The Prosecutor Who Filed Murder Charges Against The Cops Is Becoming A Police Target

CREDIT: AP PHOTO/RUSSELL CONTRERAS

By Nicole Flatow

At least professionally, the Bernalillo County District Attorney’s office has already paid for filing murder charges against two cops who shot and killed a homeless man in Albuquerque, New Mexico.

Just a day after DA Kari Brandenburg announced for the first time in recent memory that she would pursue criminal charges against cops for an on-duty deadly shooting, there was another police shooting in the city, which has seen a spate of fatal police shootings since 2010 at eight times the rate of New York City.

And when a prosecutor from Brandenburg’s office went to the scene and sought to attend an investigative briefing, as prosecutors had been doing for years as part of their collection of evidence, police wouldn’t let her in. They claimed that now that the DA’s office had filed criminal charges against a cop, they had a “conflict of interest” and should be excluded.

“Clearly, this could compromise the integrity of the investigation of this shooting,” an outraged Brandenburg told KRQE of the police department’s behavior.

But this isn’t the only way Brandenburg may have paid for her decision to file murder charges. Buried deep in an expansive New Yorker report on Albuquerque’s investigation of police shootings, reporter Rachel Aviv lays out how Brandenburg may have faced other personal pressures aimed at intimidating her out of using her enforcement powers.

As the nation grapples to figure out why cops are so rarely punished for using deadly force, the story of Albuquerque is a window into what can happen when local officials do try to punish their own police for perceived wrongdoing.

Last October, Brandenburg told an attorney for the police union that she was considering filing charges against the cops who killed James Boyd, a homeless schizophrenic man approached by the officers for sleeping in the Albuquerque foothills. “Within weeks, Brandenburg found herself the target of an investigation by the Albuquerque Police Department,” Aviv explains.

The investigation related to theft by Brandenburg’s son, who had stolen money from friends to feed his heroin addiction. Brandenburg had offered to pay back the victims of the theft, and somewhere along the way, police developed a claim that Brandenburg had bribed witnesses related to the case.

A detective working on the case admitted in a recording that the claims were “super-weak — it’s probably not gonna go anywhere,” but “it’s gonna destroy her career.” Aviv writes:

A week after the investigation became public, Brandenburg told me that she would continue as district attorney, despite calls for her to leave the office. When I asked her if she saw the investigation as a form of intimidation, a way to prevent her from indicting the officers who shot Boyd, she said, “I think right now it’s best if other people connect the dots.”
On January 12th, Brandenburg filed counts of murder against the two officers who shot Boyd. The case will now go before a district judge, who will determine if there is probable cause to send the officers to trial. At a press conference announcing the charges, Brandenburg said, “I am not going to be intimidated.”

Despite this perceived intimidation, Brandenburg has some reason to feel more empowered than most prosecutors most of the time who are mulling filing charges against their own police departments. Albuquerque has faced a rash of police shootings that has garnered national attention. The 37 police shootings that have rocked the small city since 2010 engendered a 10-hour protest months before events unfolded in Ferguson, Missouri. The cops involved in many of these shootings were hardly punished at all, with officers in some cases merely suspended for three days. And in the wake of all of this, a scathing U.S. Department of Justice report found rampant constitutional violations in police use of force.

The city is now in the final stages of entering into an agreement with the Justice Department to improve some of its police practices. And part of what will become a court-enforceable agreement if approved by a judge is a mandate that “charges be filed against a shooting officer if they are warranted,” according to KRQE’s Jeff Proctor.

Nonetheless, while in most cities like Ferguson it has been the community members who have called for a special prosecutor to investigate police shootings to avoid the bias of working with police on a regular basis, it is now the local police in Albuquerque who are asking for a special prosecutor to replace Brandenburg. And they only started asking after she filed charges against a police officer for the very first time.

“Given recent incidents,” Chief Administrative Officer Robert Perry wrote in a letter to Brandenburg, “it is imperative the Community have confidence in the Police Department, prosecution, and justice system.”

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The People Stopping Police Departments From Addressing Colin Kaepernick’s Protest

Paid leave for officers suspected of misconduct is baked into union rules in many places.

San Francisco 49ers quarterback Colin Kaepernick signs autographs before a mid-August preseason game. CREDIT: AP Photo/Tony Avelar

After raising hell with football-loving conservatives by refusing to stand for the national anthem at a Friday preseason game, San Francisco 49ers quarterback Colin Kaepernick explained over the weekend that police treatment of black people makes it hard to feel patriotic.

