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Nearly 20 percent of Trump campaign cash has gone to Donald Trump and his kids.

Back in June, Republican strategist Rick Wilson labeled Trump’s campaign a “scampaign,” noting Trump’s refusal to forgive his own campaign debt as well as the amount of money he was paying himself to rent out property he owned for campaign events. In mid-June, for instance, Trump paid himself a hair over $420,000 (nice) to rent out his Mar-a-Lago resort.

Two months later, the scampaign continues. The Wall Street Journal reports that “$15 million, or about 17 percent of the roughly $90 million spent through July—paid to companies linked to himself or his children, or to reimburse their travel expenses.” At best, this commitment to using Trump facilities suggests a Ross Perot-esque mix of micromanagement and inexperience. That, it seems, is the Trump campaign’s explanation. “It makes perfect sense to me that you’re going to use facilities that you know are of a certain quality,” Don McGahn, general counsel for the Trump campaign, told the WSJ. Asked about Trump’s reliance on advisers without presidential experience (half of Trump’s top ten consultants have never worked on a presidential campaign), McGahn said, “Trump wants people with fire in the belly. Loyalty is right up there at the top.”

At worst, it suggests that Trump is actively trying to profit from his presidential run. Back in 2000, he told Fortune, “It’s very possible that I could be the first presidential candidate to run and make money on it.” He might just make good on that prediction.

August 29, 2016

Gene Wilder was the perfect comic actor.

The word “neurotic” will inevitably attach itself to obituaries of Wilder, who died on Monday at the age of 83. But Wilder’s jittery affect and anxious performances were always grounded in reality—in some ways they were the inverse of Woody Allen’s more self-consciously cerebral roles of the ‘70s.

Wilder’s best performances walked seemingly impossible lines. As Dr. Frederick Frankenstein in Young Frankenstein, Willy Wonka in Willy Wonka and the Chocolate Factory, Jim in Blazing Saddles, and Leo Bloom in The Producers, Wilder was simultaneously staid and chaotic; warm and mysterious; taut, but capable of moments of near eerie calm. He was an heir to earlier stars like Buster Keaton and, as Kaleb Horton pointed out on Twitter, Bugs Bunny. Wilder’s characters, particularly those created by Mel Brooks, were almost always absurd—send-ups of familiar, often exhausted tropes. But Wilder always found the humanity in the ridiculous, the pathos in characters like Bloom and Frankenstein, and the mystery in Wonka, which transformed Willy Wonka from a children’s movie into a psychedelic marvel.

But mostly Wilder was really, really funny, capable of moving effortlessly from dick jokes to physical comedy to word play and (if Brooks was writing) back to dick jokes again. Wilder gave timeless comic performances—moments like this, from 1977’s World’s Greatest Lover, would be just as funny in 1926 as they are in 2016. RIP.

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Anthony Weiner’s weiner did not endanger national security.

Donald Trump’s response to Huma Abedin’s decision to separate from her husband was inevitable. Abedin is a beloved secondary character in alt right conspiracy theories about Hillary Clinton, and Weiner’s repeated infidelities echo those of Clinton’s husband, a note Trump has hit again and again, as a clumsy attempt to win over skeptical women voters.

In a statement reminiscent of his obsession with the ill-fated Robert Pattinson-Kirsten Stewart romance, Trump first struck a supportive note, telling The New York Times, “Huma is making a very wise decision. I know Anthony Weiner well, and she will be far better off without him.” But then Trump tried to make Weiner’s serial sexting about Clinton.

“I only worry for the country in that Hillary Clinton was careless and negligent in allowing Weiner to have such close proximity to highly classified information. Who knows what he learned and who he told? It’s just another example of Hillary Clinton’s bad judgment. It is possible that our country and its security have been greatly compromised by this.”

