratta from the Rajput,
than from the despots of Delhi, whose tyrannical intolerance was
more endurable, because less degrading, than the rapacious
meanness of the Southron. Rajasthan benefited by the demoli-
tion of the empire : to all but Mewar it yielded an extension of
power. Had the national mind been allowed to repose, and
its energies to recruit, after so many centuries of demoralization,
all would have recovered their strength, which lay in the opinions
and industry of the people, a devoted tenantry and brave vassal-
age, whom we have so often depicted as abandoning their habita-.
tions and pursuits to aid the patriotic views of their princes.
Deposition of Farrukhsiyar : Nizamu-1-mulk. — The short reign
of Farrukhsiyar was drawing to a close ; its end was accelerated
by the very means by which that monarch hoped to emancipate
himself from the thraldom of the Sayyids, against whose authority
the faction of Inayatu-lla was but a feeble counterpoise, and
whose arbitrary habits, in the re-establishment of the jizya, lost
him even the supjjort of the father of his queen. It was on this
occasion that the celebrated Nizamu-1-mulk,^ the founder of the
Haidarabad State, was brought upon the stage : he then held the
unimportant charge of the district of Moradabad ; but possessed
of high talents, he was bought over, by the promise of the govern-
ment of Malwa, to further the views of the Sayyids. Supported
by a body of ten thousand Mahrattas, these makers of kings soon
manifested their displeasure by the deposal of Farrukhsiyar, who
was left without any support but that of the princes of Amber
and Bundi. Yet they would never have abandoned him had he
hearkened to their counsel to take the field, and trust his cause
to them : but, cowardly and infatuated, he refused to quit the
walls of his palace, and threw [407] himself upon the mercy of
his enemies, who made him dismiss the faithful Rajputs and
" admit a guard of honour of their troops into the citadel." ^
^ [Nizamu-1-muIk, Asaf Jah, titles of Chin Qilich Khan, a Turkman
officer in the service of Aurangzcb, governor of the Deccan, died May 22,
1748.]
^ Amongst the archives of the Rana to which 1 had access, I discovered
474 ANNALS OF MEWAR
Murder of Farrukhsiyar, May 16, 1719. — Farrukhsiyar hoped
for security in the inviolabihty of the harem — but he found no
sanctuary even there : to use the words of the Mogul memoir,
" night advanced, and day, hke the fallen star of the emperor,
sunk in darkness. The gates of the citadel were closed upon his
friends : the Wazir and Ajit Singh remained within. This night
was dreadful to the inhabitants of the city ; no one knew what
was passing in the palace, and the troops under the Amiru-l-umara,
with ten thousand Mahrattas, remained under arms : morning
came, and all hope was extinguished by the royal band ( Naubat)
announcing the deposal of Farruldisiyar, in the proclamation of
Rafiu-d-darajat, his successor." The interval between the de-
posal and the death of an Asiatic prince is short, and even while
the heralds vociferated " long live the king ! " to the new puppet,
the bowstring was on the neck of the contemptible Farrukhsiyar.
an autograph letter of Raja Jai Singh, addressed at this important juncture
to the Rana's prime minister, Biharidas.
" The Amiru-l-umara has arrived, and engagements tlirough Balaji
Pandit have been agreed to : he said that he always had friendship for me,
but advised me to march, a measure aUke recommended by ICishan Singh
and Jiwa Lai. On this I presented an arzi to his Majesty, stated the advice,
but desired to have his Majesty's commands ; when the king sanctioning my
leave, such being the general desire, on Thursday the 9th of Phalgun I
moved, and pitched my tents at Sarbal Sarai. I told the Rao Raja (of
Bundi) to accompany me, but it did not reach his mind, and he joined
Kutbu-I-mulk, who gave him some horse, and made him encamp with Ajit
Singh. Bhim Singh's (of Kotah) army arrived, and an engagement took
place, in which Jeth Singh Hara was killed, and the Rao Raja fled to Allah-
wirdi Khan's sarai. I sent troops to his aid ; the king has made over the
baths and wardrobe to the Sayyids, who have everything their own way.
You know the Sayyids ; I am on my way back to my own country, and have
much to say viva voce to the Huzur : * come and meet me. Phalgun, S.
19, 1775 (A.D. 1719)."
" Siddh Sri Maharaja dhiraj Sri Sangram Singhji ; receive the mujra t
of Raja Sawai Jai Singh. Here all is well ; your welfare is desired ; you are
the chief, nor is there any separation of interests : my horses and Rajputs
are at your service ; command when I can be of use. It is long since I have
seen the royal mother (Sri Baiji Raj) ; if you come this way, I trust she will
accompany you. For news I refer you to Dip Chand Pancholi. Asoj 6,
S. 1777."
* Huzur signifies the Presence. Such was the respectful style of the
Amber prince to the Rana ; to illustrate which I shall add another letter
from the same prince, though merely comphmentary, to the Rana.
t Mujra is a salutation of respect used to a superior.
ACCESSION OF ROSHAN-AKHTAR 475
Accession of Rafiu-d-darajat. — The first act of the new reign
(a.d. 1719) was one of conciliation towards Ajit Singh and the
Rajputs, namely, the abrogation of the jizya ; and the Sayyids
further showed their disposition to attach them by conferring the
important office of Diwan on one of their own faith : Raja Ratan
(hand was accordingly inducted into the ministry in lieu of
luayatu-lla.
Accession of Roshan-Akhtar Muhammad Shah, a.d. 1719-48.—
Three phantoms of royalty flitted across the scene in a few months,
till Roshan-Akhtar, the eldest son of Bahadur Shah, was [408]
enthroned with the title of Muhammad Shah (a.d. 1720), during
whose reign of nearly thirty years the empire was completely
dismembered,^ and Mahrattas from the south disputed its spoils
with the Afghan mountaineers. The haughty demeanour of the
Saj'yids dijSgusted all who acted witti them, especially their
coadjutor the Nizam,^ of whose talents, displayed in restoring
Malwa to prosperity, they entertained a dread. It was impossible
to cherish any abstract loyalty for the puppets they established,
and treason lost its name, when the Nizam declared for inde-
pendence, which the possession of the fortresses of Asir and
Burhanpur enabled him to secure. The brothers had just cause
for alarm. The Rajputs were called upon for their contingents,^
^ [For a sketch of the history of this period see Keene, Sketch of the
History of Hindustan, 304 ff.]
^ Raja Jai Singh to Biharidas, the Rana's minister : — " You write that
your Lord despatches money for the troops — I have no accounts thereof ;
put the treasure on camels and send it without delay. The Nawab Nizamu-1-
mulli is marching rapidly from Ujjain, and Chhabile Ram is coming hither,
and according to accounts from Agra he has crossed at Kalpi. Let the
Diwan's army form a speedy junction. Make no delay ; in suppHes of cash
everything is included," Bhadon, 4th S. 1776 (a.d. 1720).
^ Letter from Raja Bakhta Singh of Nagor to Biharidas, the Rana's
prime minister : — " Your letter was received, and its contents made me
happy. Sri Diwan's ruqa'' reached me and was understood. You tell me
both the Nawabs {Sayyids) had taken the field, that both the Maharajas
attended, and that your own army was about to be put in motion, for how
could ancient friendshij)s be severed ? All was comprehended. But
neither of the Nawabs will take the field, nor will either of the Maharajas
proceed to the Deccan : they will sit and enjoy themselves quietly in talking
at home. But should by some accident the Nawabs take the field, espouse
their cause ; if you chng to any other you are lost ; of this you will be con-
vinced ere long, so guard yourself — if you can wind up our own thread, don't
give it to another to break — you are wise, and can anticipate intentions.
Where there is such a servant as you, that house can be in no danger."
476 ANNALS OF MEWAR
and the princes of Kotah and Narwar gallantly interposed their
own retainers to cut off the Nizam from the Nerbudda, on which
occasion the Kotah prince was slain. The independence of the
Nizam led to that of Oudh. Saadat Khan was then but the
commandant of Bayana, but he entered into the conspiracy to
expel the, Sayyids, and was one of those who drew lots to assas-
sinate the Amiru-1-umara. The deed was put into execution on
the march to reduce the Nizam, when Haidar lOian buried his
poniard in the Amir's heart.^ The emperor then in camp, being
thus freed, returned against the Wazir, who instantly set up
Ibrahim and marched against his opponents. The Rajputs
wisely remained neutral, and both armies met. The decapitation
of Ratan Chand was the signal for the battle, which was obstinate
and bloody ; the Wazir was made prisons, and subjected to the
bowstring. P'or the part Saadat Khan acted in the conspiracy
he was honoured with the title of Bahadur Jang, and the govern-
ment of Oudh, The Rajput princes paid their respects to the
[409] conqueror, who confirmed the repeal of the jizya, and as the
reward of their neutraUty the Rajas of Amber and Jodhpur, Jai
Singh and Ajit, were gratified, the former with the government
of the province of Agra, the last with that of Gujarat and Ajmer,
of which latter fortress he took possession. Girdhardas ^ was
made governor of Malwa to oppose the Mahrattas, and the Nizam
was invited from his government of Haidarabad to accept the
oilice of wazir of the empire.
The Policy of Mewar. — The policy of Mewar was too isolated
for the times ; her rulers climg to forms and imsubstantial
homage, while their neighbours, with more active virtue, plunged
into the tortuous policy of the imperial court, and seized every
opportunity to enlarge the boundaries of their States : and while
Amber appropriated to herself the royal domains almost to the
Jumna ; while Marwar planted her banner on the battlements
of Ajmer, dismembered Gujarat, and pushed her clans far into
the desert, and even to ' the world's end ' ; * Mewar confined
her ambition to the control of her ancient feudatories of Abu,
^ [Haidar Khan assassinated Husaiii Ali on September 18, 1720.]
2 Girdhardas was a Nagar Brahman, son of Chhabile Ram, the chief
secretary of Ratan Chand.
^ Jagatkhunt, the Jagat point, of our ma^JS, at Dwarka, where the
Badhels, a branch of the Rathors, estabhshed themselves.
THE POLICY OF MEWAR 477
Idar, and the petty States which grew out of her, Dungarpur and
Banswara. The motive for this pohcy was precisely the same
which had cost such sacrifices in former times ; she dreaded
amalgamating with the imperial court, and preferred political
inferiority to the sacrifice of principle. The internal feuds of her
two great clans also operated against her aggrandizement ; and
while the brave Saktawat, Jeth Singh, expelled the Rathor from
Idar, and subdued the wild mountaineers even to Koliwara, the
conquest was left incomplete by the jealousy of his rival, and he
was recalled in the midst of his success. From these and other
causes an important change took place in the internal poUcy of
Mewar, which tended greatly to impair her energies. To this
period none of the vassals had the power to erect places of strength
within their domains, which, as already stated, were not fixed,
but subject to triennial change ; their lands were given for
subsistence, their native hills were their fortresses, and the
frontier strongholds defended their families in time of invasion.
As the Mogul power waned, the general defensive system was
[410] abandoned, while the predatory warfare which succeeded
compelled them to stud their country with castles, in order to
shelter their effects from the Mahratta and Pathan, and in later
times to protect rebels.
Rana Sangram ruled eighteen [twenty-four] years ; under him
Mewar was respected, and the greater portion of her lost territory
was regained. His selection of Biharidas Pancholi evinced his
penetration, for never had Mewar a more able or faithful minister,
and numerous autograph letters of all the princes of his time
attest his talent and his worth as the oracle of the period. He
retained his office during three reigns : but his skill was unable
to stem the tide of Mahratta invasion, which commenced on the
death of Sangram.
Anecdotes o£ Rana Sangram Singh II. — Tradition has preserved
many anecdotes of Sangram, which aid our estimate of Rajput
character, whether in the capacity of legislators or the more
retired sphere of domestic manners. They uniformly represent
this Rana as a patriarchal ruler, wise, just, and inflexible,^ steady
in his application to business, regulating public and private
* In the dialect, chhari mazbut thi, his rod was strong — a familiar
phrase, which might be rendered ' sceptre ' — a long rod with an iron spike
on it, often placed before the gaddi, or throne.
478 ANNALS OF MEWAR
expenditure, and even the sumptuary laws, which were rigidly
adhered to, and on which the people still expatiate, giving homely
illustrations of the contrast between them and the existing
profusion. The Chauhan of Kotharia, one of the highest class
of chieftains, had recommended an addition to the folds of the
court robe, and as courtesy forbids all personal denial, his Avish
was assented to, and he retired to his estate pluming himself on
his sovereign's acquiescence. But the Rana, sending for the
minister, commanded the sequestration of two villages of Kotharia,
which speedily reaching the ears of the chief, he repaired to court,
and begged to know the fault which had drawn upon him this
mark of displeasure. " None, Raoji ; but on a minute calcula-
tion I find the revenue of these two villages will just cover the
expense of the superfluity of garment which obedience to your
wishes will occasion me, and as every iota of my own income is
ajipropriated, I had no other mode of innovating on our ancient
costume than by making you bear the charge attending a compli-
ance with your suggestion." It will readily be believed, that the
Chauhan prayed the [411] revocation of this edict, and that he
was careful for the future of violating the sumptuary laws of his
sovereign.
On another occasion, from lapse of memory or want of con-
sideration, he broke the laws he had established, and alienated a
village attached to the household. Each branch had its appro-
priate fund, whether for the kitchen, the wardrobe, the privy
purse, the queens ; these lands were called thiia, and each had
its officer, or thuadar, all of whom were made accountable for
their trust to the prime minister ; it was one of these he had
alienated. Seated with his chiefs in the rasora, or banqueting-
hall, there was no sugar forthcoming for the curds, which has a
place in the dinner carte of all Rajputs, and he chid the superin-
tendent for the omission. " Anndata " (giver of food), replied
the officer, " the minister says you have given away the village
set apart for sugar." — " Just," replied the Rana, and finished his
repast without further remark, and without sugar to his curds.
Another anecdote will show his inflexibility of character, and
his resistance to that species of interference in state affairs which
is the bane of Asiatic governments. Sangram had recently
emancipated himself from the trammels of a tedious minority,
during which his mother, according to custom, acted a con-
ANECDOTES OF RANA SANGRAM SINGH II. 479
spicuotis part in the guardianship of her son and the State. The
chieftain of Dariawad had his estate confiscated : but as the
Rana never punished from passion or pardoned from weakness,
none dared to plead his cause, and he remained proscribed from
court during two years, when he ventured a petition to the queen-
mother through the Bhandarins,^ for the reversion of the decree,
accompanied -with a note for two lakhs of rupees,^ and a liberal
donation to the fair mediators. It was the daily habit of the
Rana to pay his respects to his mother before dinner, and on one
of these visits she introduced the Ranawat's request, and begged
the restoration of the estate. It was customary, on the issue of
every grant, that eight days should elapse from the mandate to
the promulgation of the edict, to which eight official seals * were
attached ; but on the present occasion the Rana commanded
the execution of the deed at once, and to have it ere he left the
Rawala. On its being brought, he [412] placed it respectfully in
his mother's hands, begging her to return the note to the Rana-
wat ; having made this sacrifice to duty, he bowed and retired.
The next day he commanded dinner an hour earlier, without the
usual visit to the Rawala : all were surprised, but none so much
as the queen-mother — the day passed — another came — still no
visit, -and to a confidential message, she received a ceremonious
reply. Alarmed for the loss of her son's affections, she pondered
on the cause, but could find none, except the grant — she entreated
the minister's interference ; he respectfully intimated that he
was interdicted from the discussion of State affairs but with his
sovereign — she had recourse to other expedients, which proving
alike fruitless, she became sullen, punished her damsels without
cause, and refused food : Sangram still remained obdurate. She
talked of a pilgrimage to the Ganges, and befitting equipage and
escort were commanded to attend her — the moment of departure
was at hand, and yet he would not see her. She repaired by
Amber on her route to M'athura, to worship the Apollo of Vraj,*
when the great Raja Jai Singh (married to the Rana's sister) *
^ The dames attendant on the queens, — the Lady Mashams of every
female court in Rajasthan. ^ £25,000.
^ There were eight ministers ; from this the Mahrattas had their aslit
pardJians, the number which formed the ministry of Rama.
* [Krishna.]
® I discovered the following letter from one of the princesses of Amber to
Rana Sangram, written at this period ; it is not evident in what relation
480 ANNALS OF MEWAR
advanced, and conducted her to his new city of Jaipur, and to
evince his respect " put his shoulder to the travelhng htter or
palki," and promised to return with her and be a supphant to his
brother-in-law for the restoration of his regard. She made a
tour of the sacred places, and on return accepted the escort of
the Prince of Amber. The laws of hospitality amongst the
Rajputs are rigid : the Rana could not refuse to his guest the
request for which he had left his capital : but averse to owing
reconciliation to external intercession, and having done enough
for the suppression of intrigue, he advanced to meet the cortege
when within one march of Udaipur, as if to receive the Amber
prince ; but proceeding direct to his [413] mother's tents, he
asked her blessing, and having escorted her to the palace, returned
to greet and conduct his brother prince ; all the allusion he made
to the subject was in the simple but pithy expression, " family
quarrels should be kept in the family."
Another anecdote shows him as the vigilant shepherd watching
over the safety of his flock. As he sat down to dinner, tidings
arrived of an invasion of the Malwa Pathans, who had rifled several
villages at Mandasor, carrying the inhabitants into captivity.
Pushing the platter from him, he ordered his armour, and the
nakkara to beat the assemblage of his chieftains. With all speed
a gallant band formed on the terrace below, but they prevailed
on the Rana to leave the punishment of the desultory aggression
to them, as imworthy of his personal interference. They de-
she stood to hira, but I think she must have been his wife, and the sister of
Jai Singh :
" To Siddh Sri Sangrara Singh, happiness ! the Kachhwaha Rani (queen)
writes, read her asi^ * (blessing). Here all is well ; the welfare of the Sri
Diwanji is desired. You are very dear to me ; you are great, the sun of
Hindustan ; if you do not thus act, who else can ? the action is worthy of
you ; with your house is my entire friendship. From ancient times we are
the Rajputs of your house, from which both Rajas f have had their conse-
quence increased, and I belong to it of old, and expect always to be fostered
by it, nor will the Sri Diwanji disappoint us. My intention was to proceed
to the feet of the Sri Diwanji, but the wet weather has prevented me ; but
I shall soon make my appearance." S. 1778 (a.d. 1722).
* Asis is benediction, which only ladies and holy men employ in epistolary
writing or in verbal coraphment.
t Amber and Marwar ; this expression denotes the letter to have been
written on intermarriage with the Rana's house, and shows her sense of sucli
honour.
ANECDOTES OF RANA SANGRAM SINGH II. 481
parted : several hours after, the chief of Kanor arrived, having
left a sick-bed, and with a tertian come in obedience to his sove-
reign's summons. Vain was his prince's dissuasion to keep him
back, and he joined the band as they came up with the invaders.
The foe was defeated and put to flight, but the sick chieftain fell
in the charge, and his son was severely wounded by his side. On
the young chief repairing to court he was honoured with a bira ^
from the Rana's own hand, a distinction which he held to be an
ample reward for his wounds, and testimonial of the worth of his
father. The existence of such sentiments are the strongest tests
of character.
On another occasion, some parasite had insinuated suspicions
against the chief of the nobles, the Rawat of Salumbar, who had
just returned victorious in action with the royal forces at Malwa,
and had asked permission to visit his family on his way to court.
The Rana spurned the suspicion, and to show his reliance on the
chief, he dispatched a messenger for Salumbar to wait his arrival
and summon him to the presence. He had reached his domain,
given leave to his vassals as they passed their respective abodes,
dismounted, and reached the door of the Rawala, when the
herald called aloud, " The Rana salutes you, Rawatji, and
commands this letter." With his hand on the door where his
wife and children awaited him, he demanded his horse, and simply
leaving his ' duty for his mother,' he [414] mounted, with half
a dozen attendants, nor loosed the rein until he reached the
capital. It was midnight : his house empty ; no servants ; no
dinner ; but his sovereign had foreseen and provided, and when
his arrival was announced, provender for his cattle, and vessels
of provision prepared in the royal kitchen, were immediately sent
to his abode. Next morning Salumbar attended the court. The
Rana was unusually gracious, and not only presented him with
the usual tokens of regard, a horse and jewels, but moreover a
grant of land. With surprise he asked what service he had
performed to merit such distinction, and from a sentiment becom-
ing the descendant of Chonda solemnly refused to accept it ;
observing, that even if he had lost his head, the reward was
^ The bira is the betel or pan-leaf folded up, containing aromatic spices,
and presented on taking leave. The Kanor chieftain, being of the second
grade of nobles, was not entitled to the distinction of having it from the
sovereign's own hand.
VOL. I 2 I
482 ANNATES OF MEWAR
excessive ; but if his prince would admit of his preferring a
request, it would be, that in remembrance of his sovereign's
favour, when he, or his, in after times, should on the summons
come from their estate to the capital, the same number of dishes
from the royal kitchen should be sent to his abode : it was
granted, and to this day his descendants enjoy the distinction.
These anecdotes paint the character of Sangram far more forcibly
than any laboured effort. His reign was as honourable to himself
as it was beneficial to his country, in whose defence he had fought
eighteen actions ; but though his policy was too circumscribed,
and his country would have benefited more by a surrender of
some of those antique prejudices which kept her back in the
general scramble for portions of the dilapidated monarchy of the
Moguls, yet he was respected abroad, as he was beloved by his
subjects, of whose welfare he was ever watchful, and to whose
wants ever indulgent. Rana Sangram was the last prince who
upheld the dignity of the gaddi of Bappa Rawal ; with his death
commenced Mahratta ascendancy, and with this we shall open
the reign of his son and successor.
Rana Jagat Singh II., a.d. 1734-51. Difficulties of Rajput
Combination. — Jagat Singh II., the eldest of the four sons of
Sangram, succeeded S. 1790 (a.d. 1734). The commencement of
his reign was signalized by a revival of the triple alliance formed
by Rana Amra, and broken by Raja Ajit's connexion with the
Say y ids and the renewal of matrimonial ties with the empire,
the abjuration whereof was the basis of the treaty. The present
engagement, which included all the minor states, was formed at
Hurra, a town in Mewar on the Ajmer frontier, where the con-
federate princes met at the head of their vassals. To insure
unanimity, the Rana was invested with paramount control, and
headed the forces which were [415] to take the field after the
rains, already set in.^ Unity of interests was the chief character
1 Treaty.
Seal of Rana.
Sri Eklinga. (a)
Agreed. Agreed.
Sita Rama jayati. (c) Vraj Adhis. (6) Abhai Singh, (d)
(o) (6) (c). All these seals of Mewar, Marwar, and Amber bear respec-
tively the names of the tutelary divinity of each prince and his tribe
ACCESSION OF RANA JAGAT SINGH II. 483
of the engagement, liad thej' adhered to which, not only the
independence, but the aggrandisement, of Rajasthan, was in
their power, and they might have ahke defied the expiring efforts
of Mogul tyranny, and the Parthian-like warfare of the Mahratta.
They were indeed the most formidable power in India at this
juncture ; but difficult as it had ever proved to coalesce the
Rajputs for mutual preservation, even when a paramount superi-
ority of power, both temporal and spiritual, belonged to the
Ranas, so now, since Amber and Marwar had attained an equality
with Mewar, it was found still less practicable to prevent the
operation of the principles of disunion. In fact, a moment's
reflection must discover that the component parts of a great
feudal federation, such as that described, must contain too many
discordant particles — too many rivalries and national antipathies
— ever cordially to amalgamate. Had it been otherwise, the
opportunities were many and splendid for the recovery of Rajput
freedom ; but though individually enamoured of liberty, the
universality of the sentiment prevented its realization : they
never would submit to the control required to work it out, and
this, the best opportunity which had ever occurred, was lost.
A glance at the disordered fragments of the throne of Akbar will
show the comparative strength of the Rajputs.
League of Nizamu-1-mulk with Rajputs and Marathas. —
Swasti Sri ! By the united chiefs the under-written has been agreed to,
from which no deviation can take place. Sawan sudi 13, S. 1791 (a.d.
1735), Camp Hurra.
^ 1. All are united, in good and in evil, and none will withdraw therefrom,
on which oaths have been made, and faith pledged, which will be
lost by whoever acts contrary thereto. The honour and shame of
one is that of all, and in this everything is contained.
2. No one shall countenance the traitor of another.
3. After the rains the affair shall commence, and the chiefs of each
party assemble at Rampura ; and if from any cause the head
cannot come, he will send his Kunwar (heir), or some personage of
weight.
4. Should from inexperience such Kunwar commit error, the Rana
alone shall interfere to correct it.
5. In every enterprise aU shall unite to effect it.
(a) ilklinga, or Mahadeva of the Sesodias of Mewar ; (6) Vraj Adhis, the lord
of Vraj, the coimtry round Mathura ; the epithet of Krishna ; seal of the
Hara prince ; (c) Victory to Sita and Rama, the demi-god, ancestor of the
princes of Amber ; {d} Abhai Singh, prince of Marwar.
484 ANNALS OF MEWAR
Nizamu-1-mulk had completely emancipated himself from his
allegiance, and signalized his independence, by sending the head
of the imperial general, who [416] ventured to oppose it, as that
of a traitor, to the emperor. He leagued with the Rajputs, and
instigated Bajirao to plant the Mahratta standard in Malwa and
Gujarat. In defending the former, Dayya Bahadur fell ; ^ and
Jai Singh of Amber, being nominated to the trust, delegated it
to the invader, and Malwa was lost. The extensive province of
Gujarat soon shared the same fate ; for in the vacillating policy
of the court, the promise of that government to the Rathors had
been broken, and Abhai Singh, son of Ajit, who had expelled
Sarbuland Khan ^ after a severe contest, following the example
of his brother prince of Amber, connived with the invaders, while
he added its most northern districts to Marwar. In Bengal,
Behar, and Orissa, Shujau-d-daula, and his deputy Allah wirdi
Khan,^ were supreme, and Safdar Jang * (son of Saadat Khan)
was established in Oudh. The basest disloyalty marked the rise
of this family, which owed everything to Muhammad Shah. It
was Saadat Khan who invited Nadir Shah, whose invasion gave
the final stab to the empire ; and it was his son, Safdar Jang, who,
when commandant of the artillery (mir-i-atish), turned it against
his sovereign's palace, and then conveyed it to Oudh. Of the
Diwans of Bengal we must speak only with reverence ; but,
whether they had any special dispensation, their loyalty to the
descendant of Farrukhsiyar has been very little more distinguished
than that of the satraps enumerated, though the original tenure
of Bengal is still apparent, and the feudal obligation to the
suzerain of Delhi manifested, in the homage of petite serjanterie,
in transmitting with the annual fine of relief (one hundred mohars)
the spices of the eastern archipelago. Yet of all those who
gloried in the title oifidwi padshah-i-ghazi, the only ' slave of the
victorious king,' who has been generous to hiin in the day of his
distress, is the Diwan of Bengal, better known as the English
^ [Subahdar of Malwa, killed in battle at Tala near Dhar iu 1732 (Grant
Duff 227).]
2 [Sarbuland Khan was superseded by Abhai Singh {ibid. 226).]
^ [Mahabat Jang, in 1740 usurped the Government of Bengal, over
which he reigned for sixteen years, died April 10, 1756 N.S., buried at
Murshidabad (Beale, sv.).]
* [Nephew and son-in-law of Burhanu-1-mulk, Saadat Khan, was
appointed Wazlr in 1748, died October 17, 1754.]
MARATHA raids 485
East India Company. In the hour of triumph they rescued the
blind and aged descendants of the illustrious Babur from a state
of degradation and penury, and secured to him all the dignity
and comfort which his circumstances could lead him to hope ;
and the present state of his family, contrasted with the thraldom
and misery endured while fortune favoured the Mahratta, is
splendid. Yet perhaps the most acute stroke of fortune to this
fallen monarch was when the British governor of India lent his
aid to the descendant of the rebellious Safdar Jang to mount the
throne of Oudh, and to assume, in lieu of the title of wazir of the
empire, that of king. We can [417] appreciate and commiserate
the feeling ; for the days of power were yet too recent ^ for Akbar
Sani (the second) to receive such intelligence without a shoclc,
or without comparing his condition with him whose name he bore.
It is well to pause upon this page of eastern history, which is full
of instruction ; since by weighing the abuses of power, and its
inevitable loss through placing a large executive trust in the
hands of those who exercised it without sympathy towards the
governed, we may at least retard the day of our decline.
Maratha Raids. The Campaign of Nadir Shah. — The Mahratta
establishments in Malwa and Gujarat constituted a nucleus for
others to form upon, and like locusts, they crossed the Nerbudda
in swarms ; when the Holkars, the Sindhias, the Puars, and other
less familiar names, emerged from obscurity ; when the plough ^
was deserted for the sword, and the goat-herd * made a lance of
his crook. They devastated, and at length settled upon, the
lands of the indigenous Rajputs. For a time the necessity of
imity made them act under one standard, and hence the vast
masses under the first Bajirao, which bore down all opposition,
and afterwards dispersed themselves over those long-oppressed
regions. It was in a.d. 1735 that he first crossed the Chambal *
and appeared before Delhi, which he blockaded, when his retreat
was purchased by the surrender of the chauth, or fourth of the
1 [Akbar Shah II., King of Delhi, reigned from 1806 to 1827.] I have
conversed with an aged Shaikh who recollected the splendour of Muhammad
Shah's reign before Nadir's invasion. He was darogah (superintendent) to
the Duab canal, and described to me the fete on its opening.
^ Sindhia's family were husbandmen.
' Holkar was a goat-herd.
* The ford near Dholpur stiU is called Bhaoghat. [Bajirao appeared at
Delhi in 1736 (Grant Duff 226).]
486 ANNALS OF MEWAR
gross revenues of the empire. The Nizam, dreading the influence
such pusillanimous concession might exert upon his rising power,
determined to drive the Mahrattas from Malwa, where, if once
fixed, they would cut off his communications with the north.
He accordingly invaded Malwa, defeated Bajirao in a pitched
battle, and was only prevented from following it up by Nadir
Shah's advance, facilitated by the Afghans, who, on becoming
independent in Kabul, laid open the frontiers of Hindustan.^ In
this emergency, " great hopes were placed on the valour of the
Rajputs " ; but the spirit of devotion in this brave race, by whose
aid the Mogul power was made and maintained, was irretrievably
alienated, and not one of those high families, who had throughout
been so lavish of their blood in its defence, would obey the sum-
mons to the royal standard, when the fate of India was decided
on the plains of Karnal.^ A sense [418] of individual danger
brought together the great home feudatories, when the Nizam
and Saadat Khan (now Wazir) united their forces vmder the
imperial commander ; but their demoralized levies were no
match for the Persian and the northern mountaineer. The
Amiru-l-umara was slain, the Wazir made prisoner, and Muham-
mad Shah and his kingdom were at Nadir's disposal. The
disloyalty of the Wazir filled the capital with blood, and subjected
his sovereign to the condition of a captive. Jealous of the
Nizam, whose diplomatic success had obtained him the office of
Amiru-1-imiara, he stimulated the avarice of the conqueror by
exaggerating the riches of Delhi, and declared that he alone could
furnish the ransom negotiated by the Nizam. Nadir's love of
gold overpowered his principle ; the treaty was broken, the keys
of Delhi were demanded, and its humiliated emperor was led in
triumph through the camp of the conqueror, who, on March 8,
A.D. 1739, took possession of the palace of Timur, and C9ined
money bearing this legend :
Iving over the kings of the world
Is Nadir, king of kings, and lord of the period.
Plunder and Massacre at Delhi. — The accumulated wealth of
India contained in the royal treasury, notwithstanding the lavish
expenditure during the civil wars, and the profuse rewards
^ A.D. 1740.
2 [Near Panipat, February 13. 1739 (Elphinstone 717).]