“I am not going to stand up to show pride in a flag for a country that oppresses black people and people of color,” Kaepernick told NFL.com on Saturday, invoking specific policy-level frustrations with the state of the law enforcement industry. “There are bodies in the street and people getting paid leave and getting away with murder.”

Cops often sit on paid leave while under investigation. The Chicago cop who killed Laquan McDonald was on paid leave for a year before ultimately being charged with murder after a cover-up failed. Paid suspensions are common in everything from corruption scandals to sexual assault allegations to abuse of force investigations.

Paid leave pending investigation sounds like a short-term thing. But it isn’t always. Officer Manuel Avila collected about a million dollars in compensation during a nine-year paid suspension in Paterson, NJ, as police investigators probed sexual assault allegations against him. A Florida officer named Charles Hoeffer sat on paid leave for almost two years while under investigation for sexual assault, before department officials used a technicality to fire him.

These extreme cases are outliers. But open-ended paid leave during disciplinary proceedings isn’t an isolated problem, and is often baked into police union contracts.

Contract language is a harder problem than department policies that allow supervisors discretion to let officers collect checks after scandals, said Campaign Zero data analyst and activist Samuel Sinyangwe.

“If it’s department policy, they can change the policy,” he said. “In Dallas recently for example, in part because of the work of activists on the ground there and some advocacy we’ve been involved with, they recently ended the police that gave officers a 72-hr period after a shooting before they had to give a statement.”

“The chief could change that because it wasn’t embedded in a contract. Otherwise it probably wouldn’t have happened,” he said.

But there are a lot of places where contract language formally restricts accountability for misconduct. In several of the largest cities in the country, unions have enshrined a cop’s right to paid time off while under suspicion of wrongdoing, Campaign Zero found in a review of police union contracts in 81 of the largest cities in America.

In seven of those cities, law enforcement officials have no latitude to dish out unpaid suspensions during investigations. Police unions in Washington, D.C., Tampa, Jacksonville, Baltimore, Detroit, Pittsburgh, and St. Louis have won contract language prohibiting unpaid suspensions or leave, in one way or another. Officials in four more — Minneapolis, Anaheim, Irvine, and Hialeah, FL — have their hands partly tied on unpaid suspensions.

Unpaid suspensions are illegal across the entire state of Nevada, under the state’s police bill of rights.

And in many more communities where contracts do allow for financial discipline when officers are suspected of wrongdoing, unions have installed a loophole. In 14 of the cities Campaign Zero looked into, police contracts allow officers who get suspended without pay to use accrued off time to get paid anyway.

“There’s no reason to suspect the proportions would be any different for smaller cities,” Sinyangwe said. “Three quarters of the top 100 cities have at least some barrier to accountability.”

In Seattle, where officers recently rejected a contract that included some modest improvements on police accountability, current provisions seem especially likely to undermine the disciplinary force of punishments.

The existing contract there says officers can only use paid time off to pay themselves during a suspension if they’ve been taken off the job for seven days or fewer. But when a Seattle cop gets suspended for longer, she can opt to break that punishment up into multiple seven-day chunks and take accrued time to cover each.

Reform advocates aren’t pushing for a hard-and-fast guarantee that officers across the nation will feel their performance and their pay are automatically linked. Instead, Sinyangwe said, the watchword is flexibility.

“Civilian oversight is really important here. To actually have the power to decide these cases, the flexibility to decide on a case-by-case basis whether it’s appropriate for an officer to continue to receive pay while being suspended,” he said. Rules that set across-the-board limits on disciplinary action foster distrust.

“Ultimately the public pays the salary of the police officer, and entrusts in the police officer a whole range of powers that ordinary citizens don’t have. If that trust is broken, the community should at least have the power to decide that issue at the time, rather than be limited or blocked from doing so,” said Sinyangwe. Changes to those rules are about shoring up police credibility with the communities they serve.

“Whether it’s the chief or the civilian oversight structure that has that power, I think there should be evaluation on a case by case basis of whether or not it’s ok for an office to continue to get pay for what is oftentimes a breach of department policy.”

The fight for police accountability is far larger than questions of compensation, of course. And like the Movement for Black Lives, 49ers star Kaepernick wants to see significant changes to the systems that produce new police officers as well as those that discipline existing ones.

