EDITORIAL: Bloodshed in Bangkok

Clashes in Bangkok between supporters of former Thai Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra and government security forces resulted in appalling bloodshed over the weekend.

More than 20 people were killed, among them Hiroyuki Muramoto, a TV cameraman for the Reuters news agency. Nearly 900 people were injured in the street fighting.

Thaksin supporters wearing trademark red shirts have staged anti-government demonstrations in the capital for the past month, demanding that Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva call a general election. The government's decision to mobilize military forces to crack down on the disruptive protests ahead of Thai New Year celebrations in mid-April backfired disastrously.

The Abhisit government should make every effort to restore law and order in the capital without resorting to armed force. It must cooperate with the Japanese government and conduct an exhaustive investigation into Muramoto's death.

The eruption of violence has raised fresh concerns about the future of Thailand, known as the land of smiles, as it highlighted a bitter and deep rift among the population.

For nearly 10 years, Thaksin supporters and anti-Thaksin groups have been locked in constant conflict. Thaksin came to power in 2001 and introduced a set of economic policy initiatives to gear the nation to the market economy and reduce poverty. Most of his supporters are poor residents in rural northeastern areas, or needy urbanites.

But the Thaksin government also faced widespread allegations of corruption and authoritarianism, which eventually set the stage for the military coup in 2006 that ousted Thaksin. The anti-Thaksin camp is comprised mainly of bureaucrats, the elite close to the monarchy and members of the urban middle class.

Thailand's economic growth has resulted in a concentration of wealth in the capital, widening the gap between the rich and the poor. Behind the conflict are problems that are common to many emerging economies.

In a modern democracy, political disagreements should be resolved through debate in the parliament, fair elections and public discussions.

In the past few years, however, Thailand has been jolted by non-democratic attempts to change the government.

After a pro-Thaksin government was elected, the anti-Thaksin yellow-shirt movement sought to bring it down by occupying Bangkok's two main airports. In response, the fugitive former prime minister, living in exile overseas, urged his supporters to stage protests.

The foundation of successive Thai governments was shaken by such mass actions and coups, which threatened the nation's constitutional monarchy and the legitimacy of government.

Bhumibol Adulyadej, the revered king of Thailand, mediated political conflicts in the past, but is now apparently too old to play an active role as a mediator. The Abhisit government, which took office in 2008, has yet to win a public mandate through an election.

Holding an early general election to establish a truly legitimate government would be the best first step toward ending the current turmoil, even though it may seem to be a roundabout approach.

Thailand is a core member of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), which is beginning to strengthen East Asia's relations with the United States and Russia. Thailand also has an important role to play in the international efforts to push Myanmar (Burma), its western neighbor, toward democracy.

As a regional hub of manufacturing with a thriving auto industry, Thailand is also the economic center of ASEAN. Many Japanese nationals and companies are doing business in the country.

Cooperation from Thailand is indispensable for the successful Asia diplomacy that Japanese Prime Minister Yukio Hatoyama wants to promote. The Hatoyama administration should not take the current crisis in Thailand lightly, nor think for one minute that it is occurring in a remote part of the world.

--The Asahi Shimbun, April 13