PLUNDER AND MASSACRE AT DELHI 487
scattered by each competitor for dominion, was yet sufficient to
gratify even avarice itself, amounting ii\ gold, jewels, and plate
to forty millions sterling, exclusive of equipages of every denomi-
nation. But this enormous spoil only kindled instead of satiating
the appetite of Nadir, and a fine of two millions and a half was
exacted, and levied with such unrelenting rigour and cruelty on
the inhabitants, that men of rank and character could find no
means of escape but by suicide. A rumour of this monster's
death excited an insurrection, in which several Persians were
killed. The provocation was not lost : the conqueror ascended
a mosque,^ and conmianded a general massacre, in which thou-
sands were slain. Pillage accompanied murder ; whilst the
streets streamed with blood, the city was fired, and the dead
were consumed in the conflagration of their late habitations. If
a single ray of satisfaction could be felt amidst such a scene of
horror, it must have been when Nadir commanded the minister
of the wretch who was the author of [419] this atrocity, the
infamous Saadat Khan, to send, on pain of death, an inventory
of his own and his master's wealth ; demanding meanwhile the
two millions and a half, the original composition settled by the
Nizam, from the Wazir alone. Wliether his ' coward conscience '
was alarmed at the mischief he had occasioned, or mortification
at discovering that his ambition had ' o'erleaped itself,' and
recoiled with vengeance on his own head, tempted the act, it is
impossible to discover, but the guilty Saadat became his own
executioner. He swallowed poison ; '^ an example followed by
his diwan, Raja Majlis Rae, in order to escape the rage of the
offended Nadir. By the new *i*eaty, all the western provinces,
Kabul, Tatta, Sind, and Multan, were surrendered and united to
Persia, and on the vernal equinox, Nadir, gorged with spoil,
commenced his march from the desolated Delhi.* The pliilo-
^ It is yet pointed out to the visitor of tliis famed city. [The Golden
Mosque of Roshanu-d-daula (Fanshawe, Delhi Past and Present, 50).]
^ [This is not certain. Many officials committed suicide, and Sa'adat
Khan was beheved to have been among these : it is certain that he died the
night before the massacre (Keene, Sketch Hist. Hindustan, ,324).]
^ As the hour of departure approached, the cruelties of the ruthless in-
vaders increased, to which the words of the narrator, an eye-witness, can
alone do justice : "A type of the last day afflicted the inhabitants of this
once happy city ; hitherto it was a general massacre, but now came the
murder of individuals. In every house was heard the cry of afHictiou.
488 ANNALS OF MEWAR
sophic comment of the native historian on these events is so
just, that we shall transcribe it verbatim. " The people of
Hindustan at this period thought only of personal safety and
gratification ; misery was disregarded by those who escaped it,
and man, centred wholly in self, felt not for his kind. This
selfishness, destructive of public and private virtue, was universal
in Hindustan at the invasion of Nadir Shah ; nor have the people
become more virtuous since, and consequently neither more
happy nor more independent."
Results to the Rajputs. — At this eventful era in the political
history of India, the Rajput nation had not only maintained
their ground amidst the con\nilsions of six centuries under the
paramount sway of the Islamite, but two of the three chief
States, Marwar and [420] Amber, had by policy and valour
created substantial States out of pettj^ principaUties, junior
branches ^ from which had established their independence, and
Basant Rae, agent for pensions, killed his family and himseK ; Khalik
Yar Khan stabbed himself ; many took poison. The venerable chief
magistrate was dishonoured by stripes ; sleep and rest forsook the city.
The officers of the court were beaten without mercy, and a fire broke out in
the imperial farash-khana, and destroyed effects to the amount of a crore
(a million sterling). There was a scarcity of grain, two seers of coarse rice
sold for a rupee, and from a pestilential disorder crowds died daily in every
street and lane. The inhabitants, hke the affrighted animals of the desert,
sought refuge in the most concealed corners. Yet four or five crores
(miUions) more were thus extracted." On the 5th April, Nadir's seals were
taken off the imperial repositories, and his farmans sent to aU the feudatories
of the empire to notify the place and to inculcate obedience ' to his dear
brother,' which, as a specimen of eastern diplomatic phraseology, is worth
insertion. It was addressed to the Rana, the Rajas of Marwar and Amber,
Nagor, Satara, the Peshwa Bajirao, etc " Between us and our dear brother,
Muhammad Shah, in consideration of the regard and aUiances of the two
sovereigns, the connexions of regard and friendship have been renewed, so
that we may be esteemed as one soul in two bodies. Now our dear brother
has been replaced on the tlirone of this extensive empire, and we are moving
to the conquest of other regions, it is incumbent that ye, like your fore-
fathers, walk in the path of submission and obedience to our dear brother,
as they did to former sovereigns of the house of Timur. God forbid it ;
but if accounts of your rebelling should reach our ears, we will blot you out
of the pages of the book of creation" ('Memoirs of Iradat Khan,' Scotfs
History of Dekhan, vol. ii. p. 213).
^ Bikaner and Kishangarh arose out of Marwar, and Macheri from
Amber ; to which we might add Shaikhavati, which, though not separate,
is tributary to Amber (now Jaipur).
THE COMING OF THE MARATHAS 489
still enjoy it under treaty with the British Government. Mewar
at this juncture was defined by nearly the same boundaries as
when Mahmud of Ghazni invaded her in the tenth century,
though her influence over many of her tributaries, as Bimdi,
Abu, Idar, and Deolia, was destroyed. To the west, the fertile
district of Godwar carried her beyond her natural barrier, the
AravaUi, into the desert ; while the Chambal was her limit to
the east. The Khari separated her from Ajmer, and to the
south she adjoined Malwa. These limits comprehended one
hundred and thirty miles of latitude and one hundred and forty
of longitude, containing 10,000 towns and villages, with upwards
of a million sterling of revenue, raised from a fertile soil by an
excellent agricultural population, a wealthy mercantile com-
munity, and defended by a devoted vassalage. Such was this little
patriarchal State after the protracted strife which has been related ;
we shall have to exliibit her, in less than half a century, on the
verge of annihilation from the predatory inroads of the Mahrattas.
The Coming of the Marathas. — In order to mark with exactitude
the introduction of the Mahrattas into Rajasthan, we must revert
to the period ^ when the dastardly intrigues of the advisers of
Muhammad Shah surrendered to them as tribute the chauth, or
fourth of his revenues. Whether in the full tide of successful
invasion, these spoilers deemed any other argument than force
to be requisite in order to justify their extortions, they had in
this surrender a concession of which the subtle Mahrattas were
well capable of availing themselves ; and as the Mogul claimed
sovereignty over the whole of Rajasthan, they might plausibly
urge their right of chauth, as applicable to all the territories
subordinate to the empire.
The Rajput Coalition.— The rapidity with which these desultory
bands flew from conquest to conquest appears to have alarmed
the Rajputs, and again brought about a coalition, which, with
the characteristic peculiarity of all such contracts, was com-
menced by matrimonial alliances. On this occasion, Bijai Singh,
the heir of Marwar, was affianced to the Rana's daughter, who
at the same time reconciled the princes [421] of Marwar and
Amber, whose positions at the court of the Mogul often brought
their national jealousies into conflict, as they alternately took
the lead in his councils : for it was rare to find both in the same
1 A.D. 1735.
490 ANNALS OF MEWAR
line of politics. These matters were arranged at Udaipur.^ But
as we have often had occasion to observe, no public [422] or
^ These documents are interesting, if merely showing the high respect
paid by every Rajput prince to the Ranas of Mewar, and illustrating what
is recorded in the reign of Partap, who abjured all intercourse with them.
No. 1.
" From Kunwar Bijai Singh of Marwar to the Maharana Sri-Sri-Sri.
" Jagat Singh's Presence — let my mujra (obedience) be known. You
honoured me by sending Rawat Kesari Singh and Biharidas, and command-
ing a marriage connexion. Your orders are on your child's head. You have
made me a servant. To everything I am agreed, and now I am your child ;
while I live I am yours. If a true Rajput, my head is at your disposal.
You have made 20,000 Rathors your servants. If I fail in this, the Almighty
is between us. Whoever is of my blood wiU obey your commands, and the
fruit of this marriage shall be sovereign, and if a daughter, should I bestow
her on the Turkana, I am no true Rajput. She shall be married to a proper
connexion, and not without your advice ; and even should Sri Bavaji (an
epithet of respect to his father), or others of our elders, recommend such
proceeding, I swear by God I shall not agree. I am the Diwan's, let others
approve or disapprove. Asarh Sudi Punim, Full Moon, Thursday, S. 1791
(A.D. 1735-36)."
" N.B.— This deed was executed in the balcony of the Kishanbilas by
Rawat Kesari Singh and Pancholi Biharidas, and written by Pancholi
Lalji — namely, marriage-deed of Kunwar Bijai Singh, son of Bakht Singh."
No. 2.
" From Bijai Singh to Rana Jagat Singh.
" Here all is well. Preserve your friendship and favour for me, and give
me tidings of your weKare. That day I shall behold you wiU be without
price {amolah). You have made me a thorough Rajput — never shall I fail
in whatever service I can perform. You are the father of all the tribes, and
bestow gifts on each according to his worth — the support and preservation
of all around you — to your enemy destruction ; great in knowledge, and
wise like Brahma. May the Lord of the world keep the Rana happy.
Asarh 13."
No. 3.
" Raja Bakht Singh to the Rana.
" To Maharana Sri-Sri-Sri Jagat Singh, let Bakht Singh's respects [mujra)
be made known. You have made me a thorough Rajput, and by such your
favour is known to the world. What service I can perform, you will never
find me backward. The day I shall see you I shall be happy, my heart
yearns to be with you. Asarh 11."
No. 4.
" Sawai Jai Singh to the Rana.
" May the respects of Sawai Jai Singh be known to the Maharana.
According to the Sri Diwan's commands (hukm), I have entered into terms
of friendship with you (Abhai Singh of Marwar). For neither Hindu nor
BAJIRAO visits MEWAR 491
general benefit ever resulted from these alliances, which were
obstructed by the multitude of petty jealousies inseparable from
clanship ; even while this treaty was in discussion, the fruit of
the triple league formed against the tyranny of Aurangzeb was
about to show its baneful influence, as will presently appear.
Bajirao visits Mewar. Negotiations with the Marathas. — When
Malwa was acquired by the Mahrattas, followed by the cession of
the chauth, their leader, Bajirao, repaired to Mewar, where his
visit created great alarm.^ The Rana desired to avoid a personal
Musalman shaU I swerve therefrom. To this engagement God is between
us, and the Sri Diwanji is witness. Asarh Sucli 7."
No. 5.
" Raja Bakht Singh to the Rana.
" Your Ehas ruqa" (note in the Rana's own hand) I received, read, and
was happy. Jai Singh's engagement you will have received, and mine also
will have reached you. At your commands I entered into friendship with
him, and as to my preserving it have no doubts, for havmg given you as
my guarantee, no deviation can occur ; do you secure his. Whether you
may be accounted my father, brother, or friend, I am yours ; besides you I
care for neither connexion nor kin. Asarh 6."
No. 6. •
" From Raja Abhai Singh to the Rana.
" To the Presence of Maharana Jagat Singh, Maharaja Abhai Singh
writes — read his respects (mujra). God is witness to our engagement,
whoever breaks it may he fai'e ill. In good and in evil we are joined ; with
one mind let us remain united, and let no selfishness disunite us. Your
chiefs are witnesses, and the true Rajput wiU not deviate from his engage-
ment. Asoj 3, Thursday."
Abhai Singh and Bakht Singh were brothers, sons of Raja Ajit of Marwar,
to whom the former succeeded, wliile Bakht Singh held Nagor independently.
His son was Bijai Singh, with whom this marriage was contracted. He
ultimately succeeded to the government of Marwar or Jodhpur. He wiU
add another example of pohtical expediency counteracting common grati-
tude, in seizing on domestic convulsions to deprive the Rana's grandson of
the province of Godwar. Zahm Singh was the fruit of this marriage, who
resided during his elder brother's (Fateh Singh) lifetime at Udaipur. He
was brave, amiable, and a distinguished poet. The Yati (priest), who
attended me during twelve years, my assistant in these researches, was
brought up under the eye of tiiis prince as liis amanuensis, and from him he
imbibed his love of history and poetry, in reading which he excelled aU the
bards of Rajwara.
^ Letters from Rana Jagat Singh to Biharidas Panchoh.
No. 1.
" Swasti Sri, chief of ministers, PanchoUji, read my Juhar.*' The remem-
* A.comphment used from a suiierior to any inferior.
492 ANNALS OF MEWAR
interview, and sent as his ambassadors [423], the chief of Salumbar
and his prime minister, Biharidas. Long discussions followed as
brance of you never leaves me. The Deccani question you have settled
well, but if a meeting is to take place,* let it be beyond Deolia — nearer is not
advisable. Lessen the number of your troops, by God's blessing there will
be no want of funds. Settle for Rampura according to the preceding year,
and let Daulat Singh know the opportunity will not occur again. The
royal mother is unwell. Gararao and Gaj Manik fought nobly, and Sundar
Gaj played a thousand pranks, f I regretted your absence. How shall I
send Sobharam ? Asoj 6, S. 1791 (a.d. 1735)."
No. 2.— To tfie Same.
" I will not credit it, therefore send witnesses and a detail of their de-
mands. Bajirao is come, and he wiU derive reputation from having com-
pelled a contribution from me, besides his demand of land. Ho has com-
menced with my country, and wiU take twenty times more from me than
other Rajas — if a proportionate demand, it might be complied with. Malhar
came last year, but this was nothing — Bajirao this, and he is powerful. But
if God hears me he wiU not get my land. From Devichand learn particulars.
" Thursday. S. 1792,
" At the Holi aU was joy at the Jagmandir,J but what is food without
salt ? what Udaipur without Biharidas ? "
No. 3. — Same to the Same.
" With such a man as you in my house I have no fears for its stability ;
but why this appearance of poverty ? perhaps you will ask, what fault have
you committed, that you sit and move as I direct ? The matter is thus :
money is all in all, and the troubles on foot can only be settled by you, and
all other resolutions are useless. You may say, you have got nothing, and
how can you settle them — but already two or three difficulties have occurred,
in getting out of which, both your pinions and mine, as to veracity, have
been broken, so that neither scheming nor wisdom is any longer available.
Though you have been removed from me for some time, I have always
considered you at hand ; but now it will be well if you approach nearer to
me, that we may raise supplies, for in the act of hiding you are celebrated,
and the son || {beta) hides none : therefore your hoarding is useless, and
begets suspicions. Therefore, unless you have a mind to efface all regard
for your master and your own importance at my court, you will get ready
some jewels and bonds under good security and bring them to me. There
* To the Peshwa is the allusion.
if As the Rana never expected his confidential notes to be translated
into Enghsh, perhaps it is iUiberal to be severe on them ; or we might say,
his elephants are mentioned more con amore than his sick mother or state
affairs. I obtained many hundreds of these autograph notes of this prince
to his prime minister.
X The Hindu saturnaha held in the island, ' The Minster of the world.'
II The Rana always styled him ' father.'
NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE MARATHAS 493
to the mode of Bajirao's reception, which was settled to be on the
same footing as the Raja of Banera/ and that he should be seated
in front of the throne. A treaty followed, stipulating an annual
is no way but this to allay these troubles : but should you think you have
got ever so much time, and that I will send for you at all events, then have I
thrown away mine in writing you this letter. You are wise — look to the
future, and be assured I shall write no second letter. S. 1792."
This letter will show that the office of prime minister is not a bed of roses.
The immediate descendants of Biharidas are in poverty like their prince,
though some distant branches of the family are in situations of trust ; his
ambassador to Delhi, and who subsequently remained with me as medium
of communication with the Rana, was a worthy and able man — Kishandas
Pancholi.
I shall subjoin another letter from the Satara prince to Rana Jagat
Singh, though being without date it is doubtful whether it is not addressed to
Jagat Singh the First ; this is, however, unimportant, as it is merely one of
comphment, but showing the high respect paid bj'^ the sovereign of the
Peshwas to the house whence they originally sprung.
" Swasti Sri, worthy of all praise (opma), from whose actions credit
results ; the worshipper of the remover of troubles ; the ambrosia of the
ocean of the Rajput race * (amrita ratnalcara kshatriya kula) ; resplendent
as the sun ; who has made a river of tears from the eyes of the wives of your
warhke foes ; in deeds munificent. Sriman Maharaja dhiraj Maharana
Sri Jagat Singhji, of all the princes chief, Sriman Sahu Chatarpati Raja
writes, read his Ram, Ram ! Here all is well ; honour me by good accounts,
which I am always expecting, as the source of happiness.
" Your favour was received by the Pandit Pardhan) ■\ with great respect ;
and from the period of the arrival of Raj Sri Rawat Udai Singh to this time
my goodwill has been increasing towards him : let your favour between us
be enlarged : what more can I write ? "
^ The descendant of Bhim, son of Rana Raj Singh. The seat assigned
to Bajirao was made the precedent for the position of the representative
of the British Government. [The Rawat of Ban era, on succession, has the
right of receiving a sword, on the arrival of which he goes to Udaipur to be
installed (Erskine ii. A.- 92).]
* The ocean has the poetical appellation of ratnakara, or ' house of
gems ' [' mine of jewels '] ; the fable of the churning of the ocean is well
known, when were yielded many bounties, of which the amrita or ' immortal
food ' of the gods was one, to which the Rana, as head of all the Rajput
tribes, is hkened.
f This expression induces the behef that the letter is written by the
Peshwa in his sovereign's name, as they had at this time commenced their
usurpation of his power. It was to the second Jagat Singh that an offer
was made to fill the Satara throne by a branch of his family, then occupied
by an imbecile. A younger brother of the Rana, the ancestor of the present
heir presumptive, Sheodan Singh, was chosen, but intrigues prevented it,
the Rana dreading a superior from his own family.
494 ANNALS OF MEWAR
tribute, which remained in force during ten years/ when grasping
at the whole they despised a part, and tlie treaty became a
nulHty.^ The dissensions which arose soon after, in consequence
of the Rajput engagements, afforded the opportunity sought for
to mix in tlieir internal concerns.
Right of Primogeniture. — It may be recollected that in the
family engagements formed by Rana Amra there was an obliga-
tion to invest the issue of such marriage with the rights of primo-
geniture ; and the death of Sawai Jai Singh ^ of Amber, two
years after Nadir's invasion, brought that stipulation into effect.
His eldest son, Isari Singh, was proclaimed Raja, but a strong
party supported Madho Singh, the Rana's nephew, and the
stipulated, against the natural order of succession. We are
[424] left in doubt as to the real designs of Jai Singh in maintaining
his guarantee, which was doubtless inconvenient ; but that
Madho Singh was not brought up to- the expectation is evident,
from his holding a fief of the Rana Sangram, who appropriated
the domain of Rampura for his support, subject to the service
of one thousand horse and two thousand foot, formally sanctioned
by his father, who allowed the transfer of his services. On the
other hand, the letter of permission entitles him Kshema, ' pros-
perous,' an epithet only applied to the heir-apparent of Jaipur.
Five years, however, elapsed before any extraordinary exertions
were made to annul the rights of Isari Singh, who led his vassals
to the Sutlej in order to oppose the first invasion of the Duranis.*
It would be tedious to give even an epitome of the intrigues for
the development of this object, which properly belong to the
annals of Amber, and whence resulted many of the troubles of
Rajputana. The Rana took the field with his nephew, and was
met by Isari Singh, ^ supported by the Mahrattas ; but the
Sesodias did not evince in the battle of Rajmahall that gallantry
which must have its source in moral strength : they were defeated
and fled. The Rana vented his indignation in a galling sarcasm ;
^ The amount was 160,000 rupees, divided into three shares of 53,333 4J
assigned to Holkar, Sindhia, and the Puar. The management was entrusted
to Holkar ; subsequently Sindhia acted as receiver-general. This was the
only regular tributary engagement Mewar entered into.
2 See letter No. 2, in note, p. 492.
s A.D. 1743. * A.D. 1747.
^ The great Jai Singh built a city which he called after himself, and
henceforth Jaipur will supersede the ancient appellation. Amber.
DEATH OF RANA JAGAT SINGH II. 495
he gave the sword of state to a common courtesan to carry in
procession, observing " it was a woman's weapon in these de-
generate times " : a remark the degrading severity of which
made a lasting impression in the dechne of ?.Iewar. Elated with
this success, Isari Singh carried his resentments and his auxiliaries,
under Sindhia, against the Haras of Kotah and Bundi, who
supported the cause oWiis antagonist. Kotah stood a siege and
was gallantly defended, and Sindhia (Apaji) lost an arm : ^ on
this occasion both the States suffered a diminution of territory,
and were subjected to tribute. The Rana, following the example
of the Kachhwahas, called in as auxiliary Malhar Rao Holkar,
and engaged to pay sixty-four lakhs of rupees (£800,000) on the
deposal of Isari Singh. To avoid degradation this unfortunate
prince resolved on suicide, and a dose of poison gave Madho Singh
the gaddi, Holkar his bribe, and the Mahrattas a firm hold upon
Rajasthan. Such Avas the cause of Rajput abasement ; the
moral force of the vassals was lost in a contest unjust in all its
associations, and froin this period we have only the degrading
spectacle of civil strife and predatory spoliation till the existing
treaty of a.d. 1817 [425].
Death of Rana Jagat Singh II., a.d. 1751.— In S. 1808 (a.d.
1752) Rana Jagat Singh died. Addicted to pleasure, his habits
of levity and profusion totally unfitted him for the task of govern-
ing his country at such a juncture ; he considered his elephant
fights ^ of more importance than keeping down the Mahrattas.
Like all his family, he patronized the arts, greatly enlarged the
palace, and expended £250,000 in embellishing the islets of the
Pichola. The villas scattered over the valley were all erected
by him, and many of those festivals devoted to idleness and
dissipation, and now firmly rooted at Udaipur, were instituted by
Jagat Singh II.
^ [Apaji was one of Sindhia's best ofificers. Suffering from a painful
disease, he committed suicide in 1797 by drowning himseK in the Jumna
(Compton, European Military Adventurers, 132).]
2 See letters from Rana Jagat Singh to Biharidas, p 492.
496 ANNALS OF MEWAR
CHAPTER 16
Bana Partap Singh II., a.d. 1751-54.— Partap II. succeeded in
A.D. 1752. Of the history of this prince, who renewed the most
ilhistrious name in the annals of Mewar, tliere is nothing to record
beyond the fact, that the three years he occupied the throne were
marked by so many Mahratta invasions ^ and war contributions.
By a daughter of Raja Jai Singh of Amber he had a son, who
succeeded him.
Rana Raj Singh II., a.d, 1754-61. — Rana Raj Singh II. was
as Httle entitled to the name he bore as his predecessor. During
the seven years he held the dignity at least seven shoals of the
Southrons overran Mewar,^ and so exhausted this country, that
the Rana was compelled to ask pecuniary aid from the Brahman
collector of the tribute, to enable him to marry the Rathor
chieftain's daughter. On his death the order of succession retro-
graded, devolving on his uncle [426],
Rana Ari Singh II., a.d. 1761-73.— Rana Arsi, in S. 1818,
A.D. 1762. The levity of Jagat Singh, the inexperience of his
successors Partap and Raj Singh, with the ungovernable temper
of Rana Arsi, and the circumstances under which he succeeded
to power, introduced a train. of disorders which proved fatal to
Mewar. Until this period not a foot of territory had been alien-
ated. The wisdom of the Pancholi ministers, and the high
respect paid by the organ of the Satara government, for a while
preserved its integrity ; but when the country was divided by
factions, and the Mahrattas, ceasing to be a federate body,
prowled in search of prey under leaders, each having an interest
of his own, they formed political combinations to suit the ephe-
meral purposes of the former, but from which they alone reaped
advantage. An attempt to depose Partap and set up his uncle
Nathji introduced a series of rebellions, and constituted Malhar
Rao Holkar, who had already become master of a considerable
^ The leaders of these invasions were Satwaji, Jankoji, and Raghunath
Bao.
2 In S. 1812, Raja Bahadur; in 1813, Malhar Rao Holkar and Vitthal
Rao; in 1814, Ranaji Burtia : in 1813 three war contributions were levied,
namely, by Sudasheo Rao, Govind Rao, and Kanaji Jadon.
MALHAR RAO HOLKAR invades MEWAR 497
portion of the domain of Mewar, the umpire in their family-
disputes.
Malhar Rao Holkar invades Mewar. Famine, a.d. 1764. — The
ties of blood or of princely gratitude are feeble bonds if political
expediency demands their dissolution ; and'Madho Singh, when
firmly established on the throne of Amber, repaid the immense
sacrifices by which the Rana had effected it by assigning his jftef
of Rampura, which he had not a shadow of right to alienate, to
Holkar : this was the first limb severed from Mewar.^ Holkar
had also become the assignee of the tribute imposed by Bajirao,
but from which the Rana justly deemed himself exempt, when
the terms of all further encroachment in Mewar were set at nought.
On the plea of recovering these arrears, and the rent of some
districts ^ on the Chambal, Malhar, after many threatening
letters, invaded Mewar, and his threats of occupying the capital
were only checked by draining their exliausted resources of six
hundred thousand pounds.^ In the same year * a famine afflicted
them, when flour and tamarinds were equal in value, and were
sold at the rate of a rupee for one pound and a half. Four years
subsequent to this, civil war broke out and continued to influence
all posterior proceedings, rendering [427] the inhabitants of this
unhappy country a prey to every invader until 1817, when they
tasted repose under British protection.
Civil War in Mewar. Revolt of Ratan Singh. — The real cause
of this rebellion must ever remain a secret : for while some
regard it as a patriotic effort on the part of the people to redeem
themselves from foreign domination, others discover its motive
in the selfishness of the hostile clans, who supported or opposed
the succession of Rana Arsi. This prince is accused of having
unfairly acquired the crown, by the removal of his nephew Raj
Singh ; but though the traditional anecdotes of the period furnish
^ This was in S. 1808 (a.d. 1752) ; portions, however, remained attached
to the fisc of Mewar for several years, besides a considerable part of the feudal
lands of the Chandarawat chief of Am ad. Of the former, the Rana retained
Hinglajgarh and the Tappas of Jarda Kinjera, and Budsu. These were
surrendered by Raj Singh, who rented Budsu under its new appellation of
Malhargarh.
^ Budsu, etc.
^ Holkar advanced as far as Untala, where Arjun Singh of Kurabar and
the Rana's foster-brothers met him, and negotiated the payment of fifty-one
lakhs of rupees. * S. 1820, a.d. 1764.
VOL. I 2 K
498 ANNALS OF MEWAR
strong grounds of suspicion, there is nothing which affords a
direct confirmation of the crime. It is, however, a public mis-
fortune when the Hne of succession retrogrades in Mewar : Arsi
had no right to expect the inheritance he obtained, having long
held a seat below the sixteen chief nobles ; and as one of the
' infants ' (babas) he was incorporated with the second class of
nobles with an appanage of only £3000 per annum. His defects
of character had been too closely contemplated by his compeers,
and had kindled too many enmities, to justify expectation that
the adventitious dignity he had attained would succeed in obliter-
ating the memory of them ; and past familiarity alone destroyed
the respect which was exacted by sudden greatness. His insolent
demeanour estranged the first of the home nobility, the Sadri
chieftain,^ whose ancestor at Haldighat acquired a claim to the
perpetual gratitude of the Sesodias, while to an unfeeling pun on
a personal defect of Jaswant Singh of Deogarh is attributed the
hatred and revenge of this powerful branch of the Chondawats.
These chiefs formed a party which eventually entrained many of
lesser note to depose their sovereign, and immediately set up a
youth called Ratna Singh, declared to be the posthumous son of
the last Rana by the daughter of the chief of Gogunda, though
to this hour disputes run high as to whether he was really the son
of Raj Singh, or merely the puppet [428] of a faction. Be the
fact as it may, he was made a rallying point for the disaffected,
who soon comprehended the greater portion of the nobles, while
out of the ' sixteen ' greater chiefs five ' only withstood the
^ An autograph letter of this chief's to the minister of the day I obtained,
with other pubhc documents, from the descendant of the PanchoH :
" To Jaswant Rao Pancholi, Raj Rana Raghudeo writes. After compli-
ments. I received your letter — from old times you have been my friend,
and have ever maintained faith towards me, for I am of the loyal to the
Rana's house. I conceal nothing from you, therefore I write that my heart
is averse to longer service, and it is my purpose in Asarh to go to Gaya.*
When I mentioned this to the Rana, he sarcastically told me I might go to
Dwarka.")* If I stay, the Rana will restore the villages in my fief, as during
the time of Jethji. My ancestors have performed good service, and I have
served since I was fourteen. If the Darbar intends me any favour, this is
the time."
^ Salumbar (Chondawat), Bijolia, Amet, Ghanerao, and Radnor.
* Gaya is esteemed the proper pilgrimage for the Rajputs.
■]■ Dwarka, the resort for religious and unwarlike tribes.
REVOLT OF RATAN SINGH 499
defection : of these, Salumbar, the hereditary premier, at first
espoused, but soon abandoned, the cause of the Pretender ; not
from the principle of loyalty which his descendants take credit
for, but from finding the superiority of intellect of the heads of
the rebellion ^ (which now counted the rival Saktawats) too
powerful for the supremacy he desired. Rasant Pal, of the
Depra tribe, was invested with the office of Pardhan to the
Pretender. The ancestor of this man accompanied Samarsi in
the twelfth century from Delhi, where he held a high office in the
household of Prithiraj, the last emperor of the Hindus, and it is a
distinguished proof pf the hereditary quality of official dignity
to find his descendant, after the lapse of centuries, still holding
office with the nominal title of Pardhan. The Futuri ^ (by which
name the court still designates the Pretender) took post with his
faction in Kumbhalmer ; where he was formally installed, and
whence he promulgated his decrees as Rana of Mewar. With
that heedlessness of consequences and the political debasement
which are invariable concomitants of civil dissension, they had
the meanness to invite Sindhia to their aid, with a promise of a
reward of more than one million sterling ' on the dethronement
of Arsi.
Zalim Singh of Kotah. — This contest first brought into notice
one of the most celebrated Rajput chiefs of India, Zalim Singh
of Kotah, who was destined to fill a distinguished part in the
annals of Rajasthan, but more especially in Mewar, where his
political sagacity first developed itself. Though this is not the
proper place to delineate his history, which will occupy a subse-
quent portion of the work, it is impossible to trace the events
with which he was so closely connected without adverting slightly
to the part he acted in these scenes. The attack on Kotah, of
which his father was military governor (during the struggle to
place Madho Singh on the throne of Amber), by Isari Singh, in
conjunction with Sindhia, was the first avenue to his distinguished
career, leading to an acquaintance with the Mahratta chiefs,
which linked him with their policy for more than half a century
[429]. Zalim having lost his prince's favour, whose path in love
1 Bhindir (Saktawat), Deogarh, Sadri, Gogunda, Delwara, Bedla, Koth-
aria, and Kanor.
^ Agitator, or disturber.
^ One crore and twenty-five lakhs.
500 ANNALS OF MEWAR
he had dared to cross, repaired, on his banishment from Kotah,
to the Rana, who, observing his talents, enrolled him amongst
his chiefs, and conferred on him, with the title of Raj Rana, the
lands of Chitarkhera for his support. By his advice the Mahratta
leaders, Raghu Paigawala and Daula Miyan, with their bands,
were called in by the Rana, who, setting aside the ancient Pan-
choli ministry, gave the seals of office to Agarji Mehta. At this
period (S. 1824, a.i>. 1768), Mahadaji Sindhia was at Ujjain,
whither the conflicting parties hastened, each desirous of obtaining
the chieftain's support. But the Pretender's proposals had been
already entertained, and he was then encamped with Sindhia on
the banks of the Sipra.^
Battle at the Sipra, and Siege o£ Udaipur, a.d. 1769. — The
Rana's force, conducted by the chief of Salumbar, the Rajas of
Shahpura and Banera, with Zalim Singh and the Mahratta
auxiliaries, did not hesitate to attack the combined camp, and
for a moment they were victorious, driving Mahadaji and the
Pretender from the field, with great loss, to the gates of Ujjain.
Here, however, they rallied, and being joined by a fresh body of
troops, the battle was renewed with great disadvantage to the
Rajputs, who, deeming the day theirs, had broken and dispersed
to plunder. The chiefs of Salumbar, Shahpura, and Banera
were slain, and the auxiliary Daula Miyan, Raja Man (ex-prince
of Narwar), and Raj Kalyan, the heir of Sadri, severely wounded .