“You have people that practice law and are lawyers and go to school for eight years, but you can become a cop in six months and don’t have to have the same amount of training as a cosmetologist,” he said at a press conference Sunday. “Someone that’s holding a curling iron has more education and more training than people that have a gun and are going out on the street to protect us.”

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A Colombian Torture Survivor Weighs In On The Nation’s Historic Peace Deal

Hector Aristizabal performs his autobiographical play “Nightwind,” about surviving torture at the hands of the Colombian military. CREDIT: ImagineAction Theater

This week, the Colombian government signed a landmark peace deal with the country’s largest armed guerrilla group, bringing a formal end to a bloody conflict that has last more than half a century and claimed hundreds of thousands of lives.

The peace agreement was forged over four years in Havana, Cuba, where the leaders of the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) and the Juan Manuel Santos administration decided when the FARC will lay down their arms, who will be held accountable for war crimes on both sides, how victims will be compensated, and when former guerrilla leaders will have the right to run for office. Now the deal is up for a vote by the entire Colombian people on October 2.

Actor and activist Hector Aristizabal is one of millions of Colombians whose life has been shaped by the 52–year internal armed conflict. When he was a student at Antioquia University in the late 1980s, he was kidnapped and tortured by the Colombian military, who falsely accused him of being a FARC sympathizer. He was waterboarded, electrocuted, beaten, and deprived of food, water, and sleep. Thanks to an international human rights group who demanded to know his whereabouts, he was released, but ongoing death threats forced him to flee to the United States.

After decades learning to process his own trauma through theater and teaching others to do the same, he returned to Colombia this year, and began working with the government and victims across the country on achieving reconciliation.

Aristizabal spoke to ThinkProgress over Skype from his hometown of Medellin about what struggles remain for the country, how the U.S. should be held accountable for its role in the conflict, and why some Colombians vehemently oppose the peace deal.

As someone who has lost friends and family and was driven into exile by the conflict, how did you feel on Wednesday when the news broke that a peace deal had been reached?

We were all very excited. There was a lot of celebration, even though it was hard to believe, since this was the fifth or sixth attempt at peace negotiations. But this one has really been different, there has really been a commitment from both the government and the FARC. And it has been one of the most inclusive peace processes in history. Victims of both the guerrilla and the military have flown to Havana, thousands of them, to tell their stories and express their concerns.

Colombians celebrate the announcement of the peace accord in the streets of the capital of Bogota on Wednesday night. CREDIT: AP Photo/Fernando Vergara

But I don’t think the conflict is going to end, because the conditions that generate the violence — the inequality — will continue. At least we hope it will end the armed conflict, and instead create a democratic conversation.

How have you been involved in the peace process?

For the last six months I’ve been working with psycho-social teams in the areas most affected by the war, teaching them how to use theater and design healing rituals. Last year, I accompanied a process where the FARC asked forgiveness from a community in the Chocó region where they committed one of the worst massacres, where they threw a bomb into a church and killed 114 people. It was a very somber and beautiful ceremony, and it showed there is a commitment to really turn the page.

“The peace process cannot really be signed on a piece of paper in Havana between the guerrilla and the government. It has to be signed in the hearts of people.”

I just participated in a theater project where we had five civilians, five ex-paramilitaries, five guerrillas, and five military people. We asked them, “What will it take to reconcile?” It’s going to become a play.

This is the kind of healing we need we need to engage in. The peace process cannot really be signed on a piece of paper in Havana between the guerrilla and the government. It has to be signed in the hearts of people. That’s the work we civilians need to do. That’s why I’m back here, because it’s a historic moment in which we all need to participate.

Will you and other torture survivors have a seat at the table when the Truth and Reconciliation Commission begins?

I hope so. There are more than a million of us dispersed everywhere in the world, mostly in Europe. Those of us who are direct victims of the war — and really, everyone is a victim except maybe the arms and drug dealers who benefited — we want to have a role.

I personally feel like I’ve been preparing for this moment for 25 years. I’ve participated in peace and healing processes in Northern Ireland, Palestine, Rwanda, Guatemala and El Salvador.

I’ve been training myself to come back and work with the paramilitaries who killed my brother, the military who tortured me, and with the guerrilla who I felt betrayed their ideals of a more just society and became an armed group that used kidnapping and drugs and the destruction of the environment. I have come to understand that all of these people are Colombians, and most members of these groups were peasants and had very little choice — it was the only source of employment in many places — and they were indoctrinated since they were very little. It doesn’t justify what they’ve done, but we have to feel their suffering too.

