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2010/02/18

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Will Japan fade into the background in this Group of 2 (G-2) era of the United States and China shaping the world order?

Such concerns were voiced in Japan last November when U.S. President Barack Obama paid his first visit to China and met with Chinese President Hu Jintao. The two leaders confirmed their commitment to advancing U.S.-China relations in the new era.

But given some of the recent acrimonious exchanges between the two countries, we could perhaps say our earlier concerns were unfounded.

Not only is China a mammoth market for the United States, but the U.S. economy itself is propped by China's huge purchases of U.S. government bonds. Apparently for this reason, the Obama administration remained placatory toward China throughout last year, refraining from calling out Beijing on human rights and democratization issues.

But with the midterm elections coming up this autumn, Washington's China policy has now turned clearly confrontational.

Google Inc. last month threatened to shut down its portal in China, citing censorship and cyber-attacks in the country. Beijing's ire grew after Secretary of State Hillary Clinton and other high-placed Washington officials, as well as congressional leaders, criticized Beijing for the Google dispute.

In late January, it was China's turn to vehemently attack the Obama administration when the latter informed Congress of the plan to sell weapons to Taiwan.

Earlier this month, Obama obliquely criticized currency market manipulation by Beijing. And a White House meeting is scheduled for Thursday between Obama and the 14th Dalai Lama, the spiritual leader of Tibet denounced by Beijing as a separatist.

According to a Chinese newspaper, the United States keeps shooting at China.

But Beijing's muzzling of free speech is obviously to blame for the Google dispute. As for the sale of weapons to Taiwan, the deal was essentially a carry-over from the former George W. Bush administration, and the exclusion of fighter jets and submarines from the deal has actually disappointed Taiwan.

And let us not forget that it is China that has more than 1,000 missiles pointed at Taiwan.

China has always played hardball in negotiations involving Taiwan, Tibet, trade and technology. In that sense, some observers point out, the current hard feelings between Washington and Beijing will eventually ease because it is not as if some new elements have entered the equation to aggravate the bilateral relationship.

However, there is no guarantee that the traditional pattern of "easing tensions by making adjustments" will be repeated this time. We say this because China's economic, military and diplomatic presence and influence are growing rapidly. A case in point is that China has threatened to impose sanctions on U.S. arms exporters to Taiwan--a threat China of the past would not have made.

There is a strong tendency in the international community to regard China as the "trump card" for the global economy's growth. But this should not make anyone hesitate to criticize China for its problems.

We could say that the United States has begun feeling around for its new relationship with China. This is also a common challenge for all nations.

Japan needs to deepen its ties with China on the basis of Japan-U.S. alliance. Now is the time for us to consider what role we can play to help stabilize the U.S.-China relationship in its new phase.

--The Asahi Shimbun, Feb. 17

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