Zalim Singh had his horse killed under him, and being left wounded
on the field, was made prisoner, but hospitably treated by Trimbak
Rao, father to the celebrated Ambaji. The discomfited troops
retreated to Udaipur while the Pretender's party remained with
Sindhia, inciting him to invest that capital and place Ratna on
the throne. Some time, however, elapsed before he could carry
this design into execution ; when at the head of a large force the
Mahratta chief gained the passes and besieged the city. The
Rana's cause now appeared hopeless. Bhim Singh of Salumbar,
uncle and successor to the chief slain at Ujjain, with the Rathor
chief of Radnor (descendant of Jaimall), were the only nobles of
high rank who defended their prince and capital in this emergency ;
but the energies of an individual saved both.
Amar Chand, Minister oJ Mewar. — Amra Chand Barwa, of the
^ [The Sipra iliver in Malwa, passes Ujjain, and finally joins the Chambal
{IGl, xxiii. U f.).]
AMAR CHAND, MINISTER OF MEWAR 501
mercantile class, had held office in the preceding reigns, when his
influence retarded the progress of evils which no human means
could avert. He was now displaced, and little solicitous of
recovering his [430] transient power, amidst hourly increasing
difficulties, with a stubborn and unpopular prince, a divided
aristocracy, and an impoverished country. He was aware also
of his own imperious temper, which was as imgovernable as his
sovereign's, and which experienced no check from the minor
Partap, wiio regarded him as his father. During the ten years
he had been out of office, inercenaries of Sind had been entertained
and established on the forfeited lands of the clans, perpetuating
discontent and stifling every latent spark of patriotism. Even
those who did not join the Pretender remained sullenly at their
castles, and thus all confidence was annihilated. A casual
incident brought Amra forward at this critical juncture. Udaipur
had neither ditch nor walls equal to its defence. Arsi was
engaged in fortifying Eklinggarh, a lofty hill south of the city,^
which it commanded, and attempting to place thereon an enor-
mous piece of ordnance, but it baffled their mechanical skill to
get it over the scraggy ascent. Amra happened to be present
when the Rana arrived to inspect the proceedings. Excuses
were made to avert his displeasure, when turning to the ex-
minister, he inquired what time and expense ought to attend the
completion of such an undertaking. The reply was, " A few
rations of grain and some days " : and he offered to accomplish
the task, on condition that his orders should be supreme in the
vaUey during its performance. He collected the whole working
population, cut a road, and in a few days gave the Rana a salute
from Eklinggarh. The foster-brother of the Rana had succeeded
the Jhala chieftain, Raghu Deo, in the ministerial functions. The
city was now closely invested on every side but the west, where
conununications were still kept open by the lake, across which
the faithful mountaineers of the Aravalli, who in similar dangers
never failed, supplied them with provisions. All defence rested
on the fidelity of the mercenary Sindis, and they were at this
very moment insolent in their clamours for aiTcars of pay. Nor
were the indecisive measures daily passing before their eyes
calculated to augment their respect, or stimulate their courage.
Not satisfied with demands, .they had the audacity to seize the
^ [Eklinggarh, two miles south of Udaipur city ; 2469 feet above sea-level.]
502 ANNALS OF MEWAR
Rana by the skirt of his robe as he entered the palace, which was
torn in the effort to detain him. The haughtiness of his temper
gave way to this humihating proof of the hopelessness of his
condition ; and while the Dhabhai (foster-brother) counselled
escape by water to the mountains, whence he might gain Mandal-
garh, the Salumbar chief confessed his inability to offer any
advice [431] save that of recourse to Amra Chand, He was
summoned, and the uncontrolled charge of their desperate affairs
offered to his guidance. He replied that it was a task of which
no man could be covetous, more especially himself, whose ad-
ministration had formerly been marked by the banishment of
corruption and disorder, for that he must now call in the aid of
these vices, and assimilate the means to the times. "You know
also," he added, " my defect of temper, which admits of no
control. Wherever I am, I must be absolute — no secret advisers,
no counteraction of measures. With finances ruined, troops
mutinous, provisions expended, if you desire me to act, swear
that no order, whatever its purport, shall be countermanded,
and I may try what can be done : but recollect, Amra ' the just '
will be the unjust, and reverse his former character." The Rana
pledged himself by the patron deity to comply with all his de-
mands, adding this forcible expression : " Should you even send
to the queen's apartment and demand her necklace or nathna,^
it shall be granted." The advice of the Dhabhai encountered the
full flood of Amra's wrath. " The counsel is such as might be
expected from your condition. Wliat will preserve your prince
at Mandalgarh if he flies from Udaipur, and what hidden resources
have you there for your support ? The project would suit you,
who might resume your original occupation of tending buffaloes
and selling milk, more adapted to your birth and understanding
than state affairs ; but these pursuits your prince has yet to
learn." The Rana and his chiefs bent their heads at the bold
bearing of Amra. Descending to the terrace, where the Sindi
leaders and their bands were assembled, he commanded them to
follow him, exclaiming, " Look to me for your arrears, and as for
your services, it will be my fault if you fail." The mutineers,
who had just insulted their sovereign, rose without reply, and in
a body left the palace with Amra, who calculated their arrears
^ The nose-jewel, which even to mention is considered a breach of
delicacy.
THE SIEGE OF UDAIPUR 503
and promised payment the next day. Meanwhile he commanded
the bhandars (repositories) to be broken open, as the keeper of
each fled when the keys of their trust were demanded. All the
gold and silver, whether in bullion or in vessels, were converted
into money — ^jewels were pledged — ^the troops paid and satisfied,
ammunition and provisions laid in — a fresh stimulus supplied,
the enemy held at defiance, and the siege prolonged during six
months [432].
The Pretender's party had extended their influence over a
great part of the crown domain, even to the valley of Udaipur ;
but unable to fulfil the stipulation to Suidhia, the baffled Mah-
ratta, to whom time was treasure, negotiated with Amra to raise
the siege, and abandon the Pretender on the payment of seventy
lakhs. But scarcely was the treaty signed, when the reported
disposition of the auxiliaries, and the plunder expected on a
successful assault, excited his avarice and made him break his
faith, and twenty lakhs additional were imposed. Amra tore
up the treaty, and sent back the fragments to the faitliless Mah-
ratta with defiance. His spirit increased with his difficulties, and
he infused his gallantry into the hearts of the most despairing.
Assembling the Sindis and the home-clans who were yet true to
their prince, he explained to them the transaction, and addressed
them in that language which speaks to the souls of all mankind,
and to give due weight to his exliortation, he distributed amongst
the most deserving, many articles of cumbrous ornament lying
useless in the treasury. The stores of grain in the city and
neighbourhood, whether pubhc or private, were collected and
sent to the market, and it was proclaimed by beat of drum that
every fighting man should have six months' provision on applica-
tion. Hitherto grain had been selling at httle more than a pound
for the rupee, and these unexpected resources were matter of
universal surprise, more especially to the besiegers.^ The Sindis,
having no longer cause for discontent, caught the spirit of the
brave Amra, and went in a body to the palace to swear in public
never to abandon the Rana, whom their leader, Adil Beg,^ thus
^ To Amra's credit it is related, that his own brother-in-law was the first
and principal sufferer, and that to his remonstrance and hope that family
ties would save his grain pits, he was told, that it was a source of great
satisfaction that he was enabled through him to evince his disinterestedness.
^ See grant to this chief's son, p. 233.
504 ANNALS OF MEWAR
addressed : " We have long eaten your salt and received numerous
favours from your house, and we now come to swear never to
abandon you. Udaipur is our home, and we will fall with it.
We demand no further pay, and when our grain is exhausted, we
will feed on the beasts, and when these fail we will thin the ranks
of the Southrons and die sword in hand." Sucli were the senti-
ments that Amra had inspired, the expression of which extorted
tears from the Rana — a sight so unusual with this stern prince,
as to raise frantic shouts from the Sindis and his Rajputs. The
enthusiasm spread and was announced to Sindhia with all its
circumstances by a general discharge of cannon on his advanced
[433] posts. Apprehensive of some desperate display of Rajput
valour, the wary Mahratta made overtures for a renewal of the
negotiation. It was now Amra's turn to triumph, and he replied
that he must deduct from the original terms the expense they
had incurred in sustaining another six months' siege. Thus
outwitted, Sindhia was compelled to accept sixty lakhs, and
three-and-a-half for official expenses.^
Cessions made to Sindhia. — Thirty-three lakhs in jewels and
specie, gold and silver plate, and assignments on the chiefs, were
immediately made over to Sindhia, and lands mortgaged for the
liquidation of the remainder. For this object the districts of
Jawad, Jiran, Nimach, and Morwan were set aside to be superin-
tended by joint officers of both governments, with an annual
investigation of accounts. From S. 1825 to S. 1831 [a.d. 1768-74)
no infringement took place of this arrangement ; but in the latter
year Sindhia dismissed the Rana's officers from the management,
and refused all further settlement ; and with the exception of a
temporary occupation on Sindhia's reverse of fortune in S. 1851
[a.d. 1794], these rich districts have remained severed from
Mewar. In S. 1831 [a.d. 1774] the great officers of the Mahratta
federation began to shake off the trammels of the Peshwa's
authority ; and Sindhia retained for the State of which he was
the founder, all these lands except Morwan, which was made
over to Holkar, who the year after the transaction demanded of
the Rana the surrender of the district of Nimbahera, threatening,
in the event of non-compliance, to repeat the part his predatory
^ Mutasadi kharch [rmitasadi, ' a clerk, accountant ' ; kharch, ' expenses ']
or douceur to the officers of government, was an authorized article of every
Mahratta miCamala, or war contribution.
RATAN SINGH DEFEATED 505
coadjutor Sindliia had just performed. The cession was un-
avoidable.
Thus terminated, in S. 1826 [a.d. 1769], the siege of Udaipur,
with the dislocation of these fine districts from Mewar. But let
it be remembered that they were only mortgaged : ^ and although
the continued degradation of the country from the same causes
has prevented their redemption, the claim to them has never
been abandoned. Their recovery was stipulated by the am-
bassadors of the Rana in the treaty of a.d. 1817 with the British
Government ; but our total ignorance of the past transactions
of these countries, added to our amicable relations with Sindhia
[434], prevented any pledge of the reunion of these districts ; and
it must ever be deeply lamented that, when the treacherous and
hostile conduct of Sindhia gave a noble opportunity for their
restoration, it was lost, from policy difficult to imderstand, and
which must be subject to the animadversions of future historians
of that important period in the history of India. It yet remains
for the wisdom of the British Government to decide whether half
a century's abeyance, and the inability to redeem them by the
sword, render the claim a dead letter. At all events, the facts
here recorded from a multiplicity of public documents, and
corroborated by living actors ^ in the scene, may be useful at
some future day, when expedience may admit of their being
reannexed to Mewar.
Ratan Singh defeated. — Amra's defence of the capital, and
the retreat of the Mahrattas, was a deathblow to the hopes of
the Pretender, who had obtained not only many of the strong-
holds, but a footing in the valley of the capital. Rajnagar,
Raepur, and Untala were rapidly recovered ; many of the nobles
returned to the Rana and to their allegiance ; and Ratna was
left in Kumbhalmer with the Depra minister, and but three of the
sixteen principal nobles, namely Deogarh, Bhindir, and Amet.
These contentions lasted till S. 1831 [a.d. 1774], when the chiefs
above named also abandoned him, but not until their rebellion
had cost the feather in the crown of Mewar. The rich province
of Godwar, the most fruitful of all her possessions, and containing
^ Little Maloni, now Gangapur, with its lands, was the only place de-
cidedly alienated, being a voluntary gift to Sindhia, to endow the establish-
. ment of his wife, Ganga Bai, who died there.
^ Zalim Singh of Kotah, and Lalaji Belal, both now dead.
506 ANNALS OF MEWAR
the most loyal of her vassalage, the Ranawats, Rathors, and
Solankis, was nearly all held on tenure of feudal service, and
furnished three thousand horse besides foot, a greater number
than the aggregate of the Choudawats. This district, which
was won with the title of Rana from the Parihara prince of
Mandor, before Jodhpur was built, and whose northern boundary
was confirmed by the blood of the Chondawat chief in the reign
of Jodha, was confided by the Rana to the care of Raja Bijai
Singh of Jodhpur, to prevent its resources being available to
the Pretender, whose residence, Kumbhalmer, commanded the
approach to it : and the original treaty yet exists in which the
prince of Marwar binds himself to provide and support a body
of three thousand men for the Rana's service, from its revenues.
Assassination oS Rana Ari Singh, a.d. 1773. — This province
might have been recovered ; but the evil genius of Arsi Rana at
this time led him to Bundi to [435] hunt at the spring festival (the
Alieria), with the Hara prince, in spite of the prophetic warning
of the suttee, who from the funeral pile denoimced a practice
which had already thrice proved fatal to the princes of Mewar.^
Rana Arsi fell by the hand of the Bundi prince, and Godwar,
withheld from his minor successor, has since remained severed.
The Bundi heir, who perpetrated this atrocious assassination, was
said to be prompted by the Mewar nobles, who detested their
sovereign, and with whom, since the late events, it was impossible
they could ever unite in confidence. Implacable in his disposition,
he brooded over injuries, calmly awaiting the moment to avenge
them. A single instance will suffice to evince this, as well as the
infatuation of Rajput devotion. The Salumbar chief, whose
predecessor had fallen in support of the Rana's cause at the battle
of Ujjain, having incurred his suspicions, the Rana commanded
him to eat the pan (betel leaf) presented on taking leave. Startled
at so unusual an order, he remonstrated, but in vam ; and with
the conviction that it contained his death-warrant he obeyed,
observing to the tyrant, " My compliance will cost you and your
family dear " : words fulfilled with fearful accuracy, for to this
and similar acts is ascribed the murder of Arsi, and the completion
^ [In 1382 Rana Kliet Singh was murdered by Lai Singh of Banbaoda,
brother of Bar Singh, Rao of Biindi. Rana Ratan Singh II. and Rao Siirajmall
killed each other while shooting at Bundi in 1531. The feud between the
two houses is not yet forgotten (Erskine ii. A. 25).]
RANA HAMIR SINGH II. 507
of the ruin of the country. A colour of pretext was afforded to
the Bundi chief m a boundary dispute regarding a patch of land
yielding only a few good mangoes ; but, even admitting this as a
paUiative, it could not justify the inhospitable act, which in the
mode of execution added cowardice to barbarity : for while both
were pursuing the boar, the Bundi heir drove his lance through
the heart of the Rana. The assassin fell a victim to remorse, the
deed being not only disclaimed, but severely reprobated by his
father, and all the Hara tribe. A cenotaph stUl stands on the
site of the murder, where the body of Arsi was consumed, and
the feud between the houses remains unappeased.
Bana Hamir Singh II., a.d. 1773-78. — Rana Arsi left two sons,
Hamir and Bhim Singh. The former, a name of celebrity in their
annals, succeeded in S. 1828 (a.d. 1772) to the little en\dable title
of Rana. With an ambitious mother, determined to control
affairs during his minority, a state pronomiced by the bard
l^eculiarly dangerous to a Rajput dynasty, — and the vengeful
competition of the Salumbar chief (successor to the murdered
noble), who was equally resolved to take the lead, combined with
an unextinguishable enmity to the Saktawats, who supported
the policy of the queen-mother [436], the demoralization of Mewar
was complete : her fields were deluged with blood, and her soil
was the prey of every paltry marauder.
Outbreak of the Sindis. — The mercenary Sindis, who, won by
the enthusiasm of Amra, had for a moment assumed the garb of
fideUty, threw it off at their prince's death, taking possession of
the capital, which it will be remembered had been committed to
the charge of the Salumbar chief, whom they confined and were
about to subject to the torture of the hot iron ^ to extort their
arrears of pay, when he was rescued from the indignity by the
unlooked-for return of Amra from Bimdi. This faithful minister
determined to establish the rights of the infant prince against all
other claimants for power. But he knew mankind, and had
attained, what is still more difficult, the knowledge of liimself.
Aware that his resolution to maintain his post at all hazards,
and against every competitor, would incur the imputation of
self-interest, he, like our own Wolsey, though from far different
motives, made an inventory of his wealth, in gold, jewels, and
plate, even to his wardrobe, and sent the whole in trays to the
^ A heated platter used for baking bread, on which they place the culprit.
508 ANNALS OF MEWAR
queen-mothef . Suspicion was shamed and resentment disarmed
by this proceeding ; and to repeated entreaties that he would
receive it back he was inflexible, with the exception of articles of
apparel that had already been in use. This imperious woman
was a daughter of Gogunda. She possessed considerable talents,
but was ruled by an artful intrigante, who, in her turn, was
governed by a yomig homme d'affaires, then holding an inferior
office, but who subsequently acted a conspicuous part ; slew and
was slain, like ahnost all who entered into the politics of this
tempestuous period. The queen-mother, now supported by the
Chondawats, opposed the minister, who maintained himself by
aid of the Sindis, kept the Mahrattas from the capital, and iDro-
tected the crown land ; but the ungrateful return made to his
long-tried fidelity rendered his temper ungovernable. Ram-
piyari ^ (such the name of the intrigante) repaired on one occasion
to the office of the minister, and in the name of the regent queen
reviled him for some supposed omission. Amra, losing all temper
at this intrusion, applied to the fair abigail the coarsest epithets
used to her sex, bidding her begone as a Kothi ki Rand (a phrase
we shall not translate), which was reported with exaggeration to
the queen, who threw herself into a litter and set off to the Salum-
bar chief. Amra, anticipating [437] an explosion, met the
cavalcade in the street, and enjoined her instant return to the
palace. Who dared disobey ? Arrived at the door of the
Rawala, he made his obeisance, and told her it was a disgrace to
the memory of her lord that she should quit the palace under
any pretext ; that even the potter's wife did not go abroad for
six months after her husband's death, while she, setting decorum
at defiance, had scarcely permitted the period of mourning to
elapse. He concluded by saying he had a duty to perform, and
that he would perform it in spite of all obstacles, in which, as it
involved her own and her children's welfare, she ought to co-
operate, instead of thwarting him. But Baiji Raj (the royal
mother) was young, artful, and ambitious, and persevered in her
hostility till the demise of this uncompromising minister shortly
after, surmised to be caused by poison. His death yielded a
flattering comment on his life : he left not funds sufficient to
cover the funeral expenses, and is, and will probably contmue,
the sole instance on record in Indian history of a minister
^ ' Tlio beloved of Rama.'
REVOLT OF THE CHIEF OF BEGDN 509
having his obsequies defrayed by subscription among his fellow-
citizens.
The man who thus lived and thus died would have done honour
to any, even the most civilized, country, where the highest in-
centives to public virtue exist. \Miat, therefore, does not his
memory merit, when amongst a people who, through long oppres-
sion, were likely to hold such feelings in little estimation, he
pursued its dictates from principle alone, his sole reward that
which the world could not bestow, the applause of the monitor
within ? But they greatly err who, in the application of their
own overweening standard of merit, imagine there is no public
opinion in these countries ; for recollections of actions like this (of
which but a small portion is related) they yet love to descant
upon, and an act of vigour and integrity is still designated Amra-
chanda ; ^ evincing that if virtue has few imitators in this country,
she is not without ardent admirers.
Revolt of the Chief of Begiin.— In S. 1831 (a.d. 1775) the
rebellion of the Begun chief, head of a grand di^dsion of the
Chondawats, the Meghawat, obliged the queen-mother to call
upon Sindhia for his reduction, who recovered the crown lands
he had usurped, and imposed on this refractor}^ noble a fine of
twelve lakhs of rupees, or £100,000 [438] sterling.^ But instead
of confining himself to punishing the guilty, and restoring the
lands to the young Rana, he inducted his own son-in-law Berji
Tap into the districts of Ratangarh Kheri and Singoli ; and at
the same time made over those of Imia, Jath, Bichor, and Nadwai
to Holkar, the aggregate revenue of which amounted to six lakhs
annually. Besides these alienations of territory, the Mahrattas
levied no less than four grand war contributions in S. 1830-31,*
while in S. 1836 * their rapacity exacted three more. Inability
^ Amra Chand, it will be recollected, was the name of the minister.
- The treaty by which Sindhia holds these districts yet exists, which
stipulates their surrender on the Hquidation of the contribution, The Rana
still holds this as a responsible engagement, and pleaded his rights in the
treaty with the British Government in a.d. 1817-18. But half a century's
possession is a strong bond, which we dare not break ; though the claim now
registered may hereafter prove of service to the family.
^ 1830, Mahadaji Sindhia's contribution (mu'dmala) on account of
Begun ; 1831, Berji Tap's mu'amala through Govind and Ganpat Rao ;
1831, Ambaji Inglia, Bapu Holkar, and Daduji Pandit's joint mu'dmala.
* 1. Apaji and Makaji Getia, on Holkar's account; 2. Tukuji Holkar's,
through Somji ; 3. Ah Bahadur's, through Somji.
510 ANNALS OF MEWAR
to liquidate these exorbitant demands was invariably a signal
for further sequestration of land. Amidst such scenes of civil
strife and external spoliation, one Mahratta following another
in the same track of rapine, Hamir died before he had attained
even Rajput majority,^ in S. 1834 (a.d. 1778).
Recapitulation. — We may here briefly recapitulate the diminu-
tion of territory and wealth in Mewar from the period of the first
Mahratta visitation in a.d. 1736, to the death of Hamir. It were
a waste of time to enumerate the rapacious individuals who
shared in the spoils of this devoted country. We may be content
to say their name was ' legion.' These forty years were sur-
charged with evil. The Mogul princes observed at least the forms
of government and justice, which occasionally tempered their
aggressions ; the Mahrattas were associations of vampires, who
drained the very life-blood wherever the scent of spoil attracted
them. In three payments we have seen the enormous sum of one
crore and eighty-one lakhs,^ upwards of two millions English
money, exacted from Mewar, exclusive of individual contributions
levied on chiefs, ministers, and the Pretender's party : and a
schedule drawn up by the reigning prince of contributions levied
up to his own time, amounts to £5,000,000 sterling. Yet the
land would eventually have reimbursed [439] these sums, but the
penalty inflicted for deficiencies of payment renders the evil
irremediable ; for the alienated territory which then produced
an annual revenue of twenty-eight lalchs,^ or £323,000 sterling,
exceeds in amount the sum-total now left, whether fiscal or feudal,
in the present impoverished state of the country.
^ The age of eighteen.
^ Namely, S. 1808, by Rana Jagat Singh to Holkar . . Lakhs 66
1820, Partap and Arsi Rana to Holkar . 51
1826, Arsi Rana to Mahadaji Sindhia . . 64
Total . 181
3 S. 1808, Ranipura, Bhanpura ..... Lakhs 9
1826, Jawad, Jiran, Nimach, Nimbahera . . 4^
1831, Rataugarh Kheri, Singoli, Irnia, Jath, Nadwai, etc. etc. 6
1831, Godwar 9
Total • 28J.
RAN A BHiM SINGH 511
CHAPTER 17
Rana Bhim Singh, a.d. 1778-1828.— Rana Bhim Singh (the
reigning prince), who succeeded his brother in S. 1834 (a.d. 1778),
was the fourth minor in the space of forty years who inherited
Mewar ; and the half century during which he has occupied the
tlirone has been as fruitful in disaster as any period of her history
already recorded. He was but eight years of age on his accession,
and remained under his mother's tutelage long after his minority
had expired. This subjection fixed his character ; naturally de-
fective in energy, and impaired by long misfortune, he continued
to be swayed by faction and intrigue. The cause of the Pretender,
though weakened, was yet kept alive ; but his insignificance
eventually left him so unsupported, that his death is not even
recorded [440].
Feud of Chondawats and Saktawats.— In S. 1840 (a.d. 1784)
the Chondawats reaped the harvest of their allegiance and made
the power thus acquired subservient to the indulgence of ancient
animosities against the rival clan of Saktawat. Salumbar with
his relatives Arjun Singh ^ of Kurabar and Partap Singh - of
Amet, now ruled the councils, having the Sindi mercenaries under
their leaders Chandan and Sadik at their command. Mustering
therefore all the strength of their kin and clans, they resolved on
the prosecution of the feud, and invested Bhindar, the castle of
Mohkam the chief of the Saktawats, against which they placed
their batteries.
Sangram Singh, a junior branch of the Saktawats, destined to
play a conspicuous part in the future events of Mewar, was then
rising into notice, and had just completed a feud with his rival
the Purawat, whose abode, Lawa,* he had carried by escalade ;
and now, determined to make a diversion in favour of his chief,
he invaded the estate of Kurabar, engaged against Bliindar, and
^ Brother of A jit, the negotiator of the treaty with the British.
^ Chief of the Jagawat clan, also a branch of the Chondawats ; he was
killed hi a battle with the Mahrattas.
^ It is yet held by the successor of Sangram, whose faithful services
merited the grant he obtained from his prince, and it was in consequence
left unmolested in the arrangement of 1817, from the knowledge of his
merits.
512 ANNALS OF MEWAR
was driving off the cattle, when Sahm Singh the heir of Kurabar
intercepted his retreat, and an action ensued in which Salim^
was slain by the lance of Sangrani. The afflicted father, on
hearing the fate of his son, ' threw the turban off his head,'
swearing never to replace it till he had tasted revenge. Feigning
a misunderstanding with his own party he withdrew from the
siege, taking the road to his estate, but suddenly abandoned it
for Sheogarh, the residence of Lalji the father of Sangram. The
castle of Sheogarh, placed amidst the mountains and deep forests
of Chappan, was from its difficulty of access deemed secure
against surprise ; and here Sangram had placed the females and
children of his family. To this point Arjun directed his revenge,
and found Sheogarh destitute of defenders save the aged chief ;
but though seventy summers had whitened his head, he bravely
met the storm, and fell in opposing the foe ; when the children
of Sangram were dragged [441] out and inhumanly butchered,
and the widow ^ of Lalji ascended the pyre. This barbarity
aggravated the hostility which separated the clans, and together
with the minority of their prince and the yearly aggressions of
the Mahrattas, accelerated the ruin of the coiuitry. But Bhim
Singh, the Chondawat leader, was governed by insufferable
vanity, and not only failed in respect to his prince, but offended
the queen regent. He parcelled out the crown domain from
Chitor to Udaipur amongst the Sindi bands, and whilst his
sovereign was obliged to borrow money to defray his marriage at
Idar, this ungrateful noble had the audacity to disburse upwards
of £100,000 on the marriage of his own daughter. Such conduct
determined the royal mother to supplant the Chondawats, and
calling in the Saktawats to her aid, she invested with power the
chiefs of Bhindar and Lawa. Aware, however, that their isolated
authority was insufficient to withstand their rivals, they looked
abroad for support, and made an overture to Zalim Singh of
Kotah, whose political and personal resentments to the Chonda-
^ The father of Rawat Jawan Singh, whom I found at Udaipur as mihtary
minister, acting for his grand-uncle Ajit the organ of the Chondawats, whose
head, Padam Singh, was just emerging from his minority. It was absolutely
necessary to get to the very root of all these feuds, when as envoy and
mediator I had to settle the disputes of half a century, and make each useful
to detect thoir joint usurpations of the crown domain.
^ She was the graudmother of Man Singh, a fine specimen of a Saktawat
cavalier.
MAHARAJA BHIM SINGH, PRINCE OF UDAIPUR.
To face page 512.
BATTLE OF LALSOT 513
wats, as well as his connexion by marriage with their opponents,
made him readily listen to it. With his friend the Mahratta,
Lalaji Belal, he joined the Saktawats with a body of 10,000 men.
It was determined to sacrifice the Salumbar chief, who took post
in the ancient capital of Chitor, where the garrison was composed
chiefly of Sindis, thus effacing his claim to his prince's gratitude,
whom he defied, while the pretender still had a party in the other
principal fortress, Kumbhalmer.
Battle of Lalsot, May 1787. — Such was the state of things,
when the ascendancy of Mahadaji Sindhia received a signal check
from the combined forces of Marwar and Jaipur ; and the battle
of Lalsot, in which the Mahratta chief was completely defeated,
was tlie signal for the Rajputs to resume their alienated territory.^
Nor was the Rana backward on the occasion, when there appeared
a momentary gleam of the active virtue of past days. Maldas
Mehta was civil minister, with Mauji Ram as his deputy, both
men of talent and energy. They first effected the reduction of
Nimbahera and the smaller garrisons of Mahrattas in its vicinity,
who from a sense of common danger assembled their detachments
in Jawad, which was also invested. Sivaji Nana, the governor,
capitulated, and was allowed to march out with his [442] effects.
At the same time, the ' sons of the black cloud ' ^ assembling,
drove the Mahrattas from Begun, Singoli, etc., and the districts
on the plateau ; while the Chondawats redeemed their ancient
fief of Rampura, and thus for a while the whole territory was
recovered. Elated by success, the united chiefs advanced to
Chardu on the banks of the Rarkia, a streamlet dividing Mewar
from Malwa, preparatory to further operations. Had these been
confined to the maintenance of the places they had taken, and
which had been withheld in violation of treaties, complete success
might have crowned their efforts ; but in including Nimbahera
in their capture they drew upon them the energetic Ahalya Bai,
the regent-queen of the Holkar State, who unluckily for them
was at hand and who coalesced with Sindhia's partisans to check
^ [Lalsot, about 40 miles south of Jaipur city. For an account of the
battle see Compton, European Military Adventurers, 346 f.]
^ Megh Singh was the chief of Begun, and founder of that subdivision
of the Chondawats called after him Meghawat, and his complexion being
very dark {kola), he was called ' Kala Megh,' the ' black cloud.' His
•descendants were very numerous and very refractory.
vol.. I 2 L
514 ANNALS OF MEWAR
this reaction of the Rajputs. Tulaji Sindhia and Sri Bhai, with
five thousand horse, were ordered to support the discomfited
Siva Nana, who had taken refuge in Mandasor, where he ralUed
all the garrisons whom the Rajputs had unwisely permitted to
capitulate.
Defeat oJ the Rajputs. Murder o$ Somji. — On Tuesday, the
4th of Magh S. 1844,^ the Rana's troops were surprised and
defeated with great slaughter, the minister slain, the chiefs of
Kanor and Sadri with many others severely wounded, and the
latter made prisoner.^ The newly made conquests were all
rapidly lost, with the exception of Jawad, which was gallantly
maintained for a month by Dip Chand, who, with his guns and
rockets, effected a passage through the Mahrattas, and retired
with his garrison to Mandalgarh. Thus terminated an enterprise
which might have yielded far different results but for a misplaced
security. All the chiefs and clans were united in this patriotic
struggle except the Chondawats, against whom the queen-mother
and the new minister, Somji, had much difficulty to contend for
the establishment of the ininor's authority. At length overtures
were made to Salumbar, when the fair Rampiyari was employed
to conciliate the obdurate chief, who condescended to make his
appearance at Udaipur and to pay his respects to the prince.
He pretended to enter into the views of the minister and to
coalesce in his plans ; but this was only a web to ensnare his
victim, whose talent had diminished his authority, and was a
bar to the prosecution of [443] his ambitious views. Somji was
seated in his bureau when Arjun Singh of Kurabar and Sardar
Singh ' of Badesar entered, and the latter, as he demanded how
he dared to resume his fief, plunged his dagger into the minister's
breast. The Rana was passing the day at one of the villas in
the valley called the Sahelia Bari, ' the garden of nymphs,'
attended by Jeth Singh of Badnor, when the brothers * of the
^ A.D. 1788.
* He did not recover his liberty for two years, nor till he had surrendered
four of the best towns in his fief.
^ Father of the present Hamir Singh, the only chief with whom I was
compelled to use severity ; but he was incorrigible. He was celebrated
for his raids in the troubles, and from his red whiskers bore with us the name
of the ' Red Riever ' of Badesar — more of him by and by.
* Sheodas and Satidas, with their cousin Jaichand. They revenged
their brother's death by that of his murderer, and were both in turn slain.
