「超学歴社会」韓国、なぜか英語は大の苦手
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「超学歴社会」韓国、なぜか英語は大の苦手
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English in a new age of empire Teachers should question their role in extending the reach of an 'imperial' language, argues Julian Edge Thursday
April 15, 2004 Guardian Weekly Some events change history, some just change the way a person sees that history, and it is not always easy to tell the difference. When the United States, Britain and Australia joined forces to invade Iraq, it occurred to many EFL professionals that those nations are also the three major English language teaching providers worldwide. Did the invasion, and does the continuing occupation, change the relationship between English teaching and international politics, or simply bring it out into the open? We know that many people want to learn English because of the advantages that it can bring them: personal or professional, cultural or economic. It is at this level of individual aspiration, moreover, that most English language teachers find their engagement and motivation. We celebrate the successes of our students and work to enable more success for more of them. At the same time, to say that people want to learn English because of the advantages that it brings them is much the same as saying that there are power structures in place that reward the learning (and teaching) of English. To the extent that we wish to receive the rewards available, we continue to learn and teach English without challenging those structures. We do not dispute the requirement for a doctor, say, to be a good language learner in order to qualify as a doctor (not a requirement for native speakers of the major dialects of English, of course); we point to English as the language of research and publication, and the argument is won. This functional acceptance of "the way things are" supplies us with a working definition of a difficult concept, hegemony. Post-Iraq, however, we are faced with a change from a relationship of economic, cultural and political hegemony, which involves constrained consent, to one of outright and overt military force. Is the US shifting decisively from its age of republic to its age of empire? Is English once again becoming a language of imperial administration? Clearly, if the current policy of occupation and handover has any kind of success, then the future government of Iraq will stand out from others in the Arab world in several ways, one of which will be the ubiquity of English, without which imperial policy would be infinitely more difficult to pursue. To put that another way, English language teaching becomes an arm of imperial policy in ways that were not so obvious before. Does it therefore become possible to see EFL teachers as a second wave of imperial troopers? While there is still carnage on the streets of Iraq, English language teachers and teacher educators are in place, working to facilitate the policies that the tanks were sent to impose. Do we also become "legitimate targets" for those who resist the occupation? Iraq, of course, is only one example of ELT involvement. Another is the intensive campaign of English teaching being promoted by the British Council to support "inter-operability" among military and security forces across eastern Europe on the grounds that this commitment to "peacekeeping English" is a positive contribution to regional autonomy. Perhaps the most important point to make is that wherever, and whoever, we teach, if we are involved in teaching English to speakers of other languages, we are involved in a worldwide network of issues regarding how and to what purpose that language is used: sometimes towards goals we would applaud, sometimes quite the opposite. If we do acknowledge that involvement, furthermore, how should we respond? Few of us have so much freedom of action that we can pick and choose among the teaching projects that we take on, although those of us that do have such choices might want to take the opportunity to make our voices heard. In a more proactive sense, is there any room for a policy of "attachment", in the same way that the journalist Martin Bell has argued for a "journalism of attachment", one that goes beyond objectivity at all costs and says that, in some cases, a stand must be taken? An example of this is an emerging ELT grouping called English for Palestinian Purposes, with which I am involved. It attempts to avoid a cycle of blame and recrimination with the following statement of beliefs and intentions for teachers. "We recognise that Palestine is a multilingual society with its own developing purposes in terms of education and language policy, and we have no position on what the role of English in that policy should be. Nor do we have any political, ideological or religious agendas to pursue. We have a certain amount of experience and expertise in the teaching of English as an international language that we should like to offer, along with a limited amount of time and unlimited goodwill, in the support of Palestinian purposes. In making this offer, we also seek to establish contacts with Palestinian educational institutions and organisations, and to seek funding and sponsorship in order to make our offer real in Palestine." In a more everyday sense, we need perhaps to look again at the materials we use in class and the worldviews that they represent; at the methods that we use and the interactional and learning styles that they foreground; and at the extent to which we teach a language of compliance with, to the exclusion of a language of protest about, "the way things are". In short, when we are asked, as English language educators, what contribution we make to a better world, we need to be ready to reply in ways that we at least find convincing. ·
Julian Edge is a senior lecturer at Aston University, England,
where he organised the (Re-)Locating Tesol In An Age Of Empire
symposium last December. English in
the age of empire |
韓国「大脱出」:シドニー北部は韓国人学区? |
韓国「大脱出」:加熱する早期留学(下) |
韓国「大脱出」:加熱する早期留学(上) |
So, what's this Globish revolution? |
Language crisis facing UK schools Ahead of a major report on how government policy wrecked foreign language teaching, academics demand new start for millions of children Anushka