“The country is not afraid of peace, it’s afraid of the truth.”

But I’ve always said that the country is not afraid of peace, it’s afraid of the truth. The government does not want to face the fact that more than 70 percent of the more than 2,000 massacres that have been committed over the last 34 years have been committed by the paramilitaries, not by the guerrillas. And more have been committed by the military itself, under the watch of the United States and with the support of the United States. So we really need to look at what we as a society have allowed to occur, and reweave the social tissue that has been broken by war.

What questions or doubts do you have going forward?

What is clear for me going to these communities is that all reparations are symbolic. No one can bring back the 45,000 people who were disappeared, assumed dead or dumped in mass graves. Even the five to seven million people who have been displaced from their lands, we don’t know how many of can return to their land and recuperate what they had before.

But we will have a Truth and Reconciliation Commission and that is where the international community will have a very important role to play. There have been peace processes before that were never fully completed, in part due to lack of funds. It’s interesting that there are always plenty of funds for war. The U.S. has sent weapons and helicopters and ammunition and training, etc. Our military is one of the best-trained militaries in the continent, and I ask, what will be the use of that military once the internal conflict is resolved? Will it be used to attack other countries, or will it protect and provide security for all of us?

FARC fighters, who control some of the country’s poorest and most remote regions, listen to a lecture on the peace process in the southern jungles of Putumayo, Colombia. CREDIT: AP Photo/Fernando Vergara

Another big question is, since there will be a lot more foreign investment in the country if the peace plan passes, does that mean mining companies will be taking over the few pristine places we have left in Colombia? We may have a lot we have to protect going forward. But we really need that investment, because in many areas there are still no roads, and no means of communication. Places where the only source of income is the growing of coca, and where the only government presence has been the military.

So now that the government won’t be able to blame the guerrillas as the sole source of evils and difficulties in the country, I hope we’ll be able to really look at all the contradictions and social inequalities that exist in our country and make sure the conditions that generated the war can really change.

All of Colombia will get to vote on the deal on October 2. What happens if it passes?

The United Nations will oversee the first 180 days of the process. The remaining guerrillas will move into 23 zones around the country and give up their weapons. The zones will be surrounded by the military to protect them, because we know from the past that they will be at risk of assassination from the paramilitary groups that have reorganized. They have already sent communications saying, “We are going to kill all these Communist guerrillas.”

There is real concern that the violence could worsen during the next few years, and I wonder how much the government will crack down on these right-wing groups.

There has also been talk of what transitional justice will look like. Once we discover who perpetrated crimes against humanity and violations of international law, how many years in prison will they serve? It’s still to be determined and it’s very difficult. All sides committed horrible atrocities.

Much of your home region of Antioquia is opposed to the peace deal, even though it was one of the zones to suffer most from the war. Why is that?

There is a lot of animosity against [President] Santos here, lead by the ex-president Uribe, who wanted to destroy the guerrilla militarily and was unable to do so. Now he’s saying the government is “giving the country” to a bunch of criminals by signing the peace deal. There are a lot of people who follow him blindly and will believe whatever his claims are.

Even in my own extended family, there is a lot of skepticism about the peace deal, and rightly so. These are people who, for many, many years, were unable to go to their farms. They lost a lot of money and a lot of tranquility because of the guerrillas. But at the same time, they’re incredibly ignorant about the conversations that took place in Havana. Regardless, most people are slowly coming around to imagining a country that could live in peace, after living for 50 years in a war zone.

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Poor People Can’t Be Jailed For Not Being Able To Pay Bail, Justice Department Says

The Obama administration filed court documents calling the practice unconstitutional.

Idaho Correctional Center located south of Boise, Idaho. CREDIT: AP PHOTO/CHARLIE LITCHFIELD

Jailing people before they are tried in court because they can’t afford bail is unconstitutional, according to federal appeals court documents the Justice Department filed Thursday.

The filings mark the first time the agency has openly criticized the bail industry. In its amicus brief, the Justice Department wrote, “Bail practices that incarcerate indigent individuals before trial solely because of their inability to pay for their release violate the Fourteenth Amendment” and “result in the unnecessary incarceration of numerous individuals who are presumed innocent.”

“Bail practices that incarcerate indigent individuals before trial solely because of their inability to pay for their release violate the Fourteenth Amendment.”