DEFEAT OF THE RAJPUTS 515
minister suddenly rushed into the presence to claim protection
against the murderers. They were followed by Arjun of Kurabar,
who had the audacity to present himself before his sovereign with
his hands yet stained with the blood of Somji. The Rana, unable
to pimish the insolent chief, branding him as a traitor, bade him
begone ; when the whole of the actors in this nefarious scene,
with their leader Salumbar, returned to Chitor. Sheodas and
Satidas, brothers to the murdered minister, were appointed to
succeed him, and with the Snktawats fought several actions
against the rebels, and gained one decisive battle at Akola, in
which Arjun of Kurabar commanded. This was soon balanced
by the defeat of the Saktawats at Kheroda. Every triumph was
attended with ruin to the country. The agriculturist, never
certain of the fruits of his labour, abandoned his fields, and at
length his country ; mechanical industry found no recompense,
and commerce was at the mercy of unlicensed spoliation. In a
very few years Mewar lost half her population, her lands lay
waste, her mines were unworked, and her looms, which formerly
supplied all around, forsaken. The prince partook of the general
penury ; instead of protecting, he required protection ; the
bonds which united him with his subjects were snapped, and each
individual or petty community provided for itself that defence
which he could not give. Hence arose a train of evils : every
cultivator, whether fiscal or feudal, sought out a patron, and
[444] entered into engagements as the price of protection. Hence
every Rajput who had a horse and lance, had his clients ; and
not a camel-load of merchandise could pass the abode of one of
tliese cavaliers without paying fees. The effects of such disorder
Such were these times ! The author more than once, when resuming the
Chondawat lands, and amongst them Badesar, the fief of the son of Sardar,
was told to recollect the fate of Somji ; the advice, however, excited only a
smile ; he was deemed more of a Saktawat than a Chondawat, and there
was some truth in it, for he found the good actions of the former far out-
weigh the other, who made a boast and monopoly of their patriotism. It
was a curious period in his hfe ; the stimulus to action was too high, too
constant, to think of self ; and having no personal views, being influenced
solely by one feeling, the prosperity of all, he despised the very idea of
danger, though it was said to exist in various shapes, even in the hospitable
plate put before him ! But he deemed none capable of such treachery,
though once he was within a few minutes' march to the other world ; but
the cause, if the right one, came from his own cuuinier, or rather boulanger,
whom he discharged.
516 ANNALS OF MEWAR
were felt long after the cause ceased to exist, and claims difficult
to adjust arose out of these licentious times, for the having
prescriptive right was deemed sufficient to authorize their con-
tinuance.^ Here were displayed the effects of a feudal association,
where the powers of government were enfeebled. These feuds
alone were sufficient to ruin the country ; but when to such
internal ills shoals of Mahratta plunderers were added, no art is
required to describe the consequences.
Aid sought from Sindhia. — The Rana and his advisers at
length determined to call in Sindhia to expel the rebellious
Chondawats from the ancient capital ; a step mainly prompted
by Zalim Singh (now Regent of Kotah), who with the Rana's
ministers was deputed to the Mahratta chieftain, then enjoying
himself at the sacred lake of Pushkar.^ Since the overthrow of
Lalsot he had reorganized his brigades under the celebrated De
Boigne,^ through whose conduct he had redeemed his lost influence
in Rajputana by the battles of Merta and Patau, in which the
brave Rathors, after acts of the most devoted gallantry, were
completely overthrown. Sindhia' s plans coincided entirely with
the object of the deputation, and he readily acquiesced in the
Rana's desire. This event introduced on the political stage
some of the most celebrated men of that day, whose actions offer
a fair picture of manners, and may justify our entering a little
into details.*
Negotiations by Zalim Singh. — Zalim Singh had for some years
become regent of Kotah, and though to maintain himself in
power, and the State he controlled in an attitude to compel the
respect of surrounding foes, was no slight task, yet he found the
field too contracted for his ambition, and his secret views had
long been directed to permanent influence in Mewar. His skill
in reading character convinced him that the Rana would be no
^ See the Essay on a Feudal System.
2 S. 1847 (a.d. 1791).
3 [Count Benoit de Boigne, a Savoyard, born at Chambery, 1751 :
served under Mahadaji Sindhia, and won for him his battles of Patan and
Merta in 1790 : defeated Holkar at Lakheri in 1793 : resigned his command
in 1795, and left India in the next year : died June 21, 1830 (Compton,
European Military Adventurers, 15 ff. ; Buckland, Diet, of Indian Biography,
8.V.).]
* Acquired from the actors in those scenes : the prince, his ministers,
Zahm Singh and the rival chiefs have all contributed.
ZALIM SINGH NEGOTIATES WITH MARATHAS 517
bar to his wishes, the attainment of which, by giving him the
combined resources of Haraoti and Mewar, would bestow the
lead in Rajasthan. The Jaipur court he disregarded, whose
effeminate army he had himself defeated single-handed [445]
with the Kotah troops, and the influence he established amongst
the leading chiefs of Marwar held out no fear of counteraction
from that quarter. The stake was high, the game sure, and
success would have opened a field to his genius which might have
entirely altered the fate of Hindustan ; but one false move was
irretrievable, and instead of becoming the arbitrator of India,
he left only the reputation of being the Nestor of Rajputana.
The restriction of the Rana's power was the cloak under which
he disguised all his operations, and it might have been well for
the country had his plans succeeded to their full extent. To
re-establish the Rana's authority, and to pay the charges of the
reduction of Chitor, he determined that the rebels chiefly should
furnish the means, and that from them and the fiscal lands,
mostly in their hands, sixty-four lakhs should be levied, of which
three-fifths should be appropriated to Sindhia, and the remainder
to replenish the Rana's treasury. Preliminaries being thus
arranged, Zalim was furnished with a strong corps under Ambaji
Inglia ; while Sindhia followed, hanging on the iNIarwar frontier,
to realize the contributions of that State. Zalim Singh and
Ambaji moved towards Chitor, levying from the estates of those
obnoxious to Zalim's views. Hamirgarh, whose chief, Dhiraj
Singh, a man of talent and courage, was the principal adviser of
Bhim Singh, the Salumbar chief, was besieged, and stood several
assaults during six weeks' vigorous operations, when the destruc-
tion of the springs of the wells from the concussion of the guns
compelled its surrender, and the estate was sequestrated. The
force continued their progress, and after a trifling altercation at
Basai, a Chondawat fief, also taken, they took up a position at
Chitor, and were soon after joined by the main body under
Sindhia.
Zalim Singh and Sindhia at Udaipur. — Zalim, to gratify
Mahadaji's vanity, who was desirous of a visit from the Rana,
which even the Peshwa considered an honour, proceeded to
Udaipur to effect this object ; when the Rana, placing himself
imder his guidance, marched for this purpose, and was met at
the Tiger Momit, within a few miles of his capital, by Sindhia,
518 ANNALS OF MEWAR
who received the Rana, and escorted him to the besieging army.
But in this short interval, Ambaji, who remained with the army
at Chitor, intrigued with the rebel Chondawat to supplant the
predominant influence of his friend Zalim Singh, and seized the
opportunity of his absence to counteract him, by [446] communi-
cating his plans to Salvmibar ; aware that, unless he broke with
Zalim, he could only hope to play a secondary part under him.
Though the ulterior views of Zalim were kept to his own breast,
they could not escape the penetration of the crafty Mahratta ;
his very anxiety to hide them furnished Ambaji with the means
of detection. Had Zalim possessed an equal share of meanness
with his political antagonist, he might have extricated himself
from the snare ; but once overreached, he preferred sinking to
grasping at an unworthy support. Bhim Singh (Salumbar)
privately negotiated with Ambaji the surrender of Chitor, engaging
to himible himself before the Rana, and to pay a contribution of
twenty lakhs, levied on the clans, provided Zalim Singh was
ordered to retire. This suggestion, apparently founded on the
rebellious chief's antipathy to Zalim, but in reality prompted by
Ambaji, ensured the approbation, as it suited the views, of all
parties, but especially Sindhia, who was desirous of repairing to
Poona. Zahm, the sole obstacle to this arrangement, furnished
to his enemies the means of escape from the dilemma, and lost
the opportiuiity of realizing his long-cherished scheme of wielding
the united resources of Mewar and Haraoti. Zalim had always
preserved a strict amity with Ambaji wherever their interests did
not clash, and his regard had the cement of gratitude to the
Mahratta, whose father Trimbakji had saved Zalim's life and
procured his liberty, when left woimded and a prisoner at the
battle of Ujjain. On Zalim's return with the Rana, Ambaji
touched on the terms of Bhim Suigh's surrender, hinting that
Zalim's presence was the sole obstacle to tliis desirable result ;
who, the more to mask his views, wliich any expressed reluctance
to the measure might expose, went beyond probability in assevera-
tions of readiness to be no bar to such arrangement, even so far
as to affirm that, besides being tired of the business from the
heavy expense it entailed on liim, he had his prince's wish for
his return to Kotah. There is one ingredient in Zalim's char-
acter, which has never been totally merged in the vices acquired
from the tortuous policy of a long life, and which in the vigour
ZAlIM SINGH NEGOTIATES WITH IMARATHAS 519
of youth had full sway — namely, pride, one of the few virtues
left to the Rajput, defrauded of many others by long oppression.
But Zalim's pride was legitimate, being allied to honour, and it
has retained him an evident superiority through all the mazes of
ambition. Ambaji skilfully availed himself of this defect in his
friend's political character. " A pretty [447] story, indeed ! —
you tell this to me ! it might find credit with those who did not
know you." The sarcasm only plunged him deeper into assevera-
tion. " Is it then really your wish to retire ? " " Assuredly."
" Then," retorted the crafty Ambaji, " your wish shall be gratified
in a few minutes." Giving him no time to retract, he called for
his horse and galloped to Sindliia's tent. Zalim relied on Sindhia
not acceding to the proposition ; or if he did, that the Rana, over
whom he imagined he had complete influence, would oppose it.
His hopes of Sindhia rested on a promise privately made to leave
troops under his authority for the restoration of order in Mewar ;
and a yet stronger claim, the knowledge that without Zalim he
could not realize the stipulated sums for the expulsion of the
Chondawat from Chitor. Ambaji had foreseen and prepared a
remedy for these difficulties, and upon their being urged offered
hunself to advance the amount by bills on the Deccan. This
argument was irresistible ; money, and the consequent prosecu-
tion of his journey to Poona, being attained, Sindhia's engage-
ments with Zalim and the Rana ceased to be a matter of import-
ance. He nominated Ambaji his lieutenant, with the command
of a large force, by whose aid he would reimburse himself for the
sums thus advanced. Having carried his object with Sindhia,
Ambaji proceeded direct from his tent to that of the Rana's
ministers, Sheodas and Satidas, with whom, by the promise of
co-operation in their views, and perfect subserviency to the
Rana's interests, he was alike successfvd. Ambaji, with the
rapidity necessarj^ to ensure success, having in a few hours accom-
plished his purpose, hastened back to Zalun, to acquamt him
that his wish to retire had met with general acquiescence ; and
so well did he manage, that the Rana's mace-bearer arrived at
the same moment to announce that the khilat of leave awaited
his acceptance. Zalim being thus outwitted, the Salumbar chief
•descended from Chitor, and touched the Rana's feet. Sindhia
pursued his march to the Deccan, and Ambaji was left sole
arbiter of Mewar. The Saktawats maintained the lead at court,
520 ANNALS OF MEWAR
and were not backward in consigning the estates of their rivals
to the incubus now settled on the country : while the mortified
Zalim, on his retreat, recorded his expenses, to be produced on
some fitting occasion.
Sindhia's Instructions to Ambaji. — Ambaji remained eight
years in Mewar, reaping its revenues and amassing those hoards
of wealth which subsequently gave him the lead in Hindustan,
and enabled him nearly to assert his independence. Yet, although
he accumulated [448] £2,000,000 sterling from her soil,^ exacting
one-half of the produce of agricultural industry, the suppression
of feuds and exterior aggressions gave to Mewar a degree of
tranquillity and happiness to which she had long been a stranger.
The instructions delivered to Ambaji were —
1. The entire restoration of the Rana's authority and resump-
tion of the crown-lands from rebellious chiefs and mer-
cenary Sindis.
2. The expulsion of the pretender from Kumbhalmer.
3. The recovery of Godwar from the Raja of Marwar.
4. To settle the Bundi feud for the murder of Rana Arsi.
A schedule (pandhri) ^ for the twenty lakhs stipulated was
made and levied ; twelve from the Chondawat estates and eight
from the Saktawats ; and the sum of sixty lakhs was awarded,
besides the expense of Ambaji's army, when the other specified
objects should be attained. Within two years the pretender
was expelled Kumbhalmer, Jahazpur was recovered from a
rebellious Ranawat, and the crown-lands ^ were redeemed from
^ It was levied as follows :
Saluuibar
Lakhs 3
Deogarh
„ 3
Singingir Gosain, their adviser
„ 2
Kosital
„ 1
Amet
„ 2
Kurabar
„ 1
Lakhs . 12
^ [Pandhri, Pandharapatti, a tax on shops, artisans, traders, and persons
not engaged in agriculture, levied on their persons, implements, places of
work, or traffic ; the same as the Mahtarafa (Wilson, Glossary, s.v.).]
^ Raepur Rajnagar from the Sindis ; Guria and Gadarraala from the
Purawats ; Hamirgarh from Sardar Singh, and Kur j Kawaria from Salunibar.
ANARCHY IN MEWAR 521
the nobles ; the personal domain of the Rana, agricultural and
commercial, still realized nearly fifty lakhs of rupees. After
these services, though Godwar was still unredeemed, the Bundi
feud unappeased, and the lands mortgaged to the Mahrattas
were not restored, Ambaji assumed the title of Subahdar of
Mewar, and identified himself with the parties of the day. Yet
so long as he personally upheld the interests of the Rana, his
memorj^ is done justice to, notwithstanding he never conformed
to the strict letter of his engagements. The Rana's ministers,
fearing lest their brother's fate should be theirs in the event of the
Chondawats again attaining power, and deeming their own and
their sovereign's security dependent on Ambaji's presence, made
a subsidiary engagement with him, and lands to the amount of
75,000 rupees monthly, or eight lakhs annually, were appropriated
for his force ; but so completely were the resources of the [449]
country diverted from their honest use, that when, in S. 1851, a
marriage was negotiated between the Rana's sister and the prince
of Jaipur, the Rana was obliged to borrow £50,000 from the
Mahratta commander to purchase the nuptial presents. The
following year was marked by a triple event^the death of the
queen-mother, the birth of a son and heir to the Rana, and the
bursting of the embankment of the lake, which swept away a
third of the city and a third of its inhabitants. Superstition
attributed this catastrophe to the Rana's impiety, in establishing
a new festival ^ to Gauri, the Isis of Rajasthan.
Anarchy in Mewar. — Ambaji, who was this year nominated
by Sindhia his viceroy in Hindustan, left Ganesh Pant as his
lieutenant in Mewar, with whom acted the Rana's officers, Sawai
and Shirji Mehta ; ^ who applied themselves to make the most of
their ephemeral power with so rapacious a spirit, that Ambaji
was compelled to displace Ganesh Pant and appoint the celebrated
Rae Chand. To him they would not yield, and each party formed
a nucleus for disorder and misrule. It would be iminteresting
^ In Bhadon, the third month of the rainy season. An account of this
festival will hereafter be given.
* The first of these is now the manager of Prince Jawan Singh's estates,
a man of no talent ; and the latter, his brother, was one of the ministers on
my arrival at Udaipur. He was of invincible good humour, yet full of the
spirit of intrigue, and one of the bars to returning prosperity. The cholera
carried off this Falstaff of the court, not much to mj' sorrow.
522 ANNALS OF MEWAR
and nauseating to the reader to carry him through all the scenes
of villainy which gradually desolated this country ; for whose
spoil pilfering Mahrattas, savage Rohillas, and adventurous
Franks were all let loose. The now humbled Chondawats, many
of whose fiefs were confiscated, took to horse, and in conjunction
with lawless Sindis scoured the coiuitiy. Their estates were
attacked, Kurabar was taken, and batteries were placed against
Salumbar, whence the Sindis fled and found refuge in Deogarh.
In this exigence, the Chondawats determined to send an envoy
to Ambaji, who was then engaged in the siege of Datia ; and
Ajit Singh, since prominent in the intrigues of Mewar, was the
organ of liis clan on this occasion. For the sum of ten lakhs the
avaricious Mahratta agreed to recall his deputy from Mewar,^
to renounce Sheodas and the Saktawats, and lend his support to
the Chondawats. The Salumbar chief again took the lead at
court, and with Agarji Mehta ^ as minister, the Saktawats [450]
1 S. 1853, A.D. 1797.
^ This person was nominated the chief civil minister on the author's
arrival at Udaipur, an office to which he was every way unequal. The
affairs of Mewar had never prospered since the faithful Panchohs were
deprived of power. Several productions of the descendants of Biharidas
have fallen into my hands ; their quaint mode of conveying advice may
authorize their insertion here.
The Panchohs, who had performed so many services to the country, had
been for some time deprived of the office of prime minister, which was dis-
posed of as it suited the views of the factious nobles who held power for the
time being ; and who bestowed it on the Mehtas, Depras, or Dhabhais.
Amongst the papers of the Panchohs, several addressed to the Rana and to
Agarji Mehta, the minister of the day, are valuable for the patriotic senti-
ments they contain, as well as for the general Ught they throw upon the
period. In S. 1853 (a.d. 1797) Amrit Rao devised a plan to remedy the
evils that oppressed the country. He inculcated the necessity of dispensing
with the interference of the Saktawats and Chondawats in the affairs of
government, and strengthening the hands of the civil administration by
admitting the foreign chieftains to the power he proposed to deprive the
former of. He proceeds in the following quaint style :
" Disease fastened on the country from the following causes, envy and
party spirit. With the Turks disease was introduced ; but then the prince,
his ministers, and chiefs, were of one mind, and medicine was ministered
and a cure effected. During Rana Jai Singh's time the disorder returned,
which his son Amra put down. He recovered the affairs of government
from confusion, gave to every one his proper rank and dignity, and rendered
all prosperous. But Maharana Sangram Singh put from under his wing the
Chandarawat of Rampura, and thus a pinion of Mewar was broken. The
calamity of Biharidas, whose son committed suicide, increased the diffi-
ANARCHY IN MEWAR 523
were attacked, the stipulated ten lakhs raised from their estates,
and two fiefs of note, Hintha and Semari, confiscated [451].
culties. The arrival of the Deccanis under Bajirao, the Jaipur affair * and
the defeat at Rajmahall, with the heavy expenditure thereby occasioned,
augmented the disorder. Add to this in Jagat Singh's time the enmity of
the Dhabhais towards the Panchohs, which lowered their dignities at home
and abroad, and siiice which time every man has thought himself equal to
the task of government. Jagat Singh was also afflicted by the rebellious
conduct of his son Partap, when Shyama Solanki and several other chiefs
were treacherously cut off. Since which time the minds of the nobles have
never been loyal, but black and not to be trusted. Again, on the accession
of Partap, Maharaja Nathji allowed his thoughts to aspire, from which all
Ills kin suffered. Hence animosities, doubts, and deceits, arose on all sides.
Add to this the haughty proceeding of Amra Chand now in office ; and
besides the strife of the Pancholis with each other, their enmity to the
Depras. Hence parties were formed which completely destroyed the credit
of aU. Yet, notwithstanding, they abated none of their strife, which was
the acme to the disease. The feud between Kuman Singh and the Sak-
tawats for the possession of Hintha, aggravated the distresses . The treacher-
ous murder of Maharaja Nathji, and the consequent disgust and retreat of
Jaswant Singh of Deogarh ; the setting up the impostor Ratna Singh and
Jhala Raghiideo's struggle for office, with Amra Chand's entertaining the
mercenaries of Sind, brought it to a crisis. The neghgence arising out of
luxury, and the intrigues of the Dhabhais of Rana Arsi, made it spread so
as to defeat all attempt at cure. In S. 1829, on the treacherous murder
of the Rana by the Bundi prince, and the accession of the minor Hamir,
every one set up his own authority, so that there was not even the semblance
of government. And now you (to the Rana), hstening to the advice of
Bhim Singh (Salumbar), and his brother, Arjun, have taken foreigners "j"
into pay, and thus riveted all the former errors. You and Sri Baiji Raj
(the royal mother), putting confidence in foreigners and Deccanis, have
rendered the disease contagious ; besides, your mind is gone. What can
be done ? Medicine may yet be had. Let us unite and struggle to restore
the duties of the minister and we may conquer, or at least check its progress.
If now neglected, it will hereafter be beyond human power. The Deccanis
are the great sore. Let us settle their accounts, and at all events get rid
of them, or we lose the land for ever. At this time there are treaties and
engagements in every corner. I have touched on every subject. Forgive
whatever is improper. Let us look the future in the face, and let chiefs,
ministers, and all unite. With the welfare of the country all will be well.
But this is a disease which, if not now conquered, wiU conquer us."
A second paper as follows :
" The disease of the country is to be considered and treated as a remittent.
* The struggle to place the Rana's nephew. Mad ho Singh, on the throne
of Jaipur.
f The Panchoh must allude to the Mahratta subsidiary force under
Ambaji.
524 ANNALS OF MEWAR
Death o! Mahadaji Sindhia, January 12, 1794. — The death of
Mahadaji Sindhia,^ and the accession of his nephew Daulatrao,
his murder of the Shenvi Brahmans, and his quarrels with the
Bais (' princesses,' wives of the deceased Sindhia), all occurred at
this time, and materially influenced the events in Mewar. The
power of Ainbaji as Subahdar of Hindustan was strengthened by
the minority of Sindhia, although contested by Lakwa and the
Bais, supported by the Khichi prince, Durjan Sal, and the Datia
Raja, who fought and died for the princesses. Lakwa wrote to
the Rana to throw off Ambaji's yoke and expel his lieutenant ;
while Ambaji commanded his deputy to eject the Shenvi ^ Brah-
" Amra Singh cured it and laid a complete system of government and
justice.
" In Sangram's time it once more gained ground.
" In Jagat Singh's time the seed was thrown into the ground thus obtained.
" In Partap's time it sprung up.
" In Raj Singh's time it bore fruit.
" In Rana Arsi's time it was ripe.
" In Hamir's time it was distributed, and all have had a share.
" And you, Bhini Singh (the present Rana), have eaten jjlentifully
thereof. Its virtues and flavour you are acquainted with, and so likewise is
the country ; and if you take no medicine you will assuredly suffer much
pain, and both at home and abroad you will be lightly thought of. Be not
therefore negligent, or faith and land will depart from you."
A tliird paper to Agarji Mehta (then minister) :
" If the milk is curdled it does not signify. Where there is sense butter
may yet be extracted ; and if the butter-milk {chhackh) is thrown away it
matters not. But if the milk be curdled and black it will require wisdom
to restore its purity. This wisdom is now wanted. The foreigners are the
black in the curdled milk of Mewar. At all hazards remove them. Trust
to them and the land is lost.
" In moonhght what occasion for a blue hght ? (Chandra jot).*
" Who looks to the false coin of the juggler ?
" Do not credit him who tells you he will make a pigeon out of a feather.
■' Abroad it is said there is no wisdom left in Mewar, which is a disgrace
to her reputation."
^ [Mahadaji Sindhia, commonly and erroneously called Madhava Rao,
died near Poona, January 12, 1794. See his life by H. G. Keene,
' Rulers of India ' series ; Grant Duff, Hist, of Mahrattas, 343 ff. ; W.
Franklin, Hist, of Shah-Aulum, 119 ff.]
* There are three classes of Mahratta Brahmans : Shenvi, Prabhu,
and Mahratta. Of the first was Lakwa, Balabha Tantia, Jiwa Dada, Sivaji
Nana, Lalaji Pandit, and Jaswant Rao Bhao, men who held the mortgaged
* Literally, a 'moonlight.' The particular kind of firework which we
call a ' blue hght.'
DEFEAT OF THE CHONDAWATS 525
mans, supporters of Lakwa, from all the lands in Mewar. To
this end Ganesh Pant called on the Rana's ministers and chiefs,
who, consulting thereon, determined to play a deep game ; and
while they apparently acquiesced in the schemes of Ganesh, they
wrote the Shenvis to advance from Jawad and attack him,
promising them support. They met at Sawa ; Nana was defeated
Avith the loss of his guns, and retired on Chitor. With a feint of
support, the Chondawats made him again call in his garrison and
try another battle, which he also lost and fled to Hamirgarh ;
then, uniting with his enemies^ they invested the place with
15,000 men. Nana bravely maintained himself, making many
sallies, in one of which both the sons of Dhiraj Singh, the chief
of Hamirgarh, Avere slain. Shortly after. Nana was relieved by
some battalions of the new raised regulars sent by Ambaji under
Gulab Rao Kadam, upon which he commenced his retreat on
Ajmer. At Musamusi he was forced to action, and success had
nearly crowned the efforts of the clans, when a horseman, en-
deavouring to secure a mare, calling out [452], " Bhagi ! bhagi ! "
" She flies ! she flies ! " the word spread, while those who caught
her, exclaiming " Milgayi ! milgayi ! " " She is taken ! '' but
equally significant with ' going over ' to the enemy, caused a
general panic, and the Chondawats, on the verge of victory,
disgraced themselves, broke and fled. Several were slain, among
whom was the Sindi leader Chandan. Shahpura opened its gates
to the fugitives led by the Goliath of the host, the chief of Deo-
garh.^ It was an occasion not to be lost by the bards of the
rival clan, and many a ribald stanza records this day's disgrace.
Ambaji' s lieutenant, however, was so roughly handled that
several chiefs redeemed their estates, and the Rana much of the
fisc, from Mahratta control.
Contest of Ambaji and Lakwa. — Mewar now became the arena
on which the rival satraps Ambaji and Lakwa contested the
lands of Mewar. [There are four groups of Maratlia Brahmans : Konkan-
asthas, Deshasthas, Karhadas, and Kanvas. The Prabhus are not Brahmans,
but the writer caste, like the Kayasths of Hindustan (J. Wilson, Indian
Caste, 1877, ii. 17 flf.). The word Shenvi is a corruption of chhhjanave,
' ninety-six,' from the supposed number of their sections.]
^ I knew him well. He stood six feet six inches, and was. bulky in pro-
portion. His limbs rivalled those of the Hercules Farnese. His father
was nearly seven feet, and died at the early age of twenty-two, in a vain
attempt to keep down, by regimen and medicine, his enormous bulk.
526 ANNALS OF MEWAR
exalted office of Sindhia's lieutenancy in Hindustan. Lakwa was
joined by all the chiefs of Mewar, his cause being their own ; and
Hamirgarh, still held by Nana's party, Was reinvested. Two
thousand shot had made a practicable breach, when Bala Rao
Inglia, Bapu Sindhia, Jaswant Rao Sindhia, a brigade under the
European ' Mutta field,' ^ with the auxiliary battalions of Zalim
Singh of Kotah, the whole under the command of Ambaji's son,
arrived to relieve the lieutenant. Lakwa raised the siege, and
took post with his allies under the walls of Chi tor ; whilst the
besieged left the untenable Hamirgarh, and joined the relief at
Gosunda. The rival armies were separated only by the Berach
river, on whose banks they raised batteries and cannonaded each
other, when a dispute arose in the victor camp regarding the pay
of the troops, between Bala Rao (brother of Ambaji) and Nana,
and the latter withdrew and retreated to Sanganer, Thus
disunited, it might have been expected that these congregated
masses would have dissolved, or fallen upon each other, when
the Rajputs might have given the coup de grdce to the survivors ;
but they were Mahrattas, and their politics were too complicated
to end in simple strife : almost all the actors in these scenes lived
to contest with, and be humiliated by, the British.
George Thomas. — The defection of Nana equalized the parties ;
but Bala Rao, never partial to fighting, opportunely recollected
a debt of gratitude to Lakwa, to whose clemency he owed his
life when taken by storm in Gugal Chapra. He also wanted
money [453] to pay his force, which a private overture to Lakwa
secured. They met, and Bala Rao retired boasting of his grati-
tude, to which, and the defection of Nana, soon followed by that
of Bapu Sindhia, the salvation of Lakwa was attributed. Suther-
land ^ with a brigade was detached by Ambaji to aid Nana : but
a dispute depriving him of this reinforcement, he called in a
partisan of more celebrity, the brave George Thomas.' Ambaji's
^ [This is perhaps Captain Butterfield, who served in Sindhia's force under
Colonel Sutherland. He behaved gallantly in action against Lakwa Dada,
for which he received a flattering letter from Perron : no further mention of
him has been traced (Compton, Military Adventurers, 344).]
" [For Colonel Robert Sutherland, known to natives as ' Sutlej Sahib,'
see Compton, 410 ff.]
' [For the remarkable career of George Thomas, who nearly' succeeded
in forming a kingdom of his own on the ruins of the Empire in N. India, see
Compton, 109 f. ; W. Franklin,. Military Memoirs of Mr. G. Thomas, 1803.]
PILLAGE IN MEWAR 527
lieutenant and Lakwa were once more equal foes, and the Rana,
liis chiefs and subjects being distracted between these conflicting
bands, whose leaders alternately paid their respects to him, were
glad to obtain a little repose by espousing the cause of either
combatant, whose armies during the monsoon encamped for six
weeks within sight of each other. ^
Pillage in Mewar. — ^Durjan Sal (Khichi), with the nobles of
Mewar, hovered round Nana's camp with five thousand horse
to cut off his supplies ; but Thomas escorted the convoys from
Shahpura with his regulars, and defied all their efforts. Thomas
at length advanced his batteries against Lakwa, on whose position
a general assault was about taking place, when a tremendous
storm, with torrents of rain which filled the stream, cut off his
batteries from the main body, burst the gates of Shahpura, his
point d'appui, and laid the town in ruins.^ Lakwa seized the
moment, and with the Mewar chiefs stormed and carried the
isolated batteries, capturing fifteen pieces of cannon ; and the
Shahpura Raja, threatened at once by his brother-nobles and
the vengeance of heaven, refused further provision to Nana, who
was compelled to abandon his position and retreat to Sanganer.
The discomfited lieutenant vowed vengeance against the estates
of the Mewar chieftains, and after the rains, being reinforced by
Ambaji, again took the field. Then commenced a scene of
carnage, pillage, and individual defence. The whole of the
Chondawat estates under the Aravalli range were laid waste,
their castles assaulted, some taken and destroyed, and heavy
sums levied on all. Thomas besieged Deogarh and Amet, and
both fought and paid. Kasital and Lasani were captured, and
the latter razed for its gallant resistance. Thus they were pro-
ceeding in the work of destruction, when Ambaji [454] was
dispossessed of the government of Hindustan, to which liakwa
was nominated,' and Nana was compelled to surrender all the
fortresses and towns he held in Mewar.
^ Both camps were on the right bank of the Banas : Lakwa's at Amh, about
ten miles south of Shahpura, and Nana's at Kadera, between these towns.
* Lakwa at this time [S. 1856, a.d. 1799] put the Shahpura Raja in pos-
session of the important fortress and district of Jahazpur, which, although
the Rana consented to it, covertly receiving from the Raja two lakhs of
rupees, disgusted the nobles with Lakwa.
* Balabha Tantia and Bakhshu Narayan Rao were Sindhia's ministers at
this period, of the same tribe (the Shenvi) as Lakwa.
528 ANNALS OF MEWAR
Daulat Rao Sindhia reduces Mewar. — From this period must
be dated the pretensions of Sindhia to consider Mewar as tributary
to him. We have traced the rise of the Mahrattas, and the
progress of their baneful influence in Mewar. The abstractions
of territory from S. 1826 to 1831 [a.d. 1769-74], as pledges for
contributions, satisfied their avarice till 1848 [a.d. 1791], when
the Salumbar rebellion brought the great Sindhia to Chitor,
leaving Ambaji as his lieutenant, with a subsidiary force, to
recover the Rana's lost possessions. We have related how these
conditions were fulfilled ; how Ambaji, inflated with the wealth
of Mewar, assumed almost regal dignity in Hindustan, assigning
the devoted land to be governed by his deputies, whose contest
with other aspirants made this unhappy region the stage for
constant struggles for supremacy ; and while the secret policy
of Zalim Singh stimulated the Saktawats to cling to Ambaji, the
Chondawats gave their influence and interest to his rival Lakwa.