Asthana, education correspondent Observer Teenagers at a school in Manchester were overjoyed when they were told they could drop French this year. Out of 100 pupils just 15 signed up for the GCSE. So few showed an interest in German that the school decided not to offer it at all. Grace Hallows and her friend Sam Mottershed were among the handful who carried on. 'My Dad said he really regretted not listening in French lessons when he was at school,' said Grace, 14. 'He said it would look good on my CV and be useful for skiing.' Many of their classmates were put off foreign languages because they were 'less fun' than other lessons like PE or art, added Sam, 15: 'Languages are hard. If we were given a choice as to whether or not we took maths I am sure a lot of people would drop that too.' Language teaching in England and Wales is in crisis. Fifty leading academics have written to The Observer this weekend to express alarm about the slump in the number of teenagers taking GCSEs in foreign languages. A letter signed by professors and heads of language departments from dozens of top universities, including Oxford, Cambridge and the London School of Economics (LSE), calls for the government to reverse its controversial policy allowing pupils to drop languages at 14. The move, that came into force two years ago, embedded the notion that 'languages do not matter, that English is enough', the letter says. University College London is so concerned by the lack of language ability among pupils that it is considering making a language qualification at 16 compulsory for all applicants. The government 'decision was absolutely crazy', said Helen Watanabe-O'Kelly, professor of German literature at the University of Oxford and one of the signatories. 'At the time that other European countries are introducing two languages in schools we are told our children don't need them.' It also bred elitism, she added, because state schools cut back on languages while independent schools added new options, such as Japanese and Chinese. Clarissa Farr, head of St Paul's Girls' school, a leading private school, said the decision was 'benighted'. Along with academics, teachers and campaigners, Farr is hoping that Lord Dearing, who will publish the interim findings of his inquiry into languages in schools next week, may signal a government U-turn. Nick Byrne, director of the LSE Language Centre and lead signatory of today's letter, said reversing the decision would show that learning a language was a core skill like English and maths: 'Compulsion may not generate hundreds of linguists but it is symbolic. It is about what we want a rounded person to be.' One thing is clear: the UK has a shameful record on foreign languages and there has been a dramatic fall in the numbers studying them. This month, a report concluded that the subjects were fast becoming the preserve of the middle classes. Nearly a third of schools had less than 25 per cent of pupils studying a foreign language after 14, the study by the National Centre for Languages (CiLT) found. The poorest teenagers were least likely to be learning a language, it added. The figures raised fears that a generation of monolingual youngsters would struggle to compete in a global job market. Out of the 25 European Union countries the UK only beats Hungary in the proportion of its citizens able to have a conversation in a second language. A study by the European Commission showed that 30 per cent of people in the UK were able to do this, compared to 91 per cent in the Netherlands, 88 per cent in Denmark, 62 per cent in Germany and 45 per cent in France. The architect of the government reforms said it was the poor record in languages that led to the decision to let 14-year-olds to drop the subject, leaving money to spend on far younger children. Baroness Estelle Morris, former education secretary, said it would be a 'tragedy if the government was frightened' into reversing a decision that handed power from Whitehall to headteachers. 'We are lousy at foreign languages and shouldn't be,' said Morris. 'So you have to do something different. You need to decide where you invest the effort, energy and enthusiasm. Not on 15-year-olds who do not want to do it but five to 11-year-olds.' There was not the money to cover both, so primary school children should face compulsion, she said. 'Foreign languages give economic and cultural value,' said Mike Harris, head of education and skills at the Institute of Directors. 'But from our members perspective the argument relating to economic value is overblown. They do not see languages as the main skills gap.' However, the most powerful academic board at University College London will next week vote on proposals that would require every applicant to have a qualification in a foreign language at 16. Michael Worton, chair of the board and professor of French language and literature, said he hoped to 'aspire' rather than force pupils to keep up languages. Worton, an advisor to Dearing, said he had once been convinced by forcing pupils to do a GCSE but now thought other methods could remedy the problem. Schools wanting to place children in top universities would have to offer languages, he added. When Dearing sets out his early conclusions late next week he is likely to call for new ways to enthuse young people. Experts claim that GCSEs and A-levels are boring, requiring teenagers to talk about their day at school or directions to the train station. Dearing said he will aim to 'identify the fundamental reasons why languages dropped so sharply in Key Stage 4' and find ways to ensure that courses are 'engaging for teenagers and recognises their different aspirations and interests'. He is also likely to look at provision in primary school where Morris's plans are starting to take effect. Hilary Beynon, a language teacher from Newport, South Wales, usually has A-level students but now runs an after-school class four days a week where children sing and do role plays in Spanish. 'The way in which they absorb language is amazing,' she said. While most people welcome efforts with younger children they say there is a 'lost generation' who did not learn languages early on and will drop them at 14. 'You did not need to be able to predict the future to know this would happen,' said Linda Parker, director of the Association of Language Learning. How others do it Germany English has been compulsory for all secondary pupils since the end of the Sixties. Most federal states offer a foreign language at primary level, usually at the age of eight, although some schools offer it earlier. Chinese, Japanese and Czech is also taught in some schools. Sweden English is the first foreign language and is compulsory for all children. In the late Sixties, English was introduced at the age of nine or 10. A new national curriculum in 1995 resulted in many learning it from seven or eight. A second compulsory language is introduced at the age of 11 or 12, from a choice of German, French Spanish. A third language is optional two years later. USA The
United States has no official policy. Responsibility for
schooling rests with states and not the national government. The
majority of states have secondary school foreign language
programmes. Spanish instruction has increased, as well as
Japanese and Russian. |
Linguistic battle at the European
commission |
English could become Japan's official
second language |
English should be official language |