Even for Trump, this is a silly attempt to politicize something that is not at all political. Even more absurd is the fact that exactly one year ago, Trump made the exact same point, calling Weiner a “perv” and, you guessed it, accusing Clinton and Abedin of putting him in the general vicinity of classified info.

Of course, Abedin would not be allowed to share classified information with her spouse, and there’s no indication that she has, or that Anthony Weiner overlaid pictures of his dong with information regarding the whereabouts of Abu Bakr al-Baghdadi. But that’s beside the point. Trump is just asking questions about Anthony Weiner’s penis and whether or not it made America less safe.

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Is Donald Trump making Evangelicals more liberal?

Michael Wear, an ex–Obama administration official, certainly wants you to think so. Formerly the deputy director of the White House Office of Faith-Based Initiatives, Wear has joined forces with several other Evangelical figures to launch a new group opposed to Trump. Yahoo News reports that the group, called Public Faith, espouses a belief in pluralism while condemning “systematic racism:”

We believe that neither political withdrawal nor reinvigorated culture wars by Christians will help our nation and communities through the difficult challenges we face. Instead, we seek to offer a different voice: confident and hopeful, equally full of conviction and grace. As Christians, we believe that our faith has something essential to contribute in this moment.

This is a very nice bit of milquetoast. Its “vision” affirms a belief in religious liberty without defining the concept. It condemns racism without mentioning police brutality. It worries over economic inequality without promoting a raised national minimum wage or supporting health care reform. It admits climate change exists, but it won’t offer a solution to the problem. Public Faith only admits to having two specific policy positions: Opposition to abortion rights and marriage equality. Sure looks an awful lot like they’re reinvigorating culture wars!

Public Faith is evidence of Evangelical America’s ongoing identity crisis in the age of Trump. If Evangelicals really want to carve out a new political identity, they’ll have to do better than this.

Huma Abedin has had enough.

Abedin, perhaps the most long-suffering woman in politics, announced this morning that she’s separating from husband Anthony Weiner. In a statement she said:

After long and painful consideration and work on my marriage, I have made the decision to separate from my husband. Anthony and I remain devoted to doing what is best for our son, who is the light of our life. During this difficult time, I ask for respect for our privacy.

The only surprise here is that she didn’t do it sooner. Weiner, aka Carlos Danger, has subjected her to multiple indignities in the public square and his latest indiscretion put his son on the front page of The New York Post. With Weiner out of the way, Abedin can go back to being known for what she’s accomplished, rather than for what she’s tolerated from her husband.

Questions we all (I) had after watching the VMAs.

1.) Should Drake just have taken the subway?

2.) Does Ariana Grande take her pony tail out when she goes to bed?

3.) Was Rihanna mouthing “That wasn’t funny?” after Drake’s almost-proposal?

4.) Will Chance the Rapper get his own spinoff Super Mario Bros. game? (Also, is he single?)

5.) Who was in charge of the top of Rihanna’s boots??

6.) Who is this man???

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Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton are both old.

We know relatively little about the health of the two major presidential candidates, but that hasn’t stopped it from becoming a minor campaign issue over the past few weeks. Trump’s campaign, continuing its habit of breeding narratives in the fever swamps of the alt right, is suggesting that Clinton suffers from a myriad of strange and mysterious ailments, with allies claiming that she has a hidden defibrillator (reminiscent of George W. Bush’s hidden mic), and that she has to sit on cushions because if she doesn’t, her head will fall off. Clinton’s campaign has responded by calling Trump’s long-haired quack doctor a long-haired quack.

It was easy to assume that the health of both candidates probably would not be an issue because both are relatively old. Clinton is 68 and Trump is 70. Neither would have much of an advantage questioning the health of the other. But when we talk about the health of presidential candidates we are not actually talking about their health. In presidential elections, bills of health are narrative tools.