The unhappy Rana and the peasantry paid for this rivalry ; while
Sindhia, whose power was now in its zenith, fastened one of his
desultory armies on Mewar, in contravention of former treaties,
without any definite views, or even instructions to its commander.
It was enough that a large body should supply itself without
assailing him for prey, and whose services were available when
required.
Lakwa Dada Maratha Viceroy. — Lakwa, the new viceroy,
marched to Mewar : Agarji Mehta was appointed minister to
the Rana, and the Chondawats again came into power. For the
sum of six lakhs Lakwa dispossessed the Shahpura of Jahazpur,
for the liquidation of which thirty-six of its towns were mortgaged.
Zalim Singh, who had long been manoeuvring to obtain Jahazpur,
administered to the necessities of the Mahratta, paid the note of
hand, and took possession of the city and its villages. A contri-
bution of twenty-four lakhs was imposed throughout the country,
and levied by force of arms, after which first act of the new
viceroy he quitted Mewar for Jaipur, leaving Jaswant Rao Bhao
as his deputy. Mauji Ram, the deputy of Agarji (the Rana's
minister), determined to adopt the European mode of discipline,
now become general amongst all the native powers of India. But
when the chiefs were [455] called upon to contribute to the
support of mercenary regulars and a field-artillery, they evinced
their patriotism by confining this zealous minister. Satidas was
THE BATTLE OF INDORE 529
once more placed in power, and his brother Sheodas recalled
from Kotah, whither he had fled from the Chondawats, who now
appropriated to themselves the most valuable portions of the
Rana's personal doinain.
Holkar defeated at Indore. Plunder of Nathdwara : image
removed. — The battle of Indore,^ in a.d. 1802, where at least
150,000 men assembled to dispute the claim to predatory empire,
wrested the ascendancy from Holkar, who lost his guns, equipage,
and capital, from which he fled to Mewar, pursued by Sindhia's
victorious army led by Sadasheo and Bala Rao. In his flight he
plundered Ratlam, and passing Bhindar, the castle of the Sakta-
wat chief, he demanded a contribution, from which and his
meditated visit to Udaipur, the Rana and his vassal were saved
by the activity of the purstiit. Failing in these objects, Holkar
retreated on Nathdwara, the celebrated shrine of the Hindu
Apollo.^ It was here this active soldier first showed symptoms
of mental derangement. He upbraided Krishna, while prostrate
before his image, for the loss of his victory ; and levied three
lakhs of rupees on the priests and inhabitants, several of whom
he carried to his camp as hostages for the payment. The portal
(dwara) of the god (Nath) proving no bar either to Turk or equally
impious Mahratta, Damodarji, the high priest, removed the god
of Vraj from his pedestal and sent him with his establishment to
Udaipur for protection. The Chauhan chief of Kotharia (one of
the sixteen nobles), in whose estate was the sacred fane, undertook
the duty, and with twenty horsemen, his vassals, escorted the
shepherd god by intricate passes to the capital. On his return
he was intercepted by a band of Holkar's troops, who insultingly
desired the surrender of their horses. But the descendant of the
illustrious Prithiraj preferred death to dishonour : dismounting,
he hamstrung his steed, commanding his vassals to follow his
example ; and sword in hand courted his fate in the unequal
conflict, in which he fell, with most of his gallant retainers.
There are many such isolated exploits in the records of this
eventful period, of which the Chauhans of Kotharia had their full
share. Spoil, from whatever source, being welcome to these depre-
dators, Nathdwara ^ remained long abandoned ; and Apollo, after
1 [October U, 1801 (Grant Duff 555).] ^ [Krishna.]
* Five-and-twenty [about thirty] miles north of Udaipur. On this sub-
ject we shall have much to say hereafter.
VOL. I 2 M
530 ANNALS OF MEWAR
six months' residence at Udaipur, finding [456] insufiRcient protec-
tion, took another flight to the mountains of Ghasyar, where the
high priest threw up fortifications for his defence ; and spiritual
thunders being disregarded, the pontiff henceforth buckled on
the armour of flesh, and at the head of four hundred cavaliers
with lance and shield, visited the minor shrines in his extensive
diocese.
The Inroad o£ Holkar. — To return to Holkar. He pursued his
route by Banera and Shahpura, levying from both, to Ajmer,
where he distributed a portion of the offerings of the followers of
Krishna amongst the priests of Muham.mad at the mosque of
Khwaja Pir. Thence he proceeded towards Jaipur, Sindhia's
leaders on reaching Mewar renounced the pursuit, and Udaipur
was cursed with their presence, when three lakhs of rupees were
extorted from the unfortunate Rana, raised by the sale of house-
hold effects and the jewels of the females of his family. Jaswant
Rao Bhao, the Subahdar of Mewar, had prepared another schedule
(pandhri), which he left with Tantia, his deputy, to realize. Then
followed the usual scene of conflict — the attack of the chieftain's
estates, distraining of the husbandman, seizure of his cattle, and
his captivity for ransom, or his exile.
Mewar Quarrels. — -The celebrated Lakwa, disgraced by his
prince, died at this time ^ in sanctuary at Salumbar ; and Bala
Rao, brother to Ambaji, returned, and was joined by the Sakta-
wats and the minister Satidas, who expelled the Chondawats for
their control over the prince. Zalim Singh, in furtherance of his
schemes and through hatred of the Chondawats, united himself
to this faction, and Devi Chand, minister to the Rana, set up
by the Chondawats, was made prisoner. Bala Rao levied and
destroyed their estates with unexampled ferocity, which produced
a bold attempt at deliverance. The Chondawat leaders assembled
at the Chaugan (the Champ de Mars) to consult on their safety.
The insolent Mahratta had preceded them to the palace, demand-
ing the surrender of the minister's deputy, Mauji Ram. The
Rana indignantly refused them — the Mahratta importuned,
threatened, and at length commanded his troops to advance to
the palace, when the intrepid minister pinioned the audacious
plunderers, and secured his adherents (including their old enemy.
Nana Ganesh), Janialkar, and Uda Kunwar. The latter, a
1 S. 1859 (a.d. 1803).
HOLKAR PLUNDERS UDAIPUR 531
notorious villain, had an elephant's chain put round his neck,
while Bala Rao was confined in a bath. The [457] leaders thus
arrested, the Chondawats sallied forth and attacked their camp
in the valley, which surrendered ; though the regulars under
Hearsey ^ retreated in a hollow square, and reached Gadarmala in
safety. Zalim Singh determined to liberate his friend Bala Rao
from peril ; and aided by the Saktawats under the chiefs of
Bhindar and Lawa, advanced to the Chaija Pass, one of the
defiles leading to the capital. Had the Rana put these chiefs to
instant death, he would have been justified, although he would
have incurred the resentment of the whole Mahratta nation.
Instead of this, he put himself at the head of a motley le\y of
six thousand Sindis, Arabs, and Gosains, with the brave Jai
Singh and a band of his gallant Khichis, ever ready to poise the
lance against a Mahratta. They defended the pass for five days
against a powerful artillery. At length the Rana was compelled
to liberate Bala Rao, and Zalim Singh obtained by this inter-
ference possession of the fortress and entire district of Jahazpur.
A schedule of war contribution, the usual finale to these events,
followed Bala's liberation, and no means were left untried to
realize the exaction, before Holkar, then approaching, could
contest the spoil.
Eolkar plunders Udaipur. — This chief, having recruited his
shattered forces, again left the south.^ Bhindar felt his resent-
ment for non-compliance with his demands on his retreat after the
battle of Indore ; the town was nearly destroyed, but spared for two
lakhs of rupees, for the payment of which villages were assigned.
Thence he repaired to Udaipur, being met by Ajit Singh, the
Rana's ambassador, when the enormous sum of forty lakhs, or
£500,000, was demanded from the country, of which one-third
was commanded to be instantly forthcoming. The palace was
denuded of everything which could be converted into gold ; the
females were deprived of every article of luxury and comfort : by
which, with contributions levied on the city, twelve lakhs were
^ [Hyder Young Hearsey (1782-3-1840), son of Captain Harry Thomas
Hearsey by a Jat lady, served Sindhia under Perron, and also George Thomas,
joined Lord Lake at Dig in 1804 : taken prisoner in the Nepal war of 1815 : .
present at the siege of Bharatpur : died near Budaun (Buckland, Diet.
Indian Biography, s.v.).]
2 In S. 1860 (A.D. 1804).
532 ANNALS OF MEWAR
obtained ; while hostages from the household of the Rana and
chief citizens were delivered as security for the remainder, and
immured in the Mahratta camp. Holkar then visited the Rana.
Lawa and Radnor were attacked, taken, and restored on large
payments. Deogarh alone was mulcted four and a half lakhs.
Having devastated Mewar during eight months, Holkar [458]
marched to Hindustan,^ Ajit Singh accompanying him as the
Rana's representative ; while Bala Ram Seth was left to levy
the balance of the forty lakhs. Holkar had reached Shahpura
when Sindhia entered Mewar, and their camps formed a junction
to allow the leaders to organize their mutual plans of hostility
to the British Government. These chieftains, in their efforts to
cope with the British power, had been completely humiliated,
and their resources broken. But Rajasthan was made to pay
the penalty of British success, which riveted her chains, and it
would be but honest, now we have the power, to diminish that
penalty.
Sindhia and Holkar in Mewar. — The rainy season of a.d. 1805
found Sindhia and Holkar encamped in the plains of Badnor,
desirous, but afraid, to seek revenge in the renewal of war. De-
prived of all power in Hindustan, and of the choicest territory
north and south of the Nerbudda, with numerous discontented
armies now let loose on these devoted countries, their passions
inflamed by defeat, and blind to every sentiment of humanity,
they had no alternative to pacify the soldiery and replenish their
own ruined resources but indiscriminate pillage. It would
require a pen powerful as the pencil of Salvator Rosa to paint
the horrors which filled up the succeeding ten years, to which
the author was an eye-witness, destined to follow in the train of
rapine, and to view in the traces of Mahratta camps ^ the desola-
^ At this juncture an officer of Holkar's, Harnatli Chela, on passing
through Bansain, had some camels carried off by the Bliils of the Satola
estate. Harnath summoned Gulab Singh Chondawat, who came with eight
of his relatives, when he was told he should be detained till the cattle were
restored ; and in the morning, as the Mahratta momted his elephant, he
commanded the Raghaut chieftain to be seized. Gulab drew his sword
and made at Harnath, but his sword broke in the howda, when he plunged
his dagger into the elephant ; but at length he and all his relations, who
nobly pUed their swords on the Mahrattas, were cut to pieces.
* [For a graphic account of these camps see T. D. Broughton, Letters
written in a Mahratta Camp during the year 1809, ed. 1892.]
HOLKAR SAVES MEWAR FROM SINDHIA 533
tion and political anniliilation of all the central States of India/
several of which aided the British in their early struggle for
dominion, but were now allowed to fall without a helping hand,
the scapegoats of our successes. Peace between the Mahrattas
and British was, however, doubtful, as Sindhia made the restora-
tion of the rich provinces of Gohad and Gwalior a sine qua non :
and unhappily for their legitimate ruler, who [459] had been
inducted into the seat of his forefathers, a Governor- General
(Lord Cornwallis) of ancient renown, but in the decline of life,
with views totally unsuited to the times, abandoned our allies,
and renounced all for peace, sending an ambassador "^ to Sindhia
to reunite the bonds of ' perpetual friendship.'
Holkar saves Mewar from Sindhia. — The Mahratta leaders
were anxious, if the war should be renewed, to shelter their
families and valuables in the strongholds of Mewar, and their
respective camps became the rendezvous of the rival factions.
Sardar Singh, the organ of the Chondawats, represented the
Rana at Sindhia's court, at the head of whose councils Ambaji
had just been placed.^ His rancour to the Rana was implacable,
from the support given in self-defence to his political antagonist,
Lakwa, and he agitated the partition of Mewar amongst the great
Mahratta leaders. But whilst his baneful influence was pre-
paring this result, the credit of Sangram Saktawat with Holkar
counteracted it. It would be unfair and ungallant not to record
that a fair suitor, the Baiza Bai,* Sindhia's wife, powerfully
^ The Rana of Gohad and GwaUor, the Khichi chiefs of Raghugarh and
Bahadurgarh, and the Nawab of Bhopal, made common cause with us in
Warren Hastings' time. The first throe possess not a shadow of independ-
ence ; the last fortunately formed a Unk in our own pohcy, and Lord
Hastings, in 1818, repaid with liberal interest the services rendered to the
government of Warren Hastings in 1782. It was in his power, with equal
facihty, to have rescued all the other States, and to have claimed the same
measure of gratitude which Bhopal is proud to avow. But there was a
fatahty in the desire to maintain terms with Sindhia, whose treachery to
our power was overlooked.
^ The author, then a subaltern, was attached to the suite of the ambas-
sador, Mr. Graeme Mercer. He left the subsidiary force at Gwahor in
December 1805, and the embassy reached Sindhia's court in the spring of
1800, then encamped amidst the ruins of Mewar.
' The ministers of Sindhia Avere Ambaji, Bapu Chitnavis, Madhuba
Huzuria, ancfAnaji Bhaskar.
* [Baiza Bai, widow of Daulat Rao Sindhia, who died in 1827, was an
534 ANNALS OF MEWAR
contributed to the Rana's preservation on this occasion. This
lady, the daughter of the notorious Sarji Rao, had unboxuided
power over Sindhia. Her sympathies were awakened on behalf
of the supreme head of the Rajput nation, of which blood she
had to boast, though she was now connected with the Mahrattas.
Even the hostile clans stifled their animosities on this occasion,
and Sardar Singh Chondawat left Sindhia's camp to join his rival
Sangram with Holkar, and aided by the upright Kishandas
Pancholi, united in their remonstrances, asking Holkar if he had
given his consent to sell Mewar to Ambaji. Touched by the
picture of the Rana's and their country's distresses, Holkar swore
it should not be ; advised unity amongst themselves, and caused
the representatives of the rival clans ' to eat opiiun together.'
Nor did he stop here, but with the envoys repaired to Sindhia's
tents, descanted on the Rana's high descent, ' the master of their
master's master,' ^ urging that it did not become them to over-
whelm him, and that they should even renounce the mortgaged
lands which their fathers had too long unjustly held, himself
setting the example by the restitution of [460] Nimbahera. To
strengthen his argument, he expatiated with Sindhia on the
policy of conciliating the Rana, whose strongholds might be
available in the event of a renewal of hostilities with the British.
Sindliia appeared a convert to his views, and retained the envoys
in his camp. The Mahratta camps were twenty miles apart,
and incessant torrents of rain had for some days prevented all
intercourse. In this interim, Holkar received intelligence that
Bhairon Bakhsh, as envoy from the Rana, was in Lord Lake's
camp negotiating for the aid of British troops, then at Touk, to
drive the Mahrattas from Mewar. The incensed Holkar sent
for the Rana's ambassadors, and assailed them with a torrent of
reproach ; accusing them of treachery, he threw the newspaper
containing the information at Kishandas, asking if that were
the way in which the Mewaris kept faith with him ? "I cared
not to break with Sindhia in support of your master, and while
combating the Farangis (Franks), when all the Hindus should be
unscrupulous, designing woman, whose intrigues at Gwalior forced her to
take refuge in British territory. She returned after an interval and lived
at Gwahor until her death in 1862 {IGI, xii. 424).]
^ That is, chief of the race from which issued the Satara sovereigns,
whose minister, the Peshwa, accounted Sindhia and Holkar his feudatories.
HOLKAR PROTECTS MEWAR INTERESTS 535
as brothers, your sovereign the Rana, who boasts of not acknow-
ledging the supremacy of Delhi, is the first to enter into arms
with them. ^Vas it for this I prevented Ambaji being fastened
on you ? " Kishandas here interrupted and attempted to
pacify him, when Alikar Tantia, Holkar's minister, stopped hina
short, observing to his prince, " You see the faith of these Ran-
gras ; ^ they would disimite you and Smdhia, and ruin both.
Shake them off : be reconciled to Sindhia, dismiss Sarji Rao, and
let Ambaji be Subahdar of Mewar, or I will leave you and take
Sindhia into Malwa." The other councillors, with the exception
of Bhao Bhaskar, seconded this advice : Sarji Rao was dismissed ;
and Holkar proceeded northward, where he was encoiuitered and
pursued to the Panjab by the British under the intrepid and
enterprising Lake, who dictated terms to the Mahratta at the
altars of Alexander.^
Holkar protects Mewar Interests. — Holkar had the generosity
to stipulate, before his departure from Mewar, for the security of
the Rana and his country, telling Sindhia he should hold him
personally amenable to him if Ambaji were permitted to violate
his guarantee. But in his misfortunes this threat was disregarded,
and a contribution of sixteen lakhs was levied immediately on
Mewar ; Sadasheo Rao, with Baptiste's ' brigade, was detached
from the camp in June 1806, for the double purpose of levying it,
and driving from [461] Udaipur a detachment of the Jaipur
prince's troops, bringing proposals and preliminary presents for
this prince's marriage with the Rana's daughter.
The Tragedy of Krishna Kunwari. — It would be imagined that
the miseries of Rana Bhim were not susceptible of aggravation,
and that fortvme had done her worst to humble him ; but his
^ Rangra is an epithet appKed to the Rajputs, implying turbulent, from
rana, ' strife.' [Rangar is the title of a body of turbulent, predatory Muham-
madans, who claim Rajput descent, occupying parts of the E. Panjab and
W. districts of the Ganges-Jumna Duab. The derivation suggested is very
doubtful (Crooke, Tribes and Castes, N.W.P. and Oudh, v. 227 £f.).]
2 [In October 1805 (Grant Duff 601).]
^ [Jean Baptiste de la Fontaine Filoze (1775-1840) assisted in the cam-
paign against Thomas in 1801. In the war with the Enghsh, part of his
brigade under Dupont was defeated at Assaye. He was afterwards ill-
treated by Sindhia, but was reinstated. Some of his descendants are still
in Sindhia's service (Compton, European Military Adveriturers, 352 ff. ;
Sleeman, Rambles, 115, note). He is frequently mentioned in Broughton,
Letters written in a Mahratta Camp.]
536 ANNALS OF MEWAR
pride as a sovereign and his feelings as a parent were destined to
be yet more deeply wounded. The Jaipur cortege had encamped
near the capital, to the number of three thousand men, while the
Rana's acknowledgments of acceptance were dispatched, and
had reached Shahpura. But Raja Man of Marwar also advanced
pretensions, founded on the princess having been actually be-
trothed to his predecessor ; and urging that the throne of Marwar,
and not the individual occupant, was the object, he vowed
resentment and opposition if his claims were disregarded. These
were suggested, it is said, by his nobles to cloak their own views ;
and promoted by the Chondawats (then ift favour with the Rana),
whose organ, Ajit, was bribed to further them, contrary to the
decided wishes of their prince.
Krislma Kimwari (the Virgin Krisluia) was the name of the
lovely object, the rivalry for whose hand assembled under the
banners of her suitors (Jagat Singh of Jaipur and Raja Man of
Marwar), not only their native chivalry, but all the predatory
powers of India ; and who, like Helen of old, involved in destruc-
tion her own and the rival houses. Sindhia having been denied
a pecuniary demand by Jaipur, not only opposed the nuptials,
but aided the claims of Raja Man, by demanding of the Rana the
dismissal of the Jaipur embassy : which being refused, he ad-
vanced his brigades and batteries, and after a fruitless resistance,
in which the Jaipur troops joined, forced the pass, threw a corps
of eight thousand men into the valley, and following in person,
encamped within cannon-range of the city. The Rana had now
no alternative but to dismiss the nuptial cortege, and agree to
whatever was demanded. Sindliia remained a month in the
valley, during which an interview took place between him and
the Rana at the shrine of Eklinga [462].^
1 To increase his importance, Sindhia invited the British envoy and suite
to be present on the occasion, when the princely demeanour of the Rana
and his sons was advantageously contrasted with that of the Mahratta and
his suite. It was in this visit that the regal abode of this ancient race, its
isles and palaces, acted with irresistible force on the cupidity of this scion
of the plough, who aspired to, yet dared not seat himself in, ' the halls of the
Caesars.' It was even surmised that his hostihty to Jaipur was not so
much from the refused war-contribution, as from a mortifying negative to
an audacious desire to obtain the hand of this princess himself. The impres-
sion made on the author upon this occasion by the miseries and noble appear-
ance of ' this descendant of a hundred kings,' was never allowed to weaken.
BATTLE OF PARBATSAR 537
Battle of Parbatsar. Defeat of the Marwar Forces.— The heralds
of Hymen bemg thus rudely repulsed and its symbols intercepted,
the Jaipur prince prepared to avenge his insulted pride and
disappointed hopes, and accordingly arrayed a force such as had "
not assembled since the empire was in its glory. Raja Man
eagerly took up the gauntlet of his rival, and headed ' the swords
of Maru.' But dissension prevailed in Marwar, where rival
claimants for the throne had divided the loyalty of the clans,
introducing there also the influence of the Mahrattas. Raja
Man, who had acquired the sceptre by party aid; was obliged to
maintain himself by it, and to pursue the demoralizing policy of
the period by ranging his vassals against each other. These
nuptials gave the malcontents an opportunity to display their
long-curbed resentments, and following the example of Mewar,
they set up a pretender, whose interests were eagerly espoused,
and whose standard was erected in the array of Jaipur ; the
prince at the head of 120,000 men advancing against his rival,
who with less than half the number met him at Parbatsar, on
their mutual frontier. The action was short, for while a heavy
cannonade opened on either side, the majority of the Marwar
nobles went over to the pretender. Raja Man turned his poniard
against himself : but some chiefs yet faithful to him wrested the
weapon from his hand, and conveyed him from the field. He
was pursued to his capital, which was invested, besieged, and
gallantly defended during six months. The town was at length
taken and plundered, but the castle of Jodha ' laughed a siege
to scorn ' ; in time with the aid of finesse, the mighty host of
Jaipur, which had consumed the forage of these arid plains for
twenty miles around, began to crumble away ; intrigue spread
through every rank, and the siege ended in pusillanimity and
flight. The Xerxes of Rajwara, the effeminate Kachhwaha,
alarmed at length for his personal safety, sent on the spoUs of
but kindled an enthusiastic desire for the restoration of his fallen condition,
which stimulated his perseverance to obtain that knowledge by which alone
he might be enabled to benefit him. Then a young Sub., his hopes of success
were more sanguiiae than wise ; but he trusted to the rapid march of events,
and the discordant elements by which he was surrounded, to elfect the
redemption of the prince from thraldom. It was a long dream — but after
ten years of anxious hope, at length reaUzed — and he had the gratification
of being instrumental in snatching the family from destruction, aiad subse-
■ quently of raising the country to comparative prosperity.
538 ANNALS OF MEWAR
Parbatsar and Jodhpur to his capital ; but the brave nobles of
Marwar, drawing the line between loyalty and patriotism, and
determined that no trophy of Rathor degradation should be
conveyed by the Kachhwahas from Marwar, attacked the cortege
and redeemed the symbols of their disgrace. The colossal array
of the invader was soon dismeinbered, and the ' lion of the
world ' (Jagat Singh), humbled and crestfallen [463], skulked
from the desert retreat of his rival, indebted to a partisan corps
for safety and convoy to his capital, around whose walls the
wretched remnants of this ill-starred confederacy long lagged
in expectation of their pay, while the bones of their horses and
the ashes of their riders whitened the plain, and rendered it a
Golgotha.^
Nawab Amir Khan. — By the aid of one of the most notorious
villains India ever produced, the Nawab Amir lOian,^ the pre-
tender's party was treacherously anniliilated. This man with
his brigade of artUlery and horse was amongst the most efficient
of the foes of Raja Man ; but the auri sacra fames not only made
him desert the side on which he came for that of the Raja, but
for a specific sum offer to rid him of the pretender and all his
associates. Like Judas, he kissed whom he betrayed, took
service with the pretender, and at the shrine of a saint of his own
faith exchanged turbans with their leaders ; and while the too
credulous Rajput chieftains celebrated this acquisition to their
party in the very sanctuary of hospitality, crowned by the dance
and the song, the tents were cut down, and the victims thus
enveloped, slaughtered in the midst of festivity by showers of
grape.
Thus finished the under-plot ; but another and more noble
victim was demanded before discomfited ambition could repose,
or the curtain drop on this eventful drama. Neither party
^ I witnessed the commencement and the end of this drama, and have
conversed with actors in all the intermediate scenes. In June 1806 the
passes of Udaipur were forced ; and in January 1808, when I passed through
Jaipur in a solitary ramble, the fragments of this contest were scattered over
its sandy plabas.
" [Amir Khan, ally of the Pindaris and ancestor of the present Nawabs
of Tonk. A treaty between him and the British was signed on December
19, 1817, by which his State was recognized. He died in 1834. See his
Life by Basawan Lai, translated by Thoby Prinsep ; Malcolm, Memoirs of
Central India, 2nd ed. ii. 325 ff.J
THE TRAGEDY OF KRISHNA KUNWARI 539
would relinquish his claim to the fair object of the war ; and the
torch of discord could be extinguished only in her blood. To
the same ferocious Klian is attributed the tmhallowed suggestion,
as well as its compulsory execution. The scene was now changed
from the desert castle of Jodha to the smiling valley of Udaipur,
soon to be filled with funereal lamentation.
The Tragedy of Krishna Kunwari. — Krishna Kimwari Bai, the
' Virgin Princess Krishna,' was in her sixteenth year : her
mother was of the Chawara race, the ancient kings of Anliilwara.
Sprung froin the noblest blood of Hind, she added beauty of face
and person to an engaging demeanour, and was justly proclaimed
the ' flower of Rajasthan.' When the Roman father pierced
the bosom of the dishonoured Virginia, appeased virtue applauded
the deed. When Iphigenia was led to the sacrificial altar, the
salvation of her coimtry yielded a noble consolation. The votive
victim of Jephthah's success had [464] the triumph of a father's
fame to sustain her resignation, and in the meeloiess of her
sufferings we have the best parallel to the sacrifice of the lovely
Krislma : though years have passed since the barbarous inunola-
tion, it is never related but with a faltering tongue and moistened
eyes, ' albeit imused to the melting mood.'
The rapacious and bloodthirsty Pathan, covered with infamy,
repaired to Udaipur, where he was joined by the phant and subtle
Ajit. Meek in his demeanour, unostentatious in his habits ;
despismg honours, yet covetous of power, — religion, wliich he
followed with the zeal of an ascetic, if it did not serve as a cloak,
was at least no liindrance to an immeasurable ambition, in the
attamment of which he woiUd have sacrificed all but himself.
When the Pathan revealed his design, that either the princess
should wed Raja Man, or by her death seal the peace of Rajwara,
whatever arguments were used to point the alternative, the Rana
was made to see no choice between consigning his beloved child
to the Rathor prince, or witnessing the effects of a m.ore extended
dishonour from the vengeance of the Pathan, and the storm of
his palace by his licentious adherents— the fiat passed that
Krishna Kunwari should die.
But the deed was left for women to accomplish — the hand of
man refused it. The Rawala^ of an Eastern prince is a world
witliin itself ; it is the labyrinth containing the strmgs that move
^ Harem.
540 ANNALS OF MEWAR
the puppets which alarm mankind. Here intrigue sits entlironed,
and hence its influence radiates to the world, always at a loss to
trace effects to their causes. Maharaja Daulat Singh,"^ descended
four generations ago from one common ancestor with the Rana,
was first sounded ' to save the honour of Udaipur ' ; but,
horror-struck, he exclaimed, " Accursed the tongue that com-
mands it ! Dust on my allegiance, if thus to be preserved ! "
The Maharaja Jawandas, a natural brother, was then called
upon ; the dire necessity was explained, and it was urged that no
common hand could be armed for the purpose. He accepted the
poniard, but when in youthful loveliness Krislina appeared
before him, the dagger fell from his hand, and he returned more
wretched than the victim. The fatal purpose thus revealed,
the shrieks of the frantic inother reverberated through the palace,
as she implored mercy, or execrated the murderers of her child,
who alone was resigned to her fate. But death was arrested, not
averted [465]. To use the phrase of the narrator, " she was
excused the steel — the cup was prepared," — and prepared by
female hands ! As the messenger presented it in the name of
her father, she bowed and drank it, sending up a prayer for his
life and prosperity. The raving mother poured imprecations on
his head, while the lovely victim, who shed not a tear, thus
endeavoured to console her : " Why afllict yourself, my mother,
at this shortening of the sorrows of life ? I fear not to die ! Am
I not your daughter ? Wliy should I fear death ? We are
marked out for sacrifice ^ from our birth ; we scarcely enter the
world but to be sent out again ; let me thank my father that I
have lived so long ! " * Thus she conversed till the nauseating
^ I knew him well — a plain honest man.
2 Alluding to the custom of infanticide — here, very rare ; indeed, almost-
unknown. *
* With my mind engrossed with the scenes in which I had passed the
better part of my life, I went two months after my return from Rajputana,
in 1823, to York Cathedral, to attend the memorable festival of that year.
The sublime recitations of Handel in ' Jephtha's Vow,' the sonorous woe of
Sapio's ' Deeper and deeper still,' powei-fully recalled the sad exit of the
Rajputni ; and the representation shortly after of Racine's tragedy of
' Iphigcnie,' with Talma as Achille, Duchesnois as Clytemnestre, and a
very interesting personation of the victim daughter of Agamemnon, again
served to waken the remembrance of this sacrifice. The following passage,
embodying not only the sentiments, but couched in the precise language in
which the ' Virgin Krishna ' addressed her father — proving that human
DEATH OF KRISHNA KUNWARI 541
draught refused to assimilate with her blood. Again the bitter
potion was prepared. She drained it off, and again it was re-
jected ; but, as if to try the extreme of human fortitude, a third
was administered ; and, for the third time, Nature refused to
aid the horrid purpose. It seemed as if the fabled charm, which
guarded the life of the founder of her race,^ was inherited by the
Virgin Krishna. But the blood-hounds, the Pathan and Ajit,
were impatient till their victim was at rest ; and cruelty, as if
gathering strength from defeat, made another and a fatal attempt.
A powerful opiate was presented — the kusumbha draught.''^ She
received it with a smile, wished the scene over, and drank it. The
desires [466] of barbarity were accomplished. ' She slept ! ' * a
sleep from which she never awoke.
The wretched mother did not long survive her child ; nature
was exhausted in the ravings of despair ; she refused food ; and
her remains in a few days followed those of her daughter to the
funeral pyre.
Even the ferocious Ivlian, when the instrument of his infamy,
Ajit, reported the issue, received him with contempt, and spurned
him from his presence, tauntingly asking " if this were the boasted
Rajput valour ? " But the wily traitor had to encounter lan-
guage far more bitter from his political adversary, whom he
detested. Sangram Saktawat reached the capital only four days
after Ae catastrophe— a man in every respect the reverse of
Ajit ; audaciously brave, he neither feared the frown of his
nature was but one mode of expression for the same feelings — I am tempted
to transcribe :
..." Mon pere,
Cessez de vous troubler, vous n'etes point trahi.
Quand vous commanderez, vous serez obei :
Ma vie est votre bien. Vous voulez le reprendre,
Vos ordres, sans detour, pouvaient se faire entendre ;
D'un oeil aussi content, d'un coeur aussi soumis,
Que j'acceptais I'epoux que vous m'aviez promis,
Je saurai, s'il le faut, victinie obeissante
Tendi-e au fer de Cakhas une tete innocente ;
Et respectant le coup par vous-menie ordonne,
Vous rendre tout le sang que vous m'avez donne."
^ Bappa Rawal.
^ The kusumbha draught is made of flowers and herbs of a cooling quality ;
into this an opiate was introduced.
^ The simxjle but powerful expression of the narrator.
542 ANNALS OF MEWAR
sovereign nor the sword of his enemy. Without introduction he
rushed into the presence, where he found seated the traitor Ajit.