The agency’s comments follow its indictment of the private prison industry mandating their closure due to their high rates of corruption and excessive force. The DOJ’s brief Thursday seems to bolster the Obama administration’s objective of improving prison practices that often disproportionately affect minorities.

In this photo taken Tuesday, July 7, 2015, a bail bonds sign hangs on the side of a bail bonds business near Brooklyn’s courthouse complex and jail in New York. CREDIT: AP/KATHY WILLENS

The Justice Department pointed out that bail practices became harsher after 1990. Georgia man Maurice Walker has become a prime example for the phenomenon after he was arrested for a misdemeanor charge of public intoxication and jailed for six nights because he couldn’t afford to pay the $160 bail. Walker was released after a federal judge ruled in his favor and demanded police make changes to post-arrest procedures.

Jailing the poor for an inability to pay a fine, bail, or other debt has deep roots in American history that is still widely practiced. California is currently facing a class-action lawsuit for charging defendants exorbitant bail amounts, which then forces them to take out interest-accruing loans from bail bondsmen. The city of Jennings, Missouri was recently ordered to pay nearly 2,000 prisoners $4.75 million who were jailed because they couldn’t pay court fines and fees.

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Chicago Officials Release Footage Showing Police Misconduct That Led To Unarmed Black Teen’s Death

In this video screengrab, an officer can be seen open fire into a car driven by Paul O’Neal. CREDIT: SCREENSHOT

On Friday, Chicago officials released videos showing the July 28 killing of 18-year-old Paul O’Neal by city police officers. You can watch them here.

The footage, from dash and body cams, reveals that officers didn’t follow procedure in the chaotic moments that led to O’Neal, who was unarmed, being shot in the back. On July 28 at around 7:30 p.m., officers tried to pull O’Neal over after he was identified as driving a stolen Jaguar convertible in Chicago’s predominately African American South Shore neighborhood. As he fled, striking police vehicles, two officers sprayed the Jaguar with bullets. O’Neal eventually ​got out of the car and ​ran for a residential backyard, where a third officer fatally shot him. A body cam worn by the officer who shot the fatal round wasn’t on at the time for reasons that remain unclear.

Conversations captured by body cameras reveals officers thought O’Neal had shot at them. In fact, they were hearing the sound of their own bullets. Furthermore, as the Chicago Tribune reports, Chicago PD policy prohibits officers from firing into vehicles if the vehicle is the sole source of a threat.

Chicago PD Superintendent Eddie Johnson has already stripped the three officers who shot at O’Neal of their police powers. The O’Neal family is suing the Chicago PD. Shortly after the footage was released, Michael Oppenheimer, the attorney representing the O’Neals, called the footage “beyond horrific.”

“There is no question in my mind that criminal acts were committed,” Oppenheimer said. “What I saw was pretty cold-blooded.”

In a statement released around the same time as the video footage, Independent Police Review Authority Chief Administrator Sharon Fairley called the video “shocking and disturbing.”

“The investigation into this tragic event is still very much in the early stages. But we are proceeding as deliberately and expediently as possible in pursuit of a swift but fair determination,” the statement continues. “As with every investigation, where we believe information can be released to the public without jeopardizing the investigation, we do so, even if it is before the 60-day timeline outlined in the City’s transparency policy.”

Officials’ handling of the O’Neal videos stands in contrast to how the city handled footage of Officer Jason Van Dyke killing Laquan McDonald with 16 shots in October 2014. The city kept the McDonald dash cam footage from the public for over a year. Van Dyke was finally charged with first degree murder less than a day before the footage was finally released in November of last year. Cook County State’s Attorney Anita Alvarez’s handling of that incident, among other controversies, resulted in her being ousted from office in March by Kim Foxx, a former assistant state’s attorney backed by Black Lives Matter activists.

The same day that the O’Neal footage was released, Illinois Gov. Bruce Rauner (R) signed a bill requiring students who take drivers education classes to learn how to respond if they’re pulled over by police.

One of the sponsors of the bill, state Sen. Julie Morrison (D), said she thinks the legislation is “really timely, so that teenagers and young drivers don’t look at a police officer as a threat or a problem… It’s just a part of driving, and if they respond in a responsible, correct way, it should never escalate,” the Chicago Tribune reports.

O’Neal is one of 640 people killed by police officers in the United States so far this year, according to numbers compiled by the Guardian.

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