The 2008 election is instructive, when the young Barack Obama took on the old John McCain. McCain’s health was called into question not just because he was old, but because it was a clever way of pointing out that he had selected an insane person as his vice president. For Trump and his supporters, the talk of cushions and defibrillators is in keeping with their larger message, which is that Hillary Clinton is full of dangerous secrets and, if put in power, will do Benghazis all over the country. For Clinton, attacking Trump’s doctor for being a quack is in keeping with her larger message, which is that Trump is a quack surrounded by quacks and, if elected, this group of quacks will start a nuclear war with France.

If this discussion was really about their health, which it isn’t, it would revolve around the one thing we know for sure about the shape they’re in: Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump are both old.

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John McCain hasn’t been a maverick for a long, long time.

Ever since Donald Trump said McCain wasn’t a war hero, there have been calls for McCain to repudiate Trump, since he represents the antithesis of McCain’s supposed values—honor, integrity, virtue—and the bastardization of his supposed strength, his beloved straight talk. The latest comes (big surprise here) from Ann Kirkpatrick, a Democrat who is running against him (if he wins the upcoming Republican primary, which he will). Here she is, speaking to Politico:

“The fact that he continues to support Donald Trump in spite of the fact that Trump insulted him, in spite of the fact that Trump insulted a Gold Star family, shows that he’s changed. There was a day that he would have stood up for that family, would have stood up for himself. It’s baffling to me that he continues to support Trump in spite of the horrible racist, sexist, discriminating things that Trump said.”

Kirkpatrick is attacking McCain’s maverick status because 28 percent of likely Hillary Clinton voters say they’ll vote for McCain in the general election and she needs to tie McCain to Trump to have any hope of winning. And, to be sure, McCain’s cynical refusal to disavow Trump—he doesn’t want to alienate Trump voters—is not the kind of thing a maverick does.

But McCain hasn’t been a maverick for years, if he ever was one in the first place. Sure, once upon a time, he would occasionally break from his party. Most importantly, he talked constantly to reporters, who were not used to the level of attention McCain paid to them and went weak at the knees when they got it. Here, for instance, is David Foster Wallace absolutely losing his shit over McCain’s “authenticity”:

Who wouldn’t cheer, hearing stuff like this, especially from a guy we know chose to sit in a dark box for four years instead of violate a Code? Even in AD 2000, who among us is so cynical that he doesn’t have some good old corny American hope way down deep in his heart, lying dormant like a spinster’s ardor, not dead but just waiting for the right guy to give it to?

Sixteen years after McCain’s failed 2000 campaign ride on his trusty steed, the Straight Talk Express, the John McCain, Maverick of the Senate™ narrative is absurd. McCain’s gleeful needling of his own party dimmed after he got ratfucked by Karl Rove in South Carolina and then gave George W. Bush a big hug. And it died again after McCain repeatedly sold out his supposed Maverick credentials during his cynical 2008 presidential campaign against Barack Obama, and then it really died during his subsequent desperate campaign to hold his Senate seat in 2010. “I never considered myself a maverick,” he avowed in 2010.

People will keep saying that McCain is a maverick because he talked to reporters 16 years ago. That McCain is long gone: The new one just wants to keep his job, no matter the cost.

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Coal country still isn’t convinced by Clinton.

On Monday, Hillary Clinton released a $30 billion plan to help revitalize central Appalachia. In theory, her plan hits all the right notes: It promises to reform the struggling black lung benefit program, fund rural public schools, and retrain coal miners for other industries. If implemented, it would spend $3 billion per year over the course of a decade to keep the region afloat.

It’s based in part on the Tobacco Region Revitalization Commission, which subsidized farmers after Virginia began to phase out tobacco farming. But The New York Times reports that the people of southwest Virginia aren’t swayed by her approach:

“I’m a lawyer. I rarely get offended by an offering of money to redress a wrong,” said State Senator Ben Chafin, a Republican, who watched the decline of his father’s tobacco farm. “But $3 billion a year won’t even be enough to buy everyone a custard cone.”