" Oh dastard ! who hast thrown dust on the Sesodia race, whose
blood which has flowed in purity through a hundred ages has now
been defiled ! this sin will check its course for ever ; a blot so
foul in our annals that no Sesodia ^ will ever again hold up his
head ! A sin to which no punishment were equal. But the end
of our race is approaching ! The line of Bappa Rawal is at an
end ! Heaven has ordained this, a signal of our destruction."
The Rana hid his face with his hands, when turning to Ajit, he
exclaimed, " Thou stain on the Sesodia race, thou impure of
Rajput blood, dust be on thy head as thou hast covered us all
with shame. May you die childless, and your name die with
you ! ^ Why this indecent haste ? Had the Pathan stormed
the city ? Had he attempted to violate the sanctity of the
Rawala ? And though he had, could you not die as Rajputs,
like your ancestors ? Was it thus they gained a name ? Was
it thus our race became renowned — ^thus they opposed the might
of kings ? Have you forgotten the Sakhas of Chitor ? But
whom do I address — not Rajputs ? Had the honour of your
females been endangered, had you sacrificed them all and rushed
sword in hand on the enemy, your name would have lived, and
the Almighty would have secured the seed of Bappa Rawal. But
to owe preservation [467] to this unhallowed deed ! Tou did
not even await the threatened danger. Fear seems to have
deprived you of every faculty, or you might have spared the
blood of Sriji,^ and if you did not scorn to owe your safety to
deception, might have substituted some less noble victim ! But
the end of our race approaches 1 "
Fate of the Murderers. — The traitor to manhood, his sovereign,
and lunuanity, durst not reply. The brave Sangram is now dead,
but the prophetic anathema has been fulfilled. Of ninety-five
children, sons and daughters, but one son (the brother of Krishna) *
is left to the Rana ; and though his two remaining daughters
have been recently married to the princes of Jaisalmer and
Bikaner, the Salic law, which is in full force in these States,
^ The tribe of the Rana.
2 That is, without adoption even to perpetuate it.
' A respectful epithet to the prince — sire.
* By the same mother.
AMiR KHAN REWARDED BY THE BRITISH 543
precludes all honour through female descent. His hopes rest
solely on the prince, Javana Singh/ and though in the flower of
yoxith and health, the marriage bed (albeit boasting no less than
four yoimg princesses) has been blessed with no progeny.^
The elder brother of Javana * died two years ago. Had he
lived he would have been Amra the Third. With regard to A jit,
the curse has been fully accomplished. Scarcely a month after,
his wife and two sons were numbered with the dead ; and the
hoary traitor has since been wandering from shrine to shrine,
performing penance and alms in expiation of his sins, yet unable
to fling from him ambition ; and with his beads in one hand,
Rama ! Rama ! ever on his tongue, and subdued passion in his
looks, his heart is deceitful as ever. Enough of him : let us
exclaim with Sangram, " Dust on his head," * which all the waters
of the Ganges could not purify from the blood of the virgin
Krishna, but
rather would tlic multitudinous sea incarnadine [468].
Amir Khan rewarded by the British. — His coadjutor. Amir
Khan, is now linked by treaties " in amity and unity of interests "
^ He was nearly carried off by that awful scourge, the cholera, and,
singular to remark, was the first person attacked at Udaipur. I remained
by his bedside during the progress of this terrible visitation, and never shall
I forget his grateful exclamation of surprise, when after a salutary sleep he
opened his eyes to health. Shirji Mehta, his chief adviser and manager of
his estates, merry as ever, though the heir of Mewar was given over, was
seized with the complaint as his master recovered — was dead and his ashes
blanching on the sands of the streandet of Ar within twelve hours ! Jovial
and good-humoured as he was, " we could have better spared a better man."
He was an adept in intrigue ; of Ambaji's school ; and till death shall ex-
tinguish the whole of this, and better morals are born, the country will but
slowly improve. [Maharana Jawan Singh (1828-38) succeeded on the death
of his father, Bhim Singh, on March 31, 1828. He gave himself up to de-
bauchery, and died without issue on August 30, 1838, being succeeded by
his adopted son, Sardar Singh.]
^ Since this work has gone to press, the author has been rejoiced to find
that an heir has been born from the last marriage by a princess of Riwa of
the Baghela tribe.
* See genealogical descendants of Rana Jagat Singh. Appendix, No.
VIII.
* This was written at Udaipur in 1820. This old intriguer then attempted
to renew the past, as the organ of the Chondawats, but his scheme ended in
exile to the sacred city of Benares ; and there he may now be seen with his
rosary on the consecrated ghat of the Ganges.
544 ANNALS OF MEWAR
with the sovereigns of India ; and though he has carried mourning
into every house of Rajasthan, yet charity might hope forgiveness
would be extended to him, could he cleanse himself from this
deed of horror — ' throwing this pearl away, richer than all his
tribe ! ' His career of rapine has terminated with the caresses of
the blind goddess, and placed him on a pinnacle to which his
sword would never have traced the path. Enjoying the most
distinguished post amongst the foreign chieftians of Holkar's
State, having the regulars and park under his control, with large
estates for their support, he added the epithet of traitor to his
other titles, when the British Government, adopting the leading
maxim of Asiatic policy, divide et inipera, guaranteed to him the
sovereignty of these districts on his abandoning the Mahrattas,
disbanding his legions, and surrendering the park. But though
he personally fulfilled not, nor could fulfil, one single stipulation,
this man, whose services were not worth the pay of a single
sepoy — who fled from his camp ^ unattended, and sought personal
protection in that of the British commander — claimed and
obtained the full price of our pledge, the sovereignty of about
one-third of his master's dominions ; and the districts of Sironj ,
Tonk, Rampura, and Nimbahera, form the domain of the Nawab
Amir Khan, etc., etc., etc. ! ! This was in the fitful fever of
success, when our arms were everywhere triumphant. But were
the viceroy of Hind to summon the forty tributaries ^ now covered
by the aegis of British protection to a meeting, the murderer of
Krishna would still occupy a place (though low) in this illustrious
divan. Let us hope that his character being known, he would
feel himself ill at ease ; and let us dismiss him likewise in the
words of Sangram, " Dust on his head ! "
The mind sickens at the contemplation of these unvarying
scenes of atrocity ; but this unhappy State had yet to pass
through two more lustres of aggravated sufferings (to which the
author of these annals was an eye-witness) before their [469]
termination, upon the alliance of Mewar with Britain. From the
^ Brigadier-General Alexander Knox had the honour of dissolving these
bands in the only way worthy of us. He marched his troops to take their
guns and disperse their legions ; and, when in order of battle, the gallant
General taking out his watch, gave them half an hour to reflect, their com-
mander Jamshid, second only in villainy to his master, deeming ' dis-
cretion the better part of valour,' surrendered.
2 There are full this number of princes holding under the British.
RUIN OF MEWAR by THE MARATHAS 545
period of the forcing of the passes, the dismissal of the Jaipur
embassy by Sindhia, and the murder of Krishna Kunwari, the
embassy of Britain was in the train of the Mahratta leader, a
witness of the e%als described — a most painful predicament —
when the hand was stretched out for succour in vain, and
the British flag waved in the centre of desolation, unable
to afford protection. But this day of humiliation is past,
thanks to the predatory hordes who goaded us on to their des-
truction ; although the work was incomplete, a nucleus being
imprudently left in Sindhia for the scattered particles again
to form.
Ruin of Mewar by the Marathas. — In the spring of 1806, when
the embassy entered the once-fertile Mewar, from whose native
wealth the monuments the pencil will portray were erected,
nothing bvit ruin met the eye — deserted towns, roofless houses,
and uncultured plains. Wlierever the Mahratta encamped,
annihilation was ensured ; it was a habit ; and twenty-four hours
sufficed to give to the most flourishing spot the aspect of a desert.
The march of destruction was always to be traced for days after-
wards by burning villages and destroyed cultivation. Some
satisfaction may result from the fact, that there was scarcely an
actor in these unhallowed scenes whose end was not fitted to his
career. Ambaji was compelled to disgorge the spoils of Mewar,
and his personal sufferings made some atonement for the ills he
had inflicted upon her. This satrap, who had almost established
his independence in the fortress and territory of Gwalior, suffered
every indignity from Sindhia, whose authority he had almost
thrown off. He was confined in a mean tent, manacled, suffered
the torture of small lighted torches applied to his fingers, and even
attempted suicide to avoid the surrender of his riches ; but the
instrument (an English penknife) was inefficient : the surgeon to
the British embassy sewed up the wounds, and his coffers were
eased of fifty-five lakhs of rupees ! Mewar was, however, once
more delivered over to him ; he died shortly after. If report be
correct, the residue of his treasures was possessed by his ancient
ally, ZaUm Smgh. In this case, the old politician derived the
chief advantage of the intrigues of S. 1848, without the crimes
attendant on the acquisition.
Sindhia's father-in-law, when expelled that chief's camp,
according to the treaty, enjoyed the ephemeral dignity of minister
VOL. I 2 N
546 ANNALS OF MEWAR
to the Rana, when he abstracted the most vahiable records,
especially those of the revenue [470].
Kumbhalmer was obtained by the minister Satidas from
Jaswant Rao Bhao for seventy thousand rupees, for which
assignments were given on this district, of which he retained
possession. Amir Khan in a.d. 1809 led his myrmidons to the
capital, threatening the demolition of the temple of Eklinga if
refused a contribution of eleven lakhs of rupees. Nine were
agreed to, but which by no effort could be raised, upon which
the R ana's envoys were treated with indignity, and Kishandas ^
wounded. The passes were forced. Amir Khan entering by
Debari, and his coadjutor and son-in-law, the notorious Jamshid,
by the Chirwa, which made but a feeble resistance. The ruffian
Pathans were billeted on the city, subjecting the Rana to personal
humiliation, and Jamshid ^ left with his licentious Rohillas in the
capital. The traces of their barbarity are to be seen in its ruins.
No woman could safely venture abroad, and a decent garment or
turban was sufficient to attract their cupidity.
Bapu Sindhia Siibahdar of Mewar.— In S. 1867 (a.d. 1811)
Bapu Sindhia arrived with the title of Subahdar, and encamped
in the valley, and from this to 1814 these vampires, representing
Sindhia and Amir Khan, possessed themselves of the entire fiscal
domain, with many of the fiefs, occasionally disputing for the
spoils ; to prevent which they came to a conference at the Dhaula
Magra (the white hill), attended by a deputation ^ from the
Rana, when the line of demarcation was drawn between the
spoilers. A schedule was formed of the towns and villages yet
inhabited, the amount to be levied from each specified, and three
and a half lakhs adjudged to Jamshid, with the same sum to
Sindhia ; but this treaty was not better kept than the former
ones. Mewar was rapidly approaching dissolution, and every
^ This veteran attended me during all these troubles, as the medium of
communication with the Rana. Though leagued with the Chondawats, he
was a loyal subject and good servant. I saw him expire, and was of opinion,
as well as the doctor who accompanied me, that his death was caused by
poison. The general burst of sorrow from hundreds collected around his
house, when the event was announced, is the best encomium on his public
character.
^ This monstrous villain (for he was a Goliath) died soon after Mewar was
rescued, from a cancer in his back.
^ Satidas, Kishandas, and Rup Ram.
DEGRADED CONDITION OF THE RAJPUTS 547
sign of civilization fast disappearing ; fields laid waste, cities in
ruins, inhabitants exiled, chieftains demoralized, the prince and
his family destitute of common comforts. Yet had Sindhia the
audacity to demand compensation for the loss of his tribute
stipulated to Bapu Sindhia [471],^ who rendered Mewar a desert,
carrying her chiefs, her merchants, her farmers, into captivity
and fetters in the dungeons of Ajmer, where many died for want
of ransom, and others languished till the treaty with the British,
in A.D. 1817, set them free.
CHAPTER 18
Degraded Condition of the Rajputs. — The history of the Rana's
family has now been traced through all the vicissitudes of its
fortunes, fi-om the second to the nineteenth century, whilst
contendmg for existence, alternately with Parthians, Bhils,
Tartars, and Mahrattas, till at length it has become tributary
to Britain. The last chapter portrays the degraded condition
of their princes, and the utter desolation of their country, in a
picture which embodied the entire Rajput race. An era of repose
at length dawned upon them. The destruction of that vast
predatory system, under the weight of which the prosperity of
these regions had so long been repressed, was effected by one
short campaign in 1817 ; which if less brilliant than that of 1803,
is inferior to none in political results. The tardy policy of the
last-named period, at length accomplished, placed the power of
Britain in the East on an expugnable position, and rescued the
Rajputs from a progressing destruction.
Alliances with the British. — To prevent the recurrence of this
predatory system it was deemed politic to unite all these settled
States, alike interested with ourselves in its overthrow, in one
grand confederation. Accordingly the Rajput States were
^ Bapu Sindhia shortly outhved his expulsion from Ajmer, and as he had
to pass through Mewar in his passage to his future residence, he was hooted
by the population he had plundered. While I was attending the Rana's
court, some one reporting Bapu Sindhia's arrival at his destination, men-
tioned that some pieces of ordnance formerl)^ taken from Udaipur had, after
saluting him, exuded a quantity of water, which was received with the utmost
gravity by the court, until I remarked they were crying because they should
never again be employed in plunder : an idea which caused a little mirth.
548 ANNALS OF MEWAR
invited to shelter [472] imder our protecting alliance ; and with
one exception (Jaipur), they eagerly embraced the invitation.
The ambassadors of the various governments followed each other
in quick succession to Delhi, where the treaties were to be negoti-
ated, and in a few weeks all Rajputana was united to Britain by
compacts of one uniform character ; ^ insuring to them external
protection with internal independence, as the price of acknow-
ledged supremacy, and a portion of revenue to the protecting
government. By this comprehensive arrangement, we placed a
most powerful barrier between our territories and the strong
natural frontier of India ; and so long as we shall respect their
established usages, and by contributing to the prosperity of the
people preserve our motives from distrust, it will be a barrier
impenetrable to invasion.
Treaty with Mewar. — Of all the princes who obtained succour
at this momentous crisis in the political history of India, none
stood more in need of it than the Rana of Udaipur. On January
16, 1818, the treaty was signed, and in February an envoy was
nominated ; who immediately proceeded to the Rana's court,
to superintend and maintain the newly formed relations.^ The
right wing of the grand army ^ had already preceded him to
compel the surrender of such territory as was unjustly held by
the lawless partisans of Sindhia, and to reduce to obedience the
refractory nobles, to whom anarchy was endeared from long
familiarity. The strongholds in the plains as Raepur, Rajnagar,
etc., soon surrendered ; and the payment of the arrears of the
garrison of Kumbhalmer put this important fortress in our
possession.
In his passage from Jahazpur, which guards the range on the
east to Kumbhalmer on the Aravalli west, a space of 140 miles,
the limits of Mewar, only two thinly peopled towns were seen
^ See Appendix, No. VIII., for treaty with the Rana.
2 Commanded by Major-General Sir R. Donkin, K.C.B.
^ The author had the honour to be selected by the Marquess of Hastings to
represent him at the Rana's court, with the title of ' Pohtical Agent to the
Western Rajput States.' During the campaign of 1817-18 he was placed
as the point of communication to the various divisions of jthe ^northern
army ; at the same time being intrusted with the negotiations with Holkar
(previous to the rupture), and with those of Kotah and Bundi. He con-
cUided the treaty with the latter State en route to Udaipur, where, as at the
latter, there were only the benefits of moral and political existence to confer.
CESSION OF KUMBHALMER 549
which acknowledged the Rana's authority. All was desolate ;
even the traces of the footsteps of man were effaced. The babul
{mimosa [acacia] Arabica), and gigantic reed, which harboured
the boar and the tiger, grew upon the highways ; and every
rising ground displayed a mass of ruin. Bhilwara, the commercial
entrepot of Rajputana, which ten years before contained six
thousand [473 J famihes, showed not a vestige of existence. All
was silent in her streets — no living thing was seen except a
sohtary dog, that fled in dismay from his lurking-place in the
temple, scared at the imaccustomed sight of man.^
Cession of Kumbhalmer. — ^An envoy was dispatched by the
Rana to congratulate the Agent, who joined him in the British
camp at Nathdwara ; and while he returned to arrange the
formalities of reception, the Agent obtained the cession of Kum-
bhalmer ; wliicii, with the acquisitions before mentioned, paved
the way for a joyful reception. The prmce, Javan Singh, with
all the State insignia, and a munerous cortege, advanced to
receive the mission, and conduct it to the capital. A spot was
fixed on in a grove of palmyras, about two miles from the city,
where carpets were spread, and where the prince received the
Agent and suite in a manner at once courteous and dignified.^
Of him it might iiave been said, in the language applied by
Jahangir to the son of Rana Amra — " His countenance carried
the impression of his illustrious extraction."
Arrival o£ the Author as Agent. — We entered the city * by the
gate of the sun ; and through a vista of ruin the mission was
inducted into its future residence, once the abode of the fair
Ramijiyari.* Like all the mansions of Rajputana, it was a
quadrangular pile, with an opefi paved area, the suites of apart-
ments carried round the sides, with latticed or open corridors
^ The author had passed through Bhilwara in May 1806, when it was
comparatively flourishing. On this occasion (Feb. 1818) it was entirely
deserted. It excited a smUe, in the midst of regrets, to observe the practical
wit of some of the soldiers, who had supphed the naked representative of
Adinath with an apron— not of leaves, but scarlet cloth.
^ The Agent had seen him when a boy, at a meeting already described ;
but he could scarcely have hoped to find in one, to the formation of whose
character the times had been so unfavourable, such a specimen as this
descendant of Partap.
^ A description of the city and valley will be more appropriate elsewhere.
* See p. 508.
550 ANNALS OF MEWAR
extending parallel to each suite. Another deputation with the
mehmani, consisting of a hundred trays of sweetmeats, dried
fruits, and a purse of one thousand rupees for distribution amongst
the domestics, brought the Rana's welcome upon our arrival in
his capital, and fixed the next day for our introduction at court.
At four in the afternoon, a deputation, consisting of the
officiating prime minister, the representative of the Chondawats,
with mace-bearers and a numerous escort, came to announce the
Rana's readiness to receive the mission ; which, with all the
' pomp and circumstance ' peculiar to these countries, was
marshalled in front of the residency, thronged by crowds of
well-dressed [474] inhabitants, silently gazing at the unusual
sight.* The grand Nakkaras having announced the Rana in
court, the mission proceeded through streets which everywhere
presented marks of rapine, hailed by the most enthusiastic
greetings. " Jai ! jai ! Farangi ka Raj ! " " Victory, victory
to the English Government ! " resounded from every tongue. The
bards were not idle ; and the unpoetic name of the Agent was
hitched into rhyme. Groups of musicians were posted here and
there, who gave a passing specimen of the tappas ^ of Mewar ;
and not a few of the fair, with brazen ewers of water on their
heads, welcomed us with the suhelia, or songs of joy. Into each
of these vessels the purse-bearer dropped a piece of sUver ; for
neither the songs of the suhelia, the tappas of the minstrel, nor
encomiastic stave of the bard, are to be received without some
acknowledgement that you appreciate their merit and talents,
however you may doubt the value they put upon your own. As
we ascended the main street leading to the Tripolia, or triple
portal, which guards the sacred eficlosure, dense masses of people
obstructed our progress, and even the walls of the temple of
Jagannath were crowded. According to etiquette, we dismoimted
at the Porte, and proceeded on foot across the ample terrace ; on
which were drawn up a few elephants and horse, exercising for
the Rana's amusement.
The Palace at Udaipur. — The palace is a most imposing pile,
^ The escort consisted of two companies of foot, each of one hundred men,
with half a troop of cavalry. The gentlemen attached to the mission were
Captain Waugh (who was secretary and commandant of the escort), with
Lieutenant Carey as his subaltern. Dr. Duncan was the medical officer.
* [Modes in music]
THE PALACE AT UDAIPUR S51
of a regular form, built of oranite and marble, rising at least a
hundred feet from the ground, and flanked with octagonal towers,
crowned with cupolas. Although built at various periods,
uniformity of design has been very well preserved ; nor is there
in the East a more striking or majestic structure. It stands upon
the very crest of a ridge running parallel to, but considerably
elevated above, the margin of the lake. The terrace, which is
at the east and chief front of the palace, extends throughout its
length, and is supported by a triple row of arches from the de-
clivity of the ridge. The height of this arcaded wall is fully
fifty feet ; and although all is hollow beneath, yet so admirably
is it constructed, that an entire range of stables is built on the
extreme verge of the terrace, on which the whole personal force
of the Rana, elephants, horse, and foot, are often assembled.
From this terrace the city and the valley lay before the spectator,
whose vision is bounded only by the [475] hills shutting out the
plains ; while from the summit of the palace nothing obstructs
its range over lake and mountain.
A band of Sindis guarded the first entrance to the palace ;
and being Saturday, the Saktawats were on duty in the great hall
of assembly. Through lines of Rajputs we proceeded till we
came to the marble staircase, the steps of which had taken the
form of the segment of an ellipse, from the constant friction of
the foot ; an image of Ganesha guarded the ascent to the interior
of the palace, and the apartment, or landing, is called Ganesha
deori, from the Rajput Janus. After proceeding through a
suite of saloons, each filled with spectators, the herald's voice
amiounced to ' the lord of the world ' that the English envoy
was in his presence ; on which he arose, and advanced a few paces
in front of the throne, the chieftains standing to receive the
mission. Everything being ruled by precedent, the seat allotted
for the envoy was immediately in front and touching the royal
cushion (gaddi) : being that assigned to the Peshwa in the height
of Mahratta prosperity, the arrangement, which was a subject
of regular negotiation, could not be objected to. The apartment
chosen for the initiatory visit was the Surya mahall, or ' hall of
the sun,' so called from a medaUion of the orb in basso-rilievo
which decorates the wall. Close thereto is placed the Rana's
throne, above which, supported by slender silver columns, rises
a velvet canopy. The Gaddl or throne, in the East is but a huge
552 ANNALS OF MEWAR
cushion, over which is thrown an embroidered velvet mantle.
The chiefs of the higher grade, or ' the Sixteen,' were seated,
according to their rank, on the right and left of the Rana ; next
and below these were the princes Amra and Javan Singh ; and at
right angles (by which the court formed three sides of a square),
the chiefs of the second rank. The civil officers oi the State were
near the Rana in front, and the seneschal, butler, keeper of the
wardrobe, and other confidential officers and inferior chieftains,
formed a group standing on the extreme edge of the carpet.
The Rana's congratulations were hearty and sincere : in a few
powerful expressions he depicted the miseries he had experienced,
the fallen condition of his State, and the gratitude he felt to the
British Government which had interposed between him and
destruction ; and which for the first moment of his existence
allowed him to sleep in peace. There was an intense earnestness
in every word he uttered, which, delivered with great fluency of
speech and dignity of manner, inspired deep respect and sympathy.
The Agent said that the Governor- General was no stranger to
the [476] history of his illustrious family, or to his own immediate
sufferings ; and that it was his earnest desire to promote, by
every means in his power, the Rana's personal dignity and the
prosperity of his dominions. After conversing a few minutes,
the interview was closed with presents to the Agent and suite :
to the former a caparisoned elephant and horse, jewelled aigrette,
and pearl necklace, with shawls and brocades ; and with the
customary presentation of essence of rose and the pan leaf the
Rana and court rising, the envoy made his salaam and retired.
In a short time the Rana, attended by his second son, ministers,
and a select number of the chiefs, honoured the envoy with a
visit. The latter advanced beyond his residence to meet the
prince, who was received with presented arms by the guard, the
officers saluting, and conducted to his throne, which had been
previously arranged. Conversation was now imrestrained, and
questions were demanded regarding everything which appeared
unusual. After sitting half an hour, the Agent presented the
Rana with an elephant and two horses, caparisoned with silver
and gilt ornaments and velvet embroidered housings, with twenty-
one shields ^ of shawls, brocades, muslins, and jewels ; to prince
Amra, finable from sickness to attend his father, a horse and
^ The buckler is the tray in which gifts are presented by the Rajputs.
POLITICAL DIVISIONS OF IVIEWAR 553
eleven shields ; and to his brother, the second prmce, Javan
Singh, a horse and nine shields ; to the ministers and chiefs
according to rank : the whole entertainment costing about 20,000
rupees, or £2000. Amidst these ceremonials, receiving and
retiuning visits of the Rana, his chiefs, his ministers, and men
of influence and information commercial and agricultural, some
weeks passed in silent observation, and in the acquisition of
materials for action.^
Political Divisions of Mewar. — For the better comprehension
of the internal relations, past and present, of Mewar [477], a
sketch is presented, showing the political divisions of the tribes
and the fiscal domain, from which a better idea may be formed
of Rajput feudal economy than from a chapter of dissertation.
The princes of Mewar skUfully availed themselves of their natural
advantages in the partition of the country. The mountain-
barriers east and west were allotted to the chiefs to keep the
mountaineers and foresters in subjection, whose leading passes
^ If we dare compare the moral economy of an entire people to the
physical economy of the individual, we should liken this period in the history
of Mewar to intermittent pulsation of the heart — a pause in moral as in
physical existence ; a consciousness thereof, inertly awaiting the propelling
power to restore healthful action to a state of langxiid repose ; or what
the Rajput would better comprehend, his own condition when the opiate
stimulant begins to dissipate, and mind and body are alike abandoned to
helpless imbecihty. Who has hved out of the circle of mere vegetation, and
not experienced this temporary deprivation of moral vitality ? for no other
simile would suit the painful pause in the sympathies of the inhabitants of
this once fertile region, where experience could point out but one page in
their annals, one period in their history, when the clangour of the war
trumpet was suspended, or the sword shut up in its scabbard. The portals
of Janus at Rome were closed but twice in a period of seven hundred years ;
and in exactly the same time from the conquest by Shihabu-d-din to the
great pacification, but twice can we record peace in Mewar — the reign of
Numa has its type in Shah Jahan, while the more appropriate reign of
Augustus belongs to Britain. Are we to wonder then that a chilling void now
occupied (if the solecism is admissible) the place of interminable action ?
when the mind was released from the anxiety of daily, hourly, devising
schemes of preservation, to one of perfect security — that enervating calm, in
which, to use their own homely phrase, Bher aur bakri ekhi thali se x>iy^> ' The
wolf and the goat drank from the same vessel.' [Another, and more usual
form is — Aj kal, sher bakri ek ghat pani pile liain, ' Nowadays the tiger and
the goat drink from the same stream.'] But this unruflBed torpidity had its
limit : the Agrarian laws of Mewar were but mentioned, and the national
pulse instantly rose.
554 ANNALS OF MEWAR
were held by a lord -marcher, and the quotas of his quarter ; and
while strong forts guarded the exposed northern and southern
entrances, the crown-land lay in the centre, the safest and the
richest. The exterior, thus guarded by a cordon of feudal levies
composed of the quotas of the greater fiefs ; the minor and most
numerous class of vassals, termed gol, literally ' the mass,' and
consisting of ten thousand horse, each holding directly of the
crown independent of the greater chiefs, formed its best security
against both external aggression and internal commotions.
Desolation of Mewar. — Such is a picture of the feudal economy
of Mewar in the days of her renown ; but so much had it been
defaced through time and accident, that with difficulty could the
lineaments be traced with a view to their restoration : her in-
stitutions a dead letter, the prince's authority despised, the nobles
demoralized and rebellious, internal commerce abandoned, and
the peasantry destroyed by the combined operation of war,
pestilence, and exile. Expression might be racked for phrases
which could adequately delineate the miseries all classes had
endured. It is impossible to give more than a sketch of the state
of the das sahas Mewar, ' the ten thousand townships ' which
once acknowledged her princes, and of which above three thousand
still exist. All that remained to them was the valley of the
capital ; and though Chitor and Mandalgarh were maintained
by the fidelity of the Rana's servants; their precarious revenues
scarcely sufficed to maintain their garrisons. The Rana was
mainly indebted to Zalim Singh of Kotah for the means of sub-
sistence ; for in the struggle for existence his chiefs thought only
of themselves, of defending their own estates, or buying off their
foes ; while those who had succumbed took to horse, scoured the
country, and plundered without distinction. Inferior clanships
declared themselves independent of their superiors, who in their
turn usurped the crown domain, or by bribing the necessities of
their prince, obtained his patent for lands, to which, as they
yielded him nothing, he became indifferent. The crown-tenants
purchased of these chiefs the protection (rakhwali) which the
[478] Rana could not grant, and made alienations of the crown
taxes, besides private rights of the community, which were often
extorted at the point of the lance. Feuds multiplied, and the
name of each clan became the watchword of alarm or defiance
to its neighbour : castles were assaulted, and their inmates, as
THE CONDITION OF UDAIPUR 555
at Sheogarh and I^awa, put to the sword ; the Meras and Bhils
descended from their hills, or emerged from their forests, and
planted ambuscades for the traveller or merchant, whom they
robbed or carried to their retreats, where they languished in
durance till ransomed. Marriage processions were thus inter-
cepted, and the honeymoon was passed on a cliff of the Aravalli,
or in the forests on the Mahi. The Rajput, whose moral energies
were blunted, scrupled not to associate and to divide the spoil
with these lawless tribes, of whom it might be said, as of the
children of Ishmael, '' Their hands were against every man, and
every man's hand against them." Yet notwithstanding such
entire disorganization of society, external commerce was not
stagnant ; and in the midst of this rapine, the produce of Europe
and Kashmir would pass each other in transit through Mewar,
loaded it is true by a multiplicity of exactions, but guarded by
those who scorned all law but the point of honour, which they were
paid for preserving.
The Condition of Udaipur. — The capital will serve as a specimen
of the country. Udaipur, which formerly reckoned fifty thousand
houses within the walls, had not now three thousand occupied,
the rest were in ruin, the rafters being taken for firewood. The
realization of the spring harvest of 1S18, from the entire fiscal
land, was about £4000 ! Grain sold for seven sers the rupee,
though thrice the quantity was procurable within the distance
of eighty miles. Insurance from tiie capital to Nathdwara
(twenty-five miles) was eight per cent. The Kotharia chief,
whose ancestors are immortalized for fidelity, had not a horse
to conduct him to his prince's presence, though his estates were
of fifty thousand rupees annual value. All were in ruins ; and
the Rana, the descendant of those patriot Rajputs who opposed
Babur, Akbar, and Aurangzeb, in the days of Mogul splendour,
had not fifty horse to attend him, and was indebted for all the
comforts he possessed to the liberality of Kotah.
Reorganization o£ the State.— Such was the chaos from which
order was to be evoked. But the elements of prosperity, though
scattered, were not extinct ; and recollections of the past, deeply
engraved in the national mind, became available to reanimate
their moral and physical existence. To call these forth demanded
only the exertion of moral [479] interference, and every other was
rejected. The lawless freebooter, and even the savage Bhil, felt
656 ANNALS OF MEWAR
awed at the agency of a power never seen. To him moral opinion
(compared with which the strength of armies is nought) was
inexphcable, and he substituted in its stead another invisible
power — that of magic : and the belief was ciurent throughout
the intricate region of the West, that a single individual could
carry an army in his pocket, and that our power could animate
slips of paper cut into the figures of armed men, from which no
precaution could guard their retreats. Accordingly, at the mere
name of the British power, rapine ceased, and the inhabitants of
the wilds of the West, the ' forest lords,' who had hitherto
laughed at subjection, to the number of seven hundred vUlages,
put each the sign of the dagger to a treaty, promising abstinence
from plunder and a return to industrious life — a single individual
of no rank the negotiator. Moreover, the treaty was religiously
kept for twelve months ; when the peace was broken, not by
them, but against them.
To the Rajput, the moral spectacle of a Peshwa marched into
exile with all the quietude of a pilgrimage, effected more than
twenty thousand bayonets, and no other auxiliary was required
than the judicious use of the impressions from this and other
passing events, to relay the foundations of order and prosperity —
by never doubting the issue, success was insured. The British
force, therefore, after the reduction of the plans enumerated, was
marched to cantonments ; the rest was left for time and reason
to accomplish.
Form of Civil Government. — Before proceeding further, it
may be convenient to sketch the form of civil government in
Mewar, and the characters^ of its most conspicuous members :
the former we shall describe as it was when the machine was in
regular action ; it will be found simple, and i^erfectly suited to
its object.
