Inside Politics Daily

Why Congress is at War with the Air Force to Save the F-22

Posted:
07/13/09
Having been in and out of war zones over the past 30 years, I am used to loud noises. But few of them compare to what I once experienced while fishing from a canoe in a mirror-still Maine lake at dawn. I studied the water for rising smallmouth bass, utterly unaware that I was directly in the flight path of a B-52 bomber practicing its low-level ingress to a mock target.
Absolute silence, and seconds later, 136,000 bone-crushing pounds of turbofan thrust bursting overhead at 300 feet. I was shocked and awed, all right. And, after I back-flipped over the side, completely wet.
I dredge up this memory to help explain how I'm thinking about the struggle Congress is waging this week to shove dozens more F-22 fighters down the throat of an unwilling Air Force, and in direct defiance of Defense Secretary Robert Gates. The Air Force currently operates with 134 of these high-performance air-to-air fighters (none have flown operationally outside the United States) with 53 more in production, and sees no military need for more. It has proposed shutting down the production lines. Congress wants to keep producing the planes.
Some, like Sen. Joe Lieberman, the independent from Connecticut (where the F-22's engines are built) make no bones about the real reason they love this airplane: They argue that production-line jobs must be saved. The F-22 Raptor, as it is called is built by Lockheed Martin in partnership with Boeing as well as Pratt & Whitney, along with some 1,000 subcontractors in 44 states.
Last month, the House voted overwhelmingly to keep the production lines open. The Senate Armed Services Committee subsequently did the same, albeit on a narrower vote. On Monday, the full Senate will begin debating the full Department of Defense budget, and key votes on the F-22 could come this week. It promises to be messy hand-to-hand political combat, pitting many Democrats against a president of their own party – a president who may veto their spending bill because of the Raptor.
In actual warfare, however, it's hard to see how additional copies of this $350 million aircraft will help anyone.
Perhaps unbeknownst to some in Congress, most combat aircraft at work over Afghanistan and Iraq don't even drop bombs. They whoosh around scaring people.
I've seen it work lots of times, and it's instructive how fast the bad guys' bravado evaporates when a pair of A-10 Warthogs roars in without warning. One minute the Taliban is menacing friendly troops from a tree line; the next they're clutching the earth and then making a fast exit.
Despite the recent storm about American pilots dropping bombs on civilians, the fact is the vast majority of air "attacks'' in war today are like my B-52 fright. Just noise. The Air Force calls them "shows of force.'' That means when insurgents gather, a common U.S. response from the air is to fake-attack, as in this recent mission:
Near Asmar, two Air Force F-15E Strike Eagles successfully deterred anti-Afghan forces activity by conducting a show of force, expending flares. The jets executed the maneuver after enemy forces had opened fire on a friendly convoy.
In its most recent 12-month report on air operations, the 9th Air Force , in charge of air operations across southwest Asia, said its crews flew 18, 019 strike sorties over Afghanistan. Weapons were used in only 3,330 of these missions.
"Where we see crowds gathering or we have maneuver units going through a town, well, just low overhead passes and dropping a few flares is enough to say, Hey! 'Don't' try anything, we got airplanes up here,''' Maj. Gen. David Edgington, who ran the air war in Iraq, once explained to me in Baghdad.
From the most daily operations summary from Afghanistan, the 9th Air Force:
A-10's providing convoy escort received a call for a show of force after the convoy started receiving assault rifle fire near Soltani. The enemy's fire ceased after the jets arrived.
In the Tarin Kowt area, a Navy F/A-18F Super Hornet provided overwatch for a vehicle struck by an improvised explosive device. The show of force provided an alert to enemy forces that appropriate protection was being provided to the downed vehicle.
Which raises a timely question: Why should the United States buy more and more expensive aircraft to perform functions that much cheaper – heck, even unmanned -- aircraft can do?
The F-22 costs $350 million a copy. It goes supersonic, is said to be nearly invisible to high-tech enemy radar, and is tricked out with all the latest electronic wizardry "allowing the pilot to track, identify, shoot and kill air-to-air threats before being detected,'' according to the Air Force.
How is that useful over Afghanistan?
By one measure: priceless. "Is a show of force mission worth the cost of buying and operating one F-16? The guys on the ground would sure say so,'' a senior Air Force officer told me.
But using a $350 million aircraft to knock over a few Pashtuns with rifles doesn't seem to be a cost-effective way to fight a war. Then-Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld reached a similar conclusion six years ago as he was fretting about having to use high-tech, high-cost military force against rag-tag Iraqi insurgents.
"The cost-benefit ratio is against us!'' he fumed in an October 2003 memo to top aides. " Our cost is billions against the terrorists' costs of millions.''
Of course, there often is kinetic (explosive) work to be done from the air, and it's being done just fine with "legacy'' aircraft designed and built decades ago.
From the 9th Air Force daily report:
In Afghanistan, in the vicinity of Gereshk, an Air Force B-1B Lancer [1986, $283 million each] quelled an enemy attack point hidden in a row of trees. The enemy position was firing on friendly forces. The aircraft targeted the Guided Bomb Unit -38's [500-pound guided bombs] for maximum effect.
On the outskirts of Chahar Bagh, friendly forces came under fire from automatic weapons and rocket propelled grenades. A B-1B dropped a GBU-31 [2,000-pound guided bomb] on the building used as an enemy firing point and the attack stopped immediately. Prior to dropping the bomb, ground forces verified there were no civilians in the area.
In the vicinity of Tarin Kowt, friendly aircraft came under small arms fire while providing friendly forces with air cover. A B-1B was dispatched to eliminate anti-Afghan forces firing from a ridge. This was accomplished using GBU-38's, stopping the small arms fire.
In Asmar, friendly forces under small arms fire called for strafing by Air Force A-10 Thunderbolt II's [1977, $11.7 million each]. Upon completion of the strafing runs the enemy fire ceased.
Near Now Zad, an Air Force MQ-9A Reaper [2007, $13.3 million each] and several Navy F/A-18A Hornets [1995, $57 million each] engaged Anti-Coalition forces. The Reaper utilized a GBU-12 [500-pound guided bomb] to eliminate enemy forces armed with a RPG. A second GBU-12 was dropped to destroy unexploded ordnance keeping friendly forces and local civilians safe. The Hornets used strafing runs with 20mm weapons to destroy numerous Anti-Coalition forces hidden in a tree line position that had been firing on friendly forces.
(I have given the then-year initial production costs for these aircraft, not adjusted for inflation)
That's the real war, the one going on today and the kind of fighting that Defense Secretary Robert M. Gates and others believe will characterize future conflicts.
"We have to be prepared for the wars we are most likely to fight, not just the wars we have been traditionally best suited to fight, or threats we conjure up from potential adversaries,'' Gates told Congress this spring, explaining why he opposes purchasing more F-22s. "As I've said before, even when considering challenges from nation-states with modern militaries, the answer is not necessarily buying more technologically advanced versions of what we built ... to stop the Soviets during the Cold War.''

David Wood

David Wood writes about war for Politics Daily. In 30 years of covering conflict, he has filed dispatches from dozens of battlefields... more

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