Partisan politics aside, Chafin’s not necessarily wrong. Earlier this year, the Economic Innovation Group rated Virginia’s 9th Congressional Districtwhere the Times story is baseda 97.9 out of 100 on its scale of economic distress. In practical terms, this means 51 percent of adults in the district are unemployed. That’s an apocalyptic number. And as the coal industry inexorably fails, the situation will get worse before it gets better.

There’s also bad blood between Clinton and coal country. She infamously promised to put miners “out of work” in May, a statement that likely helped her lose the West Virginia primary, and her energy policy is perceived to be in line with President Obama’s. That’s another strike against her in southwest Virginia; the region is desperately seeking a scapegoat for its problems, and the Obama’s new environmental regulations are another nail in coal’s coffin.

Anthony Weiner finally did the right thing. (He deleted his Twitter account.)

Deleting your Twitter account is always a good idea, no matter who you are, but it’s an especially good idea if you’re Anthony Weiner.

Weiner, the star of the documentary Weiner, deleted his account after The New York Post reported that he had sent pictures of his semi-clothed dick to yet another woman who is not his wife, top Hillary Clinton aide Huma Abedin. The former congressman allegedly sent a bunch of flirty DMs to a “busty brunette,” including one of him taking off his shirt (eh), several close-ups of his tighty-whities featuring the outlines of his weiner (old hat, still gross), and one of his dad abs and his bulge while he was in bed with his infant son (father of the year material).

Weiner’s sexting scandals are always pretty funny because of his last name (it’s “weiner”), but if it wasn’t already readily apparent that he had a problem—a level of neediness bordering on addiction—it certainly is now. Weiner has, twice now, said that he’s put his old ways (i.e. sending dong shots to strangers) behind him, and twice now he has continued to send dong shots to strangers.

Weiner’s own political career has been cooked for a while, but the Post story is certainly an unwelcome one for his wife, both personally and professionally, and a distraction for her boss, who is running for president. While the Clinton campaign has treated Donald Trump’s recent hire of Breitbart chief Steve Bannon as the gift horse that it is, any trouble at home—including something as benign and inevitable as Anthony Weiner sending pictures of his dick to people he’s never met—is going to be seized on by Trump, who will inevitably tweet about it at some point today.

But three and a half years after his first sexting scandal, Anthony Weiner finally did something right: He deleted his account, hopefully forever.

August 26, 2016

Yet again, the Republican dream of winning over Jewish voters has been crushed.

Every cycle, we hear predictions that Republican outreach to Jews will finally pay off, and that the GOP will begin making historic inroads with this Democratic constituency. This would help put Florida in the GOP column, and even narrow the margins in states like New York or New Jersey. Well, it’s definitely not happening in the year of Donald Trump.

A new survey by Democratic pollster Jim Gerstein, published today in Jewish Insider, testing Jewish voters in Florida, showed Hillary Clinton at 66 percent support, against Trump with only 23 percent. (The only group favoring Trump is the small subsample of Orthodox Jews, who pick him 66 percent to 22 percent for Clinton—while the overwhelming majority of non-Orthodox are with her, 72 percent to 22 percent.)

Furthermore, the candidates’ personal favorability ratings present an astounding contrast: Clinton is at 57 percent favorable, to only 33 percent unfavorable; Trump is at only 21 percent favorability, against an overwhelming 71 percent unfavorable. Similarly, the Democratic Party’s favorability is at 57 percent to 31 percent, while the Republican Party is at just 19 percent to 67 percent.

Thus, Trump could potentially do even worse than Mitt Romney in 2012. According to the 2012 exit poll of Florida, President Obama won the Jewish vote there with 66 percent, against 30 percent for Romney.

Years of Republican outreach to Jews, primarily characterized by hawkish support for Israel, has hit yet another wall: They nominated a guy who is in bed with white supremacists, brags about how the stores will all say “Merry Christmas” under his administration, and is reputed to have kept a book of Hitler’s speeches by his bedside.