There are four grand officers of the government :
1. The Pardhan, or prime minister.
2. Bakhshi, commander of the forces.
3. Suratnama, keeper of the records.
4. Sahai, keeper of the signet.^
The first, the Pardhan, or civil premier, must be of the non-
^ Or rather, who makes the monogrammatic signet Sahi ('correct') to
all deeds, grants, etc.
FORM OF CIVIL GOVERNMENT 557
militant tribe. The whole of the territorial and financial arrange-
ments are vested in him. He [480] nominates the civil governors
of districts, and the collectors of the revenue and custom ; and
has fourteen thuas, or departments, under him, which embrace
all that relates to expenditure.
2. The Bakhshi must also be of a non-militant tribe, and one
different from the Pardhan. His duties are mixed civil and
military. He takes the musters, and pays mercenaries, or rations,
to the feudal tenants when on extra service, and he appoints a
deputy to accompany all expeditions, or to head frontier-posts,
with the title of Faujdar, or commander. The royal insignia,
the standard, and kettle-drums accompany him, and the highest
nobles assemble under the general control of this civil officer,
never under one of their own body. From the Bakhshi's bureau
all patents are issued, as also all letters of sequestration of feudal
land.
The Bakhshi has four secretaries :
1. Draws out deeds.
2. Accountant.
3. Recorder of all patents or grants.
4. Keeps duplicates.
3. The Suratnama ^ is the auditor and recorder of all the
household expenditure and establishments, which are paid by
his cheques. He has four assistants also, who make a daily report,
and give a daily balance of accounts.
4. The Sahai. He is secretary both for home and foreign
correspondence. He draws out the royal grants or patents of
estates, and superintends the deeds of grant on copper-plate to
religious establishments. Since the privilege appertaining to
Salumbar, of confirming all royal grants with his signet the lance,
has fallen into desuetude, the Sahai executes this military auto-
graph.^
To all decrees, from the daily stipend to the patta, or patent of
an estate, each minister must append his seal, so that there is a
complete system of check. Besides these, the higher officers of
government, there are thirty-six karkhanas, or inferior officers,
^ [Properly Suratnavls, ' statement-writer.']
* The Salumbar chief had his deputy, who resided at court for this sole
duty, for which he held a village. See p. 235.
558 ANNALS OF MEWAR
appointed directly by the Rana, the most conspicuous of which
are the justiciary,^ the keepers of the register-office, of the mint,
of the armoury, of the regaha, of the jewels, of the wardrobe,
of the stables, of the kitchen, of the band, of the seneschalsy,
and of the seraglio.
There was no want of aspirants to office, here hereditary ; but
it was vain to look [481] amongst the descendants of the virtuous
Pancholi, or the severe Amrachand, and the prediction of the
former, " Dust will cover the head of Me war when virtue wanders
in rags," was strictly fulfilled. There appeared no talent, no
influence, no honesty ; yet the deficiency was calculated to excite
sorrow rather than surprise ; to stimulate exertion on their
behalf, rather than damp the hope of improvement ; though all
scope for action, save in the field of intrigue, was lost, and talent
was dormant for want of exercise.
Incapacity of the Rana. — The Rana's character was little cal-
culated to supply his minister's deficiencies. Though perfectly
versed in the past history of his country, its resources, and their
management ; though able, wise, and amiable, his talents were
nullified by numerous weak points. Vain shows, frivolous
amusements, and an ill-regulated liberality alone occupied him ;
and so long as he could gi'atify these propensities, he trusted
complacently to the exertions of others for the restoration of
order and his proper authority. He had little steadiness of
purpose, and was particularly obnoxious to female influence. It
is scarcely to be wondered that he coveted repose, and was little
desirous to disturb the only moment his existence had presented
of enjoying it, by inviting the turmoils of business. No man,
however, was more capable of advising : his judgment was good,
but he seldom followed its dictates ; in short, he was an adept
in theory, and a novice in practice. The only man about the
court at once of integrity and efficiency was Kishandas, who had
long acted as ambassador, and to whose assiduity the sovereign
and the country owed much ; but his services were soon cut off
by death.
Such were the materials with which the work of reform com-
menced. The aim was to bring back matters to a correspondence
with an era of their history, when the rights of the prince, the
^ Niyao, Daftar, Taksala, Silah, Gaddi, Gahna, Kapra-bandar, Ghora,
Rasora, Nakkar-khana, JalelD, Rawala.
RELATIONS OF THE RANA WITH HIS NOBLES 559
vassal, and the cultivator, were alike well defined — that of Anira
Singh.
Relations o£ the Rana with his Nobles.^ — The fust point to effect
was the recognition of the prince's authority by his nobles ; the
surest sign of which was their presence at the capital, where some
had never been, and others only when it suited their convenience
or their views. In a few weeks the Rana saw himself surrounded
by a court such as had not been known for half a century. It
created no small curiosity to learn by what secret power they were
brought into each other's presence. Even the lawless Hamira,
who but a short while before had plundered the marriage dower
of the Hari queen [482] coming from Kotah, and the chief of the
Sangawat clan, who had sworn " he might bend his head to woman,
but never to his sovereign," left their castles of Badesar and
Deogarh, and " placing the royal rescript on their heads," hastened
to his presence ; and in a few weeks tlie whole feudal association
of Mewar was embodied m the capital.
Return of the Exiles. — To recall the exiled population was a
measure simultaneous with the assembling of the nobles ; but
this was a work requiring time : they had formed ties, and in-
curred obligations to the societies which had sheltered them,
which could not at once be disengaged or annulled. But wherever
a subject of Mewar existed, proclamations penetrated, and satis-
factory assurances were obtained, and realized to an extent which
belied in the strongest manner the assertion that patriotism is
unknown to the natives of Hindustan. The most enthusiastic
and cheering proofs were afforded that neither oppression from
without, nor tyranny within, could expel the feeling for the
bapota, the land of their fathers. Even now, though time has
chastened the impressions, we should fear to pen but a tithe of
the proofs of devotion of the husbandman of Mewar to the solum
natale : it would be deemed romance by those who never con-
templated humanity in its reflux from misery and despair to the
' sweet influences ' of hope ; he alone who had witnessed the day
of trouble, and beheld the progress of desolation — the standing
corn grazed by Mahratta horse — the rifled towns devoted to the
flaines — the cattle driven to the camp, and the chief men seized
as hostages for money never to be realized— could appreciate
their deliverance. To be permitted to see these evils banished, to
behold the survivors of oppression congregated from the most
560 ANNALS OF MEWAR
distant provinces, many of them strangers to each other, and
the aged and the helpless awaiting the lucky day to take possession
of their ruined abodes, was a sight which memory will not part
with. Thus on the 3rd of Sawan (July)/ a favourite day with
the husbandman, three hundred of all conditions, with their
waggons and implements of labour, and preceded by banners and
music, marched into Kapasan ; ^ and Ganesha was once again
invoked as they reconsecrated their dwellings, and placed his
portrait as the Janus of the portals. On the san\e day, and within
eight months subsequent to the signature of the treaty, above
three hundred towns and villages were simultaneously reinhabited ;
and the land, which for many years had been a stranger to the
plough-share, was broken up. Well might [483] the superstitious
fancy that miracles were abroad ; for even to those who beheld
the work in progression it had a magical result, to see the waste
covered with habitations, and the verdant corn growing in the
fields where lately they had roused the boar from his retreat !
It was a day of pride for Britain ! By such exertions of her power
in these distant lands her sway is hallowed. By Britain alone
can this fair picture be defaced ; the tranquillity and independ-
ence she has conferred, by her alone may be disturbed !
Attraction of Capital. — • To these important preliminary
measures, the assembly of the nobles and recall of the population,
was added a third, without which the former would have been
nugatory. There was no wealth, no capital, to aid their patriotism
and industry. Foreign merchants and bankers had abandoned
the devoted land ; and those who belonged to it partook of her
poverty and her shame. Money was scarce, and want of faith and
credit had increased the usury on loans to a ruinous extent. The
Rana borrowed at thirty-six per cent ; besides twenty-five to
forty per cent discount for his barats, or patents empowering
collection on the land ; a system pursued for some time even
after his restoration to authority. His profusion exceeded even
the rapidity of renovation ; and the husbandman had scarcely
broken up his long-waste fields, when a call was made by the
harpies of the State for an advance on their produce, while he
himself had been compelled to borrow at a like ruinous rate for
^ [Sawan sudi tij, third of the bright half of the month Sawan (July
to August), a festival celebrated throughout North India.]
^ [About 45 miles north of Udaipur city.]
FINANCIAL REORGANIZATION 561
seed and the means of support, to be paid by expectations. To
have hoped for the revival of prosperity amidst such destitution,
moral and pecuniary, would have been visionary. It was as
necessary to improve the one as to find the other ; for poverty
and virtue do not long associate, and certainly not in Mewar.
Proclamations were therefore prepared by the Rana, inviting
foreign merchants and bankers to establish connexions in the
chief towns throughout the country ; but as in the days of
demoralization little faith was placed in the words of princes,
similar ones were prepared by the Agent, guaranteeing the stipula-
tions, and both were distributed to everj'^ commercial city in India.
The result was as had been foreseen : branch banks were every-
where formed, and mercantile agents fixed in every town in the
country, whose operations were only limited by the slow growth
of moral improvement. The shackles which bound external
commerce were at once removed, and the multifarious posts for
the collections of transit duties abolished ; in lieu of which chain
of stations, all levies on goods in transit were confined to the
frontiers. The scale of duties [484] was revised ; and by the
abolition of intermediate posts, they underwent a reduction of
from thirty to fifty per cent. By this system, which could not
for some time be comprehended, the transit and custom duties
of Mewar made the most certain part of the revenue, and in a
few years exceeded in amount what had ever been known.
Trade at Bhilwara. — The chief commercial mart, Bhilwara,
which showed not a vestige of humanity, rapidly rose from ruin,
and in a few months contained twelve hundred houses, half of
which were occupied by foreign merchants. Bales of goods, the
produce of the most distant lands, were piled up in the streets
lately overgrown with grass, and a weekly fair was established
for the home manufactures. A charter of privileges and im-
munities was issued, exempting them from all taxation for the
first year, and graduating the scale for the future ; calculated
with the same regard to improvement, by giving the mind the full
range of enjoying the reward of its exertions. The right of
electing their own chief magistrates and the assessors of justice,
was above all things indispensable, so as to render them as in-
dependent as possible of the needy servants of the court. A
guard was provided by the government for their protection, and
a competent authority nominated to see that the full extent of
VOL. I . 2 o
562 ANNALS OF MEWAR
their privileges, and the utmost freedom of action, were religiously
maintained. The entire success of this plan may at once be
recorded to prevent repetition. In 1822, Bhilwara contained
nearly three thousand dwellings, which were chiefly inliabited by
merchants, bankers, or artisans. An entire new street had been
constructed in the centre of the town, from the duties levied,
and the shops and houses were rented at a moderate rate ; while
many were given up to the proprietors of their sites, returning
from exile, on their paying the price of construction. But as
there is no happiness without alloy, so even this pleasing picture
had its dark shades to chasten the too sanguine expectation of
imparting happiness to all. Instead of a generous emulation, a
jealous competition checked the prosperity of Bhilwara : the base
spirit of exclusive monopoly desired a distinction between the
native and the stranger-merchant, for which they had a precedent
in the latter paying an addition to the town-duty of metage
{mapa). The unreasonableness of this was discussed, and it was
shown to be more consonant to justice that he who came from
Jaisalmer, Surat, Benares, or Delhi, should pay less than the
merchant whose domicile was on the spot. When at length the
parties acquiesced in this opinion, and were intreated and promised
to know [485] none other distinction than that of ' inhabitant of
Bhilwara,' sectarian differences, which there was less hope of
reconciling, became the cause of disunion. All the Hindu mer-
chants belong either to the Vaishnava or Jain sects ; consequently
each had a representative head, and ' the Five ' for the adjudica-
tion of their internal arrangements ; and these, the wise men of
both parties, formed the general council for the affairs of Bhilwara.
But they carried their religious differences to the judgement-seat,
where each desired pre-eminence. Whether the point in dispute
hinged on the interpretation of law, which with all these sects is
of divine origin, or whether the mammon of unrighteousness was
the lurking cause of their bickerings, they assuredly did much
harm, for their appeals brought into play what of all things was
least desired, the intrigues of the profligate dependents of the
court. It will be seen hereafter,^ in visits to Bhilwara, how these
disputes were in some degree calmed. The leaders on both sides
were distinctly given to understand they would be made to leave
the place. Self-interest prevented this extremity ; but from the
^ In the Personal Narrative.
REFORM OF THE NOBILITY 563
withdrawing of that active interference (which the state of the
aUiance did not indeed warrant, but which humanity interposed
for their benefit) together with the effect of appeals to the court,
it is to be apprehended that Bhilwara may fail to become what
it was intended to be, the chief commercial mart of Central India.^
Reform of the Nobility. — Of the three measures simultaneously
projected and pursued for the restoration of prosperity, the
industrious portion has been described. The feudal interest
remains, which was found the most difficult to arrange. The
agricultural and commercial classes required only protection and
stimulus, and we could repay the benefits their industry conferred
by the lowest scale of taxation, which, though in fact equally
beneficial to the government, was constructed as a boon. But
with the feudal lords there was no such equivalent to offer in
return for the sacrifices many had to make for the re-establishment
of society. Those who were well inclined, like Kotharia, had
everything to gain, and nothing left to surrender ; while those
who, like Deogarh, Salumbar, or Badnor, had preserved their
power by foreign aid, intrigue, or j)rowess, dreaded the high price
they might be called upon to pay [486] for the benefit of security
which the new alliance conferred. All dreaded the word ' restitu-
tion,' and the audit of half a century's political accounts ; yet the
adjustment of these was the corner-stone of the edifice, which
anarchy and oppression had dismantled. Feuds were to be
appeased, a difficult and hazardous task ; and usurpations, both
on the crown and each other, to be redeemed. ' To bring the
wolf and the goat to drink from the same vessel,' was a task of
less difficulty than to make the Chondawat and Saktawat labour
in concert for the welfare of the prince and the country. In fine,
a better idea cannot be afforded of what was deemed the hopeless-
^ Although Bhilwara has not attained that high prosperity my enthusiasm
anticipated, yet the philanthropic Heber records that in 1825 (three years
after I had left the country) it exhibited " a greater appearance of trade,
industry, and moderate but widely diffused wealth and comfort, than he
had witnessed since he left DehU" [Diary, ed. 1861, ii. 56 f.]. The record
of the sentiments of the inhabitants towards me, as conveyed by the bishop,
was gratifying, though their expression could excite no surprise in any
one acquainted with the characters and sensibilities of these people. [The
author's anticipation of the prosperity of this town have not been com-
pletely realized ; but it is still an important centre of trade, noted for the
manufacture of cooking utensils, and possessing a ginning factory and a
cotton-press (Erskine ii. A. 97 f.)-l
564 ANNALS OF MEWAR
ness of success than the opinion of Zorawar Singh, the chief of
the latter clan, who had much to relinquish : " Were Parameswara
(the Almighty) to descend, he could not reform Mewar." We
judged better of them than they did of each other.
Negotiations with the Chiefs. — It were superfluous to detail all
the preparatory measures for the accomplishment of this grand
object ; the meetings and adjournments, which only served to
keep alive discontent. On the 27th of April, the treaty with the
British Government was read, and the consequent change in their
relations explained. MeanwhilC; a charter, defining the respective
rights of the crown and of the chiefs, with their duties to the
community, was prepared, and a day named for a general assembly
of the chieftains to sanction and ratify this engagement. The
1st of May was fixed : the chiefs assembled ; the articles, ten in
number, were read and warmly discussed ; when with unmeaning
expressions of duty, and objections to the least prominent, they
obtained through their speaker, Gokuldas of Deogarh, permission
to reassemble at his house to consider them, and broke up with
the promise to attend next day. The delay, as apprehended, only
generated opposition, and the 2nd and 3rd passed in inter-com-
munications of individual hope and fear. It was important to
put an end to speculation. At noon, on the 4th of May, the grand
hall was again filled, when the Rana, with his sons and ministers,
took their seats. Once more the articles were read, objections
raised and combated, and midnight had arrived without the
object of the meeting being advanced, when an adjournment,
proposed by Gokuldas, till the arrival of the Rana's plenipotentiary
from Delhi, met with a firm denial ; and the Rana gave him liberty
to retire, if he refused his testimony of loyalty. The Begun
chief, who had much to gain, at length set the example, followed
by the chiefs of Amet and Deogarh, and in succession by all the
sixteen nobles, who also signed as the proxies of their [487]
relatives, unable from sickness to attend. The most powerful
of the second grade also signed for themselves and the absent of
their clans, each, as he gave in his adhesion, retiring ; and it was
three in the morning of the 5th of May ere the ceremony was over.
The chief of the Saktawats, determined to be conspicuous, was
the last of his own class to sign. During this lengthened and
painful discussion of fifteen hours' continuance, the Rana con-
ducted himself with such judgment and firmness, as to give
ENFORCEMENT OF THE TREATY 565
sanguine hopes of his taking the lead in the settlement of his
affairs.
Enforcement of the Treaty. — This prehminary adjusted, it was
important that the stipulations of the treaty ^ should be rigidly
if not rapidly effected. It will not be a matter of surprise, that
some months passed away before the complicated arrangements
arising out of this settlement were completed ; but it may afford
just grounds for gratulation, that they were finally accomplished
without a shot being fired, or the exhibition of a single British
soldier in the country, nor, indeed, within one hundred miles of
Udaipur. ' Opinion ' was the sole and all-sufficient ally effecting
this political reform. The Rajputs, in fact, did not require the
demonstration of our physical strength ; its influence had reached
far beyond Mewar. When the few firelocks defeated hundreds of
the foes of public tranquillity, they attributed it to ' the strength
of the Company's salt,' ^ the inoral agency of which was pro-
claimed the true basis of our power. ' Sachha Raj ' was the
proud epithet applied by our new allies to the British Government
in the East ; a title which distinguished the immortal Alfred,
' the upright.'
It will readily be imagined that a reform, which went to touch
^ A literal translation of this curious piece of Hindu legislation wiU be
found at the end of the Appendix. If not drawn up with all the dignity
of the legal enactments of the great governments of the West, it has an
important advantage in conciseness ; the articles cannot be mismterpreted,
and require no lawyer to expound them.
^ " Kampani Sahib ke namak ke zor se " is a common phrase of our
native soldiery ; and " Dohai ! Kampani ki ! " is an invocation or appeal
against injustice ; but I never heard this watchword so powerfully apphed
as when a Sub. with the Resident's escort in 1812. One of our men, a noble
young Rajput about nineteen years of age, and six feet high, had been sent
with an elephant to forage in the wilds of Narwar. A band of at least
fifty predatory horsemen assailed him, and demanded the surrender of the
elephant, which he met by pointing his musket and givuig them defiance.
Beset on aU sides, he fired, was cut down, and left for dead, in which state
he was found, and brought to camp upon a litter. One sabre-cut had opened
the back entirely across, exposing the action of the viscera, and his arms and
wrists were barbarously hacked : yet he was firm; collected, and even cheer-
ful ; and to a kmd reproach for his rashness, ho said, " What would you
have said, Captam Sahib, had I surrendered the Company's musket {Kam-
pani ki banduq) without fightmg ? " From their temperate habits, the
wound in the back did well ; but the severed nerves of the wrists brought
on a lockjaw of which he died. The Company have thousands who would
alike die for their banduq. It were wise to cherish such feelings.
566 ANNALS OF MEWAR
the entire feudal association, could not be accomplished without
harassing and painful discussions [488], when the object was the
renunciation of lands, to wliich in some cases the right of inherit-
ance could be pleaded, in others, the cognisance of successful
revenge, while to many prescriptive possession could be asserted.
It was the more painful, because although the shades which
marked the acquisition of such lands were varied, no distinction
could be made in the mode of settlement, namely, unconditional
surrender. In some cases, the Rana had to revoke his own grants,
wrung either from his necessities or his weakness ; but in neither
predicament could arguments be adduced to soften renunciation,
or to meet the powerful and pathetic and often angry appeals to
justice or to prejudice. Counter-appeals to their loyalty, and
the necessity for the re-establishment of their sovereign's just
weight and influence in the social body, without which their own
welfare could not be secured, were adduced ; but individual views
and passions were too absorbing to bend to the general interest.
Weeks thus passed in interchange of visits, in soothing pride, and
in flattering vanity by the revival of past recollections, which
gradually familiarized the subject to the mind of the chiefs, and
brought them to compliance. Time, conciliation, and impartial
justice, confirmed the victory thus obtained ; and when they were
made to see that no interest was overlooked, that party views
were miknown, and that the system included every class of society
in its beneficial operation, cordiality followed concession. Some
of these cessions were alienations from the crown of half a century's
duration. Individual cases of hardship were unavoidable without
incurring the imputation of favouritism, and the dreaded revival
of ancient feuds, to abolish which was indispensable, but required
much circiunspection. Castles and lands in this predicament
could therefore neither be retained by the possessor nor returned
to the ancient proprietor without rekindling the torch of ci\al war.
The sole alternative was for the crown to take the object of con-
tention, and make compensation from its own domain. It would
be alike tedious and tminteresting to enter into the details of these
arrangements, where one chief had to relinquish the levy of
transit duties in the most important outlet of the country, asserted
to have been held during seven generations, as in the case of the
chief of Deogarh. Of another (the Bhindar chief) who held forty-
three towns and villages, in addition to his grant ; of Amet, of
NEGOTIATIONS WITH THE CHIEFS 567
Badesar, of Dabla, of Lawa, and many others who held important
fortresses of the crown independent of its will ; and other claims,
embracing every right [489] and privilege appertaining to feudal
society ; suffice it, that in six months the whole arrangements
were effected.
The Case of Arja. — In the painful and protracted discussions
attendant on these arrangements, powerful traits of national
character were developed. The castle and domain of Arja half
a century agd belonged to the crown, but had been usurped by
the Purawats, from whom it was wrested by storm about fifteen
years back by the Saktawats, and a patent sanctioning possession
was obtained, on the payment of a fine of £1000 to the Rana.
Its surrender was now required from Fateh Singh, the second
brother of Bhindar, the head of this clan ; but being regarded as
the victorious completion of a feud, it was not easy to silence their
prejudices and objections. The renunciation of the forty-three
towns and villages by the chief of the clan caused not half the
excitation, and every Saktawat seemed to forgo his individual
losses in the common sentiment expressed by their head : " Arja
is the price of blood, and with its cession our honour is surrendered."
To preserve the point of honour, it was stipulated that it should
not revert to the Purawats, but be incorporated with the fisc,
which granted an equivalent ; when letters of surrender were
signed by both brothers, whose conduct throughout was manly
and confiding.
Badnor and Amet. — The Badnor and Amet chiefs, both of the
superior grade of nobles, were the most formidable obstacles to
the operation of the treaty of the 4th of May. The first of these,
by name Jeth Singh {the victoriowi [chief] lion), was of the Mertia
clan, the bravest of the brave race of Rathor, whose ancestors
had left their native abodes on the plains of Marwar, and accom-
panied the celebrated Mira Bai on her marriage with Rana
Kmnbha. His descendants, amongst whom was Jaimall, of
immortal memory, enjoyed honour in Mewar equal to their birth
and high deserts. It was the more difficult to treat with men
like these, whose conduct had been a contrast to the general
license of the times, and who had reason to feel offended, when
no distinction was observed between them and those who had
disgraced the name of Rajput. Instead of the submission ex-
pected from the Rathor, so overwhelmed was he from the magni-
568 ANNALS OF MEWAR
tude of the claims, which amounted to a virtual extinction of his
power, that he begged leave to resign his estates and quit the
country. In prosecution of this design, he took post in the chief
hall of the palace, from which no entreaties could make him
move ; ^ until the Rana, to [490] escape his importimities, and
even restraint, obtained his promise to abide by the decision of the
Agent. The forms of the Rana's court, from time immemorial,
prohibit all personal communication between the sovereign and
his chiefs in matters of individual interest, by which indecorous
altercation is avoided. But the ministers, whose office it was to
obtain every information, did not make a rigid scrutiny into the
title-deeds of the various estates previous to advancing the claims
of the crown. This brave man had enemies, and he was too
proud to have recourse to the common arts either of adulation or
bribery to aid his cause. It was a satisfaction to find that the
two principal towns demanded of him were embodied in a grant
of Sangram Singh's reign ; and the absolute rights of the fisc,
of which he had become possessed, were cut down to about
fifteen thousand rupees of annual revenue. But there were other
points on which he was even more tenacious than the sm-render
of these. Being the chief noble of the fine district of Badnor,
which consisted of three hundred and sixty towns and villages,
chiefly of feudal allotments (many of them of his own clan), he
had taken advantage of the times to establish his influence over
them, to assume the right of wardship of minors, and secure those
services which were due to the prince, but which he wanted the
power to enforce. The holders of these estates were of the third
class of vassals or gol (the mass), whose services it was important
to reclaim, and who constituted in past times the most efficient
force of the Ranas, and were the preponderating balance of their
authority when mercenaries were unknown in these patriarchal
states. Abundant means towards a just investigation had been
previously prociu'ed ; and after some discussion, in which all
admissible claims were recognized, and argument was silenced by
incontrovertible facts, this chieftain relinquished all that was
demanded, and sent in, as from himself, his written renunciation
to his sovereign. However convincing the data by which his
proper rights and those of his prince were defined; it was to feeling
^ [An instance of the practice of ' sitting dharna ' to enforce a claim
(Yule-Bumell, Hobaon-Jobson, 2nd ed. 315 f.).]
HAMiRA OF BADESAR 569
and prejudice that we were mainly indebted for so satisfactory
an adjustment. An appeal to the name of Jaimall, who fell
defending Chitor against Akbar,^ and the contrast of his ancestor's
loyalty and devotion with his own contumacy, acted as a talisman,
and wrung tears from his eyes and the deed from his hand. It
will afford some idea of the difficulties encountered, as well as the
invidiousness of the task of arbitrating such matters, to give his
own comment verbatim : "I remained faithful when his own
kin deserted him, and was [491] one of four chiefs who alone of
all Mewar fought for him in the rebellion ; but the son of Jaimall
is forgotten, while the ' plunderer ' is his boon companion, and
though of inferior rank, receives an estate which elevates him
above me " ; alluding to the chief of Badesar, who plundered
the queen's dower. But while the brave descendant of Jaimall
returned to Badnor with the marks of his sovereign's favour, and
the applause of those he esteemed, the ' runner ' went back to
Badesar in disgrace, to which his prince's injudicious favour
further contributed.
Hamira of Badesar. — Hamira of Badesar was of the second
class of nobles, a Chondawat by birth. He succeeded to his
father Sardar Singh, the assassin of the prime minister even in
the palace of his sovereign ; ^ into whose presence he had the
audacity to pursue the surviving brother, destined to avenge
him.' Hamira inherited all the turbulence and disaffection, with
the estates, of his father ; and this most conspicuous of the many
lawless chieftains of the times was known throughout Rajasthan
as Hamira ' the runner ' (daurayat). Though not entitled to hold
^ See p. 380. ^ See p. 514 and note.
' It win fill up the picture of the times to relate the revenge. When
Jauishid, the infamous lieutenant of the infamous Amir Khan, established
' his headquarters at Udaipur, which he daily devastated, Sardar Singh,
then in power, was seized and confined as a hostage for the payment of
thirty thousand rupees demanded of the Rana. The surviving brothers
of the murdered minister Somji ' purchased their foe ' with the sum
demanded, and anticipated his clansmen, who were on the point of efi^ecting
his liberation. The same sun shone on the head of Sardar, which was
placed as a signal of revenge over the gateway of Ranipiyari's palace. I
had the anecdotes from the minister Siyahal, one of the actors in these
tragedies, and a relative of the brothers, who were all swept away by the
dagger. A similar fate often seemed to him, though a brave man, inevitable
during these resumptions ; which impression, added to the Rana's known
inconstancy of favour, robbed him of half his energies.
570 ANNALS OF MEWAR
lands beyond thirty thousand annually, he had become possessed
to the amount of eighty thousand, chiefly of the fisc or khalisa,
and nearly all obtained by violence, though since confirmed by
the prince's patent. With the chieftain of Lawa (precisely in the
same predicament), who held the fortress of Kheroda and other
valuable lands, Hamira resided entirely at the palace, and obtain-
ing the Rana's ear by professions of obedience, kept possession,
while chiefs in eveiy respect his superiors had been compelled to
surrender ; and when at length the Saktawat of Lawa was forbid
the court until Kheroda and all his usurpations were yielded up,
the son of Sardar displayed his usual turbulence, ' curled his
moustache ' at the minister, and hinted at the fate of his pre-
decessor. Although none dared to imitate him, his stubbornness
was not without admirers, especially among his own clan ; and
as it was too evident that fear or favour swayed the Rana, it was
a case for the Agent's interference, the opportunity for which
was soon afforded. When [492] forced to give letters of surrender,
the Rana's functionaries, who went to take possession, were
insulted, refused admittance, and compelled to return. Not a
moment could be lost in punishing this contempt of authority ;
and as the Rana was holding a court when the report arrived, the
Agent requested an audience. He found the Rana and his chiefs
assembled in ' the balcony of the sun,' and amongst them the
notorious Hamira. After the usual compliments, the Agent asked
the minister if his master had been put in possession of Syana.
It was evident from the general constraint, that all were acquainted
with the result of the deputation ; but to remove responsibility
from the minister, the Agent, addressing the Rana as if he were
in ignorance of the insult, related the transaction, and observed
that his government would hold him culpable if he remained at
Udaipur while his highness's commands were disregarded. Thus
supported, the Rana resumed his dignity, and in forcible language
signified to all present his anxious desire to do nothing which was
harsh or ungracious ; but that, thus compelled, he would not
recede from what became him as their sovereign. Calling for a
bira, he looked sternly at Hamira, and commanded him to quit
his presence instantly, and the capital in an hour ; and, but for
the Agent's interposition, he would have been banished the
country. Confiscation of his whole estate was commanded, until
renunciation was completed. He departed that night ; and,
THE CASE OF AMLI 5T1
contrary to expectation, not only were all the usurpations sur-
rendered, but, what was scarcely contemplated by the Agent,
the Rana's flag of sequestration was quietly admitted into the
fortress of Badesar/
The Case of Amli. — One more anecdote may suffice. The
lands and fortress of Amli had been in the family of Amet since
the year 27, only five years posterior to the date to which these
arrangements extended ; their possession verged on half a century.
The lords of Amet were of the Sixteen, and were chiefs of the clan
Jagawat. The present representative enjoyed a fair character :
he could, with the chief of Radnor, claim the succession of the
loyal ; for Partap and Jaimall, their respective ancestors, were
rivals and martyrs on that memorable day when the genius of
Chitor abandoned the Sesodias. But the heir of Amet had not
this alone [493] to support his claims ; for his predecessor Partap
had lost his life in defending his country against the Mahrattas,
and Amli had been his acquisition. Fateh Singh (such was his
name) was put forward by the more artful of his immediate kin,
the Chondawat interest ; but his disposition, blunt and impetuous,
was Uttle calculated to promote their views : he was an honest
Rajput, who neither could nor cared to conceal his anger, and at
a ceremonious visit paid him by the Agent, he had hardly sufficient
control over himself to be courteous, and though he said nothing,
his eyes, inflamed with opium and disdain, spoke his feelings.
He maintained a dogged indifference, and was inaccessible to
argument, till at length, following the example of Badnor, he was
induced to abide by the Agent's mediation. He came attended
by his vassals, who anxiously awaited the result, which an un-
premeditated* incident facilitated. After a long and fruitless
expostulation, he had taken refuge in an obstinate silence ; and
seated in a chair opposUe to the envoy, with his shield in front,
placed perpendicularly »n his knees, and his arms and head
^ Nearly twelve months after this, my pubhc duty called me to Nimbahera
en route to Kotah. The castle of Haraira was within an hour's ride, and
at night he was reported as having arrived to visit me, when I appointed
the next day to receive him. Early next morning, according to custom,
I took my ride, with four of Skinner's Horse, and galloped past him, stretched
with his followers on the ground not far from my camp, towards his fort.
