オバマ米大統領が１４日米国のアジア政策について行った演説要旨の詳報は以下の通り。
▽日米同盟
　米国大統領として初のアジア歴訪で最初の訪問地、東京にいることを大変光栄に思う。
　また日本に来られるなんて素晴らしいことだ。幼いころ、母親に連れられ鎌倉を訪れたことをご存じの方もいるだろう。何世紀も前に造られ平和と安定の象徴である大仏を見上げた。子供としては、抹茶アイスの方に気を取られていた。
　ここに来たからには、日本の（福井県）小浜市民にごあいさつと感謝を述べないわけにはいかない。
　われわれのアジア太平洋地域での取り組みは、米国と日本の不朽かつ活性化した同盟に根差していく割合が大きい。
　ホワイトハウスに最初に招いた外国のリーダーは日本の首相だったし、ヒラリー・クリントン国務長官の最初の外遊先はアジアであり、それは日本から始まった。国務長官としては５０年近くで初めてのことだ。
　２カ月後に、われわれの同盟（日米安保条約改定）は５０周年を迎える。（当時の）アイゼンハワー大統領は、日本の首相と並んで立ち、「対等で相互理解」に基づく「不滅の協力関係」をつくりあげていくと語った。
　それから半世紀、同盟はわれわれの安全保障と繁栄の礎であり続けた。日本が世界でより大きな役割を果たし、イラク復興や東アフリカ沖の海賊対策といった安定化への重要な貢献をする中で、同盟は発展した。最近でもアフガニスタン、パキスタンでの国際的な開発取り組みに追加の貢献をしてくれた。
　私は首相と同盟関係を確認しただけでなく、同盟関係を深めることで合意した。共同の作業グループを通じて、沖縄の米軍再編問題で日米両政府が合意した事項の迅速な実施に向け合意した。
▽アジアと関係強化
　米国は何世代にもわたり太平洋国家でもあった。アジアと米国は太平洋によって分断されているわけではなく、太平洋で固く結び付いている。
　私自身の人生もその一部だ。ハワイで生まれ、インドネシアで少年時代を過ごした。
　米国とアジア太平洋地域の盛衰は以前より互いに密接につながるようになった。
　核軍備競争や過激派の攻撃、地球温暖化問題。こうした共通課題に取り組むため、米国はこの地域の国々と従来の同盟強化と新しい協力関係の確立を目指す。
　日本とアジアに対する安全保障の約束は揺るぎない。
　一国の安全保障と経済成長は他国の犠牲によって成り立つものでない。
▽米中関係
　米国は、中国に対し国益に焦点を当てて接する。どんな国家も単独で２１世紀の課題に対処することはできない。米中が一緒に対処できれば、両国にとってより有益だ。中国が世界の舞台で大きな役割を担おうとすることを歓迎する。
　米国は中国を封じ込めるつもりはない。戦略的、経済的な対話を深める。もちろん、すべての問題について同意するわけでない。米国は基本的価値の主張をためらうことは決してない。それはすべての人々の宗教や文化の尊重を含む。
▽国際協調
　米国がこの数年、これら多国間の組織から距離を置いていたことを私は知っている。そうした日々は終わった。米国は地域の未来の在り方をめぐる議論に関与し、こうした組織が創設され発展するに従い、適切な組織に全面的に参加していく。
　アジア太平洋経済協力会議（ＡＰＥＣ）は地域の商業、繁栄を促進し続けるだろう。東南アジア諸国連合（ＡＳＥＡＮ）は東南アジアの対話、協力、安全保障の触媒であり続けるだろう。現代の課題への対処に役割を果たしている東アジアサミットに、より正式な形でかかわるのを楽しみにしている。
　われわれは国際的な経済の枠組みの改善に向けた歴史的な一歩を踏み出し、その結果、Ｇ２０（２０カ国・地域）は今や国際的な経済協力の主要なフォーラムとなった。
　Ｇ２０への移行は、国際金融の諸機構の中でアジアの国々に与えられたより大きな発言力とともに、米国が２１世紀において志向するより幅広く包含的な関与を明確に表している。
▽景気対策
　世界的な景気後退にわれわれを陥れた、かつての景気、不景気のサイクルに戻ることはできない。均衡を欠く成長をもたらした政策を再び取ることはできない。
　景気後退がわれわれに教えた重要な教訓の一つは、米国での消費と、アジア各国の輸出に依存する経済成長の限界だ。
　われわれは今や、これまでとは違った道を取る機会となる、歴史上まれな転換点に到達した。
　世界で他の国々の市場を開放することは米国だけでなく世界の繁栄にとって極めて重要だ。
　野心的でバランスの取れたドーハ・ラウンド（新多角的貿易交渉）の合意に向け取り組む。
　アジアの継続的な経済統合は、すべての国の労働者、消費者、企業にとって利益があると信じている。しかし均衡の取れた成長の追求だけでは不十分だ。地球とそこに住む将来の世代のため、持続可能な成長も必要だ。
▽温暖化対策
　米国は（私が大統領に就任以降の）この１０カ月間で、近年の歴史で取った措置より多くの措置を既に取った。新たなエネルギーへ投資し、気候変動の国際交渉に加わった。まだしなければならないことがあると理解しているが、責任を果たしているし、これからも努力し続けていく。
　それには（気候変動枠組み条約第１５回締約国会議が開かれる）コペンハーゲンでの成功へ向け努力していくことも含まれる。簡単なことだといった幻想は持っていないが、前進への道の輪郭ははっきりしている。すべての国が責任を受け入れなければならない。わが国を含む（温室効果ガスの）主要排出国は明確な削減目標を示さなければならない。発展途上国は排出量を抑えるため、財政的、技術的な支援を受けながら、実体を伴う行動を起こす必要がある。
▽核なき世界
　私はプラハで、世界から核兵器をなくすため米国が深く関与していくことを確認し、目標達成に向け包括的な重要課題を設定した。核兵器が何をもたらすのか日米両国が世界で一番よく分かっており、われわれは共に核のない未来を追求していかなければならない。
　核兵器が存在する限り、米国は、韓国と日本を含む同盟国の防衛を保証する強力で効果的な核抑止力を維持していく。
　しかし、この地域で核軍備競争が激しさを増せば、何十年にもわたり続いてきた成長と繁栄が台無しになってしまうと認識しなければならない。だから核拡散防止条約（ＮＰＴ）の基本的な取り決めを守ることが求められる。すべての国が原子力を平和的に利用する権利を持ち、核保有国は核軍縮に取り組む責任があり、非核保有国は核兵器を放棄し続ける責任があるという取り決めだ。
　プラハで掲げた重要課題に向け前進し責務を全うするため、国連安全保障理事会決議を全会一致で採択した。われわれは核弾頭削減をめぐりロシアと新たな協定を結ぼうとしている。（包括的）核実験禁止条約の批准、発効に取り組む。そして、来年の核安全保障サミットでは、世界にある脆弱（ぜいじゃく）な管理下にある核物質を４年以内に保全するとの目標を前進させる。
▽北朝鮮
　世界的な核不拡散体制の強化は個々の国の問題ではない。すべての国の責任だ。イランや北朝鮮も含まれる。
　何十年もの間、北朝鮮は核兵器の追求を含む、対立と挑発の道を選んできた。われわれは脅威には屈しない。北朝鮮が国際的義務を拒否すれば、安全が弱まることになるだけだ。
　ほかに取られるべき道はある。米国は直接対話を行いつつ、パートナーと協力することで、北朝鮮に違った未来を提案する用意がある。
　６カ国協議に戻ること、ＮＰＴへの復帰を含む以前の約束を守ること、そして完全かつ検証可能な朝鮮半島の非核化。日本人拉致被害者の家族に全面的な説明を行わない限り、（日本など）近隣諸国との完全な関係正常化は実現しない。自国民の生活を向上させ国際社会に参加したいならば、北朝鮮政府はそれらをすべて実施すべきだ。
▽ミャンマー
　米国による制裁や他の国の取り組みではミャンマー国民の生活を改善できなかった。
　このため、われわれは現在、（軍事政権の）指導者と直接やりとりしている。民主的改革に向けた具体的措置が取られない限り現行の制裁は続くということを明確に伝えようとしている。
　取られるべき明確な措置がある。（民主化指導者）アウン・サン・スー・チーさんを含むすべての政治犯の無条件釈放や少数派との紛争解決。さらに（ミャンマー）政府と民主化勢力や少数派との間で未来に対する共通の視点について本物の対話を行うことだ。
▽「日本の奇跡」
　太平洋での銃撃戦が終結してしばらく後、米国は日本の安全と安定を約束、このことが日本人の粘り強い精神と勤勉性と相まって、「日本の奇跡」と呼ばれるものをもたらした。世界が久しく見ることのなかったような急速で力強い経済成長の期間だ。
　今後何年か何十年間かで、この「奇跡」がこの地域に広がるだろう。
▽太平洋大統領
　しかし、まだやらなければならないことがある。温暖化から地球を守ること。危険な兵器の拡散を防ぎ、分断された半島において南側の人々を脅威から解放し、北側の人々を渇望から解放できるようにすること。
　いずれも容易にはできず、後退や苦闘なしにはできない。これは米国の課題だ。米国初の「太平洋大統領」として、この太平洋国家が、世界的に極めて重要なこの地域において、リーダーシップを強化し維持することを約束する。

　英語全文

Thank you so much. Arigatou. Thank you very
much. (Applause.) Good morning. It is a great honor to be in Tokyo --
the first stop on my first visit to Asia as President of the United
States. (Applause.) Thank you. It is good to be among so many of you
-- Japanese and I see a few Americans here -- (applause) -- who work
every day to strengthen the bonds between our two countries, including
my longtime friend and our new ambassador to Japan, John Roos.
(Applause.)

It is wonderful to be back in Japan. Some of you may be aware that
when I was a young boy, my mother brought me to Kamakura, where I looked
up at that centuries-old symbol of peace and tranquility -- the great
bronze Amida Buddha. And as a child, I was more focused on the matcha
ice cream. (Laughter.) And I want to thank Prime Minister Hatoyama for
sharing some of those memories with more ice cream last night at dinner.
(Laughter and applause.) Thank you very much. But I have never
forgotten the warmth and the hospitality that the Japanese people showed
a young American far from home.

And I feel that same spirit on this visit: In the gracious welcome
of Prime Minister Hatoyama. In the extraordinary honor of the meeting
with Their Imperial Majesties, the Emperor and Empress, on the 20th
anniversary of his ascension to the Chrysanthemum Throne. In the
hospitality shown by the Japanese people. And of course, I could not
come here without sending my greetings and gratitude to the citizens of
Obama, Japan. (Applause.)

Now, I am beginning my journey here for a simple reason. Since
taking office, I have worked to renew American leadership and pursue a
new era of engagement with the world based on mutual interests and
mutual respect. And our efforts in the Asia Pacific will be rooted, in
no small measure, through an enduring and revitalized alliance between
the United States and Japan.

From my very first days in office, we have worked to strengthen the
ties that bind our nations. The first foreign leader that I welcomed to
the White House was the Prime Minister of Japan, and for the first time
in nearly 50 years, the first foreign trip by an American Secretary of
State, Hillary Clinton, was to Asia, starting in Japan. (Applause.)

In two months, our alliance will mark its 50th anniversary -- a
day when President Dwight Eisenhower stood next to Japan's Prime
Minister and said that our two nations were creating "an indestructible
partnership" based on "equality and mutual understanding."

In the half-century since, that alliance has endured as a
foundation for our security and prosperity. It has helped us become the
world's two largest economies, with Japan emerging as America's
second-largest trading partner outside of North America. It has evolved
as Japan has played a larger role on the world stage, and made important
contributions to stability around the world -- from reconstruction in
Iraq, to combating piracy off the Horn of Africa, to assistance for the
people of Afghanistan and Pakistan -- most recently through its
remarkable leadership in providing additional commitments to
international development efforts there.

Above all, our alliance has endured because it reflects our common
values -- a belief in the democratic right of free people to choose
their own leaders and realize their own dreams; a belief that made
possible the election of both Prime Minister Hatoyama and myself on the
promise of change. And together, we are committed to providing a new
generation of leadership for our people and our alliance.

That is why, at this critical moment in history, the two of us have
not only reaffirmed our alliance -- we've agreed to deepen it. We've
agreed to move expeditiously through a joint working group to implement
the agreement that our two governments reached on restructuring U.S.
forces in Okinawa. And as our alliance evolves and adapts for the
future, we will always strive to uphold the spirit that President
Eisenhower described long ago -- a partnership of equality and mutual
respect. (Applause.)

But while our commitment to this region begins in Japan, it doesn't
end here. The United States of America may have started as a series of
ports and cities along the Atlantic Ocean, but for generations we have
also been a nation of the Pacific. Asia and the United States are not
separated by this great ocean; we are bound by it. We are bound by our
past -- by the Asian immigrants who helped build America, and the
generations of Americans in uniform who served and sacrificed to keep
this region secure and free. We are bound by our shared prosperity --
by the trade and commerce upon which millions of jobs and families
depend. And we are bound by our people -- by the Asian Americans who
enrich every segment of American life, and all the people whose lives,
like our countries, are interwoven.

My own life is a part of that story. I am an American President
who was born in Hawaii and lived in Indonesia as a boy. My sister Maya
was born in Jakarta, and later married a Chinese-Canadian. My mother
spent nearly a decade working in the villages of Southeast Asia, helping
women buy a sewing machine or an education that might give them a
foothold in the world economy. So the Pacific Rim has helped shape my
view of the world.

And since that time, perhaps no region has changed as swiftly or
dramatically. Controlled economies have given way to open markets.
Dictatorships have become democracies. Living standards have risen
while poverty has plummeted. And through all these changes, the
fortunes of America and the Asia Pacific have become more closely linked
than ever before.

So I want everyone to know, and I want everybody in America to
know, that we have a stake in the future of this region, because what
happens here has a direct effect on our lives at home. This is where we
engage in much of our commerce and buy many of our goods. And this is
where we can export more of our own products and create jobs back home
in the process. This is a place where the risk of a nuclear arms race
threatens the security of the wider world, and where extremists who
defile a great religion plan attacks on both our continents. And there
can be no solution to our energy security and our climate challenge
without the rising powers and developing nations of the Asia Pacific.

To meet these common challenges, the United States looks to
strengthen old alliances and build new partnerships with the nations of
this region. To do this, we look to America's treaty alliances with
Japan, South Korea, Australia, Thailand and the Philippines -- alliances
that are not historical documents from a bygone era, but abiding
commitments to each other that are fundamental to our shared security.

These alliances continue to provide the bedrock of security and
stability that has allowed the nations and peoples of this region to
pursue opportunity and prosperity that was unimaginable at the time of
my first childhood visit to Japan. And even as American troops are
engaged in two wars around the world, our commitment to Japan's security
and to Asia's security is unshakeable -- (applause) -- and it can be
seen in our deployments throughout the region -- above all, through our
young men and women in uniform, of whom I am so proud.


Now, we look to emerging nations that are poised as well to play a
larger role -- both in the Asia Pacific region and the wider world;
places like Indonesia and Malaysia that have adopted democracy,
developed their economies, and tapped the great potential of their own
people.

We look to rising powers with the view that in the 21st century,
the national security and economic growth of one country need not come
at the expense of another. I know there are many who question how the
United States perceives China's emergence. But as I have said, in an
interconnected world, power does not need to be a zero-sum game, and
nations need not fear the success of another. Cultivating spheres of
cooperation -- not competing spheres of influence -- will lead to
progress in the Asia Pacific. (Applause.)

Now, as with any nation, America will approach China with a focus
on our interests. And it's precisely for this reason that it is
important to pursue pragmatic cooperation with China on issues of mutual
concern, because no one nation can meet the challenges of the 21st
century alone, and the United States and China will both be better off
when we are able to meet them together. That's why we welcome China's
effort to play a greater role on the world stage -- a role in which
their growing economy is joined by growing responsibility. China's
partnership has proved critical in our effort to jumpstart economic
recovery. China has promoted security and stability in Afghanistan and
Pakistan. And it is now committed to the global nonproliferation
regime, and supporting the pursuit of denuclearization of the Korean
Peninsula.

So the United States does not seek to contain China, nor does a
deeper relationship with China mean a weakening of our bilateral
alliances. On the contrary, the rise of a strong, prosperous China can
be a source of strength for the community of nations.

And so in Beijing and beyond, we will work to deepen our strategic
and economic dialogue, and improve communication between our militaries.
Of course, we will not agree on every issue, and the United States will
never waver in speaking up for the fundamental values that we hold dear
-- and that includes respect for the religion and cultures of all people
-- because support for human rights and human dignity is ingrained in
America. But we can move these discussions forward in a spirit of
partnership rather than rancor.

In addition to our bilateral relations, we also believe that the
growth of multilateral organizations can advance the security and
prosperity of this region. I know that the United States has been
disengaged from many of these organizations in recent years. So let me
be clear: Those days have passed. As a Asia Pacific nation, the United
States expects to be involved in the discussions that shape the future
of this region, and to participate fully in appropriate organizations as
they are established and evolve. (Applause.)

That is the work that I will begin on this trip. The Asia Pacific
Economic Cooperation forum will continue to promote regional commerce
and prosperity, and I look forward to participating in that forum this
evening. ASEAN will remain a catalyst for Southeast Asian dialogue,
cooperation and security, and I look forward to becoming the first
American President to meet with all 10 ASEAN leaders. (Applause.) And
the United States looks forward to engaging with the East Asia Summit
more formally as it plays a role in addressing the challenges of our
time.

We seek this deeper and broader engagement because we know our
collective future depends on it. And I'd like to speak for a bit about
what that future might look like, and what we must do to advance our
prosperity, our security, and our universal values and aspirations.

First, we must strengthen our economic recovery, and pursue growth
that is both balanced and sustained.

The quick, unprecedented and coordinated action taken by Asia
Pacific nations and others has averted economic catastrophe, and helped
us to begin to emerge from the worst recession in generations. And we
have taken the historic step of reforming our international economic
architecture, so that the G20 is now the premier forum for international
economic cooperation.

Now, this shift to the G20, along with the greater voice that is
being given to Asian nations in international financial institutions,
clearly demonstrates the broader, more inclusive engagement that America
seeks in the 21st century. And as a key member of the G8, Japan has and
will continue to play a leading and vital role in shaping the future of
the international financial architecture. (Applause.)

Now that we are on the brink of economic recovery, we must also
ensure that it can be sustained. We simply cannot return to the same
cycles of boom and bust that led to a global recession. We can't follow
the same policies that led to such imbalanced growth. One of the
important lessons this recession has taught us is the limits of
depending primarily on American consumers and Asian exports to drive
growth -- because when Americans found themselves too heavily in debt or
lost their jobs and were out of work, demand for Asian goods plummeted.
When demand fell sharply, exports from this region fell sharply. Since
the economies of this region are so dependent on exports, they stopped
growing. And the global recession only deepened.

So we have now reached one of those rare inflection points in
history where we have the opportunity to take a different path. And
that must begin with the G20 pledge that we made in Pittsburgh to pursue
a new strategy for balanced economic growth.

I'll be saying more about this in Singapore, but in the United
States, this new strategy will mean that we save more and spend less,
reform our financial systems, reduce our long-term deficit and
borrowing. It will also mean a greater emphasis on exports that we can
build, produce, and sell all over the world. For America, this is a jobs
strategy. Right now, our exports support millions upon millions of
well-paying American jobs. Increasing those exports by just a small
amount has the potential to create millions more. These are jobs making
everything from wind turbines and solar panels to the technology that
you use every day.

For Asia, striking this better balance will provide an opportunity
for workers and consumers to enjoy higher standards of living that their
remarkable increases in productivity have made possible. It will allow
for greater investments in housing and infrastructure and the service
sector. And a more balanced global economy will lead to prosperity that
reaches further and deeper.

For decades, the United States has had one of the most open markets
in the world, and that openness has helped to fuel the success of so
many countries in this region and others over the last century. In this
new era, opening other markets around the globe will be critical not
just to America's prosperity, but to the world's, as well.

An integral part of this new strategy is working towards an
ambitious and balanced Doha agreement -- not any agreement, but an
agreement that will open up markets and increase exports around the
world. We are ready to work with our Asian partners to see if we can
achieve that objective in a timely fashion -- and we invite our regional
trading partners to join us at the table.

We also believe that continued integration of the economies of this
region will benefit workers, consumers, and businesses in all our
nations. Together, with our South Korean friends, we will work through
the issues necessary to move forward on a trade agreement with them.
The United States will also be engaging with the Trans-Pacific
Partnership countries with the goal of shaping a regional agreement that
will have broad-based membership and the high standards worthy of a 21st
century trade agreement.

Working in partnership, this is how we can sustain this recovery
and advance our common prosperity. But it's not enough to pursue growth
that is balanced. We also need growth that is sustainable -- for our
planet and the future generations that will live here.

Already, the United States has taken more steps to combat climate
change in 10 months than we have in our recent history -- (applause) --
by embracing the latest science, by investing in new energy, by raising
efficiency standards, forging new partnerships, and engaging in
international climate negotiations. In short, America knows there is
more work to do -- but we are meeting our responsibility, and will
continue to do so.

And that includes striving for success in Copenhagen. I have no
illusions that this will be easy, but the contours of a way forward are
clear. All nations must accept their responsibility. Those nations,
like my own, who have been the leading emitters must have clear
reduction targets. Developing countries will need to take substantial
actions to curb their emissions, aided by finance and technology. And
there must be transparency and accountability for domestic actions.

Each of us must do what we can to grow our economies without
endangering our planet -- and we must do it together. But the good news
is that if we put the right rules and incentives in place, it will
unleash the creative power of our best scientists, engineers, and
entrepreneurs. It will lead to new jobs, new businesses, and entire new
industries. And Japan has been at the forefront on this issue. We are
looking forward to being a important partner with you as we achieve this
critical global goal. (Applause.)

Yet, even as we confront this challenge of the 21st century, we
must also redouble our efforts to meet a threat to our security that is
the legacy of the 20th century -- the danger posed by nuclear weapons.

In Prague, I affirmed America's commitment to rid the world of
nuclear weapons, and laid out a comprehensive agenda to pursue this
goal. (Applause.) I am pleased that Japan has joined us in this
effort, for no two nations on Earth know better what these weapons can
do, and together we must seek a future without them. This is fundamental
to our common security, and this is a great test of our common humanity.
Our very future hangs in the balance.

Now, let me be clear: So long as these weapons exist, the United
States will maintain a strong and effective nuclear deterrent that
guarantees the defense of our allies -- including South Korea and Japan.
(Applause.)

But we must recognize that an escalating nuclear arms race in this
region would undermine decades of growth and prosperity. So we are
called upon to uphold the basic bargain of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation
Treaty -- that all nations have a right to peaceful nuclear energy; that
nations with nuclear weapons have a responsibility to move toward
nuclear disarmament; and those without nuclear weapons have a
responsibility to forsake them.

Indeed, Japan serves as an example to the world that true peace and
power can be achieved by taking this path. (Applause.) For decades,
Japan has enjoyed the benefits of peaceful nuclear energy, while
rejecting nuclear arms development -- and by any measure, this has
increased Japan's security and enhanced its position.

To meet our responsibilities and to move forward with the agenda I
laid out in Prague, we have passed, with the help of Japan, a unanimous
U.N. Security Council resolution embracing this international effort.
We are pursuing a new agreement with Russia to reduce our nuclear
stockpiles. We will work to ratify and bring into force the test ban
treaty. (Applause.) And next year at our Nuclear Security Summit, we
will advance our goal of securing all the world's vulnerable nuclear
materials within four years.

Now, as I've said before, strengthening the global nonproliferation
regime is not about singling out any individual nations. It's about all
nations living up to their responsibilities. That includes the Islamic
Republic of Iran. And it includes North Korea.

For decades, North Korea has chosen a path of confrontation and
provocation, including the pursuit of nuclear weapons. It should be
clear where this path leads. We have tightened sanctions on Pyongyang.
We have passed the most sweeping U.N. Security Council resolution to
date to restrict their weapons of mass destruction activities. We will
not be cowed by threats, and we will continue to send a clear message
through our actions, and not just our words: North Korea's refusal to
meet its international obligations will lead only to less security --
not more.

Yet there is another path that can be taken. Working in tandem
with our partners -- supported by direct diplomacy -- the United States
is prepared to offer North Korea a different future. Instead of an
isolation that has compounded the horrific repression of its own people,
North Korea could have a future of international integration. Instead
of gripping poverty, it could have a future of economic opportunity --
where trade and investment and tourism can offer the North Korean
people the chance at a better life. And instead of increasing
insecurity, it could have a future of greater security and respect.
This respect cannot be earned through belligerence. It must be reached
by a nation that takes its place in the international community by fully
living up to its international obligations.

So the path for North Korea to realize this future is clear: a
return to the six-party talks; upholding previous commitments, including
a return to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty; and the full and
verifiable denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. And full
normalization with its neighbors can also only come if Japanese families
receive a full accounting of those who have been abducted. (Applause.)
These are all steps that can be taken by the North Korean government if
they are interested in improving the lives of their people and joining
the community of nations.

And as we are vigilant in confronting this challenge, we will stand
with all of our Asian partners in combating the transnational threats of
the 21st century: by rooting out the extremists who slaughter the
innocent, and stopping the piracy that threatens our sea lanes; by
enhancing our efforts to stop infectious disease, and working to end
extreme poverty in our time; and by shutting down the traffickers who
exploit women, children and migrants, and putting a stop to this scourge
of modern-day slavery once and for all. Indeed, the final area in which
we must work together is in upholding the fundamental rights and dignity
of all human beings.

The Asia Pacific region is rich with many cultures. It is marked
by extraordinary traditions and strong national histories. And time and
again, we have seen the remarkable talent and drive of the peoples of
this region in advancing human progress. Yet this much is also clear --
indigenous cultures and economic growth have not been stymied by respect
for human rights; they have been strengthened by it. Supporting human
rights provides lasting security that cannot be purchased in any other
way -- that is the story that can be seen in Japan's democracy, just as
it can be seen in America's democracy.

The longing for liberty and dignity is a part of the story of all
peoples. For there are certain aspirations that human beings hold in
common: the freedom to speak your mind, and choose your leaders; the
ability to access information, and worship how you please; confidence in
the rule of law, and the equal administration of justice. These are not
impediments to stability, they are the cornerstones of stability. And
we will always stand on the side of those who seek these rights.

That truth, for example, guides our new approach to Burma. Despite
years of good intentions, neither sanctions by the United States nor
engagement by others succeeded in improving the lives of the Burmese
people. So we are now communicating directly with the leadership to
make it clear that existing sanctions will remain until there are
concrete steps toward democratic reform. We support a Burma that is
unified, peaceful, prosperous, and democratic. And as Burma moves in
that direction, a better relationship with the United States is
possible.

There are clear steps that must be taken -- the unconditional
release of all political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi; an end
to conflicts with minority groups; and a genuine dialogue between the
government, the democratic opposition and minority groups on a shared
vision for the future. That is how a government in Burma will be able to
respond to the needs of its people. That is the path that will bring
Burma true security and prosperity. (Applause.)

These are steps that the United States will take to improve
prosperity, security, and human dignity in the Asia Pacific. We will do
so through our close friendship with Japan -- which will always be a
centerpiece of our efforts in the region. We will do so as a partner --
through the broader engagement that I've discussed today. We will do so
as a Pacific nation -- with a President who was shaped in part by this
piece of the globe. And we will do so with the same sense of purpose
that has guided our ties with the Japanese people for nearly 50 years.

The story of how these ties were forged dates back to the middle of
the last century, sometime after the guns of war had quieted in the
Pacific. It was then that America's commitment to the security and
stability of Japan, along with the Japanese peoples' spirit of
resilience and industriousness, led to what's been called "the Japanese
miracle" -- a period of economic growth that was faster and more robust
than anything the world had seen for some time.

In the coming years and decades, this miracle would spread
throughout the region, and in a single generation the lives and fortunes
of millions were forever changed for the better. It is progress that
has been supported by a hard-earned peace, and strengthened by new
bridges of mutual understanding that have bound together the nations of
this vast and sprawling space.

But we know that there's still work to be done -- so that new
breakthroughs in science and technology can lead to jobs on both sides
of the Pacific, and security from a warming planet; so that we can
reverse the spread of deadly weapons, and -- on a divided peninsula --
the people of South can be freed from fear, and those in the North can
live free from want; so that a young girl can be valued not for her body
but for her mind; and so that young people everywhere can go as far as
their talent and their drive and their choices will take them.

None of this will come easy, nor without setback or struggle. But
at this moment of renewal -- in this land of miracles -- history tells
us it is possible. This is the --America's agenda. This is the purpose
of our partnership with Japan, and with the nations and peoples of this
region. And there must be no doubt: As America's first Pacific
President, I promise you that this Pacific nation will strengthen and
sustain our leadership in this vitally important part of the world.

Thank you very much. (Applause.)

　　　 （ホワイトハウス発表）