He came to me after breakfast, called me his greatest friend, " swore by
his dagger he was my Rajput," and that he would be in future obedient
and loyal ; but this, I fear, can never be.
572 ANNALS OF MEWAR
reclined thereon, he continued vacantly looking on the ground.
To interrupt this uncourteous silence in his own house, the envoy
took a picture, which with several others was at hand, and placing
it before him, remarked, " That chief did not gain his reputation
for swamidharma ^ (loyalty) by conduct such as yours." His
eyes suddenly recovered their animation and his countenance
was lighted with a smile, as he rapidly uttered, " How did you
come by this — why does this interest you ? " A tear started in
his eye as he added, " This is my father ! " — " Yes," said the
Agent, " it is the loyal Partap on the day he went forth to meet
his death ; but his name yet lives, and a stranger does homage to
his fame." — " Take Amli, take Amli," he hurriedly repeated,
with a suppressed tone of exultation and sorrow, " but forget not
the extent of the sacrifice." To prolong the visit would have
been painful to both, but as it might have been trusting too much
to humanity to delay the resumption, the Agent availed himself
of the moment to indite the chhorchitthi ^ of surrender for the
lands.
With these instances, characteristic of individuals and the
times, this sketch of the introductory measures for improving the
condition of Mewar may be closed. To enter more largely in
detail is foreign to the purpose of the work ; nor is it requisite
for the comprehension of the unity of the object, that a more
minute dissection of the parts should be afforded. Before, how-
ever, we exhibit the [494] general results of these arrangements,
we shall revert to the condition of the more humble, but a most
important part of the community, the peasantry of Mewar ; and
embody, in a few remarks, the fruits of observation or inquiry,
as to their past and present state, their rights, the establishment
of them, their infringement, and restitution. On this subject
much has been necessarily introduced in the sketch of the feudal
system, where landed tenures were discussed ; but it is one on
which such a contrariety of opinion exists, that it may be desirable
to show the exact state of landed tenures in a country, where
Hindu manners should exist in greater purity than in any other
jjart of the vast continent of India.
The Landed System. — ^The ryot (cultivator) is the proprietor of
the soil in Mewar. He compares his right therein to the akshay
^ Literally faith (dharma) to his lord {swami).
^ Paper of relinquishment.
FACSIMILE OF NATIVE DRAWING OF PARTAB SINGH AND RAEMALL.
To J'aci page 572.
THE LANDED SYSTEM 573
duha,^ which no vicissitudes can destroy. IJe calls the land his
bapota, the most emphatic, the most ancient, the most cherished,
and the most significant phrase his language commands for
patrimonial^ inheritance. He has nature and Manu in support
of his claim, and can quote the text, alike compulsory on prince
and peasant, " cultivated land is the property of him who cut
away the wood, or who cleared and tilled it," * an ordinance
binding on the whole Hindu race, and which no international
wars, or conquest, could overturn. In accordance with this
principle is the ancient adage, not of Mewar only but all Rajpu-
tana, Bhog ra dhanni Raj ho : bhum ra dhanni ma cho : ' the
government is owner of the rent, but I am the master of the
land.' With the toleration and benevolence of the race the
conqueror is conunanded " to respect the deities adored by the
conquered, also their virtuous priests, and to establish the laws
of the conquered nation as declared in their books." * If it were
deemed desirable to recede to the system of pure Hindu agrarian
law, there is no deficiency of materials. The customary laws
contained in the various reports of able men, superadded to the
general ordinances of Manu, would form a code at once simple
and efficient : for though innovation from foreign conquest has
placed niany principles in abeyance, and modified others, yet he
has observed to little purpose [495] who does not trace a uni-
formity of design, which at one time had ramified wherever the
^ The dub grass Cynodon dactylon] flourishes in all seasons, and most in
the intense heats ; it is not only amara or ' immortal,' but akshay, ' not to
be eradicated ' ; and its tenacity to the soil deserves the distinction.
2 From bap, ' father,' and the termination of, or belonging to, and by
which clans are distinguished ; as Karansot, ' descended of Karan ' ;
Mansinghgot, ' descended of Mansingh.' It is curious enough that the
mountain clans of Albania, and other Greeks, have the same distinguishing
termination, and the Mainote of Greece and the Mairot of Rajputana aUke
signify mountaineer, or ' of the mountain,' maina in Albanian ; mairu or
7)ierii in Sanskrit. [The words have no connexion.]
^ Laws, ix. 44.
^ [" When he [the king] has gained victory, let him duly worship the
gods and honour righteous Brahmanas, let him grant exemptions, and
let him cause promises of safety to be proclaimed. But having fully ascer-
tained the wishes of all the (conquered), let him place then a relation of
(the vanquished ruler on the throne), and let him impose his conditions.
Let him make authoritative the lawful customs of the inhabitants, just
as they are stated to be " (Manu, Laws, vii. 201 f., trans. Biihler, Sacred
Books of the East, xxv. 248 f.).]
674 ANNALS OF MEWAR
name of Hindu prevailed : language has been modified, and
terms have been corrupted or changed, but the primary pervading
principle is yet perceptible ; and whether we examine the systems
of Khandesh, the Carnatic, or Rajasthan, we shall discover the
elements to be the same.
If we consider the system from the period described by Arrian,
Curtius, and Diodorus, we shall see in the government of town-
ships each commune an ' imperium in imperio ' ; a little republic,
maintaining its municipal legislation independent of the monarchy,
on which it relies for general support, and to which it pays the
bhog, or tax in kind, as the price of this protection ; for though
the prescribed duties of kings are as well defined by Manu ^ as
by any jurisconsult in Europe, nothing can be more lax than the
mutual relations of the governed and governing in Hindu mon-
archies, which are resolved into unbounded liberty of action. To
the artificial regulation of society, which leaves all who depend
on manual exertion to an immutable degradation, must be
ascribed these multitudinous governments, unknown to the rest
of mankind, which, in spite of such dislocation, maintain the
bonds of mutual sympathies. Strictly speaking, every State
presents the picture of so many hundred or thousand minute
republics, without any connexion with each other, giving allegi-
ance {an) and rent (bhog) to a prince, who neither legislates for
them, nor even forms a police for their internal protection. It
is consequent on this want of paramount interference that, in
matters of police, of justice, and of law, the communes act for
themselves ; and from this want of paternal interference only
have arisen those courts of equity, or arbitration, the panchayats.
But to return to the freehold ryot of Mewar, whose hapota is
the ivatan and the miras of the peninsula — words of foreign
growth, introduced by the Muhammadan conquerors ; the first
(Persian) is of more general use in Khandesh ; the other (Arabic)
^ [" Let him [the king] cause his annual revenue in his kingdom to be
collected by trusty (officials), let him obey the sacred law (in his trans-
actions with) the people, and behave as a father to all men " (Manu, Laws,
vii. 80). " Not to turn back in battle, to protect the people, to honour
the Brahmanas, is the best means for a king to secure happmess " {ib.
vii. 88). " From the people let him (the king) learn (the theory) of the
(various) trades and professions " {ib. vii. 43). " But (he who is given)
to these vices (loses) even his life " {ib. vii. 46), trans. Biihler, Sacred
Books of the East, xxv.]
THE LANDED SYSTEM 575
in the Carnatic. Thus the great Persian moralist Saadi exempli-
fies its application : " If you desire to succeed to your father's
inheritance (miras), first obtain his wisdom " [496].
While the term bapota thus implies the inheritance or patri-
mony, its holder, if a military vassal, is called Bhumia, a term
equally powerful, meaning one actually identified with the soil
(bhum), and for which the Muhammad an has no equivalent but
in the possessive compound watandar, or mirasdar. The Cani-
atchi ^ of Malabar is the Bhumia of Rajasthan.
The emperors of Delhi, in the zenith of their power, bestowed
the epithet zamindar upon the Hindu tributary sovereigns : not
out of disrespect, but in the true application of their own term
Bhumia Raj, expressive of their tenacity to the soil ; and this
fact affords additional evidence of the proprietary right being in
the cultivator {ri/ot), namely, that he alone can confer the freehold
land, which gives the title of Bhumia, and of which both past
history and present usage will furnish us with examples. When
the tenure of land obtained from the cultivator is held more valid
than the grant of the sovereign, it will be deemed a conclusive
argument of the proprietary right being vested in the ryot. What
should induce a chieftain, when inducted into a perpetual fief, to
establish through the ryot a right to a few acres in bhum, but
the knowledge that although the vicissitudes of fortune or of
favour may deprive him of his aggregate signiorial* rights, his
claims, derived from the spontaneous favour of the commime,
can never be set aside ; and when he ceases to be the lord, he
becomes a member of the commonwealth, merging his title of
Thakur, or Signior, into the more humble one of Bhumia, the
allodial tenant of the Rajput feudal system, elsewhere discussed.^
Thus we have touched on the method by which he acquires this
distinction, for protecting the conmiunity from violence ; and if
left destitute by the negligence or inability of the government, he
is vested with the rights of the crown, in its share of the bhog or
rent. But when their own land is in the predicament caUed
galita, or reversions from lapses to the commune, he is ' seised ' in
^ Cani, ' land,' and atchi, ' heritage ' : Report, p. 289. — I should be in-
clined to imagine the atchi, Uke the ot and awat, Rajput terminations,
implymg clanship. [Tamil kdniydtchi, ' that which is held in free and
hereditary property ' ; kdni, ' land,' atchi, ' inheritance ' (Wilson, Glossary,
s.v. ; Madras Manual of Administration, iii. 58).]
2 See p. 195.
576 ANNALS OF MEWAR
all the rights of the former proprietor ; or, by internal arrange-
ments, they can convey such right by cession of the commune.
The Bhumia. — The privilege attached to the hhum,^ and
acquired from tlie community by the protection afforded to it,
is the most powerful argument for the recognition of its original
rights. The Bhumia, thus vested, may at pleasure drive his own
plough [497], the right to the soil. His hhum is exempt from the
jarib (measuring rod) ; it is never assessed, and his only sign of
allegiance is a quit-rent, in most cases triennial, and the tax of
kharlakar,^ a war imposition, now commuted for money. The
State, however, indirectly receives the services of these allodial
tenants, the yeomen of Rajasthan, who constitute, as in the
districts of Kumbhalmer and Mandalgarh, the landwehr, or local
militia. In fact, since the days of universal repose set in, and
the townships required no protection, an arrangement was made
with the Bhumias of Mewar, in which the crown, foregoing its
claim of quit-rent, has obtained their services in the garrisons
and frontier stations of j^lice at a very slight pecuniary sacrifice.
Such are the rights and privileges derived from the ryot
cultivator alone. The Rana may dispossess the chiefs of Radnor,
or Salumbar, of their estates, the grant of the crown — he could
not touch the rights emanating from the community ; and thus
the descendants of a chieftain, who a few years before might have
followed his sovereign at the hpad of one hundred cavaliers,
would descend into the humble foot militia of a district. Thou-
sands are in this predicament : the Kanawats, Lunawats, Kum-
bhawats, and other clans, who, like the Celt, forget not their
claims of birth in the distinctions of fortune, but assert their
propinquity as " brothers in the nineteenth or thirtieth degree
to the prince " on the throne. So sacred was the tenure derived
from the ryot, that even monarchs held lands in hhum from their
subjects, for an instance of which we are indebted to the great
poetic historian of the last Hindu king. Chand relates, that
when his sovereign, the Chauhan, had subjugated the kingdom of
Anhilwara ^ from the Solanki, he returned to the nephew of the
1 See p. 195.
2 See Sketch of Feudal System, p. 170.
^ Nahrwala of D'Anville ; the Balhara sovereignty of the Arabian
travellers of the eighth and ninth centuries. I visited the remains of this
city on my last journey, and from original authorities shall give an account
of this ancient emporium of commerce and literature.
OCCUPIERS' RIGHTS IN THE LAND 577
conquered prince several districts and seaports, and all the bhum
held by the family. In short, the Rajput vaunts his aristocratic
distinction derived from the land ; and opposes the title of
' Bhumia Raj,' or government of the soil, to the ' Bania Raj,' or
commercial government, which he affixes as an epithet of con-
tempt to Jaipur : where " wealth accumulates and men decay."
In the great ' register of patents ' (jmtta bald) of Mewar we
find a species of [498] bhum held by the greater vassals on par-
ticular crown lands ; whether this originated from inability of
ceding entire townships to complete the estate to the rank of the
incumbent, or whether it was merely in confirmation of the grant
of the commune, could not be ascertained. The benefit from
this bhum is only pecuniary, and the title is ' bhum, rakhwali ' ^
or land [in return for] ' preservation.' Strange to say, the crown
itself holds ' bhum, rakhwali ' on its own fiscal demesnes consisting
of small portions in each village, to the amount of ten thousand
rupees in a district of thirty or forty townships. This species,
however, is so incongruous that we can only state it does exist :
we should vainly seek the cause for such apparent absurdity, for
since society has been, unhinged, the oracles are mute to much
of antiquated custom.
Occupiers' Rights in the Land. — We shall close these remarks
with some illustrative traditions and yet existing customs, to
substantiate the ryot's right in the soil of Mewar, After one of
those convulsions described in the annals, the prince had gone
to espouse the daughter of the Raja of Mandor, the (then) capital
of Marwar. It is customary at the moment of hathleva, or the
junction of hands, that any request preferred by the bridegroom
to the father of the bride should meet compliance, a usage which
has yielded many fatal results ; and the Rana had been prompted
on this occasion to demand a body of ten thousand Jat cultivators
to repeople the deserted fisc of Mewar. An assent was given to
the unprecedented demand, but when the inhabitants were thus
despotically called on to migrate, they denied the power and
refused. " Shall we," said they, '• abandon the lands of our
inheritance (bapota), the property of our children, to accompany
a stranger into a foreign land, there to labour for him ? Kill us
you may, but never shall we relinquish our inalienable rights."
The Mandor prince, who had trusted to this reply, deemed himself
1 Salvamenta of fche European system.
VOL. I 2 P
578 ANNALS OF MEWAR
exonerated from his promise, and secured from the loss of so
many subjects : but he was deceived. The Rana held out to
them the enjoyment of the proprietary rights escheated to the
crown in his country, with the lands left without occupants by
the sword, and to all, increase of property. When equal and
absolute power was thus conferred, they no longer hesitated to
exchange the arid soil of Marwar for the garden of Rajwara ; and
the descendants of these Jats still occupy the fiats watered by
the Berach and Banas [499].
In those districts which afforded protection from innovation,
the proprietary right of the ryot will be found in full force ; of this
the populous and extensive district of Jahazpur, consisting of one
hundred and six townships, affords a good specimen. There are
but two pieces of land throughout the whole of this tract the
property of the crown, and these were obtained by force during
the occupancy of Zalim Singh of Kotah. The right thus unjustly
acquired was, from the conscientiousness of the Rana's civil
governor, on the point of being annulled by sale and reversion,
when the court interfered to maintain its proprietary right to
the tanks of Loharia and Itaunda, and the lands which they
irrigate, now the bhum of the Rana.^ This will serve as an
illustration how bhum may be acquired, and the annals of Kotah
will exhibit, unhappily for the ryots of that country, the almost
total annihilation of their rights, by the same summary process
which originally attached liOharia to the fisc.
The power of alienation being thus proved, it would be super-
fluous to insist further on the proprietary right of the cultivator
of the soil.
Proprietary Rights in Land. — Besides the ability to alienate as
demonstrated, all the overt symbols which mark the proprietary
right in other countries are to be found in Mewar ; that of entire
conveyance by sale, or temporary by mortgage ; and numerous
instances could be adduced, especially of the latter. The fertile
lands of Horla, along the banks of the Khari, are almost all
mortgaged, and the registers of these transactions form two
^ The author has to acknowledge with regret that he was the cause of
the Mina proprietors not re-obtaining theii" bapota : this arose, partly from
ignorance at the time, partly from the individual claimants being dead,
and more than all, from the representation that the intended sale originated
in a bribe to Sadaram the governor, which, however, was not the case.
PROPRIETARY RIGHTS IN LAND 57U
considerable volumes, in which great variety of deeds may be
discovered : one extended for one hundred and one years ; ^
when redemption was to follow, without regard to interest on the
one hand, or the benefits from the land on the other, but merely
by repayment of the sum borrowed. To maintain the interest
during abeyance, it is generally stipulated that a certain portion
of the harvest shall be reserved for the mortgagee — a fourth, a
fifth, or gtigri — a share so small as to be valued only as a mark of
proprietary recognition.^ The mortgagees were chiefly of the
commercial classes of the large frontier towns ; in [500] many
cases the proprietor continues to cultivate for another the lands
Ms ancestor mortgaged four or five generations ago, nor does he
deem his right at all impaired. A plan had been sketched to
raise money to redeem these mortgages, from whose complex
operation the revenue was sure to suffer. No length of time or
absence can affect the claim to the bapota, and so sacred is the
right of absentees, that land will lay sterile and unproductive
from the penalty which Manu denounces on all who interfere
with their neighbour's rights : " for unless there be an especial
agreement between the owner of the land and the seed, the fruits
belong clearly to the land-owner " ; even " if seed conveyed by
water or by wind should germinate, the plant belongs to the land-
owner, the mere sower takes not the fruit." ^ Even crime and the
extreme sentence of the law will not alter succession to property,
either to the military or cultivating vassal ; and the old Kentish
adage, probably introduced by the Jats from Scandinavia, who
under Hengist established that kingdom of the heptarchy,
namely :
The father to the bough,
And the son to the plough
^ Claims to the bapota appear to be maintainable if not alienated longer
than one hundred and one years ; and undisturbed possession (no matter
how obtained) for the same period appears to confer this right. The miras
of Khandesh appears to have been on the same footing. See Mr. Elphin-
stone's Report, October 25, 1819, ed. 1872, p. 17 f., quoted in BG, xii. 266.
[The word mirds means " inherited estate,' the right of disposal of which
rests with the holder. The Jats certainly did not bring the custom to Kent.]
^ The sawmy begum of the peninsula in Fifth Report, pp. 356-57 ; correctly
sivami bhoga, ' lord's rent,' in Sanskrit.
^ Manu, Laws, ix. 52-54, on the Servile Classes. [Biihler's version
differs, but the meaning is practically the same as that of the text.]
VOL. I 2 p2
580 ANNALS OF MEWAR
is practically understood by the Jats and Bhumias ^ of Mewar,
whose treason is not deemed hereditary, nor a chain of noble acts
destroyed because a false link was thrown out. We speak of the
military vassals — the cultivator cannot aspire to so dignified a
crime as treason.
Village Officials : the Patel. — The officers of the townships are
the same as have been so often described, and are already too
familiar to those interested in the subject to require illustration.
From the Patel, the Cromwell of each township, to the village
gossip, the ascetic Sannyasi, each deems his office, and the land
he holds in virtue thereof in perpetuitj^ free of rent to the State,
except a small triennial quit-rent,^ and the liability, like every
other branch of the State, to two war taxes.^
Opinions are various as to the origin and attributes of the
Patel, the most important personage in village sway, whose
office is by many deemed foreign to the pure Hindu system, and
to which language even his title is deemed alien. But there is
no doubt that both office and title are of ancient growth, and even
etymological rule proves the Patel to be head (pati) of the com-
munity.* The office of Patel [.501] of Mewar was originally
elective ; he was ' primus inter pares,' the constituted attorney
or representative of the commune, and as the medium between
the cultivator and the government, enjoyed benefits from both.
Besides his bapota, and the serano, or one-fortieth of all produce
from the ryot, he had a remission of a third or fourth of the rent
from such extra lands as he might cultivate in addition to his
patrimony. Such was the Patel, the link connecting the peasant
with the government, ere predatory war subverted all order :
^ Patel. ^ Patel barar.
* The Gharginti barar, and Kharlakar, or wood and forage, explained
in the Feudal System.
* In copper-plate grants dug from the ruins of the ancient Ujjain (pre-
sented to the Royal Asiatic Society), the prince's patents (patta) conferring
gifts are addressed to the Patta-silas and Ryots. I never heard an etymo-
logy of this word, but imagine it to be from patta, ' grant,' or ' patent,'
and sila, which means a nail, or sharp instrument; [? sila, the stone on
which the grant is engraved] ; metaphorically, that which bmds or unites
these patents ; all, however, having pati, or chief, as the basis (see Trans-
actions of the Royal Asiatic Society, vol. i. p. 237). {Pati, ' chief,' has no
connexion with patta, ' a grant,' the latter being the origin of patel. For
the position of the Patel see Baden-Powell, The Indian Village Community,
10 ff. ; Malcolm, Memoir of Central India, 2nd ed. ii. 14 ff.]
VILLAGE OFFICIALS : THE PATEL 581
but as rapine increased, so did his authority. He became the
plenipotentiary of the community, the security for the contribu-
tion imposed, and often the hostage for its payment, remaining
in the camp of the predatory hordes till they were paid off. He
gladly undertook the liquidation of such contributions as these
perpetual invaders imposed. To indemnify himself, a schedule
was formed of the share of each ryot, and mortgage of land, and
sequestration of personal effects followed till his avarice was
satisfied. Who dared complain against a Patel, the intimate of
Pathan and Mahratta commanders, his adopted patrons ? He
thus became the master of his fellow-citizens ; and, as power
corrupts all men, their tyrant instead of their mediator. It was
a system necessarily involving its own decay ; for a while glutted
with plenty, but failing with the supply, and ending in desolation,
exile, and death. Nothing was left to prey on but the despoiled
carcase ; yet when peace returned, and in its train the exile ryot
to reclaim the bapota, the vampire Patel was resuscitated, and
evinced the same ardour for supremacy, and the same cupidity
which had so materially aided to convert the fertile Mewar to a
desert. The Patel accordingly proved one of the chief obstacles
to returning prosperity ; and the attempt to reduce this corrupted
middle-man to his original station in society was both difficult
and hazardous, from the support they met in the corrupt officers
at court, and other influences ' behind the curtain.' A system
of renting the crown lands deemed the most expedient to advance
prosperity, it was incumbent to find a remedy for this evil. The
mere name of some of these petty tyrants inspired such terror
as to check all desire of return to the country ; but the origin of
the institution of the office and its abuses being ascertained, it
was imperative, though difficult, to restore the one and banish
the other. The original elective right in many townships was
therefore returned to the ryot, who nominated new Patels [502],
his choice being confirmed by the Rana, in whose presence in-
vestiture was performed by binding a turban on the elected, for
which he presented his nazar. Traces of the sale of these offices
in past times were observable ; and it was deemed of primary
importance to avoid all such channels for corruption, in order
that the ryot's election should meet with no obstacle. That the
plan was beneficial there could be no doubt ; that the benefit
would be permanent, depended, unfortunately, on circumstances
582 ANNALS OF MEWAR
which those most anxious had not the means to control : for it
must be recollected, that although " personal aid and advice
might be given when asked," all internal interference was by
treaty strictly, and most justly, prohibited.
After a few remarks on the mode of levying the crown-rents,
we shall conclude the subject of village economy in Mewar, and
proceed to close this too extended chapter with the results of
four years of peace and the consequent improved prosperity.
Modes of Collecting Rents. — There are two methods of levying
the revenues of the crown on every description of corn — kankut
and batai, for on sugar-cane, poppy, oil, hemp, tobacco, cotton,
indigo, and garden stuffs, a money payment is fixed, varying
from two to six rupees per bigha. The kankut ^ is a conjectural
assessment of the standing crop, by the united judgement of the
officers of government, the Patel, the Patwari, or registrar, and
the owner of the field. The accuracy with which an accustomed
eye will determine the quantity of grain on a given surface is
surprising : but should the owner deem the estimate overrated,
he can insist on batai, or division of the corn after it is threshed ;
the most ancient and only infallible mode by which the dues
either of the government or the husbandman can be ascertained.
In the batai system the share of the government varies from
one-third to two-fifths of the spring harvest, as wheat and barley ;
and sometimes even half, which is the invariable proportion of the
autumnal crops. In either case, kankut or batai, when the shares
are appropriated, those of the crown may be commuted to a
money payment at the average rate of the market. The kut is
the most liable to corruption. The ryot bribes the collector,
who will underrate the crop ; and when he betrays his duty, the
shahnah, or watchman, is not likely to be honest : and as the
makai, or Indian corn, the grand autumnal crop of Mewar, is
eaten green, the crown may be defrauded of half its dues. The
system is one of uncertainty, from which eventually the ryot
derives no advantage, though it [.503] fosters the cupidity of
patels and collectors ; but there was a barar, or tax, introduced
to make up for this deficiency, which was in proportion to the
quantity cultivated, and its amount at the mercy of the officers.
Thus the ryot went to work with a mill-stone round his neck ;
instead of the exhilarating reflection that every hour's additional
^ [Kan, ' grain,' kut, ' valuation,' batai from batand, ' to divide.']
IMPROVEMENT IN CONDITION OF THE PEOPLE 583
labour was his own, he saw merely the advantage of these harpies,
and contented himself with raising a scanty subsistence in a
slovenly and indolent manner, by which he forfeited the ancient
reputation of the Jat cultivator of Mewar.
Improvement in the Condition of the People. — Notwithstanding
these and various other drawbacks to the prosperity of the country,
in an impoverished court, avaricious and corrupt officers, dis-
contented Patels, and bad seasons, yet the final report in May
1822 could not but be gratifying when contrasted with that of
February 1818. In order to ascertain the progressive improve-
ment, a census had been made at the end of 1821, of the three
central fiscal districts ^ watered by the Berach and Banas. As
a specimen of the whole, we may take the lappa or subdivision of
Sahara. Of its twenty-seven villages, six were inhabited in 1818,
the number of families being three hundred and sixty-nine, three-
fourths of whom belonged to the resumed town of Amli. In 1821
nine hundred and twenty-six families were reported, and every
village of the twenty-seven was occupied, so that population had
almost trebled. The number of ploughs was more than trebled,
and cultivation quadrupled ; and though this, from the causes
described, was not above one-third of what real industry might
have effected, the contrast was abundantly cheering. The same
ratio of prosperity applied to the entire crown demesne of Mewar.
By the recovery of Kumbhalmer, Raepur, Rajnagar, and Sadri-
Kanera from the Mahrattas ; of Jahazpur from Kotah ; of the
usurpations of the nobles ; together with the resumption of all
the estates of the females of his family, a task at once difficult and
delicate ; ^ and by the subjugation of the mountain districts of
Merwara, a thousand towns and villages were united to form the
fiscal demesne of the Rana, composing twenty-four districts of
various magnitudes, di\aded, as in ancient timeS; and with the
primitive [504] appellations, into portions tantamount to the
^ Mui, Barak, and Kapasan.
2 To effect this, indispensable alike for unity of government and the
establishment of a police, the individual statements of their holders were
taken for the revenues they had derived from them, and money payments
three times the amount were adjudged to them. They were gainers by
this arrangement, and were soon loaded with jewels and ornaments, but
the numerous train of harpies who cheated them and abused the poor
ryot were eternally at work to defeat all such beneficial schemes ; and
the counteraction of the intrigues was painful and disgusting.
584 ANNALS OF MEWAR
tithings and hundreds of England, the division from time im-
memorial amongst the Hindus.^ From these and the commercial
duties 2 a revenue was derived sufficient for the comforts, and even
the dignities of the prince and his court, and promising an annual
increase in the ratio of good government : but profusion scattered
all that industry and ingenuity could collect ; the artificial wants
of the prince perpetuated the real necessities of the peasant, and
this, it is to be feared, will continue till the present generation
shall sleep with their forefathers.
Abstract of the Fiscal Revenues of Mewar in the years
1818-19-20-21-22.
Spring harvest of 1818 . Rs. 40,000
1819 . 451,281
1820 . 659,100
1821 . 1,018,478
( The active superintendence
„ 1822 . 936,640 of the British Agent being
[ almost entirely withdrawn.
Abstract of Commercial Duties included in the above.
In 1818 . . . Nominal
1819
1820
1821
1822
. Rs. 96,683
165,108
220 000 ( Farmed for three years,
' from 1822, for750,000rupees,
217,000 -' wliich was assigned by the
I Rana for the liquidation of
I tribute fallen La arrear.
Mines and Minerals. — There are sources of wealth in Mewar
yet untouched, and to which her princes owe much of their
power. The tin mines of Jawara and Dariba alone, little more
than half a century ago, yielded above three lakhs annually ; ^
^ Manu [Larvs, vii. 119] ordains the division into tens, hundreds, and
thousands.
^ Farmed for the ensuing three years, from 1822, for seven lakhs of
rupees.
3 In S. 1816, Jawara yielded Rs. 222,000 and Dariba Rs. 80,000. The
tin of these mines contains a portion of silver. [What the Author calls
the tin mines are probably the lead and zinc mines at Jawar, 16 miles
south of Udaipur city. They seem now to be exhausted, and search might be
made for other untouched pockets of ore. Those at Dariba, which formerly
yielded a considerable revenue, have long been closed (Erskine ii. A. 53).]
THE FEUDAL LANDS
585
besides rich copper mines in various parts. From such f beyond
a doubt, much of the wealth of Mewar was extracted, but the
miners are now dead, and the mines filled with water. An
attempt was made to work them, but it was so unprofitable that
the design was soon abandoned.
Nothing will better exemplify the progress of prosperity than
the comparative population of some of the chief towns before,
and after, four years of peace :
No. of houses in 1818.
jNo. of houses in 1822.
Udaipur
. 3,500 .
. 10,000
Bhilwara .
. not one .
2,700
Pur .
200 .
1,200
Mandal
80 .
400
Gosunda .
i-_ in j_i T
60 .
j_ rriu„ a ]„i i i„ r.
350 [505]
The Feudal Lands. — The feudal lands, which were then double
the fiscal, did not exhibit the like improvement, the merchant
and cultivator residing thereon not ha\ang the same certainty
of reaping the fruits of their industry ; still great amelioration
took place, and few were so blind as not to see their account in
it.^ The earnestness with which many requested the Agent to
back their expressed intentions with his guarantee to their
communities of the same measure of justice and protection as the
fiscal tenants enjoyed was proof that they well understood the
benefits of reciprocal confidence ; but this could not be tendered
without danger. Before the Agent left the country he greatly
withdrew from active interference, it being his constant, as it
was his last impressive lesson, that they should rely upon them-
selves if they desired to retain a shadow of independence. To
give an idea of the improved police, insurance which has been
described as amounting to eight per cent in a space of twenty-five
miles became almost nominal, or one-fourth of a rupee per cent
from one frontier to the other. It would, however, have been
quite Utopian to have expected that the lawless tribes would
remain in that stupid subordination which the unexampled state
^ There are between two and three thousand towns, villages, and hamlets,
besides the fiscal land of Mewar ; but the tribiite of the British Government
is derived only from the fiscal ; it would have been impossible to collect
from the feudal lands, which are burthened with service, and form the
army of the State.
586 ANNALS OF MEWAR
of society imposed for a time (as described in the opening of these
transactions), when they found that real restraints did not follow
imaginary terrors. Had the wild tribes been under the sole
influence of British power, nothing would have been so simple as
effectually, not only to control, but to conciliate and improve
them ; for it is a mortifying truth, that the more remote from
civilization, the more tractable and easy was the object to manage,
more especially the Bhil.^ But these children of nature were
incorporated in the demesnes of the feudal chiefs, who when they
found our system did not extend to perpetual control, returned to
their old habits of oppression : this provoked retaliation, which
to subdue requires more power than the Rana yet possesses, and,
in the anomalous state of our alliances, will always be an em-
barrassing task to whosoever may exercise political control.
In conclusion, it is to be hoped that the years of oppression
that have swept the land will be held in remembrance by the
protecting power, and that neither petulance nor indolence will
lessen the benevolence which restored life to Mewar. or mar the
picture of comparative happiness it created.
^ Sir John Malcolm's wise and philanthropic measures for the reclama-
tion of this race in Malwa wiU sup2:)ort my assertions [Memoir of Central
India, 2nd ed. i. 516 ff., ii. 179 